CONTENTS

BARKER, S.

Selection of lectotypes and redescriptions of three Cisseis (Coleoptera: Buprestidae) species.

CHILD, C. A.

Pycnogonida from Prydz Bay, East Antarctica.

CLARKE, P. A.

Spirit beings and the Aboriginal landscape of the Lower Murray, South Australia.

FITZPATRICK, P.

The A. P. H. Freund Collection of New Guinea Artefacts held by the South

Australian Museum.

HERCUS, L. A. & POTEZNY, V.

‘Finch’ Versus ‘Finch-Water’: A Study of Aboriginal Place-Names in South Australia.

MEDLIN, G. C.

Obituary — Meredith Joan Smith

MURRAY, P. F. & MEGIRIAN, D.

The skull of dromornithid birds: anatomical evidence for their relationship to Anseriformes.

O’ DONOGHUE, M.

The Egyptian Column at the South Australian Museum.

OPRESKO, D. M.

Three new species of Leiopathes (Cnidaria: Anthozoa: Antipatharia) from southern Australia.

PIKE, G. R. & CRAIG, B.

The Usher Photographic Collection from the South-West Pacific.

TILBROOK, K. J.

The species of Antropora Norman, 1903 (Bryozoa: Cheilostomatida), with the description

of a new genus in the Calloporoidea.

ZBIK, M. & PRING, A.

The Poolowanna: A (H5) chondrite from the Simpson Desert of South Australia.

ZEIDLER, W. & GOWLETT-HOLMES, K. L.

Confirmation of the association of the hyperiidean amphipod genus Hyperia

(Crustacea: Amphipoda: Hyperiidea: Hyperiidae) with ctenophores.

Volume 31(1) was published on 28 October 1998.

Volume 31(2) was published on 23 March 1999.

ISSN 0376-2750

PAGES

21-23

149-163

181-214

165-180

119-125

51-97

127-147

99-111

215-253

25-49

113-115

117-118

PYCNOGONIDA FROM PRYDZ BAY, EAST ANTARCTICA

C. ALLAN CHILD

Summary

A small but rich collection of pycnogonids was gathered by personnel of the R/V ‘Aurora Australis’

of the South Australian Museum, in Prydz Bay (stations from 68°50’E to 78°11’E), eastern

Antarctica. The collection is listed by station number with 300+ specimens consisting of 25 species

(2 additional species remain identified only to genus) in 12 genera and 6 families. There is one new

species, Colossendeis adelpha, which is described, illustrated, and compared with its congeners. An

aberrant hirsute specimen of Decolopoda australis Eights is illustrated and compared with typical

specimens of that species.

PYCNOGONIDA FROM PRYDZ BAY, EAST ANTARCTICA

C. ALLAN CHILD

CHILD, C. A., 1998. Pycnogonida from Prydz Bay, East Antarctica. Records of the South

Australian Museum 31(1): 1-19.

A small but rich collection of pycnogonids was gathered by personnel of the R/V ‘Aurora

Australis’ of the South Australian Museum, in Prydz Bay (stations from 68°50'E to 78°11'E),

eastern Antarctica. The Collection is listed by station number with 300+ specimens consisting

of 25 species (2 additional species remain identified only to genus) in 12 genera and 6

families. There is one new species, Colossendeis adelpha, which is described, illustrated, and

compared with its congeners. An aberrant hirsute specimen of Decolopoda australis Eights is

illustrated and compared with typical specimens of that species.

C. A. Child, National Museum of Natural History, Smithsonian Institution, Washington, D. C.

20560, USA. Manuscript received 5 September 1997.

These collections were made on the R/V

‘Aurora Australis’ during February and March,

1991, while in Prydz Bay, eastern Antarctica

(68°S0'E to 78°11'E). This pycnogonid collection

is diverse and includes specimens of 6 of the 9

described families with twelve genera and twenty

five species (2 remain unnamed for lack of adult

or undamaged material). It contains about 300+

specimens. A single new species, Colossendeis

adelpha, is described, illustrated, and compared

with a very similar congener. An aberrant hirsute

specimen of Decolopoda australis Eights, the first

example of this in the genus, is described,

illustrated, and compared with more typical

specimens of that common species.

MATERIALS

This material is deposited in the South

Australian Museum (SAM), Adelaide, and has

been given SAM registration numbers. Several

surplus specimens have been retained at the

National Museum of Natural History (NMNH),

Smithsonian Institution, and exchanged for

Antarctic specimens not represented in the SAM

collections.

The literature cited under each species is

abbreviated because the recently published

Antarctic survey reports by Child (1994a, b,

1995a, b, c) contain most pertinent literature and

bibliography. Its duplication under the pertinent

species in this report was not thought necessary.

SYSTEMATICS

Class PYCNOGONIDA

Family AMMOTHEIDAE

This family contains the most heterogeneous

group of genera found amongst the pycnogonids.

All species have palps of from 4 to 10 segments,

most have cheliphores and chelae in various

stages of reduction or atrophy to complete loss,

and all have ovigers carried by both sexes,

although those of females are of reduced size.

Genus Achelia Hodge, 1864

Ammothea Leach, 1814 [part]

Ammothea (Achelia) Giltay, 1934.

Aduncorostris Fry & Hedgpeth, 1969

Diagnosis

Trunk discoid in dorsal outline, partially to fully

unsegmented. Proboscis usually pyriform. Ocular

tubercle usually low, with eyes. Abdomen short,

erect. Cheliphores with short scape, chelae

atrophied, reduced to knobs. Palps 7- to 9-

segmented. Legs spinose, femur often inflated,

cement gland with single tiny dorsodistal tube.

Tarsus short, propodus very curved, with larger

heel spines, smaller sole spines, robust main claw,

and usually long auxiliary claws.

2 C. A. CHILD

Achelia spicata (Hodgson, 1915)

Austrothea spicata Hodgson, 1915: 147.

Achelia spicata. Calman, 1915: 57-60, figs. 13—

14.— Child, 1994a: 10-11 [recent literature].

Achelia (Ignavogriphus) spicata.— Fry &

Hedgpeth, 1969:109-110 [early literature], figs.

152-154, 157, 168-170, tables 13-14.

Material Examined

Sta. 25B (SAM E2930, 1d).

Distribution

A common circumpolar species found from the

intertidal to 1138 m.

Remarks

Species of this genus are known to be variable

and this species is one with extreme variation. It

even has two different morph groups in which the

lateral processes are either crowded together or

well separated. There are only two unvarying

major characters in this species and both concern

tubercles. The dorsolateral corners of the cephalic

segment are smooth and do not have any form of

tubercle, while tubercles are present more often

than absent on these corners. The legs are also

without tubercles except for the first coxae. These

have only two dorsolateral setose tubercles instead

of a more usual four found in many other species.

Genus Ammothea Leach, 1814

Lecythorhynchus Bohm, 1879

Leionymphon Mobius, 1902

Magnammothea Fry & Hedgpeth, 1969

Thavmastopycnon Fry & Hedgpeth, 1969

Athernopycnon Fry & Hedgpeth, 1969

Ecleipsothremma Fry & Hedgpeth, 1969

Anammothea Fry & Hedgpeth, 1969

Diagnosis

Habitus much larger than Achelia, trunk more

slender, lateral processes well separated. Posterior

rims of trunk segmentations expanded, often with

tall conical dorsomedian tubercles. Ocular tubercle

usually small, eyes well pigmented. Abdomen

usually long. Cheliphores from fully chelate with

reduced chelae, or atrophied chelae reduced to

knobs, or scapes only without chelae, to no

cheliphores whatsoever. Palps from 6- to 9-

segmented, well developed. Ovigers 10-

segmented in both sexes. Legs usually moderately

long, cement gland small, with single dorsodistal

pore.

Some species have small differences between

the 4 anterior and 4 posterior propodi. These are:

differences in heel spine number, overall length of

the propodus, and length of the main and auxiliary

claws.

Ammothea adunca Child, 1994a

Ammothea adunca Child, 1994a: 13-15, fig. 2.

Material examined

Sta. 52 (SAM E2931, 1d).

Distribution

This species is known from a few localities in

the vicinity of Heard Island on the Kerguelen

Plateau, southern Indian Ocean, in depths of 175—

800 m. The origin of this specimen, Prydz Bay, is

due south of the type locality in the high Antarctic

and extends its known distribution to that area.

Remarks

This recently described species is one of the few

in this genus of mostly Antarctic species which

has fully chelate cheliphores rather than having

the chelae atrophy to become knobs in adults.

Along with fully functional chelae, it also has very

small palps which are shorter than the proboscis,

while most species have palps longer than the

proboscis.

There are four species of Antarctic and

Subantarctic Ammothea which retain their chelae

fingers in some form, whether functional or not,

as adults. These are A. longispina Gordon, 1932,

A. gigantea Gordon, 1932, A. striata (Mobius,

1902), and the present species. Of these four

chelate species, only A. longispina and A. adunca

have palps of reduced size and shorter than their

narrowed proboscis. The palps sometimes have a

reduced segment number (7, 8, or the usual 9 in

longispina) from most other species which have

nine. The present species also has palps with a

reduced segment number (6 or 7), suggesting that

the palps, at least in these two species, are in a

transitional phase progressing toward reduced

segment numbers. No specimens with the usual 9

segments of others have been found in this

species.

The proboscis of both species is peculiar among

ammotheids. In A. longispina, it is long, very

PYCNOGONIDA FROM PRYDZ BAY 3

slender, and tapering to a narrow distal tube. The

taper is even longer and narrower in juveniles. In

A. adunca, it is swollen in its basal third and

downcurved with its distal two thirds having a

smaller diameter and a banana shape. The genus

Ammothea is unique among the genera of

pycnogonids in having such a diversity or

reduction of cheliphore and palp segments. Its

species range from having no cheliphores in any

form to those with fully chelate cheliphores in

conjunction with palps of 6 to 9 segments. The

latter character of reduced palp segment number

is not unique to Ammothea, but is shared by many

species of the ammotheid genus Tanystylum.

Ammothea allopodes Fry & Hedgpeth, 1969

Ammothea spinosa var. Gordon, 1944: 50-51,

figs. 16a—16e, 17.

Ammothea (Mathoma) allopodes Fry & Hedgpeth,

1969: 85-87, figs. 104, 105, 126-129.

Ammothea allopodes.- Clark, 1977: 174-175

[key].-Child, 1994a: 12-13 [key], 15.

Material examined

Sta. 52 (SAM E2932, 1d, 2@).

Distribution

This species has been taken at only a few

localities which appear to encircle the Antarctic

continent. It is known from depths of 210-540 m.

It cannot be considered common.

Remarks

The bulbous chelae with atrophied fingers

dorsal to the short egg-shaped proboscis help

identify this relatively small species. Its

dorsomedian trunk tubercles are almost square

distally in lateral view and its moderately tall

ocular tubercle is about equal to the height of

these tubercles. This is one of the few

Ammothea species which have shorter, more

robust anterior propodi with an additional heel

spine. The posterior four propodi are more

slender, longer, and have only two heel spines

in A. allopodes.

Ammothea glacialis (Hodgson, 1907)

Leionymphon glaciale Hodgson, 1907: 50-52, pl.

VI, fig. 3.

Ammothea (Ammothea) glacialis.— Fry &

Hedgpeth, 1969: 75-77 [literature], figs. 104, 105,

109-111.

Ammothea glacialis.— Clark, 1977: 174-175

[key].— Child, 1994a: 12-13 [key], 23-24.

Material examined

Sta. 52 (SAM E2933, 14); sta. 53 (SAM

E2934, 1d with eggs, 12); sta. 54 (SAM E2935,

1@).

Distribution

Distribution of this species is disjunct and is

probably an artefact of uneven collecting efforts. It

has been captured in the vicinity of South Georgia

Island and along the eastern quadrants of the

Antarctic continent in 0-500 m. It would be

expected to occur in the vicinity of the Antarctic

Peninsula and Palmer Archipelago, but the

intensive American collecting efforts in these

areas have not brought to light any additional

specimens. Fry and Hedgpeth (1969:76, fig. 111)

record this species as collected on the Antarctic

Peninsula at one station (66°S, 67°W), but I have

not found this specimen in the National Museum

collections. There are not enough records for this

species to provide significant distributional

information.

Remarks

This rather large species has a massive, long,

and inflated proboscis with very short cheliphores.

Its dorsomedian tubercles are slightly taller than

the low ocular tubercle but the dorsodistal

tubercles on the lateral processes are very low or

are lacking. All eight propodi are similar and do

not vary in anterior and posterior pairs.

Ammothea spinosa (Hodgson, 1907)

Leionymphon spinosum Hodgson, 1907: 49-50,

pl. VU, fig, 2.

Ammothea spinosa.— Child, 1994a: 12-13 [key],

27-28 [literature].

Material examined

Sta. 44 (SAM E2936, 3d, 3@, 3 Juv.); sta. 45

(SAM E2937, 1d), sta. 53 (SAM E2938, 10 with

eggs, 12).

Distribution

Records for this uncommon species extend from

the Magellanic regions to the Antarctic Peninsula

and Ross Sea in 73-1119 m. Its distribution is

a C. A. CHILD

distribution is scattered and inconsistent which

possibly represents a collecting artefact rather

than a true range of distribution.

Remarks

This small species has rather long anterior-

pointing dorsomedian trunk tubercles and its

ocular tubercle is slightly taller than these

tubercles. It has conspicuous paired dorsodistal

lateral process tubercles. The proboscis is a short

cylinder and its slender cheliphores are almost as

long as its proboscis. This is another species with

variation between anterior and posterior propodi.

The propodi of the first and second leg pairs are

short, robust, and have more sole and heel spines

than the slender and longer third and fourth

propodi pairs.

Genus Austroraptus Hodgson, 1907

Habitus small, trunk compact, ovoid in dorsal

aspect, without segmentation lines. Dorsum

without median tubercles (except for 1 species),

ocular tubercle usually low, eyes well developed.

Proboscis small, shorter than trunk, distally

tapered with tiny terminal diameter. Cheliphore

scapes short, chelae reduced but some retain

fingers in adults. Palps 5- to 8-segmented. Ovigers

10-segmented in both sexes. Tarsus very short.

Propodus with 3-4 heel spines, long main claw,

and short auxiliary claws often lost.

Austroraptus polaris Hodgson, 1907

Austroraptus polaris Hodgson, 1907: 54—S6, pl.

VII, fig. 2.- Fry & Hedgpeth, 1969: 116-117

[literature], figs. 174-186.— Child, 1994a: 31

[key], 33.

Material examined

Sta. 47 (SAM E2939, 1@).

Distribution

This is another of many Antarctic genera and

species with disjunct or scattered distributional

records, most undoubtedly reflecting collecting

situations rather than true geographic range. It is

known from South Georgia, the South Shetlands,

Antarctic Peninsula, Ross Sea, and a few

localities in the eastern Antarctic quadrant in SO-

569 m.

Remarks

Species of this genus all have very short

proboscides which are usually bottle-shaped with

a ‘neck’ which tapers to a small point. They

otherwise have many of the characters of the

variable genus Achelia. The palps often have

fewer segments: 5-, 6-, or 8-segmented (this

species has 6). Their trunks can have dorsomedian

tubercles, but most, including this species, have

none, and the chelae fingers in this species are

atrophied into tiny bumps.

Family AUSTRODECIDAE Stock

This family of only two genera contains

extremely small species which are predominantly

Antarctic and Southern Hemisphere residents. The

species in the genus represented herein all have

tubular pipette-like proboscides which have rings

or annulations over most of their surface. Their

ocular tubercles are slender anterior-pointing

cones with distal eyes. They lack cheliphores

entirely. The palps originate on lateral extensions

of the cephalic segment, are very long and 5-

segmented, although more than one species has

the distal two segments coalesced. Their ovigers

are reduced to very tiny nonfunctional appendages

of 1, 2, 3, 4, or 6 segments. None have been

described with 5 oviger segments. The ovigers

form the basis, along with the presence or absence

of auxiliary claws, for dividing species into

Sections for easier identification.

Genus Austrodecus Hodgson, 1907

Species in this genus are among the smallest of

all Pycnogonida with trunk lengths of 4-5 mm.

They lack cheliphores entirely as adults, and have

very reduced tiny ovigers of 1 to 4, or 6 segments

with few setae or none. Only one species is

included in this collection.

Austrodecus glaciale Hodgson, 1907

Austrodecus glaciale Hodgson, 1907: 53, pl.

VIO, fig. 1.— Child, 1994b: 54-56 [key], 63-67

[literature], fig. 6.

Material examined

Sta. 61 (SAM E2940, 1 specimen).

Distribution

This is the most common species of a

predominantly Antarctic genus (Child, 1994b: 63—

PYCNOGONIDA FROM PRYDZ BAY 5

67, lists 2300+ specimens). It has been collected

on the Campbell Plateau of New Zealand, in the

vicinity of South Georgia and in most commonly

collected areas of the Antarctic continent in

sublittoral depths to 2100 m.

Remarks

Austrodecus specimens are easily separated

from other genera and families but difficult to

separate among themselves. This is a rather

generalized species among many with more or

less conspicuous tubercles and other architectural

characters. It has broad conical dorsomedian trunk

tubercles each with 1--2 short apical setae. The

proboscis is slightly longer than its rather robust

palps. This group of species can sometimes be

separated by use of the first coxae dorsodistal

tubercles. The anterior pair of coxae have a single

tubercle and the other six coxae have two in this

species where first coxae tubercles vary from one

to two in various combinations (all first coxae

with paired tubercles, or 1: 2: 2: 1 tubercle

arrangement, or 1: 1: 2: 2, and some with 1: 2: 2:

2, as in this species).

Males have a broadly pointed triangular cement

gland opening at the midventral femur while most

others have no triangular opening or a narrower

triangular or pointed orifice. Ovigers of this genus

are on both sexes and are extremely tiny and

difficult to discern but this species is one of the

majority having six segments. It forms the basis

of the glaciale-section in identification keys to the

genus.

Family COLOSSENDEIDAE Hoek

Many species in this family are the largest of all

pycnogonids and one has a leg span of a half

metre or even more. They are predominantly

denizens of the deep sea and walk on extremely

long slender legs. The trunk of the largest

specimens may only be 3-4 cm long. Their

proboscis is usually longer to much longer than

the trunk. The genus Colossendeis lacks

cheliphores entirely in adults, while the genera

Decolopoda and Dodecolopoda have them. The

palps are mostly very long and slender, and the

extremely long ovigers have a distal curved part

called a strigilis which is used to clean the long

appendages. The oviger also has a terminal claw.

The leg segments are slender and protracted and

the distal segments merely form a slender

extension of the leg. The main claw is usually

quite long and auxiliaries are always lacking.

Genus Colossendeis Jarzynski, 1870

Species in this usually deep-sea genus are

giants of the Class Pycnogonida and specimens

with leg spans of 300-400 mm are common.

Adults are quite slender, usually are without trunk

segmentation, lack any form of cheliphores, and

usually have a very long proboscis which is

carried horizontally (sometimes with a distal

upward or downward curve). There is a great

degree of intraspecific variation among species in

this genus and, unfortunately, the more specimens

collected, the greater the range of variation found

in most species.

Colossendeis adelpha, new species

Fig. 1

Material examined

Sta. 41, 1 holotype specimen (SAM E2941).

Distribution

Known only from station 41 in Prydz Bay, in

333-341 m.

Description

Extremely large trunk size for this genus, leg

span 352 mm. Trunk glabrous. Lateral processes

slightly longer than their distal diameters,

separated by their diameters, glabrous. Neck very

short. Ocular tubercle a small rounded truncate

cone with low round anterodistal tubercle, eyes

very indistinct, without pigment. Proboscis robust,

little longer than trunk, distal half inflated to 1.5

times proximal stem and moderately downcurved,

mouth rounded. Abdomen a small narrow cylinder

not extending to distal rim of fourth leg first

coxae, downcurved.

Palp robust, third segment longest, about 1.25

length of fifth segment. Distal segments short

cylinders, sixth little longer than fourth, seventh

through tenth each shorter than last. Armed with

fields of tiny short setae distally on fifth and on

dorsal surface only of distal five segments.

Oviger typical, robust, strigilis spines plain, in

multiple rows, very short, distally rounded,

without larger distal spine creating subchela as in

other species. Terminal claw slender, well curved,

about 0.66 length of terminal segment.

Leg with dorsal and distally ventral row of very

short spines. First coxae with group of small

rounded tubercles on dorsodistal rim, second

coxae very short, little longer than first and third.

Femora and second tibiae of equal length, first

6 C. A. CHILD

FIGURE. 1. Colossendeis adelpha, new species, holotype: A, trunk, dorsal view; B, trunk anterior, lateral view; Cc;

third leg; D, palp; E, oviger strigilis, enlarged; F, three strigilis spines.

PYCNOGONIDA FROM PRYDZ BAY 7

tibiae slightly shorter. Tarsus longer than

propodus, with greater diameter, both segments

with few tiny sole spines. Claw almost 0.66 length

of propodus. Sexual pores indistinct.

Measurements of holotype in mm.

Trunk length (proboscis insertion to tip 4th

lateral processes), 23; trunk width (across 2nd

lateral processes), 13.4; proboscis length, 24.2;

abdomen length, 4.8; third leg, 3 coxa combined,

18; femur, 39.5; tibia 1, 36.8; tibia 2, 39.5; tarsus,

16.2; propodus, 11.3; claw, 7.9.

Etymology

The species name (Greek: adelphus, meaning

brotherly, closely related) refers to its close

relationship to C. australis Hodgson, 1907.

Remarks

Although this species is in many characters

closely related to Colossendeis australis Hodgson,

there are several prominent differences. The

proboscis of the new species is much more slender

in its proximal half, is downcurved only in its

distal half, and has a very rounded oral surface.

That of C. australis is inflated to its greatest

extent toward the proximal half, thus giving it a

larger overall diameter. It is more or less

downcurved throughout its length and has a very

flat oral surface.

The palps of C. adelpha are quite robust and

have relatively short segments in relation to each

other and bear a set of tiny dorsal setules. There

are no setae on the ventral surface where they are

usually found. Only one other species as far as

can be discerned, C. scoresbii Gordon, 1932, has

dorsal rather than ventral setae or setules on the

palps. The palps of C. australis are quite long,

very slender in segment lengths versus diameters,

and have ventral setae. The propodus and claw are

both longer in relation to the tarsus in this new

species than in the same segments of C. australis.

One of the most revealing differences is in the

oviger strigilis spines. The plain spines of the new

species are mostly the same size on each segment

while those of C. australis increase in size

proceeding distally on any single segment. The

distal spine of the terminal segment is very large

and forms a subchelate process with the adjacent

claw. There is no similar chelate process on the

ovigers of C. adelpha.

Colossendeis australis Hodgson, 1907

Colossendeis australis Hodgson, 1907: 59, pl. IX,

fig. 1, pl. X, figs. 1-2.- Child, 1995b: 72-73

({key], 73-74 [literature].

Material examined

Sta. 49 (SAM E2942, 1 spec.), sta. 53 (SAM

E2943, 1 spec.), sta. 57 (SAM E2944, 1 spec.),

sta. 61 (SAM E2945, 11 spec.).

Distribution

This species has a scattered but almost

circumpolar distribution in 143-3931 m. It has

been collected in the Falkland Islands and

Magellanic regions, South Georgia and South

Sandwich Islands, and widely separate localities

around the Antarctic continent. Its deeper

collecting localities have usually been in

Subantarctic basins while the shallower localities

are high Antarctic.

Remarks

This species’ ovigers have larger distal strigilis

spines, unlike the previous species (see remarks

under that species). They form a subchelate or

pincer-like structure on the terminal segment,

opposing the claw. Its proboscis is slightly longer

than the trunk, widely inflated at midlength and,

downcurved beyond this inflation. Its ocular

tubercle is a broad low cone and the eyes are tiny.

The distal three palp segments are subequal.

Colossendeis drakei Calman, 1915

Colossendeis drakei Calman, 1915: 11, 22-23,

fig. 3.— Child, 1995b: 72-73 [key], 78 [literature].

Material examined

Sta. 41 (SAM E2946, 1 spec.), sta. 43 (SAM

E2947, 1 spec.), sta. 45 (SAM E2948, 1 spec.),

sta. 46 (SAM E2949, 1 spec.), sta. 52 (SAM

E2950, 2 spec.), sta. 53 (SAM E2951, 6 spec.),

sta. 58 (SAM E2952, 3 spec.).

Distribution

The distribution of C. drakei is extremely

disjunct and spans an enormous depth range,

suggesting that not all records involve the same

species and that some have been misidentified. It

has been, according to the records, collected south

of Tasmania, off the Falkland Islands, South

Georgia, South Sandwich, and South Shetland

Islands, eastern Antarctica, and the Ross Sea. The

shallowest record places it in 3 m while the

deepest, 3000 m, is represented by the record from

south of Tasmania.

8 Cc. A. CHILD

Remarks

The most conspicuous character in this species

is its unusually short proboscis which is only as

long as the trunk or slightly shorter. The ocular

tubercle forms a low pointed cone. Five distal

segments of the palps are short, and the oviger

terminal claw is also short and lacks the

opposable large spine on the terminal segment.

The propodus and tarsus are usually subequal and

the claw is almost as long as the propodus.

Colossendeis megalonyx ssp. Fry & Hedgpeth,

1969

Colossendeis megalonyx Hoek, 1881: 67, pl. IX,

figs. 1-3.

Colossendeis megalonyx ssp. Fry & Hedgpeth,

1969: 30-32, figs. 7, 8, 11-16, 23. Child, 1995b:

72-73 [key], 86-87 [literature].

Material examined

Sta. 40 (SAM E2953, 2 spec.), sta. 41 (SAM

E2954, 1 spec.), sta. 44 (SAM E2955, 3 spec.),

sta. 46 (SAM E2956, 4 spec.), sta. 48 (SAM

E2957, 1 spec.), sta. 52 (SAM E2958, 6 spec.),

sta. 53 (SAM E2959, 20+ spec.), sta. 54 (SAM

E2960, % and 10+ spec.), sta. 58 (SAM E2961, 3

spec.), sta. 59 (SAM E2962, 2 spec.).

Distribution

The many specimens attributed to this assumed

complex of subspecies come from almost all

Subantarctic and Antarctic localities where

collections have been made. Some specimens have

been collected as far north as the vicinity of South

Africa, south of Madagascar, and off South

America and New Zealand. It has an enormous

depth range (7-4900 m), suggesting rather

definitely that more than one species is involved.

Remarks

Several subspecies were proposed for this

species by Fry & Hedgpeth (1969:30-35) without

adequate definition of each and with little

information as a basis to separate them. The wide

variation found in this genus would probably

allow each subspecies to revert to its previously

designated specific rank under further

examination. The parent species, C. megalonyx

Hoek, has a proboscis with little swelling and a

length of little more to much longer than the trunk.

One consistent character is in the palp where the

eighth segment is shorter than the subequal ninth

and tenth. The oviger does not have the subchelate

structure of terminal spine and claw. There is very

little else which conforms to a diagnosis of this

species. A critical analysis of many specimens

will be necessary to come to some conclusion

regarding the presence or absence of valid species

now found in this complex.

Colossendeis robusta Hoek, 1881

Colossendeis robusta Hoek, 1881: 66, pl. IX, figs.

4-5.— Child, 1995b: 72-73 [key], 89-90

[synonymy and literature].

Material examined

Sta. 46 (SAM E2963, 1 spec.), sta. 53 (SAM

E2964, 1 spec.).

Distribution

The distribution for what is possibly another

multiplicity of species under the name C. robusta

is circumpolar in the enormous depth range of 0—

3610 m.

Remarks

The most prominent characters in this species

are the relatively short legs and short proboscis.

The proboscis is slightly swollen medially, as long

or little longer than the trunk, and the leg

segments are shorter than most species in this

genus. The femur and first tibia are subequal in

length as are the tarsus and propodus. The distal

palp segments are each unusually short, almost

the same length, and armed with many tiny setae

on all surfaces. The oviger strigilis lacks a chelate

process of enlarged spine and claw.

Colossendeis scotti Calman, 1915

Colossendeis scotti Calman, 1915: 10 [key], 11-

13, fig. 1— Child, 1995b: 72-73 [key], 90, 92

[literature].

Material examined

Sta. 56 (SAM E2965, 1 spec.).

Distribution

This uncommon species has been collected in

the vicinity of South Georgia, the South Sandwich

and South Shetland Islands, Weddell Sea, and has

the majority of captures located in the Ross Sea at

moderate depths of 35-265 m.

Remarks

This is another species with a relatively short

PYCNOGONIDA FROM PRYDZ BAY 9

proboscis, but it is widest in lateral view at the

oral end and tapers toward the base. It is also

quite inflated, being widest at its median length in

dorsal view and constricted just before the flaring

oral surface. Its eyes are darkly pigmented. The

palp distal segments are quite short with the

eighth shorter than the subequal ninth and tenth.

The oviger strigilis has an enlarged terminal spine

forming a subchelate structure with the claw. The

legs are slender with the tarsus little longer than

the propodus which has a long claw only slightly

shorter than the propodus.

Colossendeis tortipalpis Gordon, 1932

Colossendeis tortipalpis Gordon, 1932: 12-15,

figs. 2b—2e, 4a.— Child, 1995b:72—73 [key], 93

[literature].

Material examined

Sta. 53 (SAM E2966, 1 spec.).

Distribution

This species has one of the widest ranges in

geographical distribution and depth of any

Antarctic Colossendeis species. It has been

collected off Tierra del Fuego, South America, off

Heard Island in the southern Indian Ocean, the

Scotia Sea and South Shetland Islands, and in

many places in the Ross Sea. It has a vast depth

range, like many Colossendeis species, of 44—

4026 m.

Remarks

The distinctive characters of this species make

it difficult to confuse with any other known

Antarctic member of this genus except for C.

longirostris Gordon, 1938. It has a very long

proboscis (about 1.5 times trunk length) as in C.

longirostris, but in this species it is downcurved

with a much wider median inflation which tapers

to a small oral surface. The palp has a long

seventh segment, a triangular eighth segment, and

the two longer distal segments are carried acutely

recurved dorsally over the seventh and eighth. The

oviger strigilis has a short terminal claw opposed

by an enlarged distal spine on the terminal

segment. There are several variations in its ocular

tubercle and distal palp segments.

Colossendeis species indeterminate

Material examined

Sta. 60 (SAM E2967, 1 spec.).

Remarks

This specimen is very damaged and cannot be

determined with any assurance.

Genus Decolopoda Eights

This genus contains the single species

discussed below. It is the only 10-legged species

among the Colossendeidae, at least in the

Antarctic.

Decolopoda australis Eights, 1835

Fig. 2

Decolopoda australis Eights, 1835: 203-206, pl.

VII.— Fry & Hedgpeth, 1969: 54-56 [early

literature], Figs. 7, 8, 10, 75, 76, 78-82.— Child,

1995b: 94—95 [recent literature].

Material examined

Sta. 41 (SAM E2968, 1 spec.), sta. 42 (SAM

E2969, 1 hirsute specimen), sta. 53 (SAM E2970,

1 spec.).

Distribution

This rather common species, the first Antarctic

pycnogonid known, has been collected in many

Subantarctic and Antarctic localities and has a

circumpolar distribution. It is known from Heard

Island in the southern Indian Ocean to the Ross

Sea, and in a wide variety of depths from littoral

to 1890 m.

Description of hirsute specimen

Entire specimen clothed in conspicuous but

moderately short setae except anterior half of trunk

and base of proboscis. The appendages are setose

with the setae as long as but none longer than

their segment diameters. Trunk setae cover the

length of each lateral process in a field extending

along entire dorsal surface of leg. Legs also with

rows of lateral and ventral setae of various sizes.

Ocular tubercle a small narrow cone with

unpigmented eyes. Proboscis typical but with

closely spaced setae covering all parts except base

or proximal sixth of its length. Abdomen very

long, slender, extending beyond second coxae

distal rim of last leg pair, with dorsal field of short

setae over entire length.

Cheliphores typical, with dorsal movable finger

gaping above ventral immovable finger (unlike all

other known pycnogonids except for following

species). Both scape segments with field of dorsal

10 C. A. CHILD

SSN

is)

i?)

‘\

FIGURE. 2. Decolopoda australis Eights, the hirsute specimen: A, trunk, dorsal view; B, third leg; C, oviger

strigilis, enlarged; D, two strigilis spines. Typical specimen: E, distal leg segments; F, oviger strigilis, enlarged; G,

two strigilis spines.

PYCNOGONIDA FROM PRYDZ BAY 11

setae along their lengths. Palps robust, proximal 5

segments with dorsal fields of setae, distal 5

segments with few ventral and lateral setae. Tenth

segment a tapering rounded cone half length of

ninth, glabrous. Ovigers decreasingly setose

through their lengths. Strigilis segments slender,

with rows of slightly curved plain spines each at

least 3 times longer than wide. Terminal claw

narrow, well curved, almost twice longer than

segment diameter.

Legs slender, very setose in rows. Propodus

0.85 length of tarsus, both setose, with row of

stout sole spines, but lacking ventrodistal spines.

Claw very slender.

Remarks

This is the first specimen of this normally

almost glabrous species to be described with

extremely setose trunk, lateral processes,

appendages, and proboscis. All specimens

illustrated in the literature have very few setae.

The differences between this specimen and typical

examples of Decolopoda australis, besides the

great number of setae, are found in the oviger

strigils and the distal leg segments. The strigilis

of a typical specimen is robust or even fat with

very short broad plain spines, each well curved,

pointing acutely distally, and little longer than

their diameters. The terminal claw is shorter,

measuring less than the segment diameter in

length and there are only 2-3 ectal setae. The

tarsus of a typical specimen is longer in relation to

the propodus than that of this specimen and has

fewer sole spines but does have ventrodistal

spines on both segments. There are no setae on

either segment of a typical specimen and the claw

is usually stouter in comparison to the slender

claw of this specimen. The terminal palp segment

varies in typical specimens from being absent, a

nub, a spike, or a full segment and is difficult to

compare with the full segment of this hirsute

specimen. This apparently unique specimen is

possibly one of a population developing separately

and might eventually become a new form, a

variety, or even a new species. With the many

variations known to occur in this species (causing

it to have several synonyms over many years), it

has maintained its status as a single species. The

oviger and propodal differences are illustrated

among the accompanying figures.

Genus Dodecolopoda Calman & Gordon

This is another genus, like the one above, with

a single species which is discussed below. It is

also the only 12-legged species in this collection.

Dodecolopoda mawsoni Calman & Gordon, 1933

Dodecolopoda mawsoni Calman & Gordon,

1933: 107-115, fig. 1.— Child, 1995b: 95

[literature].

Material examined

Sta. 53 (SAM E2971, 1 spec.), sta. 57 (SAM

E2972, 1 spec.).

Distribution

There are probably no more than six specimens

of this rare species listed in the literature, but from

these scattered records, its known distribution is

probably circumpolar. It is known from the South

Shetland Islands, Palmer Archipelago, the Ross

Sea, and in Enderby Land at 62°E. Known capture

depths are 146-549 m.

Remarks

This is the first record known with two

specimens of this species in one report. This is the

only pycnogonid known with the paired characters

of twelve legs and giant size and therefore is easily

recognized. The only other known Antarctic

species with twelve legs, Sexanymphon mirabilis

Hedgpeth & Fry, 1964, is quite small.

This species is closely related to Decolopoda

australis, and is the only other pycnogonid known

with tong-like chelae having the movable finger

dorsal to the immovable finger rather than a

movable finger in the almost universal ventral

position. Both have closely crowded lateral

processes creating a circular or ovoid trunk in

dorsal aspect. The long proboscis of both is

distally inflated and downcurved, the legs are

moderately long, the tarsus is much longer than

the propodus with its shorter claw. The legs of

this species are fairly setose in rows while those

of Decolopoda australis are almost glabrous with

only a few scattered spines. The size of the two

specimens in hand is perhaps twice as large as

specimens of D. australis, although size alone is

not a diagnostic character.

Family CALLIPALLENIDAE Hilton

This is a diverse family with many genera, most

having few species. They all share the characters

of full cheliphores and chelae with fingers, often

12 C. A. CHILD

with teeth, a lack of palps or palps of a single

blunt segment, and ovigers in both sexes, with 10

segments and no terminal claw (except in genera

not found in Antarctica). Only two genera were

collected in Prydz Bay.

Genus Austropallene Hodgson, 1915

Both palps and auxiliary claws are entirely

lacking in this genus. The proboscis is styliform

or narrow and very tapered distally. The

cheliphores are usually large to giant with the

scapes tuberculate or smooth and the chelae

fingers without teeth but sometimes with 1-2

notches. The trunk lacks dorsal architecture.

Austropallene brachyura (Bouvier, 1911)

Pseudopallene brachyura Bouvier, 1911: 1138.

Austropallene brachyura.— Calman, 1915: 39.—

Child, 1995c: 132 [literature].

Material examined

Sta. 40 (SAM E2973, 10); sta. 54 (SAM

E2974, 16).

Distribution

This is a circumpolar species known from

moderate depths to 640 m.

Remarks

This is one of the more common species of this

Subantarctic-Antarctic genus which contains only

seven species. It is separable from others by its

proboscis, a proximal cylinder with a distal cone,

and small cheliphores without distal tubercles on

the scapes, chelae fingers of subequal length, and

smooth legs with few setae only. Gordon (1944:

36-37) provided a useful key to six of the seven

species.

Austropallene calmani Gordon, 1944

Austropallene calmani Gordon, 1944: 42-45, figs.

12a, 13a—c, 14a.— Child, 1995c: 132-133.

Material examined

Sta. 45 (SAM E2975, 10); sta. 46 (SAM

E2976, 10).

Distribution

Its scattered capture localities around the

Antarctic perimeter make this another circumpolar

species. It has been found in 163-2966 m.

Remarks

This species has a very narrow proboscis which

is predominantly a cylinder. It has a small distal

cone at the oral surface. The cheliphore scapes

have 2-3 large dorsal tubercles and the chaela

have fingers of different lengths. The immovable

finger has two distal lobes into which the movable

finger tip inserts. The legs have tiny tubercles

bearing setae. There appears to be little variation

in both this species and all others of the genus.

Austropallene cornigera (Mobius, 1902)

Pseudopallene cornigera Mobius, 1902: 186-187.

Austropallene cornigera.— Gordon, 1932: 85-86

[early literature], figs. 42-43.— Child, 1995c: 133-

134 [recent literature].

Material examined

Sta. 47 (SAM E2977, 13).

Distribution

This extremely common circumpolar species

has a moderate depth range of 90-550 m.

Remarks

This is the only species in this limited genus

with giant cheliphores larger than its trunk. The

immovable finger has an endal notch. The

proboscis is widest at its base and tapers to a tiny

distal tube. The trunk has small to large

dorsomedian tubercles but they are lacking on the

cheliphore scapes.

Genus Pallenopsis Wilson

Subgenus (Pallenopsis) Stock, 1975

This genus of many species has two

subgenera; the first with larger numbers of more

common species usually found in shallower

waters, and the second with fewer deeper water

species. Each has its own set of unique

diagnostic characters not shared by the other

subgenus. The genus Pallenopsis has 1-

segmented palp buds, a short neck carrying

ocular tubercle and cheliphores and extending

dorsally over the top of the usually short

proboscis. The cheliphores are sometimes 2-

segmented but are progressing toward the loss of

PYCNOGONIDA FROM PRYDZ BAY 13

the segmentation line dividing the two segments.

The chelae are fully formed and functional.

Ovigers are 10-segmented, without a terminal

claw, and sometimes are only 9-segmented in

females. The legs are moderately long and

sometimes very long, and the male femoral

cement gland is ventral and usually exits through

a slender tube of varying length among the

species. The propodus has auxiliary claws which

are sometimes long.

The subgenus Pallenopsis has chelae with short

fingers placed anaxially or at a right angle to the

usually rectangular palm. The movable finger

usually has a basal setose bump or pad in the

male which is reduced in size or lacking in

females. The proboscis in this subgenus is usually

shorter than those of the other subgenus,

Bathypallenopsis, and some species in this

subgenus are extremely setose with some of these

species having tiny lateral setules on each long

seta. These setose species are almost all confined

to Antarctic and Subantarctic localities. Only one

has so far been collected in Prydz Bay for

inclusion in this report.

Pallenopsis (Pallenopsis) patagonica (Hoek,

1881)

Phoxichilidium patagonicum Hoek, 1881: 84-86,

pl. 12, figs. 6-9.

Pallenopsis patagonica.— Loman, 1923: 34.—

Child, 1995c: 147-149 [literature].

Material examined

Sta. 25B (SAM E2978, 26d); sta. 41 (SAM

E2979, 32); sta. 42 (SAM E2980, 39); sta. 45

(SAM E2981, 1 juv.); sta. 46 (SAM E2982, 12);

sta. 49 (SAM E2983, 1d with eggs, 1d, 1).

Distribution

This is a circumpolar species found on all

coasts and the deeps of Antarctica and the

Subantarctic. It has an extremely wide depth range

of 254-3566 m.

Remarks

This species comes close to P. (P.) villosa

Hodgson, in being the most setose species in the

subgenus Pallenopsis. The trunk and appendages

sometimes cannot be seen for the extensive field

of long setae covering its dorsal surface. The

crowded setae are always plain and have no lateral

setules as do those of P. (P.) villosa, so that the

trunk shape and widely spaced lateral processes

can usually be seen among the many long setae.

The plain setae constitute a good diagnostic

character and they are easily examined for this

purpose.

Pallenopsis (P.) pilosa (Hoek, 1881)

Phoxichilidium pilosum Hoek, 1881: 90, pl. 13,

figs. 10-13.

Pallenopsis pilosa Hoek, 1883: 9 [list].— Child,

1995c: 149-150 [literature].

Material examined

Sta. 41 (1d, SAM E2984); sta. 42 (1 juv.

SAM E2985); sta. 44 (1d, with eggs, 1d, 29, 1

juv., SAM E2986); sta. 45 (12, SAM E2987);

sta. 46 (1 juv., SAM E2988); sta. 47 (36, 32,

SAM E2989); sta. 49 (1d, 22, SAM E2990);

sta. 52 (1d, 8%, 1 juv., SAM E2991); sta. 53

(1d, 42, SAM E2992); sta. 54 (56, 42, SAM

E2993).

Distribution

This is also a circumpolar species, but it has an

extremely wide depth range of 254-3566 m.

Remarks

This is one of the most setose species in the

subgenus Pallenopsis. With the species P. (P.)

villosa Hodgson, 1907, the trunk and

appendages sometimes cannot be seen for the

extensive field of long setae covering its dorsal

surfaces. The multitude of setae each have many

lateral setules which greatly contribute to its

camouflage. This species comes close to villosa,

but the shape of the trunk and widely spaced

lateral processes can always be discerned behind

the many long setae. These setae are plain and

have no lateral setules, a consistent diagnostic

character easily seen.

Family NYMPHONIDAE Wilson

The largest family among the nine families of

Pycnogonida, this one boasts a bewildering array

of some 250 species, mostly concentrated in the

vast genus Nymphon. Many of these species fall

into somewhat natural groups which are currently

being recognized and used to segregate at least

some of the array into manageable subsets for

identification purposes. There are several other

small genera in this family, only one of which was

collected in Prydz Bay.

14 C. A. CHILD

Genus Nymphon Fabricius, 1794

Nymphon species are often collected in large

numbers from any trawl, particularly in Antarctic

waters. They are characterized by having fully

chelate cheliphores, palps of five segments

beginning with a short first segment, fully

segmented trunks with an ocular tubercle and

eyes, 10-segmented ovigers in both sexes, each

oviger having a fully formed strigilis with leaf-

shaped denticulate inner spines and a terminal

claw bearing teeth. Most shallow-water species

have auxiliary claws of various lengths and more

of the deep water species than not have a simple

main claw without auxiliaries (for unknown

reasons). Three Nymphon species are represented

in these collections.

Nymphon australe Hodgson, 1902

Nymphon australe Hodgson, 1902: 257, pl. XI—

Gordon, 1932: 59-60 [early synonymy and

literature], figs. 25d, 26b.— Child, 1995a: 9-10

[recent literature].

Material examined

Sta. 41 (SAM E2994, 1d, 12); sta. 42 (SAM

E2995, 1 juv.); sta. 44 (SAM E2996, 27 spec.);

sta. 45 (SAM E2997, 19 spec.); sta. 46 (SAM

E2998, 10 spec.); sta. 47 (SAM E2999, 5 spec.);

sta. 52 (SAM E3000, 10 spec.); sta. 53 (SAM

E3001, 6 spec.); sta. 54 (SAM E3002, 5 spec.);

sta. 55 (SAM E3003, 3 spec.); sta. 57 (SAM

E3004. 1); sta. 59 (SAM E3005, 1 juv.); sta.

60 (SAM E3006, 146, 1@); sta. 61 (SAM E3007,

12).

Distribution

This species is the most commonly captured

pycnogonid in Antarctic and Subantarctic waters

and appears in almost every report on specimens

from those waters. It has been collected as far

north as Cook Strait, New Zealand, the Falkland

Islands, Chilean and Argentine coasts, and some

Subantarctic localities in the Indian Ocean in

depths of usually less than 2000 m.

Remarks

This most common species serves as the

pattern for the Australe group (Child, 1995a:5,

6-7 [key]) of related species in this, the largest

pycnogonid genus. The group is diagnosed by a

robust trunk with crowded lateral processes and

a short neck which is crowded laterally with

oviger bases. The trunk and lateral processes of

this group of 20 described species usually have

conspicuous dorsal setae or spines or both and a

swollen abdomen carried horizontally. The

cheliphores usually have conspicuous spines or

setae only on the inner lateral surfaces. Another

steady character is found in the male ovigers

which almost always have fifth and sixth

segments which are distally inflatable with the

inflated area usually collapsed. On the legs, the

tibiae and tarsus have a few long ventrodistal

spines, the tarsus is as long or longer than the

propodus, both are often straight and have short

evenly spaced sole spines. Auxiliary claws can

be absent, vestigial, or shorter than the main

claw diameter, and are never longer. No other

group of Nymphon species from the Antarctic (or

any other body of water) share most of these

characters. To compare morphologies, a closely

related variety, N. australe var. caecum Gordon,

1944, shares all these characters but one. It is the

deep-water congener of the parent species and

only lacks eyes and an ocular tubercle, both of

which are conspicuous and tall in N. australe.

Nymphon charcoti Bouvier, 1911

Nymphon charcoti Bouvier, 1911: 1138.— Child,

1995a: 35-37 [literature].

Material examined

Sta. 41 (SAM E3008, 1d); sta. 45 (SAM

E3009, 1 juv.); sta. 46 (SAM E3010, 1 juv.); sta.

52 (SAM E3011, 2d, 12); sta. 53 (SAM E3012,

7 spec.); sta. 54 (SAM E3013, 3 juv.).

Distribution

This species is collected much less often than

the last species listed but probably has a

circumpolar range in 150-1080 m, where it

appears to be common where found.

Remarks

This is the largest known species of Nymphon

in Antarctic waters (N. inferum Child, 1995a,

almost reaches this size). The trunk of N. charcoti

often measures 18+ mm in length, while that of

N. inferum has a maximum known length of about

15 mm. Both species are quite a bit larger than

the average Nymphon.

There is a small ventrodistal knob on the

anterior of the cephalic segment opposite the

ocular tubercle and the short ocular tubercle has

large pigmented eyes in this species. The ocular

PYCNOGONIDA FROM PRYDZ BAY 15

area of N. inferum has a low bump and lacks eyes

entirely. The tarsus is longer than the propodus in

this species while it is shorter in N. inferum. There

are a good number of similar characters in the two

species besides adult size but those listed above

will serve to differentiate the species.

Nymphon gracilipes Miers, 1875

Nymphon gracilipes Miers, 1875: 76.— Child,

1995a: 38-39 [literature].

Material examined

Sta. 48 (SAM E3014, 12); sta. 59 (SAM

E3015, 12); sta. 60 (SAM E3016, 19).

Distribution

This species has been collected most often in

the Indian Ocean quadrant of the Antarctic and in

the Subantarctic islands to the north. It has a

broad depth range of 20-1000 m, with one capture

reported in 3055 m which may be either an

identification or recording error.

Remarks

This clean-appearing species has a long

glabrous trunk and well separated lateral

processes with the same tenuosity found in the

cheliphores, ovigers, and legs. The tarsus is 0.3

times longer than the propodus and the main claw

is short with auxiliary claws only 0.4 as long as

the main claw.

Genus Pentanymphon Hodgson

A very small sized species of Nymphon which

has over time developed an extra trunk segment

and an extra pair of legs making 10 in all. There

is a single common species in this genus although

it has sufficient variation to have caused an

expanded synonymy since it was described.

Pentanymphon antarcticum Hodgson, 1904

Pentanymphon antarcticum Hodgson, 1904: 458—

462, pl. XIV.— Child, 1995a: 54-55 [literature].

Material examined

Sta. 57 (SAM E3017, 1@).

Distribution

This common species has been collected in

many localities in the vicinity of 200 m, but has a

scattering of other captures in depths as deep as

3227 m. It has a circumpolar distribution.

Remarks

This small species is usually very white

coloured and is one of the rare pycnogonids with

five pairs of legs. Its lateral processes are well

separated and glabrous, the ocular tubercle and

oviger bases are placed to the anterior of the first

lateral processes on a long neck, and the slender

long legs have few short setae.

Family PYCNOGONIDAE Wilson

This is probably the most morphologically

advanced family in the pycnogonids, if advanced

means loss of or reduction of segments and

appendages. The species of this family and genus

lack any form of cheliphores or palps, and some

species have even disposed of ovigers. The males

of these anovigerous species merely cement the

egg clusters to their ventral trunk surfaces. Many

species have also abandoned auxiliary claws or

these claws are so vestigial as to be nonfunctional.

The species are almost all robust with short lateral

processes and very short legs with the second

tibiae sometimes shorter than their diameters.

Genus Pycnogonum Briinnich, 1764

Pycnogonum species indeterminate

Material examined

Sta. 41 (SAM E3018, 1 larva).

Remark

This specimen is too young to be determined

except to its genus.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I wish to thank the collectors and crew of the R/V

‘Aurora Australis’ for making it possible to examine this

rich collection of pycnogonids. I also thank Wolfgang

Zeidler, Curator of Invertebrates, and Karen Gowlett-

Holmes, both of the South Australian Museum,

Adelaide, for their helpful assistance and comments

about the specimens and this report during its

preparation. I also acknowledge the help of the two

reviewers of the manuscript and the comments of the

editor.

C. A. CHILD

APPENDIX

Stations and Species from Prydz Bay, Antarctica,

Collected on R/V ‘Aurora Australis’, 1991

Sta. 25B, 68°31.1'S, 77°29.4'E, 251-416 m (bottom 450-556 m) 3 II

Achelia spicata (Hodgson) 19

Pallenopsis (P.) patagonica (Hoek) 23

Sta. 40, 67°01.1'S, 78°11.5'E, 251-260 m, trawl, 17 II

Colossendeis megalonyx ssp. Fry & Hedgpeth 2 spec.

Austropallene brachyura Hodgson 13

Sta. 41, 67°30.6'S, 77°14.3'E, 333-341 m, trawl, 18 I

Colossendeis adelpha, new species 1 spec.

Colossendeis drakei Calman 1 spec.

Colossendeis megalonyx ssp. Fry & Hedgpeth 1 spec.

Decolopoda australis Eights 1 spec.

Pallenopsis (P.) patagonica (Hoek) 39

Pallenopsis (P.) pilosa (Hoek) 13

Nymphon australe (Hodgson) 13,12

Nymphon charcoti Bouvier 1d

Pycnogonum sp. indet. 1 larva

Sta. 42, 67°34.—'S, 77°33.—E, 300 m, trawl, 18 II

Decolopoda australis Eights 1 hirsute spec.

Pallenopsis (P.) patagonica (Hoek) 39

Pallenopsis (P.) pilosa (Hoek) 1 juv.

Nymphon australe (Hodgson) 12

Sta. 43, 67°57.5'S, 76°20.6'E, 436-441 m, trawl, 19 II

Colossendeis drakei Calman 1 spec.

Sta. 44, 68°27.9'S, 75°26.6'E, 616-622 m, trawl, 19 II

Ammothea spinosa (Hodgson) 33,32, 3 juv.

Colossendeis megalonyx ssp. Fry & Hedgpeth 3 juv.

Pallenopsis (P.) pilosa (Hoek) 13 w/eggs, 1d,22, 1 juv.

Nymphon australe (Hodgson) 27 spec.

Sta. 45, 68°58.3'S, 74°23.8'E, 787 m, trawl, 19 II

Ammothea spinosa (Hodgson) 1d (damaged)

Colossendeis drakei Calman 1 juv.

Austropallene calmani Gordon 13d

Pallenopsis (P.) patagonica (Hoek) 1 juv.

Pallenopsis (P.) pilosa (Hoek) 12

Nymphon australe (Hodgson) 19 spec.

Nymphon charcoti Bouvier 1d juv.

Sta. 46, 68°31.7'S, 73°13.0'E, 743 m, trawl, 20 II

Colossendeis drakei Calman 1 spec.

Colossendeis megalonyx ssp. Fry & Hedgpeth 4 spec.

Colossendeis robusta Hoek 1 spec.

Austropallene calmani Gordon 1d

Pallenopsis (P.) patagonica (Hoek) 19

Pallenopsis (P.) pilosa (Hoek) 1 juv.

Nymphon australe (Hodgson) 5 spec.

Nymphon charcoti Bouvier 1d

Sta. 47, 68°23.1'S, 73°48.4'E, 660-662 m, trawl, 21 II

Austroraptus polaris Hodgson 19

Austropallene cornigera Mobius 13d

PYCNOGONIDA FROM PRYDZ BAY

Pallenopsis (P.) pilosa (Hoek)

Nymphon australe (Hodgson)

Sta. 48, 68°03.7'S, 73°09.3'E, 680-683 m, trawl, 21 II

Colossendeis megalonyx ssp. Fry & Hedgpeth

Nymphon gracilipes Miers

Sta. 49, 66°59.5'S, 76°26.7'E, 327-332 m, trawl, 22 II

Colossendeis australis Hodgson

Pallenopsis (P.) patagonica (Hoek)

Pallenopsis (P.) pilosa (Hoek)

Sta. 52, 66°46.4'S, 72°36.5'E, 530 m, trawl, 24 II

Ammothea adunca Child

Ammothea allopodes Fry & Hedgpeth

Ammothea glacialis (Hodgson)

Colossendeis megalonyx ssp. Fry & Hedgpeth

Pallenopsis (P.) pilosa (Hoek)

Sta. 53, 66°03.7'S, 72°36.2'E, 526-532m, trawl, 24 II 91

Ammothea glacialis (Hodgson)

Ammothea spinosa (Hodgson)

Colossendeis australis (Hodgson)

Colossendeis drakei Calman

Colossendeis megalonyx ssp. Fry & Hedgpeth

Colossendeis robusta Hoek

Colossendeis tortipalpis Gordon

Decolopoda australis Eights

Dodecolopoda mawsoni Calman & Gordon

Pallenopsis (P.) pilosa (Hoek)

Nymphon australe (Hodgson)

Nymphon charcoti Bouvier

Sta. 54, 67°00.3'S, 72°40.2'E, 532-536m, trawl, 24 II 91

Ammothea glacialis (Hodgson)

Colossendeis megalonyx ssp. Fry & Hedgpeth

Austropallene brachyura Hodgson

Pallenopsis (P.) pilosa (Hoek)

Nymphon australe (Hodgson)

Nymphon charcoti Bouvier

Sta. 55, 66°43.6'S, 71°54.5'E, 667-676 m, trawl, 25 II

Nymphon australe (Hodgson)

Sta. 56, 67°27.5'S, 70°20.2'E, 161-165 m, trawl, 26 II

Colossendeis scotti Calman

a. 57, 67°16.7'S, 70°08.1'E, 172-182 m, trawl, 26 II

Colossendeis australis Hodgson

Dodecolopoda mawsoni Calman & Gordon

Nymphon australe (Hodgson)

Pentanymphon antarcticum Hodgson

a. 58, 67°02.4'S, 70°18.8'E, 242-244 m, trawl, 26 II

Colossendeis drakei Calman

Colossendeis megalonyx ssp. Fry & Hedgpeth

. 59, 66°53.4'S, 70°40.5'E, 444-453 m, trawl, 27 II

Colossendeis megalonyx ssp. Fry & Hedgpeth

Nymphon australe (Hodgson)

Nymphon gracilipes Miers

33,32

5 spec.

1 spec.

1¢

1 spec.

13 wleggs, 13,12

3 spec.

1d,2¢

6 spec.

13,892, 1 juv.

13 wieggs, 12

1 spec.

6 spec.

20+ spec.

1 spec.

13,49

6 spec.

13 wieggs, 49, 2 juv.

12% spec.

18 C. A. CHILD

Sta. 60, 67°16.3'S, 68°57.7E, 139 m, trawl, 28 II

Colossendeis sp. indet.

Nymphon australe (Hodgson)

Nymphon gracilipes Miers

1 damaged spec.

13,12

Sta. 61, 67°27.4'S, 68°50.3'E, 145-150 m, trawl, 1 II

Austrodecus glaciale Hodgson

Colossendeis australis Hodgson

Nymphon australe (Hodgson)

1 spec.

11 spec.

1 spec.

REFERENCES

BOHM, R. 1879. Ueber die Pycnogoniden des Kg.

Zoolog. Museums zu Berlin, insbesondere iiber die

von S.M.S. Gazelle mitgeberichte Arten.

Monatsberichte der Kéniglichen Preussischen

Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin, 1879: 170-

195.

BOUVIER, E. L. 1911. Les Pycnogonides du Pourquoi

Pas? Comptes Rendus des Séances Hebdomadaires

de l’Académie des Sciences, Paris, 152: 1136-1142.

BRUNNICH, M. T. 1764. ‘Entomologia sistens

Insectorum Tabulas Systematicas, cum Introductione

et Iconibus, etc.’: 1-87. Hafniae.

CALMAN, W. T. 1915. Pycnogonida. British Antarctic

(Terra Nova) Expedition, 1910. Zoology, 3(1): 1-74.

CALMAN, W. T. & GORDON, I. 1933. A

dodecolopodous Pycnogonid. Proceedings of the

Royal Society of London (B), 113: 107-113.

CHILD, C. A. 1994a. Antarctic and Subantarctic

Pycnogonida 1. The Family Ammotheidae. Biology of

the Antarctic Seas XXIII. Antarctic Research Series,

63: 1-48.

CHILD, C. A. 1994b. Antarctic and Subantarctic

Pycnogonida 2. The Family Austrodecidae. Biology

of the Antarctic Seas XXIII. Antarctic Research

Series, 63: 49-99.

CHILD, C. A. 1995a. Antarctic and Subantarctic

Pycnogonida III. The Family Nymphonidae. Biology

of the Antarctic Seas XXIV. Antarctic Research

Series, 69: 1-68.

CHILD, C. A. 1995b. Antarctic and Subantarctic

Pycnogonida IV. The Families Colossendeidae and

Rhynchothoraxidae. Biology of the Antarctic Seas

XXIV. Antarctic Research Series, 69: 69-111.

CHILD, C. A. 1995c. Antarctic and Subantarctic

Pycnogonida V. The Families Pycnogonidae,

Phoxichilidiidae, Endeidae, and Callipallenidae,

including the genus Pallenopsis. Biology of the

Antarctic Seas XXIV. Antarctic Research Series, 69:

112-160.

CLARK, W. C. 1977. The Genus Ammothea Leach

(Pycnogonida) in New Zealand waters: New species

and a review. Journal of the Royal Society of New

Zealand, 7(2): 171-187.

EIGHTS, J. 1835. Description of a new animal belonging

to the Arachnides of Latreille; discovered in the sea

along the shores of the New South Shetland Islands.

Boston Journal of Natural History, 1(2): 203-206,

pl. VI.

FABRICIUS, J. C. 1794. Entomologia Systematica

Emendata et aucta, 4: 416-417. Hafniae.

FRY, W. G. & HEDGPETH, J. W. 1969. Pycnogonida, 1.

Colossendeidae, Pycnogonidae, Endeidae,

Ammotheidae. Fauna of the Ross Sea, 7. Memoirs of

the New Zealand Oceanographic Institute, 49: 1-139.

GILTAY, L. 1934. Pycnogonides. Résultats du voyage

de la Belgica en 1897-99. Rapports Scientifiques des

Résultats de la Voyage de la Belgica en 1897-99.

Zoologie: 1-16.

GORDON, I. 1932. Pycnogonida. Discovery Reports, 6:

1-138.

GORDON, I. 1938. Pycnogonida. Scientific Reports of

the Australasian Antarctic Expedition (C), (Zoology

and Botany), 2(8): 140

GORDON, I. 1944. Pycnogonida. Reports of the British,

Australian and New Zealand Antarctic Research

Expedition, (ser.B), 5(1): 1-72.

HEDGPETH, J. W. & FRY, W. G. 1964. Another

dodecolopodous pycnogonid. Annals and Magazine

of Natural History, (13), 7: 161-169.

HODGE, G. 1864. List of the British Pycnogonidea,

with descriptions of several new species. Annals and

Magazine of Natural History, (3) 13: 113-117, pls.

XII, XII.

HODGSON, T. V. 1902. Crustacea (Pycnogonida). Jn:

Report on the Collections of Natural History made

in the Antarctic Regions during the Voyage of the

Southern Cross: 256-258. London.

HODGSON, T. V. 1904. On a new pycnogonid from the

South Polar regions. Annals and Magazine of Natural

History, (7) 14: 458-462.

HODGSON, T. V. 1907. Pycnogonida. National

Antarctic Expedition 1901-1904. Reports of the

National Antarctic Expedition of 1901-1904.

Natural History, 3: 1-72, 10 pls.

HODGSON, T. V. 1915. The Pycnogonida collected by

the Gauss in the Antarctic regions, 1901-03.

preliminary report. Annals and Magazine of Natural

History, (ser.8) 15(85): 141-149.

PYCNOGONIDA FROM PRYDZ BAY 19

HOEK, P. P. C. 1881. Report on the Pycnogonida

dredged by HMS Challenger 1873-76. Reports of

the Scientific Results of the Exploring Voyage of

HMS Challenger, 3(10): 1-167, 21 pls.

HOEK, P. P. C. 1883. The Pycnogonida dredged in the

Faeroe Channel during the cruise of HMS Triton in

August 1882. Transactions of the Royal Society of

Edinburgh, 32(1): 1-10.

JARZYNSKY, T. 1870. Praemissus catalogus

Pycnogonidarum. Inventarium in mari Glaciali, ad

oras Lapponiae rossicae et in mari Albo, anno 1869 et

1870. Annales de la Société des Naturalistes de St.

Pétersbourg, 1: 9-13.

LEACH, W. E. 1814. The Zoology Miscellany, 1: 33-

34, 43-45. London.

LOMAN, J.C. C. 1923. Subantarctic Pantopoda from the

Stockholm Museum. Arkiv for Zoologi, 15(1): 9-13.

MIERS, E. J. 1875. Descriptions of new species of

Crustacea collected at Kerguelen’s Island by the Rev.

A. E. Eaton. Annals and Magazine of Natural

History, (4), 16: 73-76.

MOBIUS, K. 1902. Die Pantopoden der deutschen

Tiefsee-Expedition, 1898-99. Wissenschaftliche

Ergebnisse der deutschen Tiefsee-Expedition auf

dem Dampfer ‘Valdivia’, 1898-1899, 3: 177-196.

STOCK, J. H. 1975. Pycnogonida from the continental

shelf, slope, and deep-sea of the tropical Atlantic and

East Pacific. Biological Results of the University of

Miami deep-sea expeditions, 108. Bulletin of Marine

Science, 24(4): 957-1092.

VERRILL, A. E. 1900. Additions to the Crustacea and

Pycnogonida of the Bermudas. Transactions of the

Connecticut Academy of Arts & Sciences, 10(2) (15):

580-582.

SELECTION OF LECTOTYPES AND REDESCRIPTIONS OF THREE

CISSEIS (COLEOPTERA : BUPRESTIDAE) SPECIES

SHELLEY BAKER

Summary

Carter (1923) described C. elliptica var. frontalis, recognised by Obenberger (1935) as a primary

homonymn of C. frontalis Kerremans and replaced with C. carterella. Carter (1940) synonymised C.

carteri Obenberger with C. elliptica Carter. Examination of the types and a series of all three taxa

shows that they are all good species. Lectotypes of the three species are selected.

SELECTION OF LECTOTYPES AND REDESCRIPTIONS OF THREE CISSEIS

(COLEOPTERA: BUPRESTIDAE) SPECIES

SHELLEY BARKER

BARKER, S. 1998. Selection of lectotypes and redescriptions of three Cisseis (Coleoptera:

Buprestidae) species. Records of the South Australian Museum 31(1): 21-23.

Carter (1923) described C. elliptica var. frontalis, recognised by Obenberger (1935) as a

primary homonym of C. frontalis Kerremans and replaced with C. carterella. Carter (1940)

synonymised C. carteri Obenberger with C. elliptica Carter. Examination of the types and a

series of all three taxa shows that they are all good species. Lectotypes of the three species are

selected.

S. Barker, Department of Entomology, South Australian Museum, North Terrace, Adelaide,

South Australia 5000. Manuscript received 20 November 1997.

MATERIAL

Specimens examined came from the following

institutions:

ANIC —- _ Australian National Insect

Collection, Canberra.

AMSA — Australian Museum, Sydney.

NMPC — National Museum Prague, Czech

Republic.

NMVA-— National Museum of Victoria,

Melbourne.

QMBA — Queensland Museum, Brisbane.

SAMA — South Australian Museum, Adelaide.

SuB-SPECIES ELEVATED To Species AND SELECTION

OF LECTOTYPES

Obenberger (1935) recognised Cisseis elliptica

var. frontalis Carter, 1923 as a primary homonym

of Cisseis frontalis Kerremans, 1898 and

published the replacement name C. carterella. C.

elliptica Carter is an arid zone Western Australian

species, while C. carterella is found in

mountainous areas in northern Queensland. A

comparison of the two forms shows clearly that

they are separate species on the basis of

differences in morphology, male genitalia (Fig. 1)

and distribution.

Carter (1923) described the taxon from two

specimens, one from Kuranda, Dodd, in his own

collection and the other from Herberton in QMBA. I

have located the two syntypes, both are female. One

is held by QMBA the other by NMVA. I hereby

select the female specimen in QMBA labelled

‘Herberton. C. J. Wild. Jan 91. c/2712’ as the

lectotype of Cisseis carterella Obenberger, 1935.

Two syntypes of C. carteri Obenberger are in

NMPC. I hereby select male specimen no. 23769,

Yilgarn, Western Australia as the lectotype of

Cisseis carteri Obenberger, 1933.

Carter (1923) based his description of Cisseis

elliptica on two specimens collected by H. W.

Brown at Cue and Tenindewa. A female specimen

labelled ‘C. elliptica Carter, Cue, W.A., H. W.

Brown, Cotype’, is lodged in the collection of the

National Museum of Victoria. I hereby select this

specimen as the lectotype of C. elliptica Carter.

DESCRIPTION OF SPECIES

Cisseis carterella Obenberger, 1935

(Fig. 1 C)

Cisseis elliptica var. carterella Obenberger, 1935:

846 replacement name for Cisseis elliptica var.

frontalis Carter, 1923, homonym of C. frontalis

Kerremans, 1898.

Type

Lectotype: 2, Herberton, Jan. 91, C. J. Wild,

QMBA; Paralectotype: ¢, Kuranda, Dodd,

NMVA.

Colour

Head, antennae, pronotum, scutellum ventral

surface and legs shiny bronze. Elytra dark brown.

Hairs white.

Shape and sculpture

Head with deep anterior median fovea; deep

punctures becoming shallow posteriorly, most

with single emergent seta; interocular width 0.6

22 S. BARKER

FIGURE 1. Habitus photographs of the following Cisseis species. A, C. carteri Obenberger. B, C. elliptica Carter.

C, C. carterella Obenberger. Scale bar = 5mm.

head width. Antennae: antennomeres 1-3 obconic;

4-11 toothed. Pronotum: anterior margin

projecting medially, basal margin sinuate;

medially glabrous with shallow punctures,

laterally, most punctures with single emergent

seta lying in sinuous striae; dorsal carina

diverging from ventral carina at base and then

parallel to it, reaching apical margin, space

between punctured, most punctures with emergent

seta. Scutellum scutiform, laterally elongate at

basal margin, glabrous, surface convex with few

shallow punctures. Elytra heavily punctate with

irregular clumps of hairs mostly in single row

widely scattered over the surface; prominent

humeral callus, apices rounded, apical margin

sub-serrate. Ventral surface shallowly punctured,

hairy but less so in the mid-ventral line.

Aedeagus

In C. elliptica (Fig. 1 B) the parameres are

laterally indented just before apex and have a

membranous lateral apical flange. In C. carterella

(Fig. 1 C) the parameres are rounded laterally to

apex without an apical flange.

Size

Males 11.7 x 4.7 mm (10). Females 13.2 x 5.2

mm (5)

Distribution

Queensland: Kuranda, Herberton, Mt Spec,

Maryborough.

Cisseis carteri Obenberger, 1924

(Fig. 1 A)

Cisseis carteri Obenberger, 1924: 109.

Cisseis elliptica Carter, 1940: 389.

Type

Lectotype: 3, NMPC no. 23 769, Yilgarn, W.

Australia; Paralectotype: 6, NMPC no. 23 770,

Yilgarn, Western Australia.

Colour

Head coppery-bronze; hairs silver, rounded in

males, flattened and broad in females. Antennae

coppery-bronze. Pronotum bronze medially,

coppery-bronze laterally; hairs flattened and broad

in both sexes, in a medial column on each side

diverging outwards as a basal elongate mark and

a discrete round mark apically, along the upper

edge of the dorsal carina and around the angle and

the interval between dorsal and ventral carina.

Scutellum bronze. Elytra bronze with broad

flattened hairs mainly forming a large number of

THREE CISSEIS SPECIES 23

small rounded spots but with a pair of elongate

basal marks continuing on from thoracic line.

Ventral surface and legs coppery-bronze.

Shape and sculpture

Head closely punctured, hairy, flat without

medial fovea, interocular width 0.6 head width.

Antennae: antennomeres 1-3 obconic; 4-11

toothed. Pronotum shallowly punctured medially,

punctures deeper laterally and arranged in sinuous

striae; anterior margin projecting medially, basal

margin sinuate; upper carina glabrous and

flattened diverging from lower carina at base then

more or less parallel to it, diverging just before

reaching the apical margin, interval punctured and

with flattened hairs. Scutellum scutiform, basal

margin convex, expanded laterally, few shallow

punctures, glabrous. Elytra punctured below

humeral callus and above to the pre-medial area,

punctures arranged in sinuous striae, remaining

part heavily wrinkled to the apex; rounded at apex;

apical margin sub-serrate. Ventral surface with

dense flattened hairs laterally, glabrous medially,

shallowly punctured.

Size

Males, 11.4 x 4.1 mm (10). Females, 13.6 x 5.0

mm (5).

Aedeagus

Parameres heavily chitinised, more or less

parallel-sided.

Distribution

Western Australia: Wurarga, Dedari.

Cisseis elliptica Carter, 1923

(Fig. 1 B)

Cisseis elliptica Carter, 1923: 170.

Type

Lectotype: 2, Cue, W. A., H. W. Brown, NMVA;

Paralectotype: 3 Tendindewa, H. W. Brown, AMSA.

Colour

Head bronze, clypeus coppery. Antennae bronze

with coppery reflections. Pronotum, scutellum,

elytra, ventral surface and legs bronze. Hairs silver.

Shape and sculpture

Head flat, deep punctures anteriorly, becoming

shallow posteriorly each with individual seta,

narrow median glabrous line free of punctures on

basal half; interocular width 0.7 head width.

Antennae: antennomeres 1-3 obconic; 4-11

toothed. Pronotum with shallow punctures, laterally

arranged in sinuous striae each with individual

seta; apical margin projecting medially, basal

margin sinuate; dorsal carina glabrous, diverging

from ventral carina basally converging before

reaching apical margin, interval punctured, each

puncture with an individual seta. Scutellum

scutiform, laterally expanded, basal margin convex,

punctured. Elytra punctured under and over

humeral callus and along suture to middle,

remainder wrinkled; small clumps of bifurcate hairs

(lower shorter part flat, upper longer and round)

forming irregular patterns; apically rounded; apical

margin sub-serrate. Ventral surface with shallow

punctures each with individual seta.

Size

Males, 11.4 x 4.3 mm (6). Females, 11.8 x 4.5

mm (11).

Aedeagus

Parameres elongate, narrow with a lateral apical

flange on each side. Ventral valve excised in

males.

Distribution

Western Australia: Cue, Dedari, Tammin,

Wurarga, Leonora.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I am endebted to the following for assistance: Dr G.

B. Monteith, QMBA; Dr K.Walker & Ms Catriona

McPhee, NMVA; Dr S. Bily, NMPC; Mr T. A. Weir,

ANIC; Dr E. G. Matthews, SAMA; Mr M. Moulds,

AMSA; Mr A. McArthur, SAMA for photography.

REFERENCES

CARTER, H. J. 1923. Revision of the genera Ethon,

Cisseis and their allies. (BUPRESTIDAEB).

Proceedings of the Linnean Society of New South

Wales 48: 159-176.

CARTER, H. J. 1940. Australian Buprestidae and the

Junk Catalogue. Annals and Magazine of Natural

History series 11 no 6: 380-389.

KERREMANS, C. 1898. Buprestides nouveaux de

lAustralie et des régions voisines. Annales de la

Société Entomologique de Belgique 42: 113-182.

OBENBERGER, J. 1924. Kritische Studien iiber die

Buprestiden (Col.). Archiv fiir Naturgeschichte 90, 3

Abt. A Heft: 1-171.

OBENBERGER, J. 1935. BUPRESTIDAE III. Pp 787-

934 in ‘Coleopterorum Catalogus’. W. Junk: The Hague.

THE SPECIES OF ANTROPORA NORMAN, 1903 (BRYOZOA :

CHEILOSTOMATIDA), WITH THE DESCRIPTION OF A NEW GENUS IN

THE CALLOPOROIDEA

KEVIN J. TILBROOK

Summary

The cheilostomate bryozoan genus Antropora was introduced by Norman (1903b) for

Membranipora granulifera Hincks, 1880a. The need for a review of the genus Antropora became

apparent during the course of a current study of reef-associated bryozoans collected from localities

in the south-west Pacific. This paper redescribes Antropora granulifera (Hincks, 1880a) and

stabilises the taxon through the selection of a neotype specimen. In all, seven species of Antropora

are described and figured: A. granulifera, A. minor, A. subvespertilio, A. tincta, A. marginella, A.

typica and A. erectirostra new species. The type species Parantropora is introduced and

distinguished from Antropora. The type species Parantropora penelope new species is described,

together with the new combination, P. laguncula. Two further species, Retevirgula aggregata and

Crassimarginatella papulifera, are described from material originally assigned to a species of

Antropora. The classification of Antropora and Parantropora is discussed in relation to several

calloporoidean families.

THE SPECIES OF ANTROPORA NORMAN, 1903 (BRYOZOA: CHEILOSTOMATIDA),

WITH THE DESCRIPTION OF A NEW GENUS IN THE CALLOPOROIDEA

KEVIN J. TILBROOK

TILBROOK, K. J. 1998. The species of Antropora Norman, 1903 (Bryozoa: Cheilostomatida),

with the description of a new genus in the Calloporoidea. Records of the South Australian

Museum 31(1): 25-49.

The cheilostomate bryozoan genus Antropora was introduced by Norman (1903b) for

Membranipora granulifera Hincks, 1880a. The need for a review of the genus Antropora

became apparent during the course of a current study of reef-associated bryozoans collected

from localities in the south-west Pacific. This paper redescribes Antropora granulifera (Hincks,

1880a) and stabilises the taxon through the selection of a neotype specimen. In all, seven

species of Antropora are described and figured: A. granulifera, A. minor, A. subvespertilio, A.

tincta, A. marginella, A. typica and A. erectirostra new species. The new genus Parantropora

is introduced and distinguished from Antropora. The type species Parantropora penelope new

species, is described, together with the new combination, P. laguncula. Two further species,

Retevirgula aggregata and Crassimarginatella papulifera, are described from material

originally assigned to a species of Antropora. The classification of Antropora and Parantropora

is discussed in relation to several calloporoidean families.

Kevin J. Tilbrook, Marine and Environmental Research Group, School of Biological Sciences,

University of Wales, Swansea, Singleton Park, Swansea, SA2 8PP, UK. e-mail address,

bdtilbro@swansea.ac.uk . Manuscript received 20 February 1998.

The cheilostomate bryozoan genus Antropora

was introduced by Norman (1903b) for

Membranipora granulifera Hincks, 1880a,

described originally from Madeira. Norman

(1903b) was clearly familiar with Hincks’ species,

noting that it was commonly dredged from shell

gravel off Madeira, at depths of 70-100 fathoms.

Antropora granulifera forms encrusting

unilaminar sheets; autozooids display a simple

morphology, with negligible gymnocyst, moderate

cryptocyst and lack spines. Small interzooidal

avicularia are present; embryos are brooded in

endozooidal ovicells and _ interzooidal

communication is achieved through basal pore

chambers.

Harmer (1926) was the first modern authority to

make use of Antropora Norman, describing A.

granulifera from material collected in the Indo-

Malaysian region by the ‘Siboga’ Expedition

(1899-1900). Harmer reviewed published records

of Membranipora granulifera Hincks, and

showed its distribution to range from Madeira and

the Cape Verde Islands (Calvet 1907), to the Red

Sea (Waters 1898), Sri Lanka and southern India

(Thornely 1905; 1912). Membranipora

marginella Hincks, 1884, from the Mergui

Archipelago, west Thailand and also recorded

subsequently from the Red Sea (Waters 1898),

was also assigned to Antropora by Harmer

(1926). Canu and Bassler (1929) published a

generic diagnosis of Antropora based on the work

of Hincks (1880a), Norman (1903b), and Harmer

(1926) and reproduced their figures of the type

species but did not list further records of it.

Hastings (1930) reported both A. granulifera and

A. marginella from various localities in the

Panama Canal area.

Subsequent to Hastings (1930) Antropora and

its type species have been ascribed an almost pan-

tropical distribution and the taxonomic identity of

both have become blurred. Additional confusion

has been promoted by the introduction and usage

of two similar genera, Dacryonella Canu and

Bassler, 1917 and Membrendoecium Canu and

Bassler, 1917. Dacryonella was introduced for the

Eocene fossil D. octonaria Canu and Bassler,

1917, but Recent D. typica Canu and Bassler,

1928a, was later described from the Gulf of

Mexico. In the same work Canu and Bassler

(1928a) also described a new species, Antropora

pustulata, which they stated differed from A.

granulifera in the presence of an extensive

gymnocyst, six distal spines, sporadic kenozooids

and hyperstomial ovicells, all characters which

demonstrate that this species clearly does not

belong in Antropora. Later Canu and Bassler

26 K. J. TILBROOK

(1929) described from the Philippines and

assigned to the genus D. minor (Hincks, 1880b),

D. ogivalina sp. nov., D. trapezoides sp. nov. and

D. subvespertilio sp. nov. Membrendoecium was

introduced for Amphiblestrum papillatum Busk,

1884, by Canu and Bassler (1917) who later

(Canu and Bassler 1929) assigned to the genus M.

savarti (MacGillivray, 1890), M. ovatum sp. nov.,

M. lagunculum sp. nov. and M. japonicum sp.

nov. from the Philippines and M. claustracrassum

from the Galapagos Islands (Canu and Bassler,

1930). Neither genus has won acceptance by

subsequent authors although Marcus (1937)

described Membrendoecium leucocypha sp. nov.

from Curacao. Silén (1941) placed

Membrendoecium in the synonymy of Antropora

and Osburn (1950) was unable to distinguish

between Antropora, Dacryonella and

Membrendoecium.

Cook (1968a) provided a diagnosis of

Antropora and discussed the constitution of the

genus and the work of the previous authors. She

rejected Membranipora nigrans Hincks, 1882 and

Membranipora marginella Hincks, 1884, both

assigned to Antropora by Harmer (1926) and re-

examined specimens attributed to both A.

granulifera and A. marginella by Harmer,

questioning the determinations of several of them.

Cook (1968a) also noted the similarity between

Amphiblestrum papillatum Busk, 1884, and

Membranipora trifolium var. minor Hincks,

1880b, suggesting that they were congeneric.

The need for a review of the genus Antropora

became apparent during the course of a current

study of reef-associated bryozoans recently

collected from Vanuatu, from Fiji and from

several localities on the Great Barrier Reef.

Specimens of a species attributed to Antropora

granulifera by Ryland and Hayward (1992) were

seen to be quite distinct from those figured by

Ristedt and Hillmer (1985) as the same species

and from those described by Cook (1968a) and

Mawatari and Mawatari (1981). This paper

redescribes Antropora granulifera (Hincks,

1880a) and stabilises the taxon through the

selection of a neotype specimen. Type and original

published material of all of the other species

redescribed herein have been re-examined. Six

species of Antropora are described and figured,

including Antropora erectirostra new species.

The new genus Parantropora, type species

Parantropora penelope new species, is

distinguished from Antropora by the lack of

discernible dietellae, the presence of lateral-wall

septula and the occurrence of very large spatulate

vicarious avicularia. The systematic status of the

two genera is discussed in relation to several other

speciose and taxonomically difficult

calloporoidean families.

All material examined is listed; holding

institutions are indicated by the following

abbreviations: NHM — Zoology Department, The

Natural History Museum, London; USNM -

Department of Paleobiology, National Museum of

Natural History, Smithsonian Institution,

Washington DC.

SYSTEMATICS

The taxonomic order is based on that adopted

by Hayward and Ryland (1995) as advocated by

Gordon (1984; 1986; 1989). Generic and specific

taxonomic diagnoses are given; the descriptions

and measurements are based on the examined

specimens. The synonymies for each taxon and

lists of examined material are deliberately

extensive due to the review nature of the paper.

Class Gymnolaemata Allman, 1856

Order Cheilostomatida Busk, 1852

Suborder Neocheilostomatina d’Hondt, 1985

Superfamily Calloporoidea Norman, 1903a

Genus Antropora Norman

Antropora Norman, 1903b: 87.

Antropora: Harmer, 1926: 232; Canu and

Bassler, 1929: 93; Marcus, 1937: 50; Silén, 1941:

43; Osburn, 1950: 51; Cook, 1968a: 137;

Mawatari and Mawatari, 1981: 25; Gordon, 1986:

37; Ryland and Hayward, 1992: 229.

Membrendoecium Canu and Bassler, 1917: 17.

Membrendoecium: Canu and Bassler, 1929: 28;

Marcus, 1937: 124.

Dacryonella Canu and Bassler, 1917: 28.

Dacryonella: Canu and Bassler, 1928a: 56; Canu

and Bassler, 1929: 130.

Generic diagnosis

Colony encrusting, unilaminar or multilaminar.

Autozooidal cryptocyst moderately developed

around the opesia, gymnocyst negligible or absent.

Spines absent. Small interzooidal avicularia

present. Large autozooidal-sized vicarious

avicularia may be present. Ovicells endozooidal,

SPECIES OF ANTROPORA 27

presence generally indicated by a slight cap-like

thickening at the distal end of the autozooid. Basal

pore-chambers (dietellae) present.

The vicarious avicularia are similar in size to

autozooids; rostrum broadly triangular, narrowing

distally, its lateral walls raised, projecting

medially. Opesia of avicularium continuous,

almost circular proximally, surrounded by a

narrow granular cryptocyst, the junction with the

distal part indicated by small proximally pointing

condyles; distal part of opesia extending almost

the entire length of the rostrum, a slight oral shelf

is apparent distally; mandible wide, slightly

pointed distally.

Type species

Membranipora granulifera Hincks, 1880a.

Remarks

Much of the confusion surrounding the identity

of the type species, Membranipora granulifera

Hincks, seems to stem from Harmer’s (1926)

account, which was clearly based on several

different species. Neither Hincks (1880a) nor

Norman (1903b) described colony form in

Antropora granulifera and both considered that it

was morphologically variable, but there is no

doubt that they described the same species. Canu

and Bassler (1929) reproduced Hincks’s (1880a)

original figure, as well as those of Norman

(1903b) and Harmer (1926), adding a

magnification to that of Hincks, but there is no

indication that they examined any of the material

described by these authors. The lack of any

acceptable type material of M. granulifera

certainly contributed to the confusion surrounding

its taxonomic identity and selection of a neotype

(see below) to stabilise the taxon will finally

resolve the problem.

The interzooidal avicularia of A. granulifera are

the most distinctive feature of the species and the

most distinctive of any species of Antropora. Both

Hincks (1880a) and Norman (1903b) gave

unambiguous descriptions, noting that their

position at the distal corners of the autozooids,

with rostra directed medially and almost touching

at their distal tips, was constant in all the

specimens they examined. Of recent authors, only

Ristedt and Hillmer (1985) have noted this feature

and correctly identified their material. Harmer

(1926) based his description on a suite of

specimens from the ‘Siboga’ expedition, around

the Philippines and Indonesia, and on specimens

from Ceylon and Japan in the collections from the

Zoology Museum, Cambridge. He noted that

‘adventitious’ avicularia were directed distally or

transversely and although he stated that three of

the specimens he examined (NHM 1928.3.6.47.,

Mindanao; NHM 1928.3.6.48., Kei Islands; NHM

1936.12.30.5., Ceylon) agreed with Hincks’s

original description of A. granulifera, and are

clearly the same species, he included other

specimens which are not actually attributable to

A. granulifera. Harmer (1926) described these

latter specimens with vicarious avicularia,

including those from Japan (NHM

1928.9.13.16,17.) as ‘young type’ colonies, which

in fact are attributable to A. typica.

Although Mawatari and Mawatari (1981)

describe and figure vicarious avicularia in

Antropora granulifera, no evidence of these

structures can be seen in either the Neotype

specimen or other specimens of A. granulifera

sensu stricto. Despite A. granulifera itself not

producing vicarious avicularia, several other

species of Antropora do and the generic diagnosis

has been amended to take account of this fact.

Gordon (1986) amended the generic

description of Antropora to include Antropora

pacifera sp. nov. from New Zealand. However,

this species appears to be a member of the genus

Alderina and so the generic amendment should

not be accepted.

Several Recent species allegedly attributable

to Antropora Norman have not been covered in

this paper, mainly due to the lack of type

material available for examination; these are as

follows:

Dacryonella levigata Canu and Bassler, 1927: 6,

pl. 2, figs 7,8.

Membrendoecium compressum Osburn, 1927:

124, figs 1,2; Osburn, 1940: 358 (as Canua

(Membrendoecium) compressum).

Membrendoecium parvus Canu and Bassler,

1928b: 4, 61, pl. 1, figs 1,2.

Crassimarginatella leucocypha Marcus, 1937:

46, pl. 8, fig. 20 A; pl. 9, figs 20 B,C; Rucker,

1967: 819, fig. 12c ( as Antropora leucocypha);

Mawatari and Mawatari, 1981: 29, fig. 3 ( as

Antropora leucocypha).

Antropora erecta Silén, 1941: 44, figs 56, 57;

Mawatari and Mawatari, 1981: 27, fig. 1.

Antropora granulifera (Hincks, 1880a)

(Fig. 1A)

Membranipora granulifera Hincks, 1880a: 72, pl.

9, fig. 4.

SPECIES OF ANTROPORA 29

Membranipora granulifera: Waters, 1898: 659,

668; Thornely, 1912: 143.

Amphiblestrum granulifera Thornely, 1905: 110.

Antropora granulifera Norman, 1903b: 87, pl. 8,

fig. 4.

Antropora granulifera: Harmer, 1926: 232 (in

part), pl. 14, figs 11-14; Hastings, 1930: 714;

Osburn, 1940: 358; Osburn, 1950: 52, pl. 9;

Cook, 1968a: 138, fig. 9; Cook, 1968b: 149;

Mawatari and Mawatari, 1981: 28 (in part), fig.

2; Ristedt and Hillmer, 1985: pl. 1, fig. 3; Cuffey,

1987: 506, fig. 168.

not Antropora granulifera: Ryland and Hayward,

1992: 229, fig. 2c.

Dacryonella trapezoides Canu and Bassler, 1929:

133, pl. 14, figs 2,3.

Material examined

Neotype, here chosen: NHM 1919.6.25.23.,

Madeira, Norman Coll.

Other material examined: NHM 1919.6.25.24.,

Madeira, Norman Coll.; NHM 1879.5.28.6.,

Madeira, Rev. R. B. Watson; NHM

1879.5.28.11., Madeira, Rev. R. B. Watson;

NHM 1911.10.1.628., Madeira, 25-70 feet; NHM

1882.10.18.125—-138., Darros Id, Amirante Is, 22

fathoms, HMS Alert; NHM 1903.1.29.10,11.,

Fuafatu, Funafuti, 60 fathoms; NHM

1928.3.6.47., Siboga Stn 133, Lirung, Talaut Is,

S. of Mindanao. 0-36m; NHM 1928.3.6.48.,

Siboga Stn 257, Kei Is, 0-52m; NHM

1928.9.13.15., Ceylon (Sri Lanka); NHM

1929.4.26.81., Jicaron Islands, St George Coll.;

NHM 1936.12.30.5., Ceylon (Sri Lanka), L. R.

Thornely; NHM 1970.8.4.23., Calypso Coll., Stn

P.7, 6m; NHM 1997.10.6.4., Iririki Island,

Vanuatu; USNM 7936., (Cotypes of D.

trapezoides. 2 pieces) Alb. Sta. 5151, off Sirun

Id, Tawi-tawi Is, Philippines. 24 fathoms; NHM

1931.12.30.43,44., (Topotype of D. trapezoides.)

Alb. Sta. 5151, off Sirun Id, Tawi-tawi Is,

Philippines. 24 fathoms. (exc. USNM).

Description

Colony forming flat, unilaminar sheets.

Autozooids irregularly polygonal to hexagonal in

fairly distinct alternating longitudinal rows,

separated by discernible grooves. Frontal surface

bordered by a crenulated mural rim, raised

particularly to the distal end of the autozooid.

Gymnocyst proximal, very reduced or negligible;

cryptocyst occupying generally less than one half

of total autozooid length, flat or very slightly

convex, coarsely beaded. Opesia roughly

triangular to slightly trifoliate, constricted at the

proximal edge of the operculum opening. Distal to

each autozooid a pair of medium-sized triangular,

interzooidal avicularia. Rostra raised and acute to

frontal plane, directed medially, often touching at

the midline, or rarely very slightly disto-medially,

particularly in ovicellate zooids; mandibles long

and acutely triangular. Ovicell endozooidal, small,

indistinct.

Mature dried colonies are chocolate brown in

appearance, lighter and more translucent at the

growing edge. The opercula are slightly darker

than the rest of the frontal membrane. Cook

(1968a) describes the opercula of fertile zooids as

showing a slight dimorphism, i.e. wider and

darker in colour than other autozooids.

FIGURE 1. A, Antropora granulifera (Hincks, 1880a), Neotype specimen NHM 1919.6.25.23., Madeira. Group of

autozooids. x27. B, Antropora subvespertilio (Canu & Bassler, 1929), NHM 1912.12.22.12., Grapples Bank,

Puerto Rico. Group of autozooids at the growing edge of the colony with paired distal avicularia and trifoliate opesia.

x72. C, Antropora subvespertilio (Canu & Bassler, 1929), NHM 1912.12.22.12., Grapples Bank, Puerto Rico.

Group of zooids with frontal membrane intact, note the wider operculum in the ovicellate zooids. x45. D, Antropora

tincta (Hastings, 1930), Paratype specimen NHM 1929.4.26.72., Gorgona, Colombia. Group of autozooids, the

interzooidal angles filled with either small rounded kenozooids or small interzooidal avicularia. x63. E, Antropora

tincta (Hastings, 1930), Paratype specimen NHM 1929.4.26.72., Gorgona, Colombia. Group of autozooids, showing

the size of the interzooidal kenozooids and avicularia and zooidal opercula. x108. F, Antropora typica (Canu &

Bassler, 1928a), NHM 1928.9.13.16., Okinose, off Tokyo, Japan. Group of autozooids showing the position of the

teardrop-shaped interzooidal avicularia and the extensive gymnocyst. x63.

30 K. J. TILBROOK

Measurements (mm): mean+standard deviation

Specimen n Autozooid Autozooid Opesial Opesial Avic.

Length Width Length Width Length

NHM 1919.6.25.23. 25 0.56+0.06 0.41+0.03 0.28+0.05 0.23+40.06 0.16+0.05

Neotype.

Cook (1968a) - 0.40-0.58 0.27-0.40 0.20-0.32 - 0.11-0.15

C and B (1929) - 0.55 0.45 0.20-0.22 0.20-0.25 -

(D. trapezoides)

NHM 1997.10.6.4. 25 0.60+0.08 0.52+0.06 0.30+0.02 0.26+0.06 0.14+0.02

Remarks The account of A. granulifera by Mawatari and

Antropora’ granulifera is especially Mawatari (1981) and their fig. 2, leaves a certain

characterised by the presence of two medially

directed avicularia, often touching at the midline,

at the distal end of every autozooid. A. granulifera

has been reported from the warm-temperate

eastern Atlantic, from the tropical eastern Pacific

and from numerous localities in the Indo-West

Pacific, but the taxonomic identity of the species

has not been adequately reviewed.

Hincks’s (1880a) description of this species is

very accurate, but seems to have been overlooked

by subsequent authors. Harmer’s (1926) later

account of A. granulifera seems to have caused

confusion; many of the specimens he described

clearly do not belong to this species, as noted by

Powell (1967) and Cook (1968a). For the

stabilisation of the taxon, and in the absence of

the original holotype specimen, there is

justification in selecting a neotype specimen, from

Madeira, the type locality. No extant specimens

are known from the collection of T. H. Hincks, but

a Norman Collection specimen from Madeira,

NHM 1919.6.25.23., is clearly the same species

as that figured by Hincks (1880a) and is

accordingly here selected as neotype.

Canu and Bassler (1917) erected a new genus

Dacryonella, and later (Canu and Bassler 1929)

described D. trapezoides sp. nov. from the

Philippines; examination of type series material of

Dacryonella trapezoides shows it to be

indistinguishable from Antropora granulifera.

(The USNM cotype specimens are heavily

calcified and very abraded, but have very similar

proportions to the neotype specimen of A.

granulifera.)

Cook (1968a) examined A. granulifera

specimens from the Canary Islands and several

stations off West Africa and was confident that

this material represented a single species, noting

that in all characters other than size it was similar

to material from the Indo-Pacific; material from

the Indo-Pacific having larger zooids than that

from Panama, Madeira and West Africa.

doubt as to the true identity of the specimens they

were describing. They described the presence of

vicarious avicularia, illustrating a mandible, and

the interzooidal avicularia are far smaller relative

to the size of the autozooid, than in specimens of

A. granulifera examined here. Two specimens

from Japan (NHM 1928.9.13.16,17.) and one

from Malaysia (NHM 1928.3.6.49.), in the

Natural History Museum, London, formerly

referred to A. granulifera are here regarded as

belonging to A. typica (below). Two further

specimens, from Aden (NHM 1966.1.2.3.) and

Muscat (NHM 1981.2.6.1.) respectively, contain

shell debris which shows no evidence of A.

granulifera, but instead is encrusted by a mixture

of A. tincta and A. minor. The species figured by

Ryland and Hayward (1992) is not A. granulifera;

however, as their specimen has not been available

for examination, no specific designation can be

given.

Norman (1903b) describes and figures three

pairs of dietellae and several, usually four, ‘lucid

spots’ in the basal wall, similar to those seen in A.

typica.

Distribution

Madeira; Cape Verde Is; Indian Ocean; Ceylon

(Sri Lanka); Malaysia; Philippines; Iririki Island,

Vanuatu; Hawaii; Jicaron Id, Panama; Secas Is,

Panama; Gulf of Panama; Petatlan Bay, Mexico;

Puerto Rico; Bermuda.

This species is found in warm temperate and

tropical waters globally. The record from Japan

must be considered unsubstantiated.

Antropora subvespertilio (Canu and Bassler,

1929)

(Fig. 1B,C)

Dacryonella subvespertilio Canu and Bassler

1929: 134, pl. 14, fig. 1.

SPECIES OF ANTROPORA 31

Measurements (mm): mean+standard deviation

Specimen n Autozooid Autozooid Opesial Opesial Avic.

Length Width Length Width Length

C and B (1929) - 0.35 0.40-0.45 0.19 0.11 -

D. subvespertilio

NHM 1912.12.22.2. 30 0.53+0.06 0.43+0.04 0.22+0.02 0.1840.01 0.15+0.01

Material examined

Holotype: USNM 7937, Alb. Sta. 5179, off

Romblon Light, Romblon, Philippines, 37

fathoms.

Other material examined: NHM 1912.12.22.2.

(as Antropora granulifera), Grapples Bank, SE

corner of Puerto Rico, 124-142 fathoms.

Description

Colony unilaminar, encrusting. Autozooids

distinct, broad, separated by shallow grooves.

Frontal membrane bordered by thin, rounded

mural rim. Gymnocyst negligible; cryptocyst,

extensive, below mural rim, finely granular,

somewhat convex. Opesia trifoliate, less than

half frontal area, the proximal border convex with

two lateral opesiular indentations, rather deep

and rounded, with crenellate edges. Distal to

each autozooid, two small, triangular interzooidal

avicularia, directed medially, often touching, or

slightly disto-medially, particularly in ovicellate

zooids; rostrum slightly raised, acutely pointed

distally, rounded proximally; two small

articulatory condyles; mandibles acutely

triangular, slightly recurved. Ovicells

endozooidal, small, smooth, cap-like. Operculum

of ovicellate zooids wider than autozooids,

closing the ovicell.

Remarks

Antropora subvespertilio, originally

described from the Philippines, is easily

identified by the presence of the two medially

directed avicularia distal to each autozooid and

the possession of lateral, opesiular indentations

of the cryptocyst, giving the characteristic

trifoliate opesia.

Specimen NHM 1912.12.22.2., from Puerto

Rico, originally assigned to A. granulifera, is

undoubtedly the above species when compared

with the type specimen from the Philippines. This

mistaken attribution is understandable as in the

dried specimen of A. subvespertilio the shape of

the opesia is hidden by the opaque frontal

membrane.

Distribution

Philippines and Puerto Rico.

Antropora tincta (Hastings, 1930)

(Fig. 1D,E)

Crassimarginatella tincta Hastings, 1930: 708,

pl. 5, figs 16-19; pl. 17, fig. 120.

Antropora tincta Osburn, 1950: p. 54, pl. 4, fig.

7; pl. 29, figs 7,8.

Antropora tincta: Cook, 1968a: 140, fig. 11;

Cook, 1968b: 150; Mawatari and Mawatari,

1981: 34, fig. 4; Hayward, 1988: 276, fig. 2f.

Material examined

Paratype: NHM 1929.4.26.72. (part), Gorgona

3, St. George Coll. (Figured by Hastings 1930:

fig. 120.)

(Holotype specimen NHM 1929.4.26.28.

Galapagos Stn 9A, cited by Hastings (1930),

cannot be located. )

Other material examined: NHM 1930.9.18.1.,

Puntas Arenas, Central America; NHM

1966.3.2.2., East of Angel de Guardia Id, Gulf of

California, 40 fathoms; NHM 1966.9.2.6. (in part)

(as Antropora sp.), Massawa Harbour, Red Sea

coast of Ethiopia, N. A. Powell; NHM

1970.2.8.7., Teshie Rocks, E of Accra, 1—2m.

Coll. W. Pople; NHM 1970.8.10.19., SE of Tema,

Ghana. Coll. W. Pople; NHM 1975.9.10.7-9.,

South Seymour Id, Galapagos Islands; NHM

1992.1.23.17., Tamarin, Mauritius; NHM

1961.11.2.53. (as Crassimarginatella leucocypha),

Campeche Bank, Gulf of Mexico, 24°4'N,

91°S1'W, 26 fathoms. Coll. A. Cheetham.

Description

Colony encrusting, multilaminar. Autozooids

distinct, irregularly oval, with thin mural rim.

Gymnocyst vestigial; cryptocyst, narrow, granular,

concave, thicker proximally, inner margin sometimes

denticulate. Opesia almost filling entire frontal area.

Interzooidal angles with either small rounded

kenozooids or small interzooidal avicularia;

mandible semi-circular to triangular with a rounded

tip, no crossbar, but condyles are present.

Endozooidal ovicells, forming rather shallow caps

on autozooids, are described by Mawatari and

Mawatari (1981). Colour, when alive or dried,

ranging from white to light pink to pinkish-brown

with increasing age and calcification.

K. J. TILBROOK

faa]

SPECIES OF ANTROPORA 33

Measurements (mm): mean+standard deviation

Specimen n Autozooid Autozooid Opesial Opesial Avic.

Length Width Length Width Length

NHM 1929.4.26.72. 30 0.37+0.07 0.28+0.03 0.28+0.03 0.17+0.02 -

Paratype.

Cook (1968a) - 0.35-0.52 0.29--0.36 0.19-0.34 - 0.06-0.13

M and M (1981) - 0.3-0.5 0.2-0.4 0.2-0.4 0.1-0.2 -

Remarks

The most characteristic features of this species

are the presence of kenozooids, its often

multilaminar nature and its pinkish coloration

even when dried. Osburn (1950) noted that

colonies may develop erect irregular branches (to

50mm high) particularly when in association with

gastropods shells inhabited by pagurid crabs. The

dry sectioned specimen (NHM 1966.3.2.2.) from

the Gulf of California shows well the multilaminar

form of A. tincta, as well as its pinkish coloration.

Marcus (1937) described Crassimarginatella

leucocypha sp. nov. from Brazil, distinguishing it

from A. tincta by the frequency of kenozooids, the

size of the interzooidal avicularia and the shape of

their mandibles. Hastings (1930) remarked that

some colonies of A. tincta have no avicularia

whilst in others they are very frequent, a feature

noted in Antropora leucocypha by Winston

(1982). The distinction between the two species

has been maintained subsequently, although Cook

(1968a) and Winston (1982) both noted the

similarity between A. leucocypha and A. tincta,

but there has been no recent redescription of

Marcus’ species and his type material has not

been available for study. Winston’s (1982) figures

36 and 37, appear to show two different species

though she attributes them to smaller (younger 7?)

and larger colonies, respectively. Specimen NHM

1961.11.2.53. from the Gulf of Mexico, was

originally attributed to Crassimarginatella

leucocypha, but is undoubtedly A. tincta. (NHM

1986.8.14.9. as Antropora leucocypha, from Fort

Pierce, Florida, is a specimen of Antropora

minor.) Crassimarginatella leucocypha Marcus,

1937, may perhaps prove to be a junior synonym

of A. tincta (or A. minor), but in the absence of

accessible holotype material this question cannot

be satisfactorily addressed. Rucker (1967) figured

as Antropora leucocypha a species which looks

like neither of the two London specimens

mentioned above. Mawatari and Mawatari (1981)

figured specimens attributed to A. leucocypha and

A. tincta from Japan which appear to be

indistinguishable both in shape and size, although

they differentiated between the two species on the

basis of the form, size and occurrence of

avicularia. In their description of A. leucocypha,

Mawatari and Mawatari (1981) noted vicarious

avicularia as large as the autozooids; these were

illustrated in their figure 3, but appear to be

regenerated autozooids, showing two cryptocystal

rims, rather than vicarious avicularia as described.

A. tincta has a morphology not unlike that of

species of the genus Akatopora Davis, 1934, as

discussed by Gordon (1986); future investigations

of Akatopora species may remove A. tincta from

the genus Antropora Norman.

Distribution

Galapagos Islands; Point Conception,

California; Gulf of California; Peru;

Mazatlan, Mexico; Jicaron Islands, Panama;

Gorgona Islands, Colombia; Gulf of Mexico;

Balboa, Brazil; Ghana, West Africa;

Mauritius; Japan.

This species has been recorded from tropical

and subtropical regions of the E. Pacific, W.

FIGURE 2. Antropora minor (Hincks, 1880b). A, Holotype specimen NHM 1899.5.1.654., Bahia, Brazil. Group of

zooids, two ovicellate zooids to the left of frame. x108. B, NHM 1885.12.24.13., (Holotype specimen of A.

marginella Hincks, 1884), Mergui Archipelago. Group of zooids (including ovicellate zooids) showing the coarsely

granular cryptocyst and lack of gymnocyst. x54. C, NHM 1888.4.16.9., Fernando Noronha, Brazil. Group of

autozooids showing the raised avicularia and kenozooidal papillae. x72. D, NHM 1887.12.9.327. (Type specimen of

A. papillatum Busk, 1884), ‘Challenger’ Stn 208, the Philippines. Group of autozooids showing the granular

cryptocyst, minimal gymmnocyst and raised avicularia. x90. E, NHM 1931.12.30.17. (as Membrendoecium ovatum

Canu & Bassler, 1929), off Sirun Island, Tawi-tawi Islands, Philippines. Group of autozooids showing kenozooidal

papillae and evidence of regenerative growth. x72. F, NHM 1997.10.6.2., Suva Barrier Reef, Fiji. Group of

autozooids showing the positioning of the small interzooidal avicularia, and shape and size of a large vicarious

avicularium (centre). x63.

34 K. J. TILBROOK

Atlantic, W. Africa and Japan but has not been

reported from the SW Pacific.

The following species form a distinct group

within the genus Antropora Norman, 1903b due

to the presence of large vicarious avicularia as

well as small interzooidal avicularia common to

all members of the genus. The vicarious avicularia

are extremely similar in form in all these species,

however, their occurrence, and the regularity and

form of the small interzooidal avicularia differ

greatly.

Antropora minor (Hincks, 1880b)

(Fig. 2A—F)

Membranipora trifolium var. minor Hincks,

1880b: 87, pl. 11, fig. 6.

Membranipora trifolium var. minor: Hincks,

1885: 147, pl. 8, fig. 7; Robertson, 1921: 47;

Waters, 1906: 14.

Dacryonella minor Canu and Bassler, 1929: 131,

pl. 13, figs 9-12.

Membrendoecium minus Marcus, 1937: 50, pl. 9,

fig. 22 A,B.

Antropora minus Cook, 1968a: 139, fig. 10;

Mawatari and Mawatari, 1981: 34.

Amphiblestrum papillatum Busk, 1884: 66, pl. 3,

fig. 1.

Membranipora papillata Waters, 1898: 668, 682.

Antropora papillatum Thornely, 1905S: 110.

Membrendoecium ovatum Canu and Bassler,

1929: 95, pl. 6, figs 3—5.

Antropora ovata Cuffey and Cox, 1987: 86, fig.

2H.

Dacryonella ogivalina Canu and Bassler, 1929:

132, pl. 13, fig. 8.

Antropora ogivalina Scholz, 1991: 280, fig. 4.

Membrendoecium claustracrassum Canu and

Bassler, 1930: 7, pl. 1, figs 3-7.

Antropora claustracrassa Osburn, 1950: 50, pl.

4, fig. 6.

Antropora claustracrassa: Cuffey and Cox, 1987:

86.

Membranipora marginella Hincks, 1884: 358, pl.

13, fig. 1; Hincks, 1893: 204; Waters, 1898: 658,

669.

not Amphiblestrum marginella Thornely, 1905:

110.

Antropora marginella Harmer, 1926 (in part):

234; Hastings, 1930: 714; Powell, 1967: 164, pl.

1, fig. 5.

Material examined

Holotype: NHM 1899.5.1.654., Bahia, Brazil.

Hincks Coll.

Other material examined: NHM 1888.4.16.9.,

Fernando Noronha, Brazil; NHM 1931.12.30.41.,

Alb. Sta. 5151, off Sirun Island, Tawi-tawi

Islands, Philippines. 24 fathoms. (exc. USNM);

NHM 1992.1.23.17., Tamarin, Mauritius; NHM

1975.18.70. (as Antropora sp.), Tungku Beach,

Dent Peninsula, NE Sabah; NHM 1975.18.71,72.

(as Antropora sp.), East coast of Labuan Id,

Sabah; NHM 1966.9.2.6. (in part) (as Antropora

sp.), Massawa Harbour, Red Sea coast of

Ethiopia, N. A. Powell; NHM 1887.12.9.327. (2

slides.) (Type of Amphiblestrum papillatum),

‘Challenger’ Stn 208, near the Philippines.

11°37'N., 123°31'E. 18 fathoms, blue mud;

USNM 7935 (Type of Dacryonella ogivalina),

Alb. Sta. 5147, off Sulade Id, Sulu Arch.,

Philippines. 21 fathoms; NHM 1931.12.30.42. (as

Dacryonella ogivalina), Alb. Sta. D5217, Anima

Sola Id, Ragay G., off N. Burias, Philippines.

13°20'N., 123°14'15"E. 105 fathoms. (exc.

USNM); USNM_~ 8472 (Cotype_ of

Membrendoecium claustracrassum, 2 pieces),

Alb. Sta. D2813. Galapagos Is 40 fathoms,

NHM 1933.12.10.10. (as Membrendoecium

claustracrassum), Alb. Sta. D2813. Galapagos Is

40 fathoms. (exc. USNM); USNM 7867 (Cotype

of Membrendoecium ovatum, 2 pieces), Alb. Sta.

5137, Julo, Philippines. 20 fathoms; USNM 7868

(Cotype of Membrendoecium ovatum, 2 pieces),

Alb. Sta. 5179, off Romblon Light, Romblon,

Philippines. 37 fathoms; NHM 1931.12.30.16. (as

Membrendoecium ovatum), Alb. Sta. 5179, off

Romblon Light, Romblon, Philippines. 37

fathoms. (exc. USNM); NHM 1931.12.30.17. (as

Membrendoecium ovatum), Alb. Sta. 5151, off

Sirun Island, Tawi-tawi Islands, Philippines. 24

fathoms. (exc. USNM); NHM 1931.12.30.41. (as

Dacryonella minor), Alb. Sta. 5151, off Sirun

Island, Tawi-tawi Islands, Philippines. 24

fathoms. (exc. USNM); NHM 1885.12.29.13.

(Syntype of Antropora marginella), Mergui

Archipelago (off Thailand), Burma (Myanmar),

India. Dr. Anderson Coll.; NHM 1899.5.1.602.

(Syntype of Antropora marginella), Mergui

Archipelago (off Thailand), Burma (Myanmar),

India. Hincks Coll.; NHM 1997.10.6.2., Suva

Barrier Reef, Fiji; NHM 1997.10.6.19., Suva

Barrier Reef, Fiji. Reef Crest; NHM

SPECIES OF ANTROPORA 35

1997.10.6.25., Tailevu Point, Viti Levu, Fiji;

NHM 1997.10.6.26., Suva Barrier Reef, Fiji.

Description

Colony encrusting, multilaminar. Autozooids

oval, bordered by a distinct, thin mural rim,

separated by deep grooves, often wide. Gymnocyst

generally minimal; cryptocyst coarsely granular,

concave, deeper proximally than laterally, sloping

basally. Opesia large, broadly oval or sub-

triangular, narrowing distally, occupying over half

of the frontal area. Single small interzooidal

avicularia, elongate, rounded, mostly distally

directed; mandible rounded or more acute,

triangular, no crossbar; a cryptocystal rim around

avicularium opesia; avicularium raised on small

cystid (papillary eminences) seated in the angular

interzooidal spaces. Small kenozooidal papillae

are also often found at the proximal ends of

autozooids in the interzooidal angles either in

place of or in conjunction with the avicularia.

Ovicells endozooidal, vestigial, indistinct, cap-

like. The large autozooid-sized vicarious

avicularia described above are often present,

although they may be absent from large areas of

some colonies; rostrum broadly triangular, its

lateral walls raised.

Remarks

Antropora minor is characterised by the lack of

a gymnocyst, the interzooidal avicularia on raised

Measurements (mm): mean+standard deviation

cystids, papillae-like kenozooids found proximally

to the autozooids, and the presence of large

vicarious avicularia. However, the frequency and

spacing of both the kenozooids and the vicarious

avicularia vary greatly between colonies.

The presence of small kenozooids in A. minor

is unusual in Antropora and is seen otherwise

only in A. tincta. These two species are

multilaminar, and kenozooids may reflect

discontinuities in colony form associated with

multilayered growth. Canu and Bassler (1929) in

their discussion of Membrendoecium ovatum,

state that while autozooidal regeneration is

common in Antropora (Membrendoecium)

species, it is extraordinarily frequent in this

species (e.g. NHM 1931.12.30.17.); the presence

of kenozooids may perhaps indicate or facilitate

regenerative growth.

The synonymy of Membranipora trifolium var.

minor Hincks and Amphiblestrum papillatum

Busk was first proposed by Waters (1898; 1909)

but rejected by Marcus (1937). Cook (1968a)

commented on the similarity of A. minor with A

papillatum, but distinguished the two species on

size, autozooids of A. papillatum being larger than

those of A. minor.

Canu and Bassler (1929) remarked on the great

resemblance of their new species, Dacryonella

ogivalina to Antropora minor (Hincks, 1880b) but

concluded that they were separate species due to

the greater autozooidal dimensions of D.

Specimen n Autozooid Autozooid Opesial Opesial Avic.

Length Width Length Width Length

1899.5.1.654. 30 0.32+0.03 0.24+0.02 0.19+0.01 0.14+0.01 0.08+0.01

Holotype.

C and B (1929) - 0.50 0.35-0.40 0.30 0.22 -

(M. ovatum)

C and B (1929) - 0.48—0.50 0.30 0.20—0.22 0.18—0.20 -

(D. ogivalina)

C and B (1929) - 0.35—0.45 0.25-0.30 0.15-0.25 0.11-0.20 -

(D. minor)

C and B (1930) - 0.4-0.5 0.3 0.26-0.30 0.16-0.18 =

(M. claustracrassum)

Cook (1968a) - 0.30-0.42 0.15-0.23 0.12-0.15 - 0.05—0.09

(A. papillatum)

Cook (1968a) - 0.25—0.33 0.17-0.20 0.15—0.23 ~ 0.04—0.07

(A. minus)

NHM 1899.5.1.602. 30 0.32+0.04 0.22+0.02 0.19+0.03 0.13+0.02 0.09+0.01

(A. marginella)

NHM 1997.10.6.2. 20 0.35+0.04 0.28+0.03 0.19+0.03 0.15+0.02 0.08+0.01

36 K. J. TILBROOK

ogivalina. A variation in autozooidal size in D.

ogivalina was observed by Canu and Bassler

(1929) leading them to present two sets of

measurements, for small and large autozooids,

from a single colony.

A comparison of specimens of A. papillatum

from the Philippines, D. ogivalina from the

Philippines, M. ovatum and A. minor from Brazil

shows that despite the smaller average size of the

autozooids of A. minor and the Philippine colonies

of A. papillatum and D. ogivalina they are

otherwise morphologically indistinguishable.

Canu and Bassler (1920) cite Amphiblestrum

papillatum Busk, 1884 as the ‘genotype’ species

of the genus Membrendoecium Canu and Bassler,

1917. With the synonymy of A. minor and A.

papillatum, Membrendoecium Canu and Bassler,

1917 becomes a junior subjective synonym of

Antropora Norman, 1903b.

Canu and Bassler (1930) noted that their

Membrendoecium claustracrassum sp. nov. from

the Galapagos Islands, could perhaps be the same

species as A. papillatum, and comparison of

cotype (USNM 8472) and topotype (NHM

1933.12.10.10.) material of M. claustracrassum

with the specimens listed above, shows this

indeed to be the case. The cotype material of M.

claustracrassum also possesses several autozooid-

sized vicarious avicularia which have not been

noted previously.

Osburn (1950) noted that the ancestrula of A.

claustracrassa was half the size of later zooids

while autozooids originating secondary laminae

were noticeably larger than other zooids; he also

noted that occasionally the avicularia are replaced

by small ‘nodules’ (kenozooids).

The presence of vicarious avicularia in M.

claustracrassum suggests the synonymy of A.

minor and A. marginella. Although neither the

type specimen of A. minor (NHM 1899.5.1.654.)

nor that of A. marginella (NHM 1899.5.1.602.)

show vicarious avicularia, in all other respects the

two specimens are identical and indistinguishable

from M. claustracrassum which does possess

vicarious avicularia.

Hincks (1884) did, however, describe vicarious

avicularia in Membranipora marginella sp. nov.,

noting ‘cells with a very large oral operculum of

a dark horn-colour’, concluding that they were

either avicularia or a reproductive structure.

Hincks (1893) later realised that they were in

fact vicarious avicularia as noted by Waters

(1898).

Thornely (1905) also noted the presence of

vicarious avicularia, in her description of

Amphiblestrum marginella from Ceylon; she

described the small interzooidal avicularia as

more pointed than described by Hincks and

‘directed upwards instead of downwards’;

examination of her material (NHM 1936.12.30.6.)

shows that she was describing a colony of the

new species, Antropora erectirostra, which also

has vicarious avicularia.

Harmer (1926) in his description of A.

marginella was unsure about the presence of

‘rosette-plates’ (septula) but doubted that ‘pore-

chambers’ (dietellae) were present. It is unsure to

which specimens Harmer (1926) referred in his

descriptions as material he examined has now

been assigned to not only A. minor, but also

Parantropora laguncula and Retevirgula

aggregata.

A specimen from Fort Pierce, Florida (NHM

1986.8.14.9.), originally labelled Antropora

leucocypha (Marcus, 1937), is undoubtedly A.

minor. The taxonomic identity of Marcus’ species,

and any synonymy, is difficult without reference

to the type material, in the absence of which no

conclusion may be drawn.

Osburn (1927) in his original description of the

multilaminar Membrendoecium compressum

noted its similarity to A. papillatum, though it

differed in its closely packed zooids and thicker

colony. Marcus (1937) considered that M.

compressum might be a synonym of A. minor.

Osburn’s type material has not been available for

study.

The species described by Canu and Bassler

(1929) as Amphiblestrum papillatum Busk (NHM

1931.12.30.25.), mentioned by Cook (1968a),

differs from Busk’s species in a number of ways:

it has six to eight spines around the distal end of

each autozooid, the opesial rim is greatly raised, it

bears no avicularia, the gymnocyst is elongated,

and finally it bears large globular hyperstomial

ovicells. These features put this specimen within

one of the genera akin to the genus

Crassimarginatella Canu, 1900, rather than genus

Antropora Norman.

Distribution

Bahia, and Fernando Noronha, Brazil;

Guyamas, Mexico; La Libertad, Ecuador;

Colombia; Panama Canal; Galapagos Islands;

Tahiti; Enewetak Atoll; Chatham Islands; Fiji;

Japan; Philippines; Singapore; Mergui

Archipelago (off Thailand); Ceylon (Sri Lanka);

Red Sea.

This species appears to have a circum-tropical

distribution.

SPECIES OF ANTROPORA 37

Antropora typica (Canu and Bassler, 1928a)

(Fig. 1F; Fig. 3A)

Antropora granulifera Harmer, 1926: 232 (in

part), pl. 14, figs 12-14.

Antropora granulifera: Mawatari and Mawatari,

1981: 28 (in part), fig. 2.

Dacryonella typica Canu and Bassler, 1928a: 87,

pl. 5, figs 4-8; pl. 32, figs 11,12.

Dacryonella typica: Canu and Bassler, 1928b: 8,

65, pl. 1, fig. 10.

Antropora typica Rucker, 1967: 817, fig. 12b.

Antropora typica: Winston, 1986: 5, figs 1,2.

Membrendoecium strictorostris Canu and

Bassler, 1928a: 23, pl. 2, fig. 7.

Canua (Membrendoecium) strictorostris Osburn,

1940: 358.

Crassimarginatella cookae Hayward, 1988: 277,

figs 2c-e.

Material examined

Holotype Series: USNM 7484 (2 pieces), Alb.

Sta. 2319, North of Cuba. 23°10'37"N,

82°20'6"W, 143 fathoms; USNM 7485 (2 pieces),

Alb. Sta. 2320, North of Cuba.

Other material examined: NHM 1932.3.7.51.,

North of Cuba. (exc. USNM); NHM

1899.7.1.988,989. (as Antropora sp.), John

Adam’s Bank, Brazil; NHM 1928.3.6.49. (as

Antropora granulifera), Siboga Stn 310. E.

Sumbawa, Malaysia; NHM 1928.9.13.16. (as

Antropora granulifera), Okinose off Tokyo,

Japan; NHM 1928.9.13.17. (as Antropora

granulifera), Shikoku, Japan; USNM 7552

(Holotype of Membrendoecium strictorostris),

Alb. Sta. 2319, North of Cuba. 23°10'37"N,

82°20'6"W, 143 fathoms; NHM 1934.10.8.9.,

Mauritius.

Description

Colony unilaminar, encrusting. Autozooids

Measurements (mm): mean+standard deviation

distinct, oval, separated by indistinct grooves, may

form longitudinal rows. Thin mural rim. Opesia

two-thirds of total autozooid length, oval, with a

narrow border of granular cryptocyst, broadest

proximally, where it grades into smooth obvious

gymnocystal calcification. A pair of small, distally

directed, interzooidal avicularia at the distal end

of most autozooids; mandible acutely triangular;

rostrum narrow, acute, tear drop-shaped, distally

directed, with a distinct granular cryptocyst

proximally and elongate oval opesia; lacking a

crossbar. Ovicell endozooidal, small, partly

immersed beneath succeeding autozooid, but

distinct in frontal view; hemispherical,

imperforate, smooth, cap-like. Operculum of

ovicellate zooids wider than autozooids, and

closing the ovicell. Large vicarious avicularia

occur sporadically, each with a semi-elliptical

mandible equivalent to one-third total length,

supported by a slightly raised, arched rostrum.

One or, generally, two very thin areas of basal

calcification, distally (see A. granulifera above).

Canu and Bassler (1928a) describe living colonies

as light rose in colour.

Remarks

This species is characterised by the presence of

frequent tear drop-shaped interzooidal avicularia,

with acute distally pointing mandibles; the

gymnocyst is obvious and the large vicarious

avicularia are also often quite frequent.

The size of the autozooids varies greatly within

colonies and between geographic localities, as

noted by Canu and Bassler (1928a) in material

from off Cuba, and has thus been mistakenly

identified subsequently by several authors.

Harmer (1926) described material of Antropora

granulifera from Malaysia (NHM 1928.3.6.49.)

and Japan (NHM 1928.9.13.16, 17.) which are

clearly referable to this species. Following Cook

(1968a), Hayward (1988) recognised another

Natural History Museum specimen (NHM

1934.10.8.9.), from Mauritius, assigned to A.

Specimen n Autozooid Autozooid Opesial Opesial Avic.

Length Width Length Width Length

USNM 7484 30 0.46+0.06 0.29+0.05 0.26+0.02 0.1840.03 0.12+0.01

Holotype.

C and B (1928a) - 0.45 0.30 0.20 0.15 0.10

C and B (1928b) - 0.40-0.45 0.25-0.30 0.20-0.23 0.17-0.20 -

Hayward (1988) 20 0.51+0.06 0.31+0.04 - - _

(C. cookae)

SPECIES OF ANTROPORA 39

granulifera, as a different species, describing it as

the new species, Crassimarginatella cookae.

Comparison of the specimens cited by Harmer

(1926) and Hayward (1988) with Canu and

Bassler’s (1928a) type series of Dacryonella typica

(USNM 7484, 7485) shows them to be conspecific.

Canu and Bassler (1928a) described

Membrendoecium strictorostris from Alb. Stn

2319, north of Cuba, the type locality of

Dacryonella typica; comparison of the two sets of

type material shows them to be the same species,

though neither types show the vicarious avicularia

seen in other material belonging to this species.

Canu and Bassler (1927) described

Dacryonella levigata sp. nov. from Hawaii; the

general description and appearance seem very

similar to C. typica, although their measurements

of D. levigata are srnaller than those of the

specimens listed above. In the absence of material

of D. levigata, no firm conclusion as to its relation

with C. typica can be voiced. Rucker’s (1967)

figured specimen is clearly recognisable as this

species, as are those specimens figured by

Winston (1986).

The fossil type series specimens from the

Pliocene of Panama (USNM 70838), are not

included in the above review as they differ from

the Recent material in several respects, i.e. a more

extensive cryptocyst, less frequent occurrence of

the small interzooidal avicularia and absence of

large vicarious avicularia, and cannot be

synonymised with confidence.

Measurements (mm): mean+standard deviation

Distribution

Cuba; Jamaica; John Adam’s Bank off Brazil;

Mauritius; Sumbawa, Malaysia; Japan.

Antropora erectirostra Tilbrook, new species

(Fig. 3B,C)

Amphiblestrum marginella Thornely, 1905: 110.

Material examined

Holotype: NHM 1899.7.1.1086., Ceylon (Sri

Lanka). Busk Coll.

Paratypes: NHM 1899.7.1.1084, 1085, 1087.,

Ceylon (Sri Lanka). Busk Coll.

Other material examined: NHM 1936.12.30.6.

(as Antropora marginella), Gulf of Manaar,

Ceylon. L. R. Thornely.

Etymology

erectus, L. upright; rostrum, L. beak. Named

after its highly raised small interzooidal

avicularia.

Description

Colony, encrusting, unilaminar. Autozooids

about twice as long as wide, separated by deep

grooves. Gymnocyst is minimal; cryptocyst

granular, very deep proximally, sloping slightly

basally, distal edge flat to somewhat convex.

Opesia rounded, triangular, occupying half frontal

area. On many autozooids one or two interzooidal

avicularia are placed disto-laterally; mandible

Specimen n Autozooid Autozooid Opesial Opesial Avic.

Length Width Length Width Length

NHM 1899.7.1.1086. 25 0.50+0.04 0.24+0.03 0.25+0.03 0.16+0.09 0.13+0.02

Holotype.

FIGURE 3. A, Antropora typica (Canu & Bassler, 1928a), NHM 1928.3.6.49., E Sumbawa, Malaysia. Group of

zooids, showing several ovicellate zooids (note the wider opercula) and a large vicarious avicularium slightly left of

centre. x36. B, Antropora erectirostra new species, Holotype specimen NHM 1988.7.1.1086., Ceylon (Sri Lanka).

Group of autozooids showing the zooidal arrangement and highly raised interzooidal avicularia. x36. C, Antropora

erectirostra new species, Paratype specimen NHM 1988.7.1.1085., Ceylon (Sri Lanka). Group of autozooids

showing the granular cryptocyst and minimal gymnocyst; several of the interzooidal avicularia appear to have

regenerated. x90. D, Parantropora penelope, new genus, new species, Holotype specimen NHM 1997.10.6.1.,

Magnetic Island, Townsville, Queensland, Australia. Group of autozooids. x45. E, Parantropora penelope, new

genus, new species, Holotype specimen NHM 1997.10.6.1., Magnetic Island, Townsville, Queensland, Australia.

Group of zooids including a very large vicarious avicularium at the centre top. x54. F, Parantropora laguncula

(Canu & Bassler, 1929), NHM 1931.12.30.14., off Sirun Island, Tawi-tawi Islands, Philippines. Group of zooids

including a very large vicarious avicularium. x36.

40 K. J. TILBROOK

acutely triangular, arched, distally directed;

rostrum distally pointed, raised. Rare vicarious

avicularia, as large as autozooids; rostrum broadly

triangular, narrowing distally, its lateral walls

raised. Ovicells small, endozooidal. Kenozooids

frequent in disturbed areas of a colony.

Remarks

The presence of the raised, distally directed

interzooidal avicularia make this species easily

distinguishable from others of the genus.

The autozooids form approximately parallel

rows, becoming rather longer and slimmer with

increasing colony size. The interzooidal avicularia

are most acute and the rostrum most raised nearer

the growing edge, the mandibles are more arched.

Thornely’s specimen from Ceylon (NHM

1936.12.30.6. as A. marginella) is undoubtedly A.

erectirostra (see A. marginella discussion above).

Silén’s (1941) Antropora erecta sp. nov. is very

similar to Antropora erectirostra, though he

describes the colony as erect and branching, with

the ‘structure of a cylinder surrounding a cavity’;

he makes no mention of the large vicarious

avicularia, seen only rarely in A. erectirostra.

Distribution

This species is known only from Sri Lanka

(Ceylon).

Parantropora Tilbrook, gen. nov.

Generic diagnosis

Colony encrusting. Autozooidal cryptocyst

moderately developed around the opesia,

gymnocyst negligible or absent. Spines absent.

Small interzooidal avicularia present. Large

spatulate vicarious avicularia present, much larger

than autozooids. Ovicells endozooidal. Mural

septula present.

Type species

Parantropora penelope Tilbrook, new species.

Etymology

The genus is named for its resemblance to

Antropora.

Remarks

This genus is very similar to Antropora.

However, the lack of dietellae, the presence of

lateral-wall (mural) septula and the occurrence of

very large spatulate vicarious avicularia, make

species of this genus quite distinct. The presence

of ‘special zooecia’ was first noted by Canu and

Bassler (1929) in Membrendoecium lagunculum

sp. nov., though they failed to recognise them as

avicularia. Whereas, the vicarious avicularia in

species of Antropora are autozooid size and shape

and so easily overlooked in a colony (Figs 2F and

3A), those of Parantropora are considerably

larger than the surrounding autozooids; in P.

penelope (Fig. 3E) they are one-third as long

again, and in P. laguncula (Fig. 4A) almost half

as long again, as the average autozooid.

Species of Parantropora generally have a more

delicate structure to their side walls than do

species of Antropora.

Parantropora penelope Tilbrook, new species

(Fig. 3D,E)

2?Antropora granulifera Ryland and Hayward,

1992: 229, fig. 2c.

Etymology

Named after my mother, Leah Penelope

Tilbrook.

Material examined

Holotype: NHM 1997.10.6.1., Magnetic Island,

Townsville, Queensland. Coll. J. S. Ryland.

Other material examined: NHM 1997.10.6.17.,

Erakor Id, Vanuatu; NHM 1997.10.6.18., Erakor

Id, Vanuatu. Reef Flat; NHM 1997.10.6.15.,

Carter Reef, Great Barrier Reef, Australia; NHM

1997.10.6.16., Suva Barrier Reef, Fiji. Reef Flat;

NHM 1997.10.6.23., Suva Barrier Reef, Fiji.

Description

Colony encrusting, unilaminar. Autozooids

irregularly oval to hexagonal, separated by

shallow grooves. Gymnocyst minimal; cryptocyst

occupying slightly less than half total autozooid

length, flat or slightly concave, coarsely beaded.

Opesia subtriangular. At the distal end of each

autozooid a pair (rarely one) of small, tear drop-

shaped interzooidal avicularia. Rostrum acute to

frontal plane, directed distally or disto-medially,

with an acutely triangular mandible articulated on

condyles. Large vicarious avicularia also present,

generally larger than autozooids; rostrum raised

distally, cryptocyst, narrow, coarsely granular,

laterally constricted; opesia rounded; mandible

spatulate, articulated on pointed, triangular

condyles, angled slightly proximally, situated

proximal to lateral rostral constriction. Ovicells

endozooidal, small, granular, cap-like, derived

from distal zooid. Ovicell not closed by

SPECIES OF ANTROPORA 41

Measurements (mm): meansstandard deviation

Specimen n Autozooid Autozooid Opesial Opesial Avic.

Length Width Length Width Length

NHM 1997.10.6.1. 20 0.45+0.06 0.28+0.04 0.20+0.03 0.18+0.03 0.09+0.02

Holotype.

Specimen n Vic. Avic. Vic. Avic.

Length Width

NHM 1997.10.6.1. 6 0.6+0.06 0.27+0.02

Holotype.

operculum. Mural septula present in the thin

lateral walls, which may be strengthened by baso-

lateral buttresses.

Remarks

Parantropora penelope \ooks superficially very

similar to A. typica. However, it differs in its lack

of a gymnocyst, its smaller opesia and in having

large spatulate vicarious avicularia. P. penelope is

distinguishable from P. laguncula by its smaller,

more triangular opesia and more acutely pointed

interzooidal avicularia.

The specimen figured by Ryland and Hayward

(1992) as Antropora granulifera is certainly not

Hincks’s species; it is possible that P. penelope is

the species figured, although its identity must

remain uncertain until their material can be re-

examined.

Distribution

Great Barrier Reef, Australia; Erakor Islands,

Vanuatu; Suva Barrier Reef, Fiji.

This species appears to be limited to the tropical

south west Pacific.

Parantropora laguncula (Canu and Bassler,

1929)

(Fig. 3F; 4A,B)

?Biflustra savartii Audouin, var. MacGillivray,

1891: 79, pl. 9, fig. 6.

?Membranipora savarti: MacGillivray, 1895: 38,

pl. 5, figs 6,7.

Antropora marginella Harmer, 1926 (in part):

234, pl. 14, fig. 15.

Membrendoecium savarti Canu and Bassler,

1929: 94, pl. 6, figs 1-3.

Membrendoecium lagunculum Canu and Bassler,

1929: 96, pl. 6, figs 6-11.

Antropora lagunculum Mawatari and Mawatari,

1981: 33.

Material examined

Holotype Series: USNM 7869 (5 pieces), Alb.

Sta. 5478, off Tacbuc Point, E Leyte, Philippines.

57 fathoms.

Other material examined: NHM 1997.10.6.5—

7., Tideway Reef, Great Barrier Reef. 10m; NHM

1997.10.6.24., ?Mourilyan Harbour, Coll. Bob

Pearson; NHM 1931.12.30.19. (as

Membrendoecium lagunculum), Alb. Sta. 5478,

off Tacbuc Str., E Leyte, Philippines. 57 fathoms.

(exc. USNM); NHM_ 1931.12.30.14. (as

Membrendoecium savarti), Alb. Sta. 5151, off

Sirun Id, Tawi-tawi Is, Philippines. 24 fathoms.

(exc. USNM); NHM 1931.12.30.15. (as

Membrendoecium savarti var. minor), Alb. Sta.

5151, off Sirun Id, Tawi-tawi Is, Philippines. 24

fathoms. (exc. USNM); NHM 1928.9.13.19. (as

Antropora marginella), Torres Straits, Australia;

NHM 1928.3.6.50. (as Antropora marginella),

Siboga Station 81. Borneo Bank, Strait of

Makassar, Malaysia. 0-34m; NHM 1928.3.6.51.

(as Antropora marginella), Siboga Station 164.

W. of N. end of New Guinea. 32m.

Description

Colony encrusting, unilaminar. Autozooids

distinct, elongated or elliptical, separated by deep

grooves. Gymnocyst reduced, surrounding zooids;

cryptocyst coarsely granular, broadest proximally.

Opesia elliptical or oval, occupying almost entire

frontal area. Small, symmetrical, interzooidal

avicularia are present at the interzooidal angles.

Rostrum raised; mandible rounded-triangular,

opesia with lateral constriction. Large vicarious

avicularia frequent. Ovicells endozooidal, very

small, smooth, raised cap-like.

Remarks

Parantropora laguncula is distinguished by its

large oval opesia surrounded by a reduced

gymnocyst.

According to Canu and Bassler (1929),

MacGillivray (1891) recorded this species from

SPECIES OF ANTROPORA 43

Measurements (mm): mean+standard deviation

Specimen n Autozooid Autozooid Opesial Opesial Avic.

Length Width Length Width Length

C and B (1929) - 0.40-0.42 0.30 0.24-0.29 0.16-0.20 -

(M. savarti)

NHM 1997.10.6.5. 25 0.39+0.08 0.33+0.04 - - 0.07+0.01

Specimen n Vic. Avic. Vic. Avic.

Length Width

NHM 1997.10.6.5. 8 0.62+0.08 0.32+0.06

the Tertiary of Victoria and the Recent of Western

Australia, attributing it to Biflustra savartii

Audouin. However, the figure accompanying

MacGillivray’s (1891) description bears little

resemblance to Parantropora laguncula, here

described. Canu and Bassler (1929) reported

Membrendoecium savarti from the Philippines,

attributing the specific name to MacGillivray

whilst changing the generic attribution. In the

same paper (Canu and Bassler 1929) they describe

a new species, Membrendoecium lagunculum,

which, following comparison of material of both

species deposited in the Natural History Museum,

London, proves to be identical to B. savarti sensu

MacGillivray non Audouin. The combination

Parantropora laguncula (Canu and Bassler,

1929) is consequently the correct name for this

species.

Canu and Bassler (1929) noted that autozooid

size in Membrendoecium lagunculum was

variable and considered it to be dependent on

substratum type, with autozooids at the margins

generally largest, although they do not provide

any measurements for this species. They did not

describe large vicarious avicularia, seen in the

type series of Membrendoecium lagunculum,

despite their depiction in three of the figures

(Canu and Bassler 1929: pl. 6, figs 6, 8 and

11); instead these were described as large

aberrant zooids, with ‘deformed’ opesia, at the

start of new autozooid series; the mandibular

articulatory condyles can be clearly seen in their

fig.11.

Silén (1941) considered that Membrendoecium

lagunculum and Antropora marginella might

prove to be a single species, by reference to Canu

and Bassler’s (1929) plate 6, figs 6-11 and

Harmer’s (1926) plate 14, fig. 15. Re-examination

of Harmer’s material of Antropora marginella

shows that three specimens could be attributed to

P. laguncula, namely NHM 1928.9.13.19. Torres

Straits, Australia, NHM 1928.3.6.50. from

Malaysia and NHM 1928.3.6.51. from New

Guinea.

Distribution

Leyte and Tawi-tawi Is, Philippines; Torres

Straits, Australia; Strait of Makassar, Malay; New

Guinea; Great Barrier Reef.

This species is known from the Indo-Malaysian

region and Western Australia and perhaps occurs

more widely in the Southwest Pacific.

Genus Retevirgula Brown

Retevirgula Brown, 1948: 109.

Generic diagnosis

Colony thinly encrusting. Zooids united by

FIGURE 4. A, Parantropora laguncula (Canu & Bassler, 1929), NHM 1997.10.6.5., Tideway Reef, Great Barrier

Reef, Australia. Group of zooids with thin cryptocystal rim and reduced gymnocyst (large vicarious avicularium

visible in the centre). x45. B, Parantropora laguncula (Canu & Bassler, 1929), NHM 1997.10.6.7., Tideway Reef,

Great Barrier Reef, Australia. Lateral wall showing septula. x144. C, Retevirgula aggregata Gordon, 1984, NHM

1928.9.13.18., Torres Straits, Australia. Group of zooids showing the deep separating grooves, small raised

interzooidal avicularia and large globular keeled ovicell. x45. D, Crassimarginatella papulifera (MacGillivray,

1892), NHM 1881.10.21.355-9., Torres Straits, Australia. Group of zooids including ovicellate zooids, in which the

operculum does not close the unifenestrate ovicell. x63. E, Crassimarginatella papulifera (MacGillivray, 1892),

NHM 1881.10.21.355-9., Torres Straits, Australia. Group of zooids; note the presence of kenozooids. x45. F,

Crassimarginatella papulifera (MacGillivray, 1892), NHM 1881.10.21.355-9., Torres Straits, Australia. Lateral

view of two autozooids showing the mural pores and proximal papillae. x162.

44 K. J. TILBROOK

short connecting tubes absent in some

species. Opesia extensive, gymnocyst and

cryptocyst reduced. Interzooidal avicularia

common, sometimes replaced by kenozooids.

Ovicells recumbent, smooth-walled or with a

fenestra, often surmounted by an avicularium.

Basal pore-chambers wanting. (Gordon

1984).

Type species

Membranipora acuta Hincks, 1885: 249, pl. 7,

fig. 6.

Retevirgula aggregata Gordon, 1984

(Fig. 4C)

Antropora marginella Harmer, 1926 (in part):

234, pl. 14, fig. 15.

Retevirgula aggregata Gordon, 1984: 27, pl. 2,

fig. D.

Retevirgula aggregata: Gordon, 1986: 30.

Material examined

NHM 1928.9.13.18. (as

marginella), Torres Straits, Australia.

Antropora

Description

Colony encrusting, unilaminar. Autozooids oval

or rounded, distinct, separated by deep grooves.

Gymnocyst minimal; cryptocyst granular, forming

a very narrow rim; opesia rounded, occupying

almost entire frontal area. Small interzooidal

avicularia often found in the interzooidal angles;

rostrum raised, rounded; mandible semicircular,

distally directed. Kenozooids also present.

Ovicells hyperstomial, smooth, globular, with a

median suture, no fenestra.

Measurements (mm): mean+standard deviation

Specimen n_ Autozooid Autozooid

Length Width

Gordon (1984). - 0.45-0.55 0.27-0.33

NHM 1928.9.13.18. 30 0.41+0.04 0.30+0.04

Remarks

In his account of Antropora marginella, Harmer

(1926) described prominent, hyperstomial

ovicells, with distinct median keels, in some

specimens, referring in particular to specimen

NHM 1928.9.13.18 from the Torres Straits. Such

ovicells are not a feature of Antropora and re-

examination of the specimen shows it to be

attributable to the recently described Retevirgula

aggregata Gordon, 1984.

Gordon (1984) distinguished his new species

from other species of Retevirgula Brown, 1948,

by the absence of connecting tubes and avicularian

pivot bars (R. aggregata possesses condyles

instead), both included in Brown’s (1948) original

generic diagnosis.

Distribution

Described by Gordon (1984) from Kermadec

Ridge (type locality Curtis Is) and off Kahurangi

Point, north-west South Island, New Zealand; this

new record from Torres Straits, NE Australia

suggests a considerable geographical range in the

SW Pacific.

Genus Crassimarginatella Canu

Crassimarginatella Canu, 1900: 369.

Oochilina Norman, 1903a: 595.

Generic diagnosis

Colony encrusting, or erect from an

encrusting base. Gymnocyst variable in extent,

usually reduced. Opesia extensive, occupying

the larger part of the frontal area; cryptocyst

reduced, moderate or very narrow. Avicularia

vicarious, lacking spines, with or without a

pivot bar. Ovicells prominent, unifenestrate, or

small and cap-like. Mural or basal pore-

chambers present (cf. Harmelin 1973). (Gordon

1984).

Type species

Membranipora crassimarginata Hincks,

1880a: 71, pl. 9, fig. 1-1a.

Crassimarginatella papulifera (MacGillivray,

1882)

(Fig. 4D-F)

Membranipora papulifera MacGillivray, 1882:

116, fig. 9.

Membranipora papulifera: Waters, 1898: 658,

659, 660, 669.

Crassimarginatella papulifera Brown, 1952: 56,

fig. 13.

Crassimarginatella (Crassimarginatella)

papulifera Gordon, 1986: pl. 4F.

Material examined

NHM 1881.10.21.355-9., (as Membranipora

sp.), Torres Straits, Australia, HMS Alert.

SPECIES OF ANTROPORA 45

Description

Colony encrusting, unilaminar. Autozooids

distinct, elongate, separated by deep grooves.

Frontal membrane bordered by a thin crenellated

mural rim. Gymnocyst minimal, sometimes

papillate proximally; cryptocyst finely beaded,

minimal, broader proximally than laterally,

sloping basally. Opesia oval, very large,

equivalent to 80-90% of frontal area. Ovicells,

smooth, cap-like, slightly pointed, hyperstomial,

unifenestrate, with at least some material being

derived from the gymnocyst of distal autozooid.

Operculum broad, does not cover ovicell orifice.

Interzooidal communication by mural dietellae.

No spines.

Measurements (mm): mean+standard deviation

Specimen n Autozooid Autozooid

Length Width

Brown (1952) — 0.51-0.55 0.33-0.38

NHM 1881.10.21.355-9.

30 0.60+0.05 0.33+0.03

Remarks

The most striking feature of this species is the

form of the ovicell, from which the specimen

described above was identified using the plate

published by Gordon (1986) of paralectotype

material.

Norman (1903a) referred Membranipora

papulifera MacGillivray, 1882, to his new genus

Oochilina. However, this genus shared the

same ‘genotype’ species, Membranipora

crassimarginata Hincks, 1880a, with

Crassimarginatella Canu, 1900, which therefore

takes precedence.

Gordon (1986), in his discussion of

Crassimarginatella (Crassimarginatella) fossa

Uttley, 1951, assigned Crassimarginatella

papulifera (MacGillivray, 1882) to the

subgenus Crassimarginatella but now (Gordon,

pers. comm.) regards each of the subgenera of

Crassimarginatella as deserving generic status.

This species is thus correctly

Crassimarginatella papulifera (MacGillivray,

1882). Waters (1898), Brown (1952) and

Gordon (1986) all record the presence of

vicarious avicularia, but these have not been

seen in the specimen described above, although

there appears to be evidence of autozooidal

regrowth, i.e. multiple occupancy of a single

autozooidal skeleton.

Distribution

Port Phillip Heads, Victoria; Torres Straits,

Australia; New Zealand (fossil).

DiscussiON

Several other species that have formerly been

assigned to Antropora Norman, 1903b have also

been examined and found to have been wrongly

attributed. Harmer (1926) attributed

Membranipora nigrans Hincks, 1882 to

Antropora, but examination of material of this

boreal species (Holotype: NHM 1886.3.6.9.,

Queen Charlotte Id, Canada; NHM

1911.10.1.610,611., Spitzbergen?; NHM

1919.6.25.40., Spitzbergen?; NHM 1938.11.30.25.,

off Del Monte, California; NHM 1955.10.3.63.,

Greenland), shows that Canu and Bassler (1929)

and Cook (1968a) were correct in expressing

doubts about the congeneric status of

Membranipora nigrans and A. granulifera (see

further discussion in Prenant and Bobin 1966).

Membrendoecium japonicum Canu and

Bassler, 1929, automatically placed in Antropora

by the synonymy of Membrendoecium Canu and

Bassler and Antropora by Silén (1941), is not a

species of Antropora. Examination of original

material (NHM 1931.12.30.18., Cape Tsiuka,

Japan) shows the regular form of kenozooids in

the autozooidal framework, a feature more similar

to species of Menipea Lamouroux, 1812 (a genus

of erect species) than to Antropora sensu stricto

(which are all encrusting, although see Silén’s

(1941) description of A. erecta) but this is not its

true generic assignment either.

Gordon (1986) amended Norman’s (1903b)

generic diagnosis of Antropora when describing

his new species Antropora pacifera. This species

was also examined (Paratype: NHM 1985.1.22.2.,

NZOI Stn B488.); it completely lacks avicularia,

and the ovicells are not endozooidal, but larger,

separate structures, that have an obvious

ectooecial rim around the granular endooecium, a

distinct feature of the genus Alderina Norman,

1903a (Gordon, 1984),

It may transpire that several of the unexamined

species listed above (see generic introduction) will

be synonymised with one or more of the species

described herein but until original material has

been located the validity of these species cannot

be tested.

The genus Antropora is presently placed within

the Family Calloporidae Norman, 1903a;

however, as Ryland and Hayward (1977) conclude

‘this is a somewhat heterogeneous group’. The

genera assigned to the family Calloporidae would

thus benefit from a full systematic investigation.

The familial diagnosis of Calloporidae emphasises

the presence of prominent hyperstomial ovicells.

46 K. J. TILBROOK

The genera Antropora and Parantropora gen.

nov., have small endozooidal ovicells which

would suggest that they belong to a family other

than the Calloporidae.

Soule, Soule and Chaney (1995) discuss the

Calloporidae, concluding that the Hincksinidae

Canu and Bassler, 1927, should be reinstated for

membraniporines with endozooidal ovicells and

Alderinidae Canu and Bassler, 1927, for those

with hyperstomial ovicells. However, the type

genus of Hincksinidae, Hincksina Norman, 1903a

is generally assigned to the Flustridae Fleming,

1828 (Ryland and Hayward 1977), and this

proposal is thus unacceptable.

Vigneaux (1949) introduced the Antroporidae

for Antropora Norman, 1903b, Ogivalina Canu

and Bassler, 1917, Ogivalia Jullien, 1882 and

Rectonychocella Canu and Bassler, 1917,

splitting it into two subfamilies, with Antropora

the only genus in the Antroporinae. The adoption

of Vigneaux’s (1949) scheme would ease the

problem; Crassimarginatella would fall within

the Alderinidae Canu and Bassler, 1927, as would

Retevirgula, but the exact familial assignment of

Parantropora is as yet unclear.

The genus Antropora has a global distribution

predominantly in the tropics. However, the type

species, A. granulifera occurs from the warm

temperate waters of the Atlantic to the tropical seas

of the Pacific. Several other species, A. typica, A.

minor and A. tincta, are found globally occurring in

both warm temperate and tropical seas. The

remaining species have more narrow geographical

ranges; A. subvespertilio has a disjunct range in

the Gulf of Mexico and the Philippines, whereas A.

erectirostra has only been found from Sri Lanka.

The two species of the new genus Parantropora

appear to be limited to the tropical south-west

Pacific, from the Indo-Malaysian region to the

Great Barrier Reef and Fiji.

List of Fossil Species not covered in this paper.

Antropora daishakaensis Kataoka, 1957

Antropora elongata Kataoka, 1957

Antropora hataii Kataoka, 1957

Dacryonella minor Canu and Bassler, 1920

Dacryonella octonaria Canu and Bassler, 1917

Dacryonella octonaria minor Canu and Bassler,

1920

Dacryonella (Homalostega) pavonia (Marsson,

1887)

Dacryonella (Reptescharinella) transversa

(d’Orbigny, 1852)

Dacryonella (Homalostega) vespertilio (Marsson,

1887)

Membrendoecium duplex Canu and Bassler, 1920

Membrendoecium lowei Canu and Bassler, 1920

Membrendoecium pyriforme Canu and Bassler,

1917

Membrendoecium rectum Canu and Bassler, 1920

Membrendoecium transversum Canu and Bassler,

1920

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to thank the following: Dr P. J. Hayward

(University of Wales, Swansea) for the chance to study

south-west Pacific bryozoans and for his time and

patience reading previous versions of this manuscript;

Dr Dennis Gordon (NIWA, New Zealand) for useful

discussions on the subject; Mary Spencer Jones (Dept of

Zoology, Natural History Museum, London) for her

patience on my visits to the Museum’s collections; The

Collections Manager, Dept of Paleontology, National

Museum of Natural History, Washington, for the loan of

several Canu and Bassler type specimens; Leverhulme

Trust, whose grant to the author and Dr P. J. Hayward

made this work possible.

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THE SKULL OF DROMORNITHID BIRDS : ANATOMICAL EVIDENCE

FOR THEIR RELATIONSHIP TO ANSERIFORMES

PETER F. MURRAY & DIRK MEGIRIAN

Summary

Dromornithid cranial material from the mid and late Miocene Bullock Creek and Alcoota Local

Faunae of the Northern Territory of Australia provides sufficient morphological data on which to

base an opinion on their wider phylogenetic relationships. While the appendicular elements of

dromornithid birds have previously been considered to show some similarities to those of living and

extinct ratite birds, no common traits are evident on the cranium. The basipterygoid facets are large,

flat surfaces closely applied to the basisphenoid rostrum. A transverse prokinetic craniorostral joint

is present, the quadrates are mobile and the pterygopalatine joint is patent and condylar. Though

many features of the dromornithid skull are unique to the family, structure and relations of the

parasphenoidal rostrum are basipterygoid processes, morphology of the pterygopalatine joint,

relations of the temporal fossa and form of the postorbital process, presence of large, oval fossae for

the origin of the levators and protractors of the pterygoquadrate, basic form and presence of an

anterolateral crest on the otic process of the quadrate and elongated post-tympanic crests and

retroarticualr processes indicate a close relationship with anseriform birds.

THE SKULL OF DROMORNITHID BIRDS: ANATOMICAL EVIDENCE FOR

THEIR RELATIONSHIP TO ANSERIFORMES

PETER F. MURRAY & DIRK MEGIRIAN

MURRAY, P. F. & MEGIRIAN, D. 1998. The skull of dromornithid birds: anatomical evidence

for their relationship to Anseriformes. Records of the South Australian Museum 31(1): 51-97.

Dromornithid cranial material from the mid and late Miocene Bullock Creek and Alcoota

Local Faunae of the Northern Territory of Australia provides sufficient morphological data on

which to base an opinion of their wider phylogenetic relationships. While the appendicular

elements of dromornithid birds have been previously considered to show some similarities to

those of living and extinct ratite birds, no common traits are evident on the cranium. The

basipterygoid facets are large, flat surfaces closely applied to the basisphenoid rostrum. A

transverse prokinetic craniorostral joint is present, the quadrates are mobile and the

pterygopalatine joint is patent and condylar. Though many features of the dromornithid skull

are unique to the family, structure and relations of the parasphenoidal rostrum and basipterygoid

processes, morphology of the pterygopalatine joint, relations of the temporal fossa and form of

the postorbital process, presence of large, oval fossae for the origin of the levators and

protractors of the pterygoquadrate, basic form and presence of an anterolateral crest on the otic

process of the quadrate and elongated post-tympanic crests and retroarticular processes indicate

a close relationship with anseriform birds.

Peter F. Murray & Dirk Megirian, Museums and Art Galleries of the Northern Territory, PO

Box 2109 Alice Springs, NT 0871.

Known since 1839, the gigantic birds of the

family Dromornithidae have been described and

classified almost exclusively on the basis of their

postcranial anatomy (Rich 1979). Two partial

skulls of Genyornis newtoni were described by

Stirling and Zietz (1913) but with the exception of

the quadrates and some parts of the upper and

lower jaws, the specimens were in such poor

condition that they only provided an indication of

their shape and proportions. More recently, some

undescribed dromornithid specimens recovered

from the mid Miocene Bullock Creek Local Fauna

and the late Miocene Alcoota Local Fauna of the

Northern Territory, Australia, led Rich (1991:740)

to conclude that ‘...the skull structure is so highly

derived, it is difficult to associate with any known

avian group.’

Dromornithids comprise five known genera and

at least seven species of flightless birds endemic

to Australia. Their diversity in size and form is

comparable to that of New Zealand’s Moas

(Dinornithidae-Emeidae), ranging from Ostrich-

sized Ilbandornis to the gigantic Dromornis

stirtoni which weighed over a half a tonne (Rich

1979). Many of these species are represented by

abundant and well-preserved post-cranial

material, but the cranial and mandibular fossils,

though not uncommon, have apparently been

considered to be inadequate for description and

analysis. Rich’s (1979, 1980) detailed study of the

postcranial skeleton of dromornithids shows that

all species were ground-birds with keel-less

Sterna, extremely reduced wings, long flexible

necks, and hind limbs adapted for cursorial

locomotion, thus generally resembling large living

ratites such as Emus, Ostriches and Rheas and

extinct ratites such as Elephant birds and Moas.

Dromornithids are known from Eocene through

to late Pleistocene sediments widely distributed in

Australia (Vickers-Rich and Molnar 1996, Field

and Boles 1998). Their diversity was apparently

greatly diminished after the early to mid Pliocene,

subsequent to which, the family is represented by

only one species, Genyornis newtoni. Rich (1979)

provides a detailed and interesting account of the

history of discovery of dromornithids to which we

refer the reader.

We describe, illustrate and compare some of the

cranial material collected between 1985 and 1996

by Northern Territory Museum expeditions to the

Bullock Creek and Alcoota fossil vertebrate fossil

localities in the Northern Territory. We believe

that these specimens provide sufficient anatomical

information to identify their position within the

current avian systematic framework. Because of

the many unique and interesting features of the

52 P. F. MURRAY & D. MEGIRIAN

dromornithid skull, we have briefly examined

some aspects of its functional anatomy and have

attempted to reconstruct the appearance as well as

some aspects of the palaeobiology of the species.

However, as the skulls of the Dromornithidae have

not been previously described in detail, we have

concentrated primarily on providing adequate

anatomical detail for further analysis, pointing to

certain areas in which this information may find

application.

Key Words: Dromornithidae, avian cranial

anatomy, ratite birds, Diatryma, Anseriformes,

Anhimidae, avian paleobiogeography

MerTHops AND MATERIALS

Due to its extreme fragility, Bullock Creek

dromornithid cranial material from Camfield Beds

limestone was partially extracted with dilute acetic

acid and finally prepared by hand. Alcoota Local

Fauna dromornithids, extracted from Waite

Formation silty and sandy sediments, were

prepared in the field using Synocryl diluted in

acetone. The dromornithid material was compared

with the following specimens of extant species

prepared using water maceration and ammonia

methods: Struthioniformes, Struthio camelus

(Ostrich) late embryo, 4-week old chick, 3-month

old chick; Dromaius novaehallandiae (Emu) 6

week old chick, two adults; Galliformes, Gallus

gallus (Domestic fowl) two-week old chick;

Megapodius reinwardt (Orange-footed scrub-fowl)

1 hatchling, 1 adult; Anseriformes, Anseranas

semipalmata (Magpie goose), Anas spp. (domestic

ducks), Anas superciliosa (Pacific black duck),

Malacorhynchus membranaceus (Pink-eared

duck), Anser sp. (domestic gosling);

Procellariiformes, Puffinus tenurostris (Short-tailed

shearwater); Pelecaniformes, Phalacrocorax

sulcirostris (Little black cormorant), Pelecanus

conspicillatus (Australian pelican); Ciconiiformes,

Ardea sp. (egret), Threskiornis spinicollis (Straw-

necked ibis); Falconiformes, Aquila audax (Wedge-

tailed eagle), Falco berigora (Brown falcon);

Gruiformes, Eulabeornis castaneoventris

(Chestnut rail), Gallinula mortierii (Tasmanian

native-hen); Turniciformes, Turnix velox (Little

button-quail); Charadriiformes, Burhinus

grallarius (Bush _ stone-curlew), Larus

novaehollandiae (Silver gull); Columbiformes,

Geophaps plumifera (Spinifex pigeon), Geopelia

cuneata (Diamond dove); Psittaciformes,

Calyptorhynchus banksii (Red-tailed black

cockatoo), Cacatua roseicapilla (Galah);

Cuculiformes, Centropus phasianinus (Pheasant

coucal); Strigiformes, Ninox connivens (Barking

owl), Ninox novaeseelandiae (Southern boobook),

Tyto alba (Barn owl); Coraciiformes, Dacelo

leachii (Blue-winged kookaburra); Eurystomus

orientalis (Dollarbird); Passeriformes, Corvus sp.

(crow). Systematics of extant species follow

Christidis and Boles (1995). Musculoskeletal

relations were confirmed by dissection of the heads

of Magpie goose and Chestnut rail preserved in

alcohol. Observations on the development of

basipterygoid processes in struthioniform, galliform

and anseriform birds were made on embryos and

chicks of Ostrich, domestic fowl and domestic

goose. Comparative anatomical information was

supplemented by Bock (1963), DeBeer (1957),

Goodrich (1955), Heilmann (1926), Huxley (1867),

McDowell (1948) Pycraft (1901) and Simonetta

(1960).

SYSTEMATICS

Class AVES

Subclass NEORNITHES

Order ANSERIFORMES

Family DROMORNITHIDAE Fiirbringer 1888

Genus Bullockornis Rich 1979

Bullockornis planei Rich 1979

Referred material: cranium with basipterygoid

processes P9464—106; cranial fragments P907-6,

P9612-1, P9464-110, P9464-111; upper beak

fragments, P9464—-107, P9464-108, P907-28;

nasal septum fragment, P87113—38; mandibles,

P9464-112 , P9464—-113, P9464-114, P9464—

116; vomeropalatine fragment, P9464—-115; left

?pterygoid fragment, P87103-43; right ?pterygoid

fragment, P9464—101; left quadrates, P9464—100;

P9464-118.

Locality: Bullock Creek, Northern Territory,

Australia. Low limestone hill 1 km east of type

section of Camfield Beds, 131°31'20"E, 17°07'S,

Wave Hill (1:250 000), SE 52-8.

Lithic unit and age: Camfield Beds, middle

Miocene.

Fauna: Bullock Creek Local Fauna.

DROMORNITHID SKULLS 53

COG

PAR

TEF

MPF ETH

FIGURE 1. Cranium of Bullockornis planei (P9464-106); A, lateral aspect, B, anterior aspect. Abbreviations: AUF,

auditory fenestra (cavum auditivum);, BOC, basioccipital; BPTP, basipterygoid process; COG, coronal groove (capsule

of cranio-rostral joint); EAM, external auditory meatus; ETH, ethmoid; EUS', external opening of eustachian canal;

EUS’, internal opening of eustachian canal; FMA, foramen magnum; FR, frontal; 7IPA, ?interparietal; IOS, interorbital

septum; IX X XI, cranial nerves; LFO, lateral fossa or sinus; LIT, ligament tracts of cranio-rostral joint; LPF, lateral

process of frontal; MPF, median process of frontal; NCM, “mastoid” process of opisthotic or neurocranio-mandibular

process; OCC, occipital condyle; OFL, orbital flange; OPF, optic foramen; OPI, opisthotic (post-tympanic crest); PAR,

parietal; POP, paroccipital process; PPR, postorbital process; PSP, parasphenoid; QFO, quadrate fossa; SOC,

supraoccipital; SQ/PTS, squamosal and pterosphenoid components of zygomatic process; TEF, temporal fossa; V,

foramen for trigeminal nerve (mandibular and maxillary branches) VII, foramen or notch for facial nerve; FPQ, fossa for

mm. protractor quadratus and pterygoideus (‘pterygoid fossa’); XII, hypoglossal nerve foramen.

P. F. MURRAY & D. MEGIRIAN

FIGURE 2. Photograph of frontal aspect showing cranio-rostral joint surface of Bullockornis planei (P9464—106).

Scale bar equals 1 cm.

Description:

Cranium. The frontals, parietals, interparietal and

occipitals form a nearly hemispherical vault over

the orbits. (Fig. 1) The cranial walls are composed

of a thin compactum overlying diploeic bone;

LIT

COG

MPF

LFO LPF

30MM

FIGURE 3. Drawing of cranio-rostral joint surfaces of

Bullockornis planei (P907-6). A, dorsal; B, frontal

aspect. Abbreviations: COG, coronal groove; FON,

foramen for olfactory nerve; FR, frontal; LFO, lateral

fossa; LIT, ligamentous tracts; LPF, lateral process of

frontal; MPF, median process of frontal; ORB, orbit.

attaining a thickness of 35-40 mm between the

inner table of the endocranial cavity and the outer

table of the frontal on the mid-sagittal plane. Only

the posterior half of the orbital margin is known.

In all specimens the orbit is a shallow C-shaped

notch with a thin, slightly roughened margin

marked by numerous foramina on the outer and

inner surfaces. Dorsolaterally, a shallow fossa

containing large emissaries is located about 20

mm medial to the orbital margin.

A series of circular indentations situated

immediately behind the anterior frontal margin are

associated with a ligamentous joint capsule,

securing the fronto-ethmoid to the rostrum (Figs

1A, 2, 3A,B). The anterior orbital margin

terminates in blunt process of variable width and

length, forming the lateral wall of a pair of

internally rugose, oval fossae situated on either

side of a prominent, triangular median eminence

of the frontal (Figs 1A,B, 2, 3A,B). A transverse

groove at the base of the median frontal eminence

corresponds to the dorsal margin of the ethmoid,

which apparently encloses a median sinus, then

narrows ventrally to merge with the interorbital

septum. Breakage along these sutures occurs in

all specimens in which the anterior part of the

cranium is present.

The parasphenoidal crest of the interorbital

septum is missing, but according to its section

immediately anterior to the basipterygoid processes,

it appears to have been a thin, V-shaped crest not

much thicker than the interorbital plate. The optic

and anterior lacerate foramina open on the dorsal

margins of the orbital wall, separated by about 13

mm on either side of the interorbital septum (Figs

1B, 4A). Although variable in size and number, up

DROMORNITHID SKULLS 55

OPI

IXX XI

PAR

OPI

30MM

FIGURE 4. Cranium of Bullockornis planei; A, ventral aspect showing median position of conjoined eustachian

canals (P907-6); B, posterior aspect (P9464—106). Abbreviations: EUS?, internal eustachian canal opening; ICA,

internal carotid artery foramen; II, optic nerve foramen; III, oculomotor nerve foramen; IV, trochlear nerve foramen;

IX X XI, accessory, vagus and glossopharyngeal nerve foramen (posterior lacerate); LFO, lateral fossa (sinus) of

frontal; LIT, ligament tracts of cranio-rostral joint capsule; LPF, lateral process of frontal; MPF, median process of

frontal; OPI, opisthotic; ORB, orbit; POP, paroccipital process; PPR, postorbital process; QFO, quadrate fossa; SQ/

PTS, squamosal/pterosphenoid components of postorbital process;V, trigeminal nerve foramen;VI, abducens nerve

foramen; VII, facial nerve foramen.

56 P. F. MURRAY & D. MEGIRIAN

to four small foramina surround the optic foramen.

From anterodorsally to posteroventrally these are

identified as: ophthalmic artery (dorsal notch in

optic foramen) ophthalmic nerve (V'), oculomotor

nerve (III), abducens nerve (VI) and trochlear nerve

(IV). A variable-sized foramen rotundum (V’)

opens immediately dorsoposterior to the abducens

foramen; about 12 mm posterolateral to which is

situated the large foramen ovale (V*). On either

side, about one centimetre lateral to external margin

of the optic foramen are ~15 mm deep, oval pits

about 15 mm x 20 mm wide representing the

origins of the mm. protractores et levatores

quadratus + pterygoideus. Extending ventrally

from the posterolateral margin of these pits are

short, broad postorbital processes composed of two

fused elements (Figs 1A,B, 4A).

The inner element of this process appears to be

composed of the squamosal eminence of the

quadratic fossa and the laterosphenoid. Arising

from the anterior margin of the quadrate fossa and

widening distally, its terminal crest gives the

appearance of having been twisted 90°. The inner

(ventral) surface of the postorbital process is

concave and functioned as an extension of muscle

attachment area of the reduced temporal fossa.

Closely applied to the laterosphenoid process is a

thin, broad outer lamina of the posterior margin of

the orbit that appears to arise from the lateral

process of the squamosal, possibly overlapping the

postorbital margin of the frontal. The fusion of

these elements has displaced the temporal fossa

posteroinferiorly to a circular depression extending

from just above the auditory meatus, where the

aponeurosis of the external adductor muscles

originates from a strong crest, to the previously

described pocket on the inferomedial side of the

postorbital process.

The quadrate fossa is roundly oval, about 22

mm by 15 mm, with a smooth, solid articular

surface. A slightly raised, oval articular eminence

is visible in some individuals. A spinous process

arises from the ventral margin for the anterior

quadratic ligament which probably inserts into a

long, deep groove on the anteromedial surface of

the quadrate. The 20 mm diameter external

auditory recess is approximately circular, enclosed

in a deep, funnel-shaped orifice formed primarily

by greatly expanded post-tympanic crests of the

opisthotics. The eustachian and tympanic

fenestrae, lying deep within the recess, are

separated by a broad interfenestral process. The

facial nerve passes through a variable foramen or

notch situated near the posteroventral edge of the

quadratic fossa. The large eustachian canals

emerge confluently on the mid-line of the

basitemporal plate, at the base of the

parasphenoidal rostrum. Situated a short distance

anterolaterally are the internal carotid foramina.

The basipterygoid or rostropterygoid (Weber

1993) facets are closely applied to the ventrolateral

margins of the parasphenoidal rostrum. The

smooth, 27 mm long by 19 mm wide, oval and

slightly concave articular surfaces are situated 18

mm apart and protrude about 4 mm on either side

of the eminence (Figs 1A,B, 6A,B). Shallow,

arcuate grooves extend from the margins of the

confluent eustachian openings to the posterior

lacerate foramina, probably indicating the suture

between the parasphenoid and basisphenoid.

Posterolateral to the small basitemporal plate, the

basioccipital is dominated by a pair of large

conical paroccipital processes for the rectus

capitus muscles. In some individuals in which the

paroccipital processes are less prominent, deep

oval fossae or rugose, elliptical muscle scars are

present. A wide groove is formed between the

paroccipital processes that continues forward onto

the basisphenoid. Lateral to these are elongated,

wing-like post-tympanic processes of the

opisthotics. The bases of each, approximately 50

mm long neurocranio-mandibular process, bears a

large posterior lacerate foramen (vagus foramen of

Pycraft) on its anterior surface for nerves IX, X

and XI.

The occipital surface of the cranium is deeply

concave owing to the posterior sweep of the large

post-tympanic crests of the opisthotics (Fig. 4B).

Ventrolateral to the occipital condyle are multiple

condylar (hypoglossal nerve) foramina emergent

from deep condylar fossae. The occipital condyle

is hemispherical, faintly notched on its dorsal

margin and just perceptibly narrower ventrally.

The foramen magnum is rectangular, about 17

mm wide by 25 mm high. The supraoccipital is

broadly rectangular, above which a much smaller,

though clearly defined oval structure, possibly

representing an interparietal, is situated. Occipital

fontanelles are absent. The parietals are crescentic,

wedge-shaped bones meeting dorsally above the

interparietals and bounded anteriorly by a strong

lambdoidal crest. The suture of the anteroinferior

process of the parietal is indistinct but appears to

have sent a short process anteriorly over the

squamosal. The frontal is short anteroposteriorly,

narrowing anteriorly above the orbits, where it

terminates in a blunt lateral process or eminence.

Endocranial cavity: The endocranial fossa is best

represented on P907-6, in which the cranium is

DROMORNITHID SKULLS 57

IX X XI VirVil

XI XXX

ViVi yy

HYP

30MM

FIGURE 5S. Endocranial structure of Bullockornis planei (P907-6); A & B, endocast of cerebral hemispheres, dorsal

and lateral views; C & D, endocast of brainstem, ventral and lateral views; E, lateral aspect of reconstructed

endocranial cavity. Abbreviations: CEH, cerebral hemisphere; CER, cerebellum; FLO, flocculus; HYP, hypophysis;

II, optic nerve; IX X XI, accessory, vagus and glossopharyngeal nerve stumps; LFI, lateral fissure; OLF, olfactory

nerve; OPL, optic lobe; V, trigeminal nerve stump; VI, abducens nerve stump; VII VIII, facial and acoustic nerve

stumps; VLL, ventrolateral lobe of cerebrum; XII, hypoglossal nerve.

broken in half along the horizontal plane (Fig.

5A-E). A few millimetres of the base of the

cerebral hemispheres are missing from the

endocast, as the two pieces are slightly warped

along the contact and do not join perfectly. The

dimensions of the cerebral fossa are 44 mm long

by 70 mm (estimated) wide and approximately 25

mm deep. The cerebral hemispheres are large,

with the ventrolateral lobe greatly expanded

transversely (Fig. 5A,B). The optic lobes are

relatively small and tucked-in beneath the cerebral

hemispheres (Fig. SE). The brainstem is broad,

considerably expanded at the base of the optic

lobes to just behind the trigeminal stubs.

The hypophyseal fossa (sella turcica) is oval 12

mm x 9 mm by about 10 mm deep. The internal

walls of the floor of the fossa of P907-6 have

been breached resulting in a ragged cast (Fig.

5C,D). In P9612-1, where it is undamaged, it is

circular, about 12 mm in diameter. The optic

foramina commence immediately anterior to the

tuberculum sellae, diverging laterally on either

side of a 10 mm wide septum. The internal carotid

foramen opens immediately anterior to the

chiasmic sulcus. The trigeminal foramina are large

7 mm by 5 mm orifices situated 7 mm

posterolateral to the margin of the hypophyseal

fossa. Ventral to the trigeminal stubs is a broad

pontine flexure, at the base of which is are the

stubs of the abducens nerves. The internal auditory

meatus for the facial and acoustic nerves is located

in the ventral wall of the pro-otic 10 mm posterior

to the trigeminal orifice. A large floccular fossa is

located about 5 mm posterosuperior to the internal

meatus, posteroventral to which is the large, slit-

like foramen for nerves IX, X and XI. The nerve

XII is located about 6 mm posterior to the former.

Overall proportions of the medullary fossa are

quite variable. It is short and broad in P9612-1

and long and narrow in P907-6.

58 P. F. MURRAY & D. MEGIRIAN

FIGURE 6. Photographs of neurocranium (P9464—-106) and rostrum (P9464-107) of Bullockornis planei; A lateral

aspect of neurocranium; B frontal aspect of neurocranium; C, upper beak, dorsal aspect; D, upper beak, lateral

aspect; E, upper beak, palatal aspect; scale=1cm interval.

DROMORNITHID SKULLS 59

Rostrum. The rostrum or upper beak of

Bullockornis is represented by a fragment 325 mm

long, 174 mm deep and 58 mm maximum width

(Figs 6C-E, 7A-C). The anterodorsal surface and

about 25 mm of the tip of the beak are missing

from the specimen. The beak is laterally

compressed and extremely narrow. The culmen is

a thin, arching crest about 10 mm wide at the

apex, thickening gradually to about 21 mm width

above the level of the external nares. In section,

the beak is narrowly triangular with an elliptical

internal cavity. A septal process in not apparent in

mid-section. The palatal surface is shallowly

concave posteriorly, becoming slightly more V-

shaped in the anterior half. The palate is solid

throughout, lacking a median palatal fenestra,

though an imperforate elliptical fossa is present.

The maxillopalatines are fused across the mid-

line. The distal palatines are expanded into bulges

of spongy bone that meet in the median sulcus

anterior to the internal nares. Posteriorly, the

palatines narrow into deep, vertical crests which

have been crushed inwards on the specimen,

obscuring other details in the region. A

rhinothecal groove commences behind the

decurved section of the tip: anteriorly as a narrow,

ventrally-directed, U-shaped sulcus; posteriorly

becoming wider, shallower and more laterally-

directed. The width and angle of this groove is the

reciprocal of the gnathothecal crest of the

NVG

NFO

RGR

FIGURE 7. Drawings of Bullockornis planei rostrum (P9464-107); A, dorsal aspect; B, lateral aspect; C, palatal

aspect. Abbreviations: CRC, crest of culmen (premaxilla); EXN, external nares; MPA, maxillopalatine; MPF, median

palatal fossa; NFO, foramen in prenarial furrow; NVG, neurovascular grooves in prenarial furrow; PAL, palatine;

RGR, rhinothecal groove.

60 P. F. MURRAY & D. MEGIRIAN

mandible, that considerably overlaps the posterior

half of the upper surface when the jaws are

matched.

The upper edge of the rhinothecal groove

extends to below the base of the maxillojugal

contact, where it is about 35 mm wide.

Immediately above the rhinothecal groove, the

premaxillo-maxillary surface slants inwards at

about 45° to vertical, continuing at this angle to

meet an oblique sulcus that originates from the

anterior margin of the external nares (Fig. 7B).

This sulcus or prenarial furrow, (somewhat

exaggerated by cracks) is the lowest of several,

two or perhaps three, large tracts of fine grooves,

predominantly representing the sensory branches

of the maxillary nerve, that pass out of the external

nares. The sulcus descends anteriorly to a tear-

drop shaped (7 mm x 10 mm) aperture situated 42

mm above the tomial margin which appears to

represent a large vascular foramen. The posterior

surface of the beak is gently convex anterior to the

nares, becoming flatter and very compressed

dorsally. The external nares are holorhinal, oval

openings about 18 mm by 30 mm. The cranial

margin of the nares is directed posterolaterally in

anticipation of the widening of the fronto-

lachrymal facies.

The tip of the beak is slightly decurved in this

species, as indicated by P907-28, a distal

fragment retaining 42 mm of the ventral marginal

profile, and P9464—108 which retains all but the

tomial margin. Contours on this and the larger

fragment suggest that although the mid to

posterior dorsal surface of the beak is sharp and

aquiline, the anterodorsal margin progressively

widens, so that the tip appears rounded-off in

palatal aspect. The dorsal outline of the beak

appears to have been a smooth continuation of the

arching profile of the culmen, as indicated by the

beak fragment of Dromornis stirtoni (Fig. 15A,

C). Unfortunately, the posterodorsal part of the

culmen is broken off short of the frontal contact.

A fragment (P87113-38) possibly representing the

ethmofrontal contact is from a smaller individual

or another species of dromornithid. The outer

lamina of its extremely compressed lateral

surfaces is broken above the narial aperture

revealing the nasal septum. The posterior edge of

the nasal septum bears a narrow ligmentous or

membranous groove bordered by irregular crests.

Dorsally, the groove expands into an oval, concave

surface bordered by thin crests. Posteriorly, on

either side of the septum, are deep grooves that

probably represent the internal, dorsal margins of

the nares. The outer lamina of the bone is broken

just above the expansions of the prefrontal crests

and narial margins.

Palate and quadrate. A left quadrate (P9464—100)

retains all but the distal end of the orbital process

and the lateral surface of the quadratojugal facet

and external articular surface (Figs 8A—-F, 9A,B).

The body of the quadrate is broadly rectangular

LCR

PTL

IAC

30MM

ORP

FIGURE 8. Left quadrate of Bullockornis planei

(P9464-100); A, dorsal aspect; B, anterolateral aspect;

C, posterolateral aspect; D, posterior aspect; E, anterior

aspect; F, ventral aspect; note simple, rounded head of

mobile (strepsostylic) quadrate. Abbreviations: IAC,

internal articular condyle; INI, intercondylar incisure;

LCR, lateral crest; ORP, orbital process; OTP, otic

process; PTL, pterygo-quadrate ligament scar; PRC, pro-

otic condyle; PTT, articular tubercle for pterygoid; QFM,

quadrate foramen; QJF, articular facet for quadratojugal;

SQA, squamosal articular surface or condyle.

DROMORNITHID SKULLS 61

FIGURE 9. Photograph of left quadrates of Bullockornis spp., A, dorsal (above) and lateral (below) views of P9464—

118; B, dorsal and lateral views of P9464—100; scale=1cm interval.

and about 15 mm thick. Its 60.0 mm long axis is

curved posteriorly resulting in concave posterior

and convex anterior surfaces. The otic process is

stout and strongly buttressed mediolaterally by

crests from bases of the orbital and quadratojugal

processes. A single round, 4.0 mm diameter

pneumatic foramen is present on the posterior

surface 14 mm below the squamosal articular

condyle or head. The broadly oval 19.0 mm x 15.0

mm head presents a smoothly rounded surface,

the intercondylar incisure only faintly indicated.

The pro-otic condyle is reduced to about 1/3 the

size of the squamosal condyle and so weakly

differentiated as to be easily dismissed.

A 25 mm long by 10 mm wide crest extends

down the anteromedial side of the otic process,

overhanging on its medial side, a deep

ligamentous groove. The anterolateral surface of

the crest represents the origin of the m. adductor

mandibularis externus profundus. Posterolateral

to the crest is a large, oval facet for the

quadratojugal. Judging from the steep ascent of

the dorsal margin of the facet, a well-developed

posterior buttress was present. The base of the

orbital process is about 25 mm deep and 5 mm

thick. It appears to have been a broad, falcate

flange. The posterior surface of the orbital process

is shallowly concave. On its dorsoposterior

margin, immediately below the quadrate foramen

is a triangular ligament scar that corresponds to

the posterior ligament of the quadrate, originating

from a low tubercle on the posterointernal margin

of the quadrate fossa. A low crest on the deeply

concave posteroexternal margin of the otic process

received the anterior cartilage of the meatal arch.

The anteromedial margin of the quadrate is

notched between the base of the orbital process

and the pterygoid tuberosity for a ligament and the

dorsal process of the proximal pterygoid articular

surface. The pterygoid tuberosity is an oval, 12

mm by 9 mm condylar process situated

dorsomedial to the internal articular condyle. The

internal articular condyle is elongated and narrow,

22 mm by 10 mm, separated from the largely

missing lateral articular condyle by a flat,

triangular surface. The corresponding lateral

articular surface of the mandible indicates that the

lateral condyle was broader than the medial.

Left quadrate P9464—-118 is basically similar to

P9464-100, though about 15% smaller, and

62 P. F. MURRAY & D. MEGIRIAN

BPF

PTP

30MM

VSG

FIGURE 10. Palatal elements; A & B, ventral and dorsal views of right ?pterygoid fragment of Bullockornis planei

(P9464-101); C & D, left dorsal and ventral views of left ?pterygoid fragment of Bullockornis planei (P87103—43);

E & F, dorsal and ventral views of distal fragment of left pterygoid of Dromornis stirtoni (P98114); G & H, dorsal,

ventral and proximal views of left pterygoid of I/bandornis sp. (P98115) the joints are mobile, synovial and the fossa

for the mm. protractor + levator pterygoideus is well-developed; J—L, ventral, dorsal and proximal views of

vomeropalatine fragment of Bullockornis planei (P9464—108); the vomer forms a sliding joint on the parasphenoidal

rostrum. Abbreviations: BPF, basipterygoid facet; PAL, palatine; PRO, ?base of palatine articular process; PTP,

pterygoplatine articular surface; QAS, articular surface for quadrate; SOC, ?articular socket for palatine; VOM,

vomer; VSG, vomeroseptal groove.

DROMORNITHID SKULLS 63

FIGURE 11. Photographs of partial mandible of Bullockornis planei (P9464-112); A, right lateral aspect; B, dorsal

aspect; C, left lateral aspect; D, ventral aspect; scale=lcm interval.

64 P. F. MURRAY & D. MEGIRIAN

differing in certain details sufficiently perhaps, to

belong to one of the other species of Bullockornis

(Fig. 9A). In this specimen, the intercondylar

incisure is more distinct, though shallow and not

sharply demarcated. The groove divides the

curved, rectangular proximal articular surface into

approximately equal parts, the pro-otic condyle

being slightly shorter transversely than the

squamosal condyle. The adductor process (lateral

crest) is well-developed but less massive than in

P9464—100 (Fig. 9A,B) and the dorsal crest of the

orbital process extends further proximally to

merge with the base of the pro-otic condyle.

Pterygoid?. Two fragments preserving little more

than the basipterygoid articular facets may

represent pterygoids of Bullockornis (Fig. 10A—

SUR

MAF

30MM

cor, . SUR

PRA

D) The ventral surfaces are marked by a shallow

fossa. Dorsally a wide sulcus commences lateral

to the basipterygoid facet. A rugose crest extends

along the lateral margin. The basipterygoid facets

are flat, D-shaped surfaces, considerably off-set to

the medial side of the distal end of the shaft. They

are similar in size and shape in both specimens:

P9464-101 is 20 mm by 14 mm and P87103-43

is 23 mm by 14 mm. P9464—101 preserves an

oval 9 mm by 4 mm socket that may represent

part of the palatine articular surface. The ventral

process is broken off on both specimens. If these

are correctly identified as pterygoids, they are

relatively broader and thicker than the undoubted

pterygoids of Dromornis and Ilbandornis (Fig.

10E-I) and differ in possessing a small socket

joint with the palatine (Fig. 26A—I).

COR LMP PAP.

FPA

SPL

FIGURE 12. Mandible fragment of Bullockornis planei (posterior part of P9464—112); A, lateral aspect; B, dorsal

aspect; C, internal aspect. Abbreviations: ANG, angular; COR, coronoid; DNT, dentary; FCM, fossa for external

craniomandibular adductors; FPA, fossa for m. pterygoideus anterior; ICC, intercotylar crest; LCO, lateral cotyla;

LMP, lateral mandibular process; MAF, mandibular fenestra; MCO, medial cotyla; MMP, medial mandibular process;

PAP, postarticular (retroarticular) process; PNF, pneumatic foramen; PRA, prearticular; SPL, splenial; SUR,

surangular.

DROMORNITHID SKULLS 65

Vomeropalatine?. The precise position and

orientation of the bones represented by an isolated

56 mm long fragment (P9464—-115) of fused palatal

mid-line elements are unknown (Fig.10J-L). The

fragment is triradiate in section with a median

suture dividing a broadly U-shaped grooved

surface, opposite of which is a deep longitudinal

median crest bearing a narrow V-shaped slot. The

external margins of the slotted crest are smooth and

shallowly concave. The internal surfaces of the slot

are also smooth and clearly indicative of a sliding

joint. The median process probably represents the

fused prevomers; its median slot articulating with

the parasphenoid and the U-shaped sutured

surfaces representing the hemipterygoid component

of the palatines. A crest along the broken lateral

margin probably represents the internal edge of the

palatine. This interpretation seems in accord with

the deep palatal structure of dromornithids in which

the hemipterygoids and palatines might form the

dorsoposterior margin of the internal nares similar

to the equivalent region in parrots.

Mandible. Several large fragments of the mandible

have been recovered, sufficient to fully reconstruct

its overall shape (Figs 11A-D, 12A-C). The

wedge-shaped dentaries are deep and flat-sided,

with a slightly concave dorsal marginal profile,

descending from posterior to anterior at an angle

of about 30° relative to the ventral border. The

surangular is a low, sinuous crest ascending

towards the back of the deep posterior dentary

margin at about 40°. The broad and robustly

constructed articular is divided into lateral and

medial cotylar surfaces by a low, but distinct

intercotylar crest. Corresponding processes are

present on either side (Fig. 12A—C). The internal

mandibular process forms a C-shaped crest around

the anteromedial margin of the articular groove,

thickening posteriorly into a broad triangular

tuberosity surmounted by a distinct facet. The

pneumatic foramen is large. The external or lateral

mandibular process is a prominent, rounded

tuberosity. The long axis of the articular fossa is

directed anteromedially and is slightly inclined

posteriorly. The lateral cotyla is enclosed

anterolaterally by a crest of the lateral mandibular

process. The elongated, oval 29 mm by 15 mm

medial cotyla is much deeper and considerably

longer than the external one (21 mm x 17 mm).

The postarticular process is long and deep,

terminating dorsally in an upturned conical

eminence. A considerable part of the postarticular

process is missing from the illustrated specimen.

The internal surface is deeply notched to

A 30MM

FIGURE 13. Dentary fragment of Bullockornis planei

(P9464-113) showing form of the tip; A, dorsal aspect;

B, lateral aspect; C, ventral aspect; D, anterior aspect.

Abbreviations: DNT, dentary; GCR, gnathothecal crest;

SYM, symphysis.

accommodate the large post-tympanic crests and

neurocranio-mandibular process. The coronoids

are small but distinct projections arising from a

low lateral crest. The surangular forms a low

sinuous crest, at the base of which is a small

mandibular fenestra. The angular suture is visible

on P9464—112, trending horizontally about 40 mm

above the inferior border. The prearticular forms a

shelf-like horizontal crest extending along the base

of the surangular. The ventral profile of the

mandible is deeply notched immediately posterior

to the dentary-splenial articulation resulting in a

66 P. F. MURRAY & D. MEGIRIAN

large, rounded gonial eminence. The splenial

border is thick and rounded.

The dentary symphysis is fused, forming a U-

shaped, scoop-like termination (Figs 11B-—D,

13A-—D). The ventral surfaces of the anterior

portions of the mandibular rami are smooth, with

no indication of an anteroposterior groove.

Externally, the bases of the rami turn abruptly

upwards from the ventral surface of the symphysis

lending a decidedly slab-sided appearance to the

region. The rami extend posteriorly in a long,

narrow parabola, the longitudinal axis of each

ramus being nearly straight. A thick internal

gnathothecal crest commences about 40 mm

posterior to the anterior margin of the tip. The

profile of the tip is convex, corresponding to the

concave, overhanging profile of the margin of the

tip of the upper beak. In overall form, each

hemimandible is deep, robustly constructed and

scimitar-like. The external adductor muscle scar

forms a deep circular fossa extending down to the

inferior border and for an equivalent distance

anteroposteriorly. Three distinct muscular ridges

are present within the fossa reflecting considerable

muscular differentiation of the craniomandibular

adductors.

?Bullockornis sp.

Referred material: Occipitals, P87103—44,

P8695-273, P8765—1, P9464-109.

Locality: Bullock Creek, Northern Territory

(additional data as for Bullockornis planei).

Lithic unit and age: Camfield Beds; middle

Miocene.

Fauna: Bullock Creek Local Fauna.

Description:

Occipital. Four occipital fragments represent a

smaller dromornithid, presumably belonging to

the unnamed Bullock Creek LF species described

by Rich (1979) as ?Bullockornis sp. These are

distinguished from the same region of the cranium

of Bullockornis planei by their much smaller size

and transversely broader occipital condyle with a

more flattend dorsal margin. A circular fossa

situated ventral to the base of the occipital condyle

is a distinctive feature. The paroccipital processes

are weakly developed and project ventrally rather

than posteriorly. The basioccipital is flatter and

broader than in Bullockornis planei. The occipital

region of this species closely resembles specimens

assigned to the two known species of the Alcoota

LF genus //bandornis.

Genus Dromornis Owen 1872

Dromornis stirtoni Rich 1979

Referred material: Cranial bases missing

basitemporal plate and basipterygoid processes

P98105, P9342; occipitals P98106, P98111; upper

beak, P9245; mandibles, P98107, P98112; left

pterygoid, P98114.

Locality: Alcoota Homestead, Northern Territory,

Australia.

Lithic unit and age: Waite Formation; late

Miocene.

Fauna: Alcoota Local Fauna.

Description:

Cranium. The largest of the cranial fragments,

P98105, slightly exceeds that of Bullockornis

planei (P9464—-106) in overall size (Fig. 14A—B).

P9342 is approximately the same size as the latter

specimen. Allowing for individual variability,

what is known of the cranial morphology of

Dromornis stirtoni appears to be very similar to

that of Bullockornis planei. Both Dromornis

Stirtoni specimens are coronal sections preserving

the backs of the orbits, fronto-rostral joint,

margins of the basipterygoid and anterior surfaces

of the opisthotics. The posterior surfaces are

sheared off at about the level of the parietals. The

occipital condyle of P98105 was impacted into the

posterior surface. As in Bullockornis planei the

orbital plates are shallow, with large marginal

foramina. The postorbital processes of P98105 are

longer and narrower than in any Bullockornis

planei specimen, but those of P9342 are very

similar (i.e. short and broad) to the largest Bullock

Creek species.

Rostrum. The upper beak of Dromornis stirtoni

(P9245) is represented by a 200 mm long by 140

mm deep and 60 mm wide fragment that

preserves the profile of the beak and its basic form

up to an unknown distance anterior to the external

nares (Fig. 1SA—C). As in Bullockornis, the beak

DROMORNITHID SKULLS 67

30MM

FIGURE 14. Fragmentary cranium of Dromornis stirtoni (P98105); A, anterior aspect; B, lateral aspect.

Abbreviations: BTPL, basipterygoid plate (basipterygoid+basioccipital); EAM, external auditory meatus; FPQ, fossa

for mm. protractor quadratus + pterygoideus; ICA, foramen for internal carotid artery; II, optic nerve foramen; IOS,

interorbital septum; IX X XI, accessory, vagus and glossopharyngeal nerve; LFO, lateral fossa or sinus of the frontal;

LPF, lateral processof the frontal; MPF, median process of the frontal; OFL, orbital flange; OPI, opisthotic; ORB,

orbit; PPR, postorbital process; QFO, quadrate fossa; V, trigeminal nerve; V', ophthalmic nerve; VI, abducens nerve;

VII, facial nerve.

is deep, narrow and aquiline, with a slightly

hooked tip. In ventral aspect, the palate is

elongated and narrow with a shallow, solid

surface. The median palatal fossa is expressed as

a distinct oval depression in the posterior end of

the fragment. Posteriorly, the maxillopalatines are

fused and form a median process, on either side of

which are deep notches possibly representing the

anterior borders of the internal nares. The

palatines are broad distally, though apparently not

as expanded in this region as in Bullockornis.

Rhinothecal grooves, similar to those of

Bullockornis planei are evident, though poorly

preserved on the specimen.

Pterygoid. The distal half of a left pterygoid

(P98114) preserves part of the basipterygoid facet

and a nearly complete palatine articular condyle

(Fig. 10E,F). The shaft is relatively more slender

and triangular in section than that of Bullockornis.

The basipterygoid facets are situated at the distal

end of the shaft and, though the medial half of the

facet is missing, it is evident that they were offset

to the medial side. These were oval, 29 mm long

by an estimated 18 mm wide with a flat surface.

The palatine articular surface is 28 mm long by 12

mm wide. A triangular break on the dorsolateral

surface may have represented a small process. The

preserved surface indicates a simple transverse

condylar joint, unfused to the palatine, but with

limited movement. A deep, oval fossa for the m.

protractor pterygoideus is present on the dorsal

surface proximal to the basipterygoid facet. The

proximal (quadrate) articular surface missing.

Based on the complete pterygoid of //bandornis,

the Dromornis pterygoid was probably 60-65 mm

long.

Mandible. The mandibles of Dromornis stirtoni

are up to 460 mm long and 140 mm deep at the

surangular apex (Figs. 16A-C, 17, 18A,B). In

addition to their slightly larger size, the mandibles

68 P. F. MURRAY & D. MEGIRIAN

PMX

MPF

PAL

FIGURE 15. Upper beak fragment of Dromornis stirtoni (P9245); A, right lateral aspect; B, palatal aspect; C, left

lateral aspect. Abbreviations: INA, internal nares; MPA, maxillopalatine; MPF, median palatal fossa; MPM, median

palatal process; PAL, palatine; PMX, premaxilla;

differ from those of Bullockornis planei in other

minor respects. While the mandibles of

Dromornis are generally very similar to those of

Bullockornis planei, they are slightly deeper

relative to their length, more gracile and appear to

have a transversely thinner postarticular process.

There is no indication of the coronoid on any

specimen and the gonial eminence is broader and

less pronounced. Also apparent is a more rounded

than angular turn of the dentary at ventral margin

of the symphysis. As in Bullockornis, the

symphysis is fused, but appears to have been

shorter. Several Bullockornis fragments are not

inferior in size to the largest specimens of

Dromornis stirtoni. The description of the

Bullockornis mandibles otherwise applies to those

of Dromornis.

P98107 (Fig. 17) is the only dromornithid

mandible in which any part the retroarticular

salient is preserved. Judging from the shape of the

DROMORNITHID SKULLS 69

FCM GTM

McO aN

30MM

SPL

FIGURE 16. Right hemimandible of Dromornis stirtoni (P98107) A, lateral aspect; B dorsal aspect; C, internal

aspect. Abbreviations: ANG, angular; COR, coronoid; DNT, dentary; FCM, fossa for external adductors; FPA, fossa

for m. pterygoideus anterior; GCR, gnathothecal crest; GTM, posterior gnathothecal margin; ICC, intercotylar crest;

LCO, lateral cotyla; MCO, medial cotyla; PAP, postarticular; PRA, prearticular; SPL, splenial; SUR, surangular;

SYM, symphysis.

FIGURE 17. Photograph of right hemimandible of Dromornis stirtoni (P98107) scale interval=lcm.

70 P. F. MURRAY & D. MEGIRIAN

30MM

LCO

FIGURE 18. Fused hemimandibles of Dromornis stirtoni (P98112) A, lateral aspect; B, dorsal aspect. Abbreviations:

GCR, gnathothecal crest; ICC, intercotylar crest; LCO, lateral cotyla; LMP, lateral mandibular process; MCO, medial

cotyla; MMP, medial mandibular process; SYM, symphysis.

break, at least half of the distal end (~20 mm) is

missing. Projected outlines indicate a crescent-

shape structure with the pointed tip, recurved and

directed dorsally or slightly anterodorsally.

Though mediolaterally compressed (~10-12 mm

thick in mid-region), the retromandibular process

is very deep dorsoventrally, and rather than being

a simple blade-like structure, the internal surface

of the entire eminence is emarginated by low

crests. As in Bullockornis, a shallow fossa is

present in the area of the conical recess, as the

inferior buttress or crest of the medial mandibular

process is comparatively weak.

Genus Ilbandornis Rich 1979

Ilbandornis spp.

Referred material: Fragment of cranium, P9843;

occipitals, P98108, mandibles, P98109, P98111;

left quadrate fragment, P98116; left pterygoid,

P98115.

Locality: Alcoota Homestead, Northern Territory,

Australia.

Lithic unit and age: Waite Formation, late

Miocene.

Fauna: Alcoota Local Fauna.

Description:

Cranium. The cranium of I/bandornis sp. is 30-

40% larger than the equivalent part of an Ostrich

(Figs 19A-C, 21A). While comparable parts of

the cranium are very similar to Bullockornis and

Dromornis, the occipital condyle is relatively

small: 11.5 deep by 13.5 wide and distinctly

DROMORNITHID SKULLS 71

PAR

FIGURE 19. Cranial fragment of Ibandornis sp. (P9843) A, lateral aspect; B, anterior aspect; C, posterior aspect.

Abbreviations: BOC, basioccipital; EAM, external auditory meatus; FMA, foramen magnum; FPQ, fossa for m.

protractor quadratus-+ pterygoideus; LFO, lateral fossa or sinus of frontal; LPF, lateral process of frontal; MPF,

median process of frontal; OCC, occipital condyle; OPI, opisthotic,; ORB, orbit; PAR, parietal; POP, paroccipital

process; PPR, postorbital process; QFO; quadrate fossa; SOC, supraoccipital; V, trigeminal nerve foramen; XII,

hypoglossal nerve foramen (condylar).

flattened dorsally. A circular pit is present

anteroventral to the base of the occipital condyle.

The foramen magnum is oval (19.0 mm x 11.5

mm). The back of the cranium was about 87 mm

wide across the post-tympanic crests at the level

of the occipital condyle and approximately 145

mm high from the tip of the opisthotic to the top

of the cranium. The orbit, as in other species of

dromornithid, is shallow and C-shaped,

terminating anterodorsally in a low frontal

tuberosity. Medial to the tuberosity is the

characteristic lateral fossa. The cranial surface

above the orbit and the ethmofrontal area is

relatively deeper than in other species of

dromornithid. The opisthotics are wide, ventrally

elongated and greatly expanded posteriorly into a

72 P. F. MURRAY & D. MEGIRIAN

GCR

30MM

LCO

FIGURE 20. Fused hemimandibles of I/bandornis sp. (P98109); A, lateral aspect; B, dorsal aspect. Abbreviations:

DNT, dentary; GCR, gnathothecal crest; LCO, lateral cotyla; MCO, medial cotyla; PAP, postarticular; SYM,

symphysis.

sharp, wing-like post-tympanic crests. The

neurocranio-mandibular process is laterally

compressed and pointed. The quadrate fossae are

oval sockets, about 10 mm by 12 mm. The

postorbital process is about 20 mm long and 12

mm wide. The basitemporal plate is a pyramidal

elevation broken immediately below the

parasphenoidal rostrum. The shape of the upper

beak is unknown for this species.

Quadrate. A proximal fragment of a left quadrate

(P98116), about 15% smaller, but similar to that

of Bullockornis, probably represents one of the

two Ilbandornis species. The proximal articular

surface of this quadrate specimen is broader and

more rectangular than oval in dorsal aspect. There

is a faint intercondylar incisure and the pro-otic

condyle is slightly broader than the squamosal

condyle. The posterointernal surface is damaged

in the area of the foramen. An anterolateral crest

is present, which appears to have been shorter,

though as prominent as in Bullockornis. In the

Ilbandornis specimen, an oval fossa is present in

about the same position as the ligamentous groove

along the margin of the lateral crest in

Bullockornis. The orbital process is incomplete.

Pterygoid. The pterygoid (P98115) is fairly short

(51.5 mm) and straight, retaining a simple, 17.5

mm by 12.5 mm transverse condylar joint with

the palatine distally and a deep, oval (11 mm x 8

mm) articular socket for the quadrate proximally

(Fig. 10G-I). The 20 mm by (estimated) 15 mm

basipterygoid facet is incomplete, but appears to

have been oval and flat. As in other

dromornithids, the facets are situated near the

distal end and offset to the dorsomedial side of the

shaft. A deep fossa for the m. protractor

pterygoideus is present on the posteroventral

surface which is penetrated by two small

foramina. Dorsally, a low, longitudinal crest

extended over most of the length of the shaft.

Much of the ventromedial surface is eroded, which

includes the ventral crest, the ventral half of the

DROMORNITHID SKULLS 73

FIGURE 21. Photographs of: A, left side of cranial fragment of I/bandornis sp. (P9843) note laterally compressed,

dagger-like neurocranio-mandibular process; B, left side of mandible fragment of Ilbandornis sp. (P98111),

distinguished from mandible P98109 by concave ventral border, small size, deeper dentary, wide symphysial notch,

C, ventral aspect of mandible fragment of I/bandornis sp. (P98111).

basipterygoid facet and the ventromedial process

of the pterygopalatine articular surface.

Mandible. The most complete mandible of

Ilbandornis is shallower in relation to its length

than in Bullockornis and Dromornis, though

otherwise similarly constructed. P98109 is 380

mm long and about 70 mm deep at the distal end

of the dentary margin. The tomial profile is

slightly concave; decurved at the tip (Fig. 20A,B).

The ventral margin is straight. As in other

dromornithid species, the symphysis of the two

74 P. F. MURRAY & D. MEGIRIAN

hemimandibles is fused. The most obvious

differentiating features of this specimen is the

suppression of its gonial angle and slenderness of

the horizontal rami.

A second, much smaller specimen of

Ilbandornis (P98111) is distinguished by its

concave ventral profile commencing anterior to the

gonial expansion (Fig. 21B—C). A section of the

tomial margin is present, the angle of which

suggests that the mandible was significantly

deeper relative to its length than P98109. As

indicated by the postcranial skeleton, the two

species of J/bandornis are quite different, but to

which species the mandibles or the cranial

fragment might belong has not been confirmed by

association.

Observations on Genyornis

Though the skull of Genyornis newtoni is

poorly preserved, it makes an important

contribution to dromornithid morphology in

showing proportions that must otherwise be

inferred from isolated and fragmentary elements.

Conversely, the new dromornithid material

elucidates some structural elements of Genyornis

previously overlooked or considered too

fragmentary to interpret. As the actual skull of

Genyornis newtoni was unavailable for study', we

have relied on the photographic plates and

descriptions of Stirling and Zietz (1913).

The preserved neurocranial and orbital elements

closely resemble those of better preserved

dromornithid specimens (Stirling and Zietz 1913

pl. XXXVI, Fig. 1). Of particular interest are the

relationships at the cranio-rostral contact. While

this area is partially obscured by plaster,

Genyornis appears to have a well-developed

transverse cranio-rostral joint indicated by a

shallow V-shaped notch in the dorsal profile. The

culmen is strongly arched as in Bullockornis,

except that the anterior limb of the arch descends

steeply towards the tip of the beak.

' Neville Pledge, Curator of Fossils, South Australian Museum

informed us that the skull of Genyornis newtoni is ‘...too fragile

in its present state to travel,’ adding: ‘When it was found

originally, exposed in the surface weathering zone, apparently it

was recognised as a skull but too fragmentary to collect in the

rather primitive way the diprotodons were being dug up. Instead

they (whoever they were) poured liquid plaster over the surface,

embedding the bone fragments where they were. Enough must

have percolated through to the bottom to hold the unexposed

side in place when the block was excavated and turned over. I

do not believe any reconstruction was done to the shape or

proportions of the skull by Stirling and Zietz.’

The descending process of the lachrymal is

probably indicated by a raised area of oriented

fragments. The dorsal part of the lachrymal

extends a lobe anteriorly defining the posterior

side of the anteorbital fenestra. The anteorbital

fenestra appears to have been a triangular slot,

anterior to which, a fan-shaped mass descends

obliquely towards the ventral margin, representing

the anteroinferior process of the nasal bone. A

hollow region immediately anterior to the

descending process of the nasal suggests a large,

oval external narial aperture. The posterior margin

of the maxilla is partially intact. It appears to have

been deep, and obviously made contact with the

anterior process of the nasal bone.

The back of the cranium is badly damaged, the

only visible structure being the quadrate fossa, the

right post-tympanic crest having been crushed

forward, obscuring the auditory meatus. Stirling

and Zietz (1913) placed the quadratojugal in the

position shown in the photograph. An oval

structure lying under the quadratojugal could be

an articular facet of the basipterygoid process

which would occur in about that position. Having

examined the photograph carefully under

magnification, it clearly represents bone, with

some open trabeculae around the anterior edge.

This appears to be the structure Stirling and Zietz

(1913) refer to as ‘...part of the articular surface

for the quadrate...’. Stirling and Zietz were

convinced that extreme lateral crushing of the

specimen had distorted the proportions of the beak

beyond usefulness, but as it is now known that the

beak in dromornithids is laterally compressed, the

shape is probably fairly representative for the

species.

Assuming that the fossil retains a reasonably

accurate indication of the original shape of the

skull, Genyornis newtoni seems to bear a closer

superficial resemblance to a goose (Anser) or a

screamer (Chauna) than it does to any ratite

species. Overall proportions are goose-like: in the

goose, orbital length is 21% of the total length,

which is 17% in Genyornis. The beak is 50% of

the cranial length in the goose, as it is in

Genyornis, and the depth of the cranium in the

goose is about a third of its length, the same, as

near as we can estimate, as in Genyornis. In

addition to its Anser-like proportions, the outline

of the beak and dorsal surface of the cranium of

Genyornis are strongly reminiscent of a screamer,

such as Chauna torquata (Anhimidae); the

culmen being aquiline and the inferior margin of

the mandible being slightly concave. The

reconstruction of the skull of Genyornis in Rich

DROMORNITHID SKULLS 75

(1979, Fig. 1) is based on emu morphology, at the

time a reasonable but misleading assumption,

showing a large confluent anteorbital-narial

aperture with horizontal premaxillary and

maxillary plates, emu-like prefrontal and

postorbital with a well-defined temporal fossa

bounded by postorbital and zygomatic processes.

Stirling and Zietz (1913) concluded that the

quadrate of Genyornis newtoni ‘...differs very

considerably from that of existing ratite birds...’,

though in spite of this explicit observation to the

contrary, Matthew and Granger (1917) state that

the quadrate of Genyornis ‘...is typically

dromaeognathine’. While Stirling and Zietz’s

(1913) figures of the quadrate generally

correspond to that of Bullockornis planei, there

are some significant proportional differences. The

quadrate of Genyornis is less robust, with a

narrower body and much narrower condyles for

the articular.

The articular facet for the qudratojugal is

situated lower relative to the external articular

condyle than in Bullockornis but ‘sessile’ rather

than stalk-like as in ratites. Unlike Bullockornis,

BTPL

BPTP

the head is small and composed of a single,

undivided hemispherical surface (Stirling and

Zietz 1913). A strong crest extends down the

anterolateral surface of the otic process for the m.

adductor mandibularis externus and the pterygoid

articulation is a small oval tuberosity, unlike the

large, concave, elongated pterygoid facets in the

Emu and Ostrich.

Stirling and Zietz (1913) apparently confined

their comparison of Genyornis’s quadrate to

ratites alone, for had they examined the quadrates

of a domestic chicken, megapode or duck, surely

the more familiar ground would have been

recognised. Stirling and Zietz (1913) isolated the

very suite of characters that indicate that the

quadrates of Genyornis were mobile, like those of

neognathous birds, but failed to appreciate the

significance of the morphological complex in

relation to dromornithid systematics.

Comparative morphology

The long systematic association of

dromornithids with ratite birds necessitates a

FIGURE 22. Comparison of the form of the temporal fossa, postorbital and zygomatic process, opisthotic and

external auditory meatus in A & B, Bullockornis planei; C & D, Anas sp. (domestic duck); E & F, Dromaius

novaehollandiae (Emu). In the Emu, squamosal (SQ)=zygomatic process and frontal (FR)=postorbital process;

BPTP, basipterygoid process; BTPL, basipterygoid plate; EAM, external auditory meatus; FPQ, fossa for m.

protractor et levator quadratus+pterygoideus, FR, frontal; OPI, opisthotic; PPR, postorbital process; SQ,

squamosal; TEF, temporal fossa.

76 P. F. MURRAY & D. MEGIRIAN

comparison with the dromaeognathous species.

While examples from a variety of living

neognathous orders were examined, the majority

of our observations pertain to anseriform and

galliform species. The Ostrich and Emu are the

principle palaeognathous forms used for

comparison. Dromornithid features of particular

interest in this study are the form and structural

relations of the cranial vault; the cranio-rostral

surfaces; the zygomatic process and temporal

fossa; the basipterygoid-parasphenoid complex;

the quadrate and pterygoid and the upper beak.

Cranium. The dermal elements of the

dromornithid cranium are exceptionally short,

compared to galliform and ratite birds. The frontal

is retracted and broad, somewhat like that of a

parrot. The narrow crescents of the parietals

appear to be mostly confined to the posterior

surface of the cranium, extending a short distance

onto the lateral surface above the squamosal at the

level of the quadrate fossa. In the Emu, Ostrich

and Rhea, the parietals are broad and extend to

the laterosphenoid below the postorbital process

of the frontal. An interparietal-like structure is

outlined above the supraoccipital in Bullockornis.

Heilmann (1926) depicted an interparietal in the

gosling, but we were unable to confirm its

presence in a younger domestic gosling specimen.

It appears to be present in a young Magpie goose,

although the suture could represent an overlap of

the parietal onto the supraoccipital. A distinct

interparietal bone is absent in the chicks of

Ostrich, Emu, Domestic fowl and megapode.

The form of the opisthotics is highly distinctive

in dromornithids (Fig. 22A, B). The rounded post-

tympanic crest of the opisthotic is thick and

greatly expanded in the parasagittal plane,

terminating in a long, slender ventrally-directed

process extending from immediately below the

external auditory fenestra. The auditory fenestra is

situated within a laterally directed cavity formed

by the anterior and posterior crests of the

opisthotic. The ventral crest of the opisthotic is

well-developed, obscuring the auditory fenestra

from view in the ventral aspect. Posterodorsal to

the auditory fenestra, a thick crest for the adductor

aponeurosis defines the posterior margin of the

temporal fossa which continues anteriorly to

below the base of the postorbital process in the

form of a circular fossa.

The morphology of this region differs markedly

from that of ratite birds (Fig. 22E, F) in which the

crest of the opisthotic forms a cup-shaped arch

over the auditory fenestra, while in ventral aspect,

the auditory fenestra is quite visible, as the crest

terminates posterior to its orifice as a transversely

directed flange. In anseriform birds (Fig. 22C,D)

the post-tympanic crest is oriented in the

parasagittal plane and the ventral crest and

tympanic ring encloses the laterally open auditory

recess, as in dromornithids. The crest is also more

ventrally-directed and elongated than in ratite

birds, usually terminating ventrally in a slender,

conical process. In galliform birds, the post-

tympanic crest is weak and oriented transversely

as in the majority of neornithians.

The structure of the postorbital and temporal

fossa region of the dromornithid cranium differs

markedly from that of the Emu and Ostrich (Figs.

22E,F, 23F-H). In dromornithids the postorbital

process is a composite structure consisting of the

postorbital lamina of the squamosal and possibly

the frontal externally, which fuses with an internal

process of the squamosal and pterosphenoid that

may be homologous with the zygomatic process.

Consequently, the temporal fossa is displaced

posteroinferiorly, behind and below the

squamosal. In all ratite birds, a large and well-

defined temporal fossa is formed between the

squamosal (zygomatic process) and the postorbital

(frontal) processes (Fig. 23F-I). In many galliform

birds (also parrots, frogmouths and diatrymatids)

the two processes, which are composed in the

former of the squamosal and laterosphenoid

dorsally (postorbital process) and the squamosal

ventrally (squamosal process), form an arcade

around the adductor muscles, recreating a

temporal fenestra (Heilmann 1926), (Fig. 23C, I);

whereas the two processes (postorbital process of

the frontal and squamosal process) remain widely

separated in the Ostrich and Emu (Fig. 23F—H).

The condition in anseriform birds is like that of

dromornithids in that the temporal fossa is

situated posteroventral to the postorbital process,

which is composed primarily of the squamosal

externally and the laterosphenoid internally,

though its individual components are not evident

in adult birds (Fig. 23D, E).

Cranio-rostral joint. The anterior orbital region,

consisting of the posterior processes of the nasals,

the lachrymals and posterodorsal premaxillary

process is not known. The frontal hinge is

composed of a median eminence with a large

fossa on either side, floored by a hinge-like

process of the orbital roof (orbital flange), that

probably articulated with the posterior process of

the nasal and perhaps the base of the lachrymal.

Below the frontal eminence is a shallow, smooth-

DROMORNITHID SKULLS 771

FIGURE 23. Comparison of structure of the cranial sidewall in A, Bullockornis planei; B, Domestic chick, Gallus

gallus; C, adult Domestic chicken, Gallus gallus; D, domestic gosling, Anser sp.; E, Pink-eared duck,

Malacorhynchus membranaceous; F, 6-week old Ostrich chick, Struthio camelus; G, adult Ostrich, Struthio

camelus, H, adult Emu, Dromaius novaehollandiae; I, cockatoo, Cacatua sp. Abbreviations: BOC, basioccipital;

FR, frontal; OPI, opisthotic; PAR, parietal; PTS, pterosphenoid; SOC, supraoccipital; SQ, squamosal; SUB,

suborbital; TEF, temporal fossa.

surfaced transverse groove denoting the dorsal

surface of the mesethmoid and possibly represents

the contact with the posterior process of the

premaxilla.

Regardless of the specific configuration of the

contacts, of which several plausible alternative

interpretations can be made, the structure shows

similarities with the mobile joint surfaces on the

posterior margin of the upper beak of anseriform

birds and to some extent also parallels the

condition in parrots. Parrots, because of their

broad, shortened anteorbital region and deep

posterior surface of the beak, present a broad,

rectangular cranio-rostral interface with distinct

78 P. F. MURRAY & D. MEGIRIAN

median frontal and mesethmoidal eminences

bordered by fossae on either side. A naso-

premaxillary hinge traverses the entire dorsal

margin of the joint, the topographical equivalent

of which in dromornithids is a rugose, upturned

transverse crest. In ducks and geese, the two

lateral fossae form hinge-and-socket joints

between the anterodorsal prefrontal margin and

the descending nasal processes, connected by

ligaments. The median part of the hinge is formed

by thin, flexible bony processes of the nasal and

the premaxilla which are enveloped by an

overgrowth of the frontal. The transverse sulcus

below the frontal eminence in Bullockornis

resembles the broken margin of a similarly thin

bony lamina.

Ratite crania, which are rhynchokinetic, show

no similarities to the distinctive prokinetic

dromornithid cranio-rostral morphology. The

dorsal lamina of the ethmoid presents an

elongated, flattened surface overlain anteriorly by

a thin lamination of the posterior process of the

premaxilla and is bound-in laterally by the

posterior processes of the nasals; whereas in

dromornithids, the ethmoid appears to have

terminated under the frontal as in parrots,

allowing the rostrum to flex to some extent along

the joint surface, depending on the nature of its

ligamentous attachments (discussed in the

following section). Ratites lack a transverse

cranio-rostral hinge and the beak is essentially

rigid, although varying degrees of rostral kinesis

are present in different species depending

primarily on the flexibility of the premaxillary arch

(Simonetta 1960, Bock 1963).

Rostrum. The upper beak differs substantially in

form and structure from those of the Emu and

Ostrich. Unlike either of the latter species, the

beaks of dromornithids are deep and laterally

compressed, with sheer, solid lateral walls

apparently composed predominantly of the

premaxilla anteriorly and the nasals and maxilla

posteriorly. As the only suture visible on the

specimens is the maxillo-premaxillary, the precise

form and extent of the nasal bone is unknown.

The small external narial aperture of Bullockornis

planei is strikingly similar to that of Diatryma

steini and D. gigantea (Matthew and Granger

1917, Andors 1992).

The beaks of Dromornis and Genyornis

indicate that the maxilla was deep and extended

posteroventrally below the jugal process.

Consequently, the descending process of the nasal

made contact with the maxilla. In

dromaeognathous birds, the posterolateral

processes of the premaxilla and maxilla are

reduced or absent, leaving only the palatal

processes, while the descending process of the

nasal is closely applied to the premaxilla resulting

in a large, confluent anteorbito-narial fenestra

(schizorhinous), (Simonetta 1960, Bock 1963).

Thus the external surfaces of the beak of

dromornithids is clearly unlike those of any living

or extinct palaeognath. The structure of the palatal

surface of the dromornithid beak also shows an

important contrast with paleognaths in its fusion

of the maxillopalatines at the mid-line, forming a

median process that loosely articulated with the

distal end of the prevomer. The vomers were fused

into a relatively short, vertical plate that did not

contribute a fused ventromedian lamination of the

palatal roof as in dromaeognathous ratites.

Instead, dromornithids had an extreme form of

desmognathous palate.

Cranial base. The morphological details of the

basisphenoid differ significantly from the

equivalent regions in the Emu and Ostrich. In

addition to their nearly conjoined facets, the

basipterygoid processes appear to arise a

considerable distance distal to the surface of the

basitemporal plate as indicated by the position of

the eustachian canals and internal carotid

(parasphenoidal) foramina. Unlike the Emu and

Ostrich in which the eustachian canals are situated

laterally at the base of the each basipterygoid

process, the eustachian canals in dromornithids

are confluent at the mid-line of the basitemporal

plate, opening on the posteroventral margin of the

basipterygoid rostrum, as typifies neognathous

birds (Fig. 24A—H). This complex is related to a

subtle difference in the basipterygoid-

parasphenoid union. In palaegnathous birds, the

basisphenoid contacts the parasphenoid a short

distance posterior to the eustachian openings,

whereas in neognathous birds, including

dromornithids, the basisphenoid sends a thin

lamination of bone over the sutural contact, thus

enclosing the eustachian canals which initially

perforate the basisphenoid in about the same

lateral position as in the Ostrich and Emu. In 3-

week and 6-week old Ostrich chicks, and

presumably adults, the anteromedial ends of the

eustachian canals are enclosed by a cartilaginous

extension that opens confluently on the mid-line,

that is apparently homologous to the bony

overgrowth of the basitemporal plate seen in

neognaths.

In dromornithids the lateral wings of the body

DROMORNITHID SKULLS 79

Eus?

10MM

FIGURE 24. Comparison of basipterygoid and rostropterygoid articulations in various palaeognathous and

neognathous birds; A, Barking owl, Ninox connivens; B, Button quail, Turnix velox; C, Partridge pigeon, Geophaps

smithii; D, Emu, Dromaius novaehollandiae; E, Spotted nightjar, Eurostopodus argus; F, Ostrich, Struthio camelus;

G, dromornithid, Bullockornis planei; H, domestic duck, Anas sp.

80 P. F. MURRAY & D. MEGIRIAN

of the basisphenoid (the ‘alisphenoid’ of Owen)

are rounded, sloping surfaces rather than swollen

transverse crests forming the anterior wall of the

auditory canal in the Emu and Ostrich, nor is there

a rugose crest or swelling present along the

contact area between the laterosphenoid and the

basisphenoid. The equivalent area in

Bullockornis, Dromornis and Ilbandornis is

occupied by a deep circular fossa for the origin of

the protractors quadratus and pterygoideus

muscles, very similar to that of many ducks and

geese and which are rarely, if ever, as well-

| eee

developed in other neognathous species (Fig.

22B-D, Fig. 1B). As such, the basic form and

relations of the basicranium of dromornithids is a

great deal more like those of anseriform birds than

to any of the living palaeognaths.

In dromaeognathous ratites the basipterygoid

processes arise from the cornua of the

basitrabecular cartilage which ossify as laterally-

directed stalk-like, tubular outgrowths of the

basisphenoid on either side of the base of the

parasphenoidal rostrum (Fig. 24D, F). These are

present and fully ossified in late embryos of the

debited iio Eee.

FIGURE 25. Comparison of rostropterygoid articulations of Bullockornis planei (P9464—106) and Magpie goose

(Anseranas semipalmata), A, Bullockornis planei (chipped margins of facets, margin of eustachian opening and

parasphenoidal rostrum partially restored); B, Magpie goose (Anseranas semipalmata); scale bar=10mm; The

rostropterygoid articulations of Bullockornis show specific similarities to those of Anseranatidae in that the

parasphenoidal rostrum is narrow, the facets are more widely separated than in many other Anseriformes and the

interarticular surface of the parasphenoid is flattened.

DROMORNITHID SKULLS 81

Ostrich and Emu, whereas the basipterygoid

processes of relatively more mature, week-old

anseriform and galliform chicks are represented

by stalk-less, concave cartilaginous placodes

developed over partially ossified bone on the

ventral surface of the parasphenoid. The pedicles

develop gradually as the birds mature, and appear

to arise as an interaction with the contacting

surface of the pterygoid. It is likely, therefore, that

the basipterygoids (rostropterygoids) of anseriform

and galliform birds and by virtue of their close

similarity, those of dromornithids, are not strictly

homologous with the basipterygoid processes of

palaeognathous birds or those of neognathous

birds which have true basipterygoid processes

(Weber 1993). Some neognathous birds, such as

Boobook owls, have both rostropterygoid and

basipterygoid processes, indicating that the more

anterior (rostropterygoid) facets on the

parasphenoid are neomorphic structures.

The position of the facets along the

parasphenoid differ in various anseriform species.

They are situated closer to the base of the

parasphenoid in the Magpie goose and more

distally in Black and Pink-eared ducks. The

rostropterygoid morphology of Bullockornis is

very similar to that of a Magpie goose

(Anseranatidae), but with the facets directed more

ventrally in relation to the parasphenoidal rostrum

(Fig. 25A,B). The main difference between

dromornithid and anseranatid rostropterygoid

morphology appears to be a proportional

modification associated with the extreme

shortness of the orbito-frontal region, resulting in

a steep upward angulation of the parasphenoidal

rostrum. The true basipterygoid processes of

paleognathous and neognathous birds, while

differing in form and length, appear to consistently

arise from the same part of the basisphenoid (Fig.

24A-F).

Unfortunately, the interorbital septum and

parasphenoidal rostrum are damaged in all

dromornithid specimens. The base of the

parasphenoidal rostrum is present in P9464-106,

indicating that it was narrow and sharply crested

on its ventral surface as in Anseranas, and angled

anterodorsally, hence unlike those of any ratite,

though typical of many neognathous birds.

Similarly, the mesethmoidal septum appears to

have been short and thin, indicating that the

rostrum probably did not project beyond the level

of the anterior orbital margin.

Quadrate. The quadrates of the Emu and Ostrich

closely resemble one another in overall form and

in many specific morphological details. The head

in both species is elongated and narrow, the

quadratojugal tuberosity is a long, stout pedicle

with a narrow external articular facet on the

ventral surface, widely separated from the internal

articular facet by a U-shaped intercondylar fossa.

The quadrates of Bullockornis have a broad, oval

squamosal articular surface, faintly divided into

pro-otic and squamosal condyles by a shallow,

nearly obsolete intercondylar incisure. The

quadratojugal facet is closely applied to the body

(Fig. 26A—G) and probably buttressed posteriorly.

The external articular condyle was situated close

to the internal and divided from it by a shallow

groove. The anterolateral crest on the otic process

is not present in the Emu and Ostrich.

Significantly, the pterygoid articular surfaces in

the Emu and Ostrich extend dorsally onto the base

of the orbital process to form a wide, essentially

immobile joint in contrast to the mobile ball- and-

socket joint formed between the quadrate and

pterygoid in dromornithids.

The quadrates of anseriform birds are very

similar to those of Bullockornis, differing in the

less distal extent of the anterolateral or otic crest

and in possessing (in part) a more distinct

intercondylar incisure on the head. It appears that

the pro-otic condyle and the squamosal condyle

have coalesced or that the pro-otic condyle has

been greatly reduced in some dromornithids,

especially in Genyornis newtoni. While the lateral

crest for the m. adductor mandibulae externus

profundus is well-developed in many species of

anseriform birds, it does not extend as far distally

in any of the specimens examined in this study,

nor is the longitudinal groove on its anterior

margin as well-developed or extensive. The

quadrate of Genyornis newtoni (Stirling and Zietz

1913) is less robust than that of Bullockornis;

more tapered distally and possesses a more

elongated, slender and posteriorly directed otic

process. While the Genyornis specimens show

some proportional differences from those of

Bullockornis, none of these are in the direction of

dromaeognathous ratites.

Pterygoid. Among the three genera of

dromornithids for which the pterygoid is known,

that of Bullockornis planei is the most robust and

appears to possess a small distal socket joint, not

evident in I/bandornis sp. or Dromornis stirtoni

(Fig. 27A-C). Both the distal and proximal

articular surfaces of the I/bandornis sp. specimen

are present, indicating that the bone was short,

more or less straight and was not fused to the

82 P. F. MURRAY & D. MEGIRIAN

palatines as in dromaeognathous birds. Structures

and overall proportions are unlike those of any

ratite in having mobile joints, the palatine

articulation is terminal rather than lateral, and the

rostropterygoid facets are situated dorsomedially

near the distal end. These features are more

similar to galliform and anseriform pterygoids

than to those of any other avian order. The

quadrate articulation is specifically like those of

Anseriformes in its simple ball-and-socket

configuration. The palatine articulation of

Bullockornis planei and perhaps that of

Dromornis stirtoni, which is damaged in this

area, appear to have been differentiated into a

dorsomedial process and a small ball-and-socket

joint or second process, whereas in [/bandornis,

the palatine joint shows no evidence of gomphosis

and a separate dorsomedial process is absent.

FIGURE 26. Comparison of quadrates in: A & B, domestic duck, Anas platyrhynchus; C & D, dromornithid,

Bullockornis planei; E & F, Emu, Dromaius novaehollandiae; G & H, Ostrich, Struthio camelus. Abbreviations:

EAS, external articular surface; IAS, internal articular surface; LCR, lateral crest; LPT, scar for pterygoid ligament;

ORP, orbital process; OTP, otic process; PRC, pro-otic condyle; PTT, pterygoid tubercle; QJF, quadratojugal facet;

SQC/SQA, squamosal articular surface/condyle.

DROMORNITHID SKULLS 83

Mandible. The lower jaws of dromornithids are

unique among birds in having a pronounced

gonial expansion to accommodate its large

mandibular adductor muscles. They are also

among the deepest avian mandibles relative to

their length, surpassing those of Diatryma, though

less deep in proportion to length than in parrots.

Dromornithids have moderately well-developed

surangulars, comparable to those of many

anseriform birds, but less prominent than in

parrots. The coronoids are subdued like those of

parrots. The postarticular process is elongated,

straight in the sagittal plane, relatively narrow

transversely and hooked upwards, a feature to

varying degrees of galliform, phoenicopteriform

and anseriform birds, but not ratites.

Approximately half of the delicate distal point of

the postarticular process of Dromornis stirtoni is

missing (Fig. 17). However, the base of the

mediolaterally-compressed process indicates that

it curved anterodorsally as in anseriform birds and

was not abruptly angled posterodorsally as in

galliform birds. The articular fossa is distinctly

more galliform or anseriform-like than anything

FIGURE 27. Ventral aspects of left pterygoids of: A, ?Bullockornis planei (Dromornithidae); B, Dromornis stirtoni

(Dromornithidae); C, Ilbandornis sp. (Dromornithidae); D, Chauna torquata (Anhimidae); E, Diatryma gigantea

(Diatrymidae); F, Meleagris gallopavo (Phasianidae); G, Anas sp. (Anatidae); H, Anseranas semipalmata

(Anseranatidae); I , Megapodius reinwardt, (Megapodiidae); drawn to the same length for comparison; D-F after

Andors (1992). Abbreviations: BPF, basipterygoid facet; PRO, base of palatine articular process; PTP, pterygo-

palatine articular facet; QAS, Quadrate articular surface; SOC, socketed articular surface.

84 P. F. MURRAY & D. MEGIRIAN

FIGURE 28. Reconstructed elements of the skull of Bullockornis planei (P9464-106 cranium; P9464-107 upper

beak; P9464-112 mandible); A, photograph of reconstructed skull; B, line interpretation of lateral aspect, conjectural

outlines dashed-in; C, line interpretation of ventral aspect. Abbreviations: ENA, external nares; CRJ, cranio-rostral

joint; INA, internal nares; MPA, maxillopalatine; PAL, palatine; PTG, pterygoid (based on Jlbandornis); VPA,

vomeropalatine (fused hemipterygoid-palatine and vomer).

DROMORNITHID SKULLS 85

else, and very dissimilar to any ratite. In

dromornithids, the posterior mandibular tomia

pass outside the uppers as in parrots.

Reconstruction and functional anatomy

Appearance. The skulls of Dromornis stirtoni and

Bullockornis planei are amongst the largest avian

crania, rivalling those of Diatryma and

Phorusrhacos. The 460 mm long and 140 mm

deep mandible of Dromornis stirtoni is about the

same size and as robustly constructed as the

dentary of a medium-sized horse. The entire skull

may have been over 500 mm long. The

reconstructed skull of Bullockornis planei is

slightly smaller. Although the critical area

between the frontal and the posterior margin of

the upper beak is unknown, the complete

mandibles give an accurate indication of their

linear proportions and with the quadrate in place,

determine the position of the rostral fragments in

relation to the cranium (Fig. 28A-C). While large,

the skull is by no means disproportional with the

postcranial skeleton (Fig. 29), here reconstructed

from a combination of Bullockornis and

Dromornis material.

The jaws were long relative to the length of the

neurocranium and exceptionally deep, with a

slight decurvation of the tip, reminiscent of other

large-billed species such as Takahes, puffins,

hornbills and cracids but with more specific

similarities to the beaks of extinct diatrymatid

birds. In dorsal or ventral aspect, the beak is

transversely very narrow relative to its height and

length and appears to have been much more

solidly-constructed than in flying large-beaked

birds such as hornbills and toucans.

The main points of conjecture are the anterior

orbital region and extent of the rhamphothecae

dorsally, and the form of the internal nares and

posterior palatines ventrally. Both the upper beak

and the mandible of dromornithids have well-

developed bony tomial crests indicating deep,

thick ramphothecal margins (Fig. 30). In

Bullockornis the rhinothecal margin appears to

have fit inside the gnathothecal crest of the lower

jaw. The hollow section of the rhinothecal groove

suggests that the tomial surface of the rhinotheca

was sulcate, with the lateral margin meeting or

slightly overhanging the tomia of the gnathotheca.

In species in which the bill sheaths are confined

to the tips (nails) and margins, or where the

rhamphotheca is thick and actively proliferating,

the underlying bone is pitted with numerous

foramina. In dromornithids, numerous foramina

are concentrated at the tips of the upper and lower

beaks and the marginal areas suggesting that

much of the upper part of the rostrum and lower

part of the mandible was thinly cornified and that

well-developed nails were present on the upper

and lower bill tips.

The posterior palatine region and form of the

internal nares is imperfectly known, but

reconstructed on the basis of remnant structures in

Figure 28C. It can be discerned that the distal

palatines were deep, rather thick vertical crests

composed of spongy bone. The posterior element,

represented by a fragment of vomeropalatine

indicates that the palatines (hemipterygoids) were

fused at the mid-line posterodorsally. The width

of this fragment suggests that the internal nares

were narrow and were probably divided by a short

prevomer. The form of the jugal bar is suggested

by Genyornis newtoni, whereas the shape of the

lachrymal is not known.

Functional morphology. Dromornithids have a

desmognathous palatal structure very similar to

that of ducks, geese and screamers (Fig. 28C).

The main difference in the palate relates to the

more ventral orientation of the basipterygoid

processes relative to the quadratic fossa. This is a

proportional adjustment in which the axis of the

parasphenoidal rostrum is more inclined in accord

with deepening and shortening of the cranium.

The deep, short cranium is in turn, a proportional

adjustment to the deep rostrum. The quadrates

were mobile. Their normal position, with the axis

of the body running between the angles of the

postorbital process and the base of the opisthotic

is indicated by the alignment of the auditory notch

between the otic process and the quadratojugal

tubercle in relation to the external auditory

meatus. With the distal end angled outwards a

few degrees and aligned as depicted (Fig. 22C)

the articular surface of the quadrates provide

sufficient clearance around the neurocranio-

mandibular processes and post-tympanic crests for

the deeply notched medial surface of the

postarticular process.

A rugose crest on the posterodistal margin of

the postorbital process indicates the origin of a

stout postorbital ligament that inserts on a low

tubercle lateral to the external articular process.

Depression of the mandible puts tension on the

ligament that compels the quadrates to move

forward, transmitting the moment through the

pterygoids and the quadratojugals to the upper

beak, which is elevated accordingly through the

dorsal hinge joint. The available leverage for the

86 P. F. MURRAY & D. MEGIRIAN

2.5

METRES

FIGURE 29. Composite reconstruction of dromornithid skeleton, skull and size based on Bullockornis planei,

postcranial elements based on more complete Dromornis stirtoni material. The largest Bullock Creek LF

dromornithids were 2.5 to 2.8 metres tall. Dromornis stirtoni, the largest Alcoota LF species was 2.7 to 3.0 metres

tall. Note massive, short toes, hoof-like unguals and extremely reduced forelimb.

DROMORNITHID SKULLS 87

mechanism, as reconstructed (Fig. 28B) would

have resulted in a slight elevation of the upper

beak as the mandible is depressed.

The median frontal eminence appears to

function as a broad fulcrum, probably receiving an

overlapping socket joint from the posterior process

of the premaxilla, Deep, circular fossae on either

side of the eminence may represent reciprocal

processes or ligamentous attachments. A distinct

cleft may have been present dorsal to the contact

over and around which a ligamentous capsule was

formed, as indicated by the coronal groove and

extensively vascularised dorsolateral surfaces of

the frontals (Figs 1A, 2, 3B,C, 28B, 30). The

coronal groove, which traverses the dorsal margin

of the joint commencing from behind each lateral

process of the frontal, is reminiscent of a bursal

fossa associated with synovial joints. The lateral

process of the frontal seems to anticipate a similar

projection of the posterior end of the prefrontal to

which it was probably joined by a ligament.

The numerous low crests and foramina indicate

the extent and orientation of connective tissue

tracts extending in a series of arcs from the

frontoparietal toward the sulci and fossae

emarginating the rostral contacts with the frontal.

A bony hinging mechanism is present below and

on either side of the frontal eminence in the form

of rectangular flanges extending from the dorsal

lamina of the orbits. These flanges are curved

dorsally and appear to have smooth ventral contact

surfaces. Oval lateral fossae situated above the

hinging processes appear to have accommodated

reciprocating processes from the rostrum, perhaps

from the nasals or lachrymals. The internal

surfaces of these fossae are raised into a series of

crests that probably represent internal ligaments.

The breadth, depth and apparent complexity of

this joint indicates that its purpose transcended a

simple transverse hinge arrangement. The

compound structure of the joint could

accommodate some rotational movement in

addition to dorsiflexion of the beak, while also

contributing a component of elastic rebound. It is

FIGURE 30. Restoration of Bullockornis planei skull, anteorbital region and jugal bar are conjectures based on

anseriform morphology.

88 P. F. MURRAY & D. MEGIRIAN

difficult to envision what advantage a small

increase in gape resulting from strepsostylic

elevation of the beak would offer this large-jawed

species. However, passive elevation of the beak

during shearing or crushing of hard objects

situated closer to the mandibuloquadrate joint

would serve to optimise forces by reducing the

angle of attack of the tomial margins.

Given the enormous size of the beak and the

considerable forces exerted along its length by the

powerful adductors, the requirement for such a

specialised joint is hardly surprising. The deep

fossae for the mandibular adductor muscles

laterally and the pronounced internal crest for the

posterior pterygoid muscles indicate that

enormous shearing forces were exerted at the

tomial surfaces. The long muscle bellies and their

insertions far anterior to the mandibular fulcrum,

in combination with the concave toma of the lower

jaw and gently convex toma of the upper, suggest

a powerful secateuring action capable of severing

tough, firm, fibrous material.

Powerful shearing function in long avian jaws

requires that the shearing crests retain their

original angle of attack as forces on the material

between them are increased during the bite. The

deep, slab-sided mandibles and thick, deep, rigid

symphysis are essential features of this

mechanism, but equally important is the

postorbital ligament that resists rotational forces

on the ipsilateral mandibulo-quadrate joint. The

narrow, parabolic, almost parallel-sided arch of

the dromornithid mandible minimises axial

distortion or twisting by reducing the amount of

leverage between the two rami. In biting through

resistant three-dimensional material, such as a

sizeable stem or twig, a considerable shock, as the

stem suddenly parts, might be expected to travel

through the jaws despite proprioceptive reactions

of the jaw musculature. We suggest that an

important additional function of the cranio-rostral

joint specialisation in these genera might be to

dampen potentially damaging recoil from biting

through resistant plant materials.

The tip of the upper beak is moderately

decurved and slightly overhangs the lower. While

narrow, the tip is U-shaped rather than pointed.

The lower tip is U-shaped and slightly up-turned

to form a sharply emarginated scoop. This is

clearly a terminal biting mechanism capable of

effecting a strong grip at narrow or moderate gape,

and biting into or through tough materials at a

wider gape. Although the hooked tip appears well-

developed in profile, it differs markedly from the

slender, sharply pointed hook in raptors and

carrion-eating birds, and from the stouter but

equally decurved tip of the beaks of parrots, in

being transversely broader at the tip, more

rounded in external contour and concave on the

inner surface along which the margin of the lower

beak normally occludes. It is likely that the lower

crest could make edge-on-edge contact with the

upper with the quadrates drawn forward by action

of the protractor quadratus muscles.

The functional attributes of the jaws of the

large-beaked dromornithid genera indicate that

they were specialised herbivores equipped to shear

tough plant materials such as twigs, petioles,

fibrous stems, thick, leathery-skinned fruits,

leguminous seed pods, large, hard-shelled seeds

and fibrous kernel-bearing nuts. The long neck

and great stature of the mid to late Miocene

species suggest that they were primarily high-level

browsers feeding preferentially in the lower

branches of trees in a zone between two and three

metres above the ground.

Higher avian relationships

Similarities of the dromormithid post-cranial

skeleton to those of ratite birds were considered

sufficiently compelling to have previously

included them in the Palaeognathae (Stirling and

Zietz 1913; Cracraft 1973; Rich 1979, 1980).

Among the ratite postcranial features shared by

dromornithids are absence of a carina on the

sternum, unfused furculae, greatly reduced

forelimb, and certain functional attributes of the

hind limb associated with a cursorial habitus.

Detailed character analyses of dromornithids by

Rich (1979, 1980) concluded that dromornithids

are more closely related to casuariids than any

other ratite group.

Consequently we have examined the

morphological evidence as closely as our

resources allow in an effort to eliminate the

possibility of convergence of a basically ratite

condition with that of anseriform or other

neognathous orders, and to eliminate any

possibility that dromornithids represent a novel

avian taxon convergent with the Anseriformes.

We also compare dromornithid cranial

morphology with other extinct large neognathous

flightless birds, particularly the diatrymatids.

Dromornithid cranial characters. Primary or

diagnostic features of the dromornithid skull

include: 1) short, deep cranium with small orbits,

lacking occipital fontanelles; 2) narrow

anterodorsally-angled parasphenoidal rostrum

DROMORNITHID SKULLS 89

terminating behind the base of the maxillary

rostrum (upper beak); 3) compressed mesethmoid

not continuous or fused with nasal septum; 4)

large, flat, basipterygoid (rostropterygoid) facets

closely applied to the parasphenoidal rostrum; 5)

eustachian canals open confluently on the mid-

line of the basitemporal plate; 6) ventrally

excavated postorbital process composed of fused

elements, situated anterodorsal to the quadrate

fossa, displacing the temporal fossa

posteroventrally; 7) mobile quadrates neither

bound into, nor abutted against (absent) zygomatic

process; 8) broad, rectangular quadrate with

strong lateral crest on otic process, presence of

faint intercondylar incisure, well-developed

quadratojugal buttress and condylar pterygoid

articular surface; 9) short pterygoids with distal

basipterygoid facets and condylar pterygopalatine

joint (possibly with process and socket); 10)

proximomedian conjoined palatines not situated

lateral to pterygoids; 11) large, wing-like post-

tympanic crests in parasagittal plane, opisthotic

process traverses base of auditory fenestra; 12)

deep fossae in the laterosphenoids for mm.

protractores et levatores quadratus+

pterygoideus; 13) complex transverse prokinetic

cranio-rostral joint situated posteriorly over the

orbits with associated ligament tracts and sulci on

cranial surface; 14) maxillopalatines fused at mid-

line forming internal nares and median process

with articular eminence for the prevomer

(desmognathous palatal structure); 15) long, deep

laterally compressed beaks; 16) solid lateral wall

of upper beak, with deep maxillary process and

broad maxillo-nasal contact, maxillopalatines

situated ventral to jugal process; 17) small

holorhinal external narial aperture; 18) solid,

highly-fused mandibular elements, quadratic

articular surface divided by distinct crista

intercotyla, ventral mandibular groove absent and

conical recess poorly developed; 19) long,

laterally compressed, hooked retroarticular

processes oriented in parasagittal plane.

Unique _dromornithid characters. The prodigious

body size of dromornithids combined with their

particularly large skulls introduces conspicuous

proportional differences from other bird crania, even

in comparison with the largest living and extinct

ratite species. Readily identifiable allometric features

of the dromornithid cranium are the relatively small

size of the orbits, enlarged crests and processes for

muscle attachments and differential growth between

the inner and outer table of the braincase in which

the external surface is considerably expanded by air

cells around the endocranial cavity. The posterior

position of the basipterygoid facets and apparently

very short, upwardly-angled parasphenoidal rostrum

appear to be proportional adjustments to the short,

deep cranium. Other uniquely dromornithid

characters such as the elaboration of the cranio-

rostral joint are associated with the large beak and

powerful adductors.

Palaeognathae. As the postcranial skeletons of

dromornithids were considered to have numerous

general and some specific features in common

with certain ratite birds, in particular with

Casuariidae (Rich 1979), we initially anticipated

some ratite similarities in the structure of the

cranium and mandibles. The first complete

elements recovered were the mandibles, which

showed no ratite similarities in structure or form.

Previously known quadrate fragments and several

pieces of the back of the cranium including the

distinctive post-tympanic crests, occipital condyle

and orbital margin were also unlike those of any

known ratite. Each new fragment rendered the

possibility of finding any ratite features

increasingly remote, reinforcing Olson’s

(1985:105) observation that ‘...if Genyornis may

be taken as representative of the Dromornithidae

as a whole, then this family must have been

derived from some group altogether different from

the ratites’. Based on some newly prepared

Bullock Creek material, Rich (1991) stated that

the basicranial structure is not typically ratite or

galliform and concluded that the skull is so highly

derived that it is difficult to associate them with

any known avian group.

We unequivocally confirm Olson’s (1985) and

Rich’s observations (1991) that dromornithids and

ratites have no specific cranial attributes in

common and that their postcranial similarities,

such as can be found, are parallelisms related to

flightlessness, cursoriality and large body size.

Following Bock’s (1963) and Simonetta’s (1960)

assessments of ratite cranial characters,

dromornithids differ from ratites in: 1) possessing

a short vomer not anteriorly fused to the palate; 2)

the palatines are not laterally deflected; 3) the

longer span of the pterygoid is between the

quadrate and the basipterygoid facet, and the

pterygopalatine joint is a mobile synovial joint; 4)

the basipterygoid facets are situated more

anteriorly on the parasphenoidal rostrum and lack

stalk-like processes; 5) the orbital and nasal

septae are not continous and a transverse

nasofrontal hinge is present; 7) the maxillary

processes of the upper beak appear to have been

90 P. F. MURRAY & D. MEGIRIAN

fused to the descending process of the nasals and

8) the quadrate is independent of the zygomatic

process, neither abutted to it, nor rendered sessile

in its proximity by ligaments. Some additional,

utterly non-ratite attributes include: 9) absence of

zygomatic process or fusion of its homologue to

the postorbital process, displacing the temporal

fossa to behind and below the squamosal

component rather than between the postorbital

process (frontal) and zygomatic process

(squamosal); 10) anteroposteriorly oriented, wing-

like form of the opisthotics; 11) topology of the

basicranial foramina and narrowness of the

basitemporal plate; 12) confluent median

emergence of the eustachian canals; 13) form and

relations of the quadrate fossa; 14) morphology of

the quadrates; 15) relations and form of the

auditory meatus; 16) fusion of mesethmofrontal

and form of interorbital septum and 17) median

fusion of the maxillopalatines excluding the vomer

(desmognathous palatal structure).

Psittaciformes. Rich (1991) noted several parrot-

like similarities to dromornithids which are

considered to be convergences related to

herbivorous diet. These include large, powerful

rostrum; small, holorhinal external nares; mobile,

wide cranio-rostral joint and simple-headed

quadrate.

Ciconiiformes. Similarities between dromornithids

and ciconiiform birds include desmognathous

palate, holorhinal nostrils and prenarial furrows or

grooves. The maxillopalatines of threskiornithids,

(Threskiornis, Platalea) are hypertrophied and

spongy, filling the base of the beak much as in

Bullockornis. However the complex condylar

morphology of the quadrate, absence of

parasphenoidal and pterygoid basipterygoid facets,

transversely expanded and inferiorly directed

postarticular processes of the mandibles in this

order differ substantially from the equivalent

structures in dromornithids. Ericson (1997)

considers Ciconiiformes to represent the sister-

group of Phoenicopterids.

Phoenicopteriformes. Flamingos, like

threskiornithids, have hypertrophied, spongy

maxillopalatines in common with dromornithids.

They also resemble anseriform birds in possessing

prolonged, recurved postarticular processes.

However the basipterygoid processes are

rudimentary and the cranium is otherwise similar

to the Ciconiiformes with which they are

sometimes included as a family. Ericson (1997)

places phoenicopterids as the sister-group to

Anseriformes. The long neck and large, down-

curved beak of the flamingo imparts a superficial

resemblance to our reconstruction of Bullockornis

(Fig. 28).

Gruiformes. With the exception of desmognathous

cariamids, all other gruiform birds are

schizognathous and all lack basipterygoid

processes. The postarticular processes are

truncated and transverse. Diatrymatids were

considered to have been related to Gruiformes

during the late nineteenth century (Andors 1992).

Gruiform birds have no particular similarities with

dromornithids.

Charadriiformes. Olson and Fedducia (1980)

conclude that Anseres were derived from

Charadriiformes based on a mosaic of characters

in Presbyornis. Charadriiform ancestry of

Anseriformes is rejected by both Livezey (1997)

and Ericson (1997).

Galliformes. Livezey (1997) and Andors (1992)

recognise Galliformes as the sister-group of the

Anseriformes. Galliform birds, in common with

Anseriformes and Dromornithidae have well-

developed rostropterygoid facets and elongated,

reflected postarticular processes. They also share

similarities in the mandibular articulation and

suspensorium (Andors 1992). The curassow-like

beak, holorhinal nostril and imperforate occiput of

dromornithids are also reminiscent of galliforms.

However, Galliformes are schizognathous and

show a number of differences in the cranium, in

which a secondary temporal arcade is usually

present (Fig. 23C) and in specific features of the

quadrate (wide incisure of otic process, weak

adductor crest, truncated medial mandibular

condyle) and postarticular process (shallower, less

compressed, shorter).

Anseriformes. Dromornithids and anseriform

birds, exemplified by screamers, ducks and geese,

exhibit a considerable number of close

morphological similarities that are not found en

suite in other avian species. Among these are: the

possession of rostropterygoid facets closely

applied to the parasphenoidal rostrum; excavated

postorbital process and absence of zygomatic

process; topology of the cranial base and its

foramina; form and anteroposterior orientation of

the post-tympanic crests of the opisthotics; overall

similarity of the quadrates (intercondylar incisure

shallow, large adductor crest, elongated obliquely

DROMORNITHID SKULLS 91

oriented medial mandibular condyle); short distal

process of the pterygoid with socket and process

(in part) and distomedial position of basipterygoid

facets; hemipterygoids fused to prevomer;

maxillopalatines fused in mid-line forming

anterior margin of internal nares (desmognathous

palate); deep fossae in the laterosphenoids for the

mm. protractores et levatores quadratit+

pterygoidei; morphology of the endocranial cavity,

and long, compressed, upturned postarticular

processes. While some features (e.g. form of

basipterygoid [rostropterygoid] processes and

distal basipterygoid facets of the pterygoids) are

shared with galliform birds, the form of the

quadrates, possession of desmognathous palate

and form of the postorbital process and temporal

fossa are sufficient grounds for rejecting a

galliform relationship.

In terms of character states with widely agreed

upon polarity determinations (Andors 1992,

Livezey 1997, Ericson 1997), the Dromornithidae

are synapomorphous with Anseriformes in

possessing: 1) rostropterygoid facets as opposed

to true basipterygoid processes; 2) postorbital

process concave posteriorly, zygomatic process

absent; 3) hooked, compressed retromandibular

process in sagittal plane; 4) prominent medial

mandibular process; 5) articular fossa of mandible

divided by prominent intercondylar crest; 6)

craniofacial flexion zone transverse, buttressed by

eminences of the frontal; 7) absence of

rhynchokinesis; 8) maxillopalatine forming

continuous osseous palate; 9) (possible)

rudimentary gomphosis (in part) of

pterygopalatine articulation; 10) presence of

tubercle for adductor mandibularis muscle on

lateral surface of the quadrate.

Relationship to diatrymatids and anhimids.

Andors (1992) considers the large flightless

Euramerican Palaeogene birds of the genus

Diatryma to represent the sister group of the

Anhimidae (Screamers) which are in turn placed

within the Anseriformes as the sister group to the

Anseranatidae (Magpie geese) and the Anatidae

(typical ducks and geese). This hypothesis has

much in common with the present observations on

dromornithid relationships. While the diatrymatid

characters employed in Andors’ (1992) cladistic

analysis pertain as much to the postcranial

skeleton as to the skull, several important features

can be compared. The palatal and cranial base

elements of all Diatryma species are poorly

preserved, but such as exist indicate a

desmognathous palate.

More detailed similarities include a greatly

shortened neurocranium, large compressed,

moderately hooked (non-raptorial) beak, solidly

fused mandibular elements with elongated

hooked, retroarticuar processes, prominent and

massive post-tympanic crest, basic form of the

pterygoids, broad quadrate with well-developed

anterolateral crest or process for the m. adductor

mandibulae externus, and condylar articular

tubercle for the pterygoid, while however,

retaining a distinctly separated pro-otic condyle,

reduced and/or poorly differentiated in

dromornithids.

A conspicuous similarity is the small,

posteriorly situated holorhinal external narial

aperture. The postcranial skeleton of Diatryma is

clearly less specialised than in dromornithids in

the retention of digit I, a pygostyle, and less

reduction of the forelimb. As in anhimids and

dromornithids, the diatrymatids lack uncinate

processes (Matthew and Granger 1917, Andors

1992). As Andors (1992) points out, Diatryma

retains many galliform symplesiomorphies, among

which he includes the holorhinal impervious

nares, upper temporal fenestra, and simple

abutting pterygo-palatine articulation.

With the exception of the (possibly

homoplasious) absence of uncinate processes,

dromornithid-anhimid similarities are largely

symplesiomorphic within Anseriformes, based on

character polarities determined by Andors (1992)

and Ericson (1979), e.g.: 1) absence of occipital

fontanelles; 2) angled parasphenoidal rostrum; 3)

absence (in part) of pterygopalatine ball and

socket joint; 4) narrow beak; 5) shallow conical

recess of mandible; 6) presence of pneumatic

foramen of medial mandibular process; 7) absence

of ventral groove in anterior portion of mandible.

Possibly of phylogenetic significance is the

difference between the basipterygoid processes of

anhimids and dromornithids (and all other

Anseriformes). Anhimids appear to have a true

(reptilian-type) basipterygoid articulation (Ericson

1997) whereas dromornithids clearly possess

rostropterygoid articulations with marked

similarities to those of Anseranas (Fig. 25A,B).

The basipterygoid articular surface of the pterygoid

is also closer to mid-shaft position in anhimids

(Fig. 27D), whereas in dromornithids and all other

Anseriformes, the facet is situated at its distal

extremity. Given the wide range of expression of

basipterygoid articulation within other non-

passerine orders, the anomalous condition in the

Anhimidae might be interpreted as a reversal.

The inclusion of the characters of Bullockornis,

92 P. F. MURRAY & D. MEGIRIAN

GALLIFORMES

DIATRYMATIDAE

ANATIDAE

ANSERANATIDAE

DROMORNITHIDAE

ANHIMIDAE

1, 8, 10, 13, 18

12, 17, 21

14-16, 19-20, 22-23

PHYLIP_1

1 A> 5G 7 9

GALLI FORMES oo0000 00000000P1100311012P i210

DIATRYMATIDAE 0 1 1213212 12100270i120d2d32d12d120d2d212d12d110 7

ANHIMIDAE 22-0! <O%-T i de Oe OP PD Et Bet et ted Ot

ANSERANATIDAE 1 2 1 222022 2d222212d2d2d2d2322d912d232d12d1200

ANATIDAE LPL raa Pomp a frit rid trial bl Ey oo

DROMORNITHIDAE 27 1 11217 701020d2d227d2322d2d2d232d2d12d12d12021

FIGURE 31. Dendrogram of dromornithid relationship within Anseriformes based on character states 1-25

(skull+two postcranial characters) abridged from Andors (1992), Megapodius (Galliformes)=outgroup species;

polarity code (see Andors 1988, 1992 for full descriptions): O=primitive, 1=derived; defined as follows: 1, nasal

septum: imperforate 0; perforate 1; 2, external nares: elongate 0; restricted to posterior position 1; 3, premaxilla labial

process: slender 0; deep 1; 4, nasal-frontal hinge: flexion zone indistinct 0; distinct crease 1; 5, lacrimal head: joined

to nasal bar 0; moderately developed or large, situated beneath nasofrontal hinge 1; 6, lacrimal descending process:

poorly developed and pointed 0; short, broad 1; 7, orbital rims: thin 0; thick 1; 8, zygomatic process: forms a

temporal fenestra 0; temporal fossa reduced, displaced posteroventrally 1; 9, occipital fontanelles: absent 0; present

1; 10, bony palate: schizognathous 0; desmognathous 1; 11, pterygoid: pterygo-palatine articulation: simple abutment

or peg and socket 0; ball and socket involving two extensions of pterygoid 1; 12, pterygoid: position of basipterygoid

facets, anterior 0; medial, forming an extensive flange; 13, basipterygoid processes: sessile 0; almost pedicellate 1;

14, quadrate: otic process, wide incisure 0; narrow or obsolete incisure 1; 15, quadrate: anterolateral crest or process,

absent 0; present 1; 16, quadrate: mandibular condyles, three in number, v-shaped configuration 0; two in number,

bilobate lateral condyle larger more bulbous than medial 1; 17, quadrate: medial condyle, rounded, truncated

medially 0; compressed, elongated anteromedially 1; 18, quadrate: posterior buttress of jugal, small 0; large 1; 19,

mandible: articular fossa, v-shaped 0; bipartite, cotyla and intercotylar crest directed anteromedially 1; 20, mandible:

lateral mandibular process, unknown state 0; rounded and prominent 1; 21, mandible: medial mandibular process,

spike-like, without anterior facet 0; expanded distally and facetted; 22, mandible: retroarticular process, absent or

poorly developed 0; long, upwardly curved 1; 23, mandible: retroarticular process, slender and rounded 0; laterally

compressed and blade-like 1; 24, caudal vertebrae: hypocentra, well developed 0; poorly developed 1; 25, ribs:

uncinate processes, present 0; absent 1. PHYLIP (Felsenstein 1995), Wagner parsimony, | tree; 23 steps.

DROMORNITHID SKULLS 93

Hennig_1

0 GRUIDAE

THRESKIORNITHIDAE

PHOENICOPTERIDAE

DROMORNITHIDAE

ANHIMIDAE

ANSERANATIDAE

ANATIDAE

Orr ree ooooor

Grus 1

Threskiornis 1

Phoenicopterus 1

Anhima 0

Chauna 0

Anseranas 1

Dendrocygna 1

Thalassornis 1

Stictonetta 1

Anser 1

10 Tadorna 1

11 Bullockornis 0

WMIDMEWNKHO

er ceoococorCOopP

Cre rer occcocow

Hee eee ee Hoon

RONONYUYNYOOHH Ob

ree EH ooOCC OOM

Orr rt eee OOCOON

eee eee EH OoOm

Ore HEHRHEHOocCOOb

Ore eee eH ooooF

HOOP r ere Hooo

Pee OOO

Pee eee eH OOO

OreerrHoocoo0

Hee HEH RH OCCOOO

Cr COCOF HH eae

ecoooooKKoook

reocooonHooop

CRHNAANNH COREY

FIGURE 32. Dendrogram depicting dromornithid relationships within Anseriformes based 17 cranial and three

postcranial characters abridged from Ericson’s (1997) matrix; Gruidae (Grus) outgroup; characters and polarity code

(see Ericson [1997] for full descriptions): 1, occipital fontanelles: present 0; absent 1; 2, frontal narrow and laterally

rounded, yes 0; no 1; 3, cranium and lacrimals co-ossified: unfused 0; fused 1; 4, ventral surface of postorbital

process distinctly excavated: no 0; yes 1; 5, basipterygoid processes: true (reptilian) 0; absent 1; rostropterygoid 2; 6,

ventral margin paraspenoidal rostrum: clearly angled 0; gradually sloping 1; 7, pterygopalatine articulation ball and

socket with 2 processes: no 0; yes 1; 8, internal lamina of pterygoids obsolete: no 0; yes 1; 9, position of jugal

process of maxilla relative to maxillopalatine: dorsal 0; ventral 1; 10, bill broad, spatulate: no 0; yes 1; 11, quadrate,

lateral view: not squarish, deeply curved dorsal margin 0; squarish, dorsal margin straight 1; 12, quadrate, mandibular

process inflated behind quadratojugal articulation; no 0; yes 1; 13, mandible, quadrate articulation: three-condyle

articulation with medial and lateral cotyla separted by a shallow groove 0; two-condyle articulation with medial and

lateral cotyla separated by an anteroposteriorly oriented intercotylar crest 1; 14, mandible, conical recess: absent 0;

shallow 1; deep 2; 15, mandible, pneumatic foramen in medial mandibular process: present 0; absent 1; 16, mandible,

lateral mandibular process: absent 0; present 1; 17, mandible, groove in ventral surface of anterior portion of

mandibular rami: absent 0; present 1; 18, thoracic vertebrae, notarium present: yes 0; no 1; 19, caudal-most thoracic

vertebrae are pleurocoelous: no 0; yes 1; 20, uncinate processes on ribs: present 0; absent 1. HENNIG 86 version 1.5

(Farris 1988); consistency index= 0.78, retention index= 0.91, Nelson consensus based on 4 trees.

94 P. F. MURRAY & D. MEGIRIAN

Dromornis and Ilbandornis in Andors’ (1992)

matrix of character states for the skull and two

postcranial states (Andors’ characters 1-25) with

Galliformes outgroup results in a phylogenetic

hypothesis that recognises dromornithids as the

sister group of anhimids and diatrymatids as the

sister group of Anseriformes (Fig. 31). As Andors

(1992) found with Diatryma, dromornithids

express a mosaic of character states. In the case of

dromornithids, some characters are highly derived

in the direction of anseranatids and anatids

(rostropterygoids, temporal fossa-auditory region

and quadrate morphology) and others that are

plesiomorphic anhimid and galliform-like states

(non-spatulate bill, absence of ventral groove,

composite structure of postorbital process, simple

(in part) pterygopalatine articulation).

It is possible that some derived characters are

parallel developments while others, such as the

simple, galliform-like abutting pterygopalatine

joint in I/bandornis, might represent a secondary

(reversed) state. In general, the dromornithids

appear to be far more derived in the direction of

anhimids, anseranatids and anatids than are the

diatrymatids. This phylogenetic hypothesis seems

compatible with the phenetic or synmorphological

appraisal of the descriptions and comparisons

above, and implies that the loss of flight and

certain similarities in cranial structure between

dromornithids and diatrymatids are parallelisms.

Using Ericson’s (1997) rather different matrix

of cranial characters and two postcranial states

(characters 1-20), with Grus as outgroup, the

position of the Dromornithidae as the sister group

of the Anhimidae remains the same, regardless of

the recognition of different types of basipterygoid

articulations and change of outgroup (Fig. 32).

While the position of dromornithids among

Anseriformes is unaffected by the two different

outgroup selections, the position of diatrymatids,

in having possible closer affinity with Galliformes

(Andors 1992) might change in the context of

Ericson’s (1979) more inclusive matrix.

Biogeography

The ratite-dromornithid hypothesis is elaborated

by Cracraft (1973) who stresses cladistic patterns

as the keystone to understanding biogeographic

distributions. Rich’s (1979, 1980) cladogram

depicting dromornithids as ratites based on

postcranial characters provides a_ neat

correspondence to the pattern of southern

continents in the late Jurassic-early Cretaceous.

However, the anseriform hypothesis of

dromornithid relationships provides an equally

plausible palaeobiogeographic scenerio.

Anhimids probably represent the most primitive

anseriform states and although their earliest

records are from the Palaeogene of North America

(Andors 1992), it is possible that they originated

in the Southern hemisphere during the Cretaceous

Period. Anhimids are presently endemic to South

America and may, despite their excellent flying

capabilities, represent a relict Gondwanan

radiation (Livezey 1997). It is possible that

dromornithids may have predated the arrival of

casuariids which entered Australia via land

connection with Antarctica at some time before

about 45 million years ago.

As with many rallid species, which arrived on

various continents and islands by flying there,

later to become partially or wholly ground

dwelling, it is possible that an anhimid-like

ancestor of dromornithids adapted to a cursorial

habitus in the initially ratite-free Australian land

mass. Andors’ (1992) observations on the

herbivorous bulk-feeding diet being

disadvantageous to a flying animal are appropriate

here. The high diversity of mid to late Tertiary

dromornithids suggests that they had commenced

radiation before the arrival of casuariids, which

have maintained a comparatively low diversity at

least since the mid-Tertiary.

The phylogenetic implications of dromornithid

biogeography are that primitive Laurasian

Anseromorphae gave rise to gastornithiforms

(diatrymatids+gastornithids) (Andors 1992) and

ancestral anhimids, the latter having either

originated in, or migrated to South America where

they radiated and dispersed to Australia and

perhaps Antarctica. Dromornithids arose from a

terrestrially adapted anhimid-like bird that

paralleled the diatrymatids in skull morphology

and converged with ratites in postcranial

morphology.

CONCLUSIONS

In proposing anseriform affinity of

dromornithids on cranial evidence alone, it is

important to recollect that the postcranial

skeletons of Dromornithidae have long been

considered to be very similar to those of ratites,

particularly the casuariids. In addition to the long

neck, extreme reduction of the wing and loss of

carina and apparent similarities of the hind limb

segments, down to the detail of loss of the hallux

have been recognised. Rich (1981) identified 19

DROMORNITHID SKULLS 95

shared derived states between dromornithids and

casuariids. Differentiation within the

Dromornithidae resulted in a range of postcranial

adaptations from Ostrich-like (J/bandornis) to

gigantic cursorial forms with somewhat

Cassowary-like ratios of the limb segments

(Dromornis), (Stirling and Zietz 1913; Rich 1979,

1981).

Our nearly completed re-evaluation of the

dromornithid postcranial skeleton fully supports

the cranial evidence for anseriform affinity, but

also does not find as a high degree of convergence

as might be anticipated, in the synsacrum and

hind limb with struthioniformes (Casuariidae and

Struthionidae) or any other palaeognathous ratite.

Relative hind limb segment lengths of at least two

genera of dromornithids are more similar

(Genyornis newtoni is identical) to that of

Anseranas semipalmata (Magpie goose) than to

those of any ratite. Structural convergences with

Struthioniformes are confined to hypertrophy of a

single hypotarsal ridge (non-homologous, as

different calcaneal ridges are involved) and

homoplasious loss of hallux. Conversely,

numerous symplesiomorhic states with galliform

and anseriform birds are evident, and several

clearly defined anseriform synapomorphies are

present in states of sacrum, distal femur, proximal

tibiotarsus, and proximal tarsometatarsus.

The possibility of convergence in some

morphological complexes emphasises the

necessity to examine and compare all anatomical

components as widely and in as much detail as

the specimens permit. Our observations suggest

that many, if not all of the character similarities

that have been proposed between dromornithids

and ratites are isolated expressions within very

different morphological complexes that are

disjunct in relation to well-defined morphoclines

among purportedly related taxa. Though previous

understanding of the ordinal affinity of

dromornithids was impeded by the poor

preservation of the skull of Genyornis newtoni, in

the clarity of hindsight, it is also evident that the

specimen exhibits sufficient morphological

information to have distinguished the

dromornithids from the palaeognathous ratites and

to have at least recognised their affinity with

neognathous birds nearly a century ago.

Palaeontologists who have examined

dromornithid material, from Stirling and Zietz

(1913), Olson (1985), to Rich (1979, 1980, 1991)

have expressed varying degrees of ambivalence

about the ratite affinity of dromornithids; in the

first place, due to the distinctive morphology of

the quadrates and secondarily, due to the absence

of any specific character state in the postcranial

skeleton that would link them unequivocally to a

particular group of ratites. In spite of much

conflicting evidence from other parts of the

skeleton, the reduced forelimb, acarinate sternum

and large size of dromornithids seems to have

overwhelmed consideration of any other avian

orders. Consequently, with comparisons confined

solely to ratites, irrespective of the method of

analysis, the only conclusion that could be drawn

was that dromornithids were aberrant ratites. This

ambiguity of dromornithid relationships has had

an effect on their visibility in the literature.

Despite the fact that more is known about them

than many other gigantic fossil birds, they are only

rarely mentioned in general accounts of fossil

vertebrates and often ignored in systematic and

biogeographic works.

We hope, therefore, that our conclusions, briefly

summarised below, will assist in dispelling the

perception of the Dromomithidae as the poor

relatives of Emus and Cassowaries or as an

obscure group of Australian ratites of unknown

affinity. Dromornithids actually comprise a large

and venerable radiation of uniquely Australian

gigantic birds, closely related to screamers, ducks

and geese. Unlike casuariids, which are rare as

fossils in the Tertiary, dromornithids are abundant

and diverse components of Australian Miocene-

Pliocene vertebrate palaeocommunities,

representing around 25% of the material in

Northern Territory Miocene local faunas at

Camfield and Alcoota (Murray and Megirian

1992). Elsewhere, dromornithids persisted locally

in large numbers as Genyornis newtoni until their

extinction in the late Pleistocene (Field and Boles

1998).

1) Four genera of Dromornithidae, Bullockornis,

Dromornis, Ilbandornis and Genyornis, are

represented by cranial material, Bullockornis planei

being the most complete. While considerable

morphological diversity is shown among these

genera, they comprise a well-defined natural group

appropriately included in a single family.

2) Two basic trophic adaptations in dromornithids

are indicated by the available material.

Bullockornis and Dromornis are characterised by

deep, powerful beaks in contrast to [lbandornis

and Genyornis which have more slender,

relatively more elongated beaks. Dromornithids

were bulk-feeding vegetarians capable of cropping

and breaking into extremely tough plant materials.

The tomia of the beaks are differentiated into

anterior cropping and posterior shearing functions.

96 P. F. MURRAY & D. MEGIRIAN

3) Dromornithids had prokinetic crania

characterised by a complex cranio-rostral joint

composed of a median frontoethmoidal tuberosity,

lateral fossae and an extensive ligamentous joint

capsule. This mobile joint surface facilitated

elevation of the beak during depression of the

mandible, and also may have functioned as a

dampening mechanism for the absorption of

twisting and recoil resulting from sudden failure

of resistant plant material.

4) Because of their enormous size, dromornithid

skulls have many unusual features attributable to

allometry. The orbits are small, the neurocranium

is short, crests for muscular attachments are

exceptionally large. It is likely that a combination

of allometric features and trophic specialisations

account for some of the similarities of

Bullockornis to Diatryma that, though they are

remotely related within the Anseramorphae, might

be mistaken for shared derived characters. These

allometric features of giant anseramorphs are in

stark contrast to the ratites in which the heads

appear disproportionately small relative to their

bodies and in which allometrically-controlled

proportional sliding is not as pronounced.

5) Dromornithids are placed within the

Anseriformes on the basis of shared similarities in

the structure of the palate (desmognathous),

detailed similarities of the quadrate, structure of

the postorbital process and the temporal fossa,

distinctive pit-like fossa for the protractor and

levator quadratus and pterygoideus muscles in the

pterosphenoid, and distinctive form of the

basipterygoid (rostropterygoid) processes. The

rostropterygoid processes of anseriform and

galliform birds appear to arise from a different

region of the parasphenoid and develop later than

the typical basipterygoid processes of

palaeognathous and several neognathous orders

(Weber 1993, Livezey 1997). Specific

morphological details of these and other structures

analysed by Andors (1992) with regard to

diatrymatids, indicate that dromornithids represent

the sister-group of screamers (Anhimidae).

Consequently, supposed ratite-like postcranial

features of dromornithids are convergences

stemming primarily from the assumption of large

body mass and secondarily from terrestrial

locomotor specialisation.

6) The postulated close relationship of

dromornithids to anhimids has implications for the

interpretation of anseriform palaeobiogeography.

Because dromornithids may represent an early

Gondwanan radiation, it seems more

parsimonious to postulate that the anhimids were

in the Southern hemisphere, presumably South

America, during the Cretaceous and may have

originated there. Consequently, while primitive

Anseramorphae may have originated in Laurasia,

the Anseriformes may have Gondwanan origins.

7) The high diversity and extreme specialisation

of dromornithids suggests that their radiation in

Australia antedates that of the casuariids.

Casuariids show two basic adaptive extremes with

minor speciation in each, indicative of a broad

spectrum of niche occupation previous to their

arrival and establishment on the continent.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

We thank Jan and Jared Archibald for the preparation

of the comparative material used in this study, and

Michael and Roz Stemmler for demonstrating how

extremely fragile specimens could be successfully

extracted from the Alcoota fossil beds. Walter Boles,

Australian Museum and Pat Vickers-Rich, Monash

University provided helpful comments on the

manuscript. Neville Pledge, Curator of Fossils at the

South Australian Museum, kindly provided us with

additional information on the skull of Genyornis

newtoni, We also thank the Alice Springs Ostrich Farm

for providing us with valuable specimens of Ostrich

embryos and chicks. Many friends, colleagues,

volunteers and Flinders University students have

provided us with invaluable help in the collection and

preparation of vertebrate fossils since 1985. National

Estate Program Grants (Northern Territory) to P.F.M. in

earlier years provided a foundation for this work.

REFERENCES

ANDORS, A.V. 1992. Reappraisal of the Eocene

groundbird Diatryma (Aves: Anserimorphae). Pp.

109-125 In: ‘Papers in avian paleontology honoring

Pierce Brodkorb’. Ed. K. E. Campbell. Science series

No. 36: 109-125. Natural History Museum of Los

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31: 300-317.

THREE NEW SPECIES OF LEIOPATHES (CNIDADARIA :

ANTIPATHARIA) FROM SOUTHERN AUSTRALIA

DENNIS M. OPRESKO

Summary

Three new species of the antipatharian genus Leiopathes are described from the coastal waters of

South and Western Australia and Tasmania. Leiopathes secunda sp. nov. is morphologically similar

to L. expansa Johnson (1899) and L. grimaldi Roule (1905) but differs from those species in having

larger and more numerous axial spines. Leiopathes acanthopora sp. nov. resembles L. glaberrima

(Esper, 1788) but has larger spines which extend over a greater proportion of the corallum.

Leiopathes bullosa sp. nov. is characterised by the distinctive hemispherical shape of its spines.

THREE NEW SPECIES OF LEIOPATHES (CNIDARIA: ANTHOZOA: ANTIPATHARIA)

FROM SOUTHERN AUSTRALIA

DENNIS M. OPRESKO

OPRESKO, D. M. 1998. Three new species of Leiopathes (Cnidaria: Anthozoa: Antipatharia)

from southern Australia. Records of the South Australian Museum 31(1): 99-111.

Three new species of the antipatharian genus Leiopathes are described from the coastal

waters of South and Western Australia and Tasmania. Leiopathes secunda sp. nov. is

morphologically similar to L. expansa Johnson (1899) and L. grimaldi Roule (1905) but differs

from those species in having larger and more numerous axial spines. Leiopathes acanthophora

sp. nov. resembles L. glaberrima (Esper, 1788), but has larger spines which extend over a

greater proportion of the corallum. Leiopathes bullosa sp. nov. is characterised by the

distinctive hemispherical shape of its spines.

D.M. Opresko, Life Sciences Division, Oak Ridge National Laboratory, Oak Ridge, Tennessee,

37830, United States of America. Manuscript received 2 March 1998.

INTRODUCTION

Very few studies have been conducted on the

antipatharian fauna of Australia and Tasmania. In

1878 Studer reported on the antipatharians

collected by the ‘Gazelle’ off West Australia and

in the Mermaid Straits at depths of 45-50 fm.

Two species were identified: Antipathes

foeniculum Lamarck (= ?A. foeniculacea Pallas,

1766; according to Brook 1889) and A.

pinnatifida Lamouroux, 1816. Brook (1889)

suggested that A. foeniculacea might be related to

A. dichotoma Pallas, 1766 and that A. pinnatifida

might be identical with A. ulex Ellis and Solander,

1786. Both A. foeniculum and A. pinnatifida are

poorly described and it is unlikely that either will

ever be accurately identified.

Antipatharians are often inadvertently caught in

the nets of fishermen. Such material is usually

discarded: however, through the efforts of Karen

Gowlett-Holmes and her associates, a large

number of corals brought up by local fishermen

trawling in the waters off the southern and

western coasts of Australia and off Tasmania have

been saved and carefully preserved. Among these

corals were several specimens similar to species

of Leiopathes found in the Atlantic and

IndoPacific. Closer examination revealed species-

specific differences in the morphology, size and

density of the axial spines. Consequently, three

new species are described. The holotypes and

paratypes of the new species are deposited in the

South Australian Museum (SAM), Adelaide, S.

Australia; schizotypes (pieces of the holotypes or

paratypes) of the specimens are deposited in the

U.S. National Museum of Natural History

(USNM) in Washington, DC.

TAXONOMIC SECTION

Order Antipatharia Milne Edwards, 1857

Family LEIOPATHIDAE Haeckel, 1896

(emended)

Diagnosis

Polyps with six primary and six secondary

mesenteries. Primary (pm) and secondary

mesenteries (sm) complete, attached to both inner

wall of oral cone and actinopharynx. Secondary

mesenteries located between transverse primary

mesenteries (tpm) and sagittal primary

mesenteries (spm); two on one side and four on

opposite side of transverse axis, with one-half of

each complement occurring on each side of

sagittal axis; clockwise pattern described by

sequence tpm-sm-spm-spm-sm-tpm-sm-sm-spm-

spm-sm-sm. New polyps developing from

coenenchymal surface between older polyps, as

well as at distal end of branchlets.

Discussion

In 1896 Schultze proposed a reclassification of

the Antipatharia based on the number of

100

mesenteries in the polyps. In this scheme the

family Antipathidae was divided into three

subfamilies, the Dodekamerota with 12

mesenteries, the Dekamerota with 10 mesenteries,

and the Hexamerota with six mesenteries (these

are invalid names according to the International

Code of Zoological Nomenclature, Article 12).

The Dodekamerota contained the single genus

Leiopathes. Haeckel (1896, as cited in Carlgren

1908:134) was the first naturalist to treat the

Dodekamerota as a suborder of the Antipatharia

and to place Leiopathes in a separate family,

using the name ‘Liopathida’. This taxon, with the

correctly emended name Leiopathidae, was

subsequently recognized by Bourne (1900, as cited

in Carlgren 1908:138), Roule (1905), and Hickson

(1906). However, in his study of the Antipatharia

of the ‘Siboga’ Expedition van Pesch (1914)

discovered a species of Cirrhipathes (ie., C.

contorta) whose polyps also possessed six

secondary mesenteries. This led van Pesch to

conclude that the number of secondary

mesenteries was not as significant a taxonomic

character as Schultze had assumed. He therefore

created a new taxon, the ‘Heterotaeniales’ to

contain both the Dekamerota and _ the

Dodekamerota. The ‘Heterotaeniales’ was treated

by van Pesch as a subtribe of the Antipathidae

and included all species with primary and

secondary mesenteries, regardless of the number.

In the last major revision of the order, Pax (1918)

renamed the Heterotaeniales the ‘Pleiomerota’,

and elevated the taxon to the rank of superfamily

(the name was not based on a described genus).

Within the Pleiomerota, Pax placed the families

Antipathidae and Schizopathidae; Leiopathes was

included in the Antipathidae.

The submergence of the Dodekamerota by van

Pesch (1914) was based solely on his finding that

C. contorta had six secondary mesenteries.

However, van Pesch (1914) stated that the

additional fifth and sixth secondary mesenteries in

C. contorta are incomplete, meaning that they

extend from the body wall but do not reach to the

actinopharynx. In contrast, in Leiopathes all the

secondary mesenteries are complete. Furthermore,

according to van Pesch, the two incomplete

mesenteries in C. contorta do not reach to the

upper end of the oral cone nor do they occupy the

same relative position as those in Leiopathes. In

C. contorta they are located between the anterior

secondary mesenteries and the primary sagittal

mesenteries (van Pesch 1914), whereas in

Leiopathes they occur between the anterior

secondaries and the primary transverse ones

D. M. OPRESKO

(Brook 1889). These differences indicate that the

two incomplete mesenteries in C. contorta are not

homologous to those in Leiopathes. Consequently,

Leiopathes can be viewed as a distinct and

homogeneous group meriting recognition at a

level above that of genus; therefore, the family

Leiopathidae is reestablished here. Considering

that the classification of the order has been

substantially altered by the removal of the family

Dendrobrachiidae to the Octocorallia (Opresko

and Bayer 1991), the use of a distinct polyp-

related character such as the number of

mesenteries, seems appropriate for differentiating

a family-level taxon. Further study may show that

the Leiopathidae merits even higher taxonomic

recognition.

Genus Leiopathes Haime, 1849

Leiopathes Gray, 1840:76 (nomen nudum); Gray,

1842:135 (nomen nudum); Haime, 1849:224 (type

species Antipathes glaberrima Esper, 1792:160,

pl. 9); Gray, 1857a:113; Gray, 1857b:273; Brook,

1889:95; Roule, 1905:73; Gravier, 1918:225.

Antipathes (in part), van Pesch, 1914:76; Pax,

1918:470.

Diagnosis

Corallum irregularly sympodial; branching

multi-directional or flabellate. Branchlets arranged

irregularly; loosely bilateral or uniserial; pinnules

not present. Spines poorly developed; small,

simple, smooth surfaced; conical, deltoid, or

hemispherical in shape; reduced in size or absent

on larger branches and stem. Polyps very variable

in size and spacing; equally wide in sagittal and

transverse diameters, or slightly longer along

sagittal axis; uniserially arranged on smallest

branches, irregularly distributed on all sides of

axis on larger branches and stem.

Discussion

The type species of the genus is Leiopathes

glaberrima (Esper, 1792). Esper’s original

specimen still exists in the Erlangen Museum in

Germany, but was not available for study.

The genus name Leiopathes was first used by

Gray in 1840 in a listing of the collections of the

British Museum; however, the name was not

accompanied by a description, illustration, or

reference to a previously described species;

therefore, it must be considered a nomen nudum.

The name appears in subsequent editions of the

Synopsis of the British Museum, but also without

NEW SPECIES OF LEIOPATHES 101

a designated type species (Gray 1842). There is no

evidence that Gray published a detailed

description of Leiopathes until 1857. However, in

1849, in a publication describing a species he

identified as Leiopathes lamarcki, Haime

specifically stated that the type of Leiopathes was

Esper’s species Antipathes glaberrima. Even

though he himself referred to Leiopathes as Gray's

genus, Haime has to be considered the author of

the genus.

In 1857 Gray reported that the species he had

previously described in 1832 (as Antipathes

dichotoma, Pallas) ‘has been separated from

others in the genus because the surface of the axis

is smooth and not covered with a number of

minute, uniform cylindrical spines like the true

Antipathes’ (Gray 1857a). In another paper

appearing in the same year, Gray (1857b) defines

the genus as follows: ‘Axis smooth, polished,

branched, forked. Bark soft, deciduous,

deliquescent, sometimes forming (when dry)

smooth, transparent masses at the fork of the

branches’. It is in this second publication that

Gray placed Antipathes glaberrima Esper in the

genus Leiopathes, and he also indicated (in the

synonymy) that Antipathes dichotoma Pallas was

possibly identical to L. glaberrima. According to

Brook, Lacaze Duthiers (1864, 1865) was the first

investigator to observe that L. glaberrima

possessed axial spines, and even though these

spines are noticeable only on the smallest

branches and branchlets, their presence essentially

eliminated the primary character used by Gray. In

1889 Brook reported that the polyps of L.

glaberrima possessed 12 complete mesenteries,

not ten as in other species of the genus Antipathes,

and for this reason he advocated that the genus be

maintained. Therefore, Leiopathes is currently

recognized not by the diagnostic characters given

by Gray, but by the secondary description given

by Brook. The illustration of A. glaberrima given

by Esper (1792) indicates that the type is devoid

of polyp tissue; therefore, it lacks the key

diagnostic feature of the genus. Under such

circumstances it would be appropriate to treat

Brook’s specimen as a substitute type specimen.

1. Leiopathes secunda sp. nov.

(Figs 1-3)

Diagnosis

Corallum branched irregularly, sympodial and

flabellate to varying degrees; height 25 cm or

more, with 30 or more orders of branching. Stem

appearing crooked or sinuous. Smallest branchlets

5-10 mm long; commonly arranged uniserially,

mostly 2-4 mm apart, on convex side of curved

lower order branches; usually curved upward

toward distal part of branch from which they arise.

Groups of small branches and branchlets arranged

in unilateral scorpioid cymes.

Spines simple, smooth, and conical with

rounded or slightly acute apex; subequal or

slightly unequal around axis circumference;

typically 0.06-0.08 mm, but up to 0.12 mm, from

midpoint of base to apex; and arranged in axial

rows, generally with 5—6 spines per millimetre in

each row. Spines present on stem; 0.06 mm tall.

Polyps very variable in size, up to 1 mm in

transverse diameter (from proximal side of

proximal lateral tentacles to distal side of distal

lateral tentacles) and spaced up to 0.8 mm apart.

Polyps on smallest branchlets arranged uniserially,

usually with 6-8 polyps per centimetre.

Description of Holotype

The holotype (SAM H-756) is approximately 26

cm high and about 20 cm wide (Fig. 1), and the

diameter of stem just above the basal end is 2.5 x

4.0 mm. The corallum is branched to the 30th

order or more, with the higher order branches

often becoming more developed than the branch

from which they originate. As a result of this laxly

sympodial branching, the stem and major

branches have a crooked or sinuous appearance.

Very few of the branches are longer than 5 cm

and these often have 3-4 higher orders of

branches. The branchlets (Fig. 2a) are often

arranged uniserially, with up to 9 or more along a

section of branch about 3 cm long. They usually

occur on the convex side of the lower order

branches; generally spaced 24 mm apart, with 3-

4 branchlets per centimetre. The distal angle of

the branchlets ranges from 60 to 90°, but most are

close to 90°. Although a few of the branchlets are

straight, most are curved toward the distal part of

the branch from which they arise. Most of the

largest unbranched branchlets on the corallum are

5—7 mm in length and 0.14—-0.16 mm in diameter

near their base (excluding spines); a few are as

long 1.0 cm.

The spines on the branchlets (Fig. 3b) are

generally 0.06—0.08 mm tall, as measured from

middle of base to apex; a few are as large as 0.1

mm. They are simple, smooth and conical, and

have a rounded or acute apex. The spines are

equal or slightly unequal in size around the

circumference of the axis. They are arranged in

axial rows, 3-4 of which can be seen from one

102

D. M. OPRESKO

FIGURE 1. Leiopathes secunda sp. nov., holotype, SAM H-756, entire corallum, height about 26 cm.

aspect (includes only those rows in which the base

of the spines are visible), and within each row

they are spaced 0.18—0.30 mm apart, resulting in

5-6 spines per millimetre in each row. At the tips

of the branchlets the spines are relatively narrow

with a more rounded apex, and the branchlet itself

may be flanged with the spines occurring along

ridges separated by shallow grooves (Fig. 3a).

Spines are also present on the larger branches

(Fig. 3c) and stem where they reach a maximum

size of about 0.06 mm.

The polyps on the branchlets and higher-order

branches are arranged somewhat uniserially, often

on the convex or lateral side of the branchlets (Fig.

2b). In general, they tend to face out of one side of

the corallum. Polyp size is very variable, but the

largest polyps are usually not more than 0.8 mm

in transverse diameter as measured from proximal

side of proximal lateral tentacles to distal side of

distal lateral tentacles. The interpolypar space is

variable in width, up to about 0.8 mm. On

average, there are 6-8 polyps per centimetre.

NEW SPECIES OF LEJOPATHES 103

FIGURE 2. Leiopathes secunda sp. nov., holotype, SAM H-756; (a) outer edge of corallum showing the arrangement

of the branchlets: (b) branchlets with polyps, approx. x 4.

Although the larger branches and stem are mostly _ they each exhibit in varying degrees the distinctive

denuded of soft tissues, where they are present, uniserial branching pattern seen in the holotype.

the polyps appear to be distributed on all sides of As in the holotype, the ultimate branchlets in

the axis. these colonies are closely spaced and usually not

more than 1 cm long. In one of the paratypes

Discussion (SAM H-757) the spines on the branchlets attain

The paratypes are all small colonies; however, a maximum size of 0.12 mm; in the others the

FIGURE 3. Leiopathes secunda sp. nov., holotype, SAM H-756; (a) Spines near tip of branchlet, (b) spines on

branchlet 0.25 mm in diameter, (c) spines on branch 0.45 mm in diameter. Scale bars 0.1 mm.

104

largest spines are 0.06—0.08 mm. Slight variations

occur among the specimens in the density and

number of rows of spines (e.g., 3.5—7 spines per

millimetre and 2-5 rows visible from one aspect),

but such variability is likely to be observed even

in a single specimen. Polyps in these specimens

are usually 1 mm or less in transverse diameter.

Although the interpolypar space is quite variable,

there are generally 6-8 polyps per centimetre, as

in the holotype.

Comparisons

In general appearance Leiopathes secunda sp.

nov. resembles L. expansa Johnson, 1899 and L.

grimaldii Roule, 1905. In both L. expansa and L.

grimaldii the higher order branchlets are arranged

uniserially on the convex side of the curved lower

order branches, as in L. secunda. However, in L.

secunda the branching is not as distinctly

flabellate as in the other two species. Furthermore,

the spines of L. secunda are slightly larger and

more crowded than those of the other two species.

Johnson (1899) described the spines of L. expansa

as being minute, upright conico-subdeltoid, and

irregularly scattered on the ultimate branchlets but

absent on other parts of the corallum. As

estimated from the illustration, the spines of L.

expansa appear to be 0.05—0.06 mm tall and 0.5—

0.6 mm apart on a branchlet 0.23 mm in diameter.

In contrast, the spines of L. secunda are

consistently 0.06-0.08 mm tall, with some

reaching a size of 0.12 mm, and they are typically

0.14-0.30 mm apart. In addition, in L. secunda

spines are also found on the largest branches and

on the stem, whereas this is not the case in L.

expansa. Roule (1905) does not mention the size

of the spines of L. grimaldii, nor are any

illustrations provided; however, he does note that

they are only present on the smallest branchlets,

i.e., branchlets measuring 0.2—0.3 mm in

diameter.

Roule (1905) reported that the polyps of L.

grimaldii are 0.5—1.0 mm in diameter and spaced

0.8-1.6 mm apart. The size and spacing of the

polyps of L. secunda are similar. The polyps of

L. expansa were not described by Johnson

(1899) except for the statement that the specimen

was a light red in color. Roule reported that the

polyps and coensarc of L. grimaldii were red-

yellow. The color of L. secunda was not

recorded.

Etymology

From the Latin ‘secunda’ (in a row) in reference

to the uniserial arrangement of the branchlets.

D. M. OPRESKO

Material Examined

Holotype. Tasmania: Cascade Plateau, about

160 nautical miles east of South East Cape,

44°00'S, 150°28'E, 760-910 m, F/V ‘Labrador’,

10 February 1990, K. Gowlett-Holmes (SAM H

756; schizoholotype, USNM 99407).

Paratypes. Tasmania: Cascade Plateau, about

160 nautical miles east of South East Cape,

43°58'S, 150°22'E, 890-900 m, F/V ‘Labrador’,

11 February 1990, K. Gowlett-Holmes (SAM H

757; schizoparatype, USNM 99404).—Cascade

Plateau, about 155 Nm east of South East Cape,

43°58'S, 150°22'E, 1000 m, F/V ‘Labrador’, 9

February 1990, K. Gowlett-Holmes (SAM H 755;

schizoparatype, USNM 99406).—Cascade

Plateau, about 165 Nm east of South East Cape,

44°03'S, 150°26'E, 1100 m, F/V ‘Labrador’, 16

February 1990, K. Gowlett-Holmes (SAM H 758;

schizoparatype, USNM 99398).

Distribution

Known only from the waters off Tasmania at

depths of 760-1100 m.

2. Leiopathes acanthophora sp. nov.

(Figs 4-6)

Diagnosis

Corallum branched irregularly, but with some

branches and branchlets uniplanar. Branchlets

arising from all sides of lower order branches, but

occasionally uniserial over short distances.

Highest order, unbranched branchlets typically

1.5-2.5 cm long, 0.2-0.3 mm in diameter and

spaced 5—7 mm apart.

Spines conical, acute, smooth, and subequal or

slightly unequal. Spines on branchlets typically

0.10-0.14 mm from midpoint of base to apex.

Spines on branchlets spaced 0.4—0.9 mm apart (2—

3 per millimetre) and arranged in axial rows, 3-4

of which seen from one aspect. Spines present on

larger branches and stem.

Polyps variable in size, 0.6-2.0 mm in

transverse diameter and spaced 0.4—1.8 mm apart.

Polyps on smallest branchlets arranged uniserially,

with 4-6 polyps per centimetre. Polyps on larger

branches occurring irregularly on all sides of axis.

Description of Holotype

The holotype (SAM H 906) consists of

numerous broken pieces, one of which is about 30

cm tall (Fig. 4) and has a basal ‘stem’ diameter of

about 5 mm. The largest simple branchlets (those

on the outer edges of the corallum, Fig. 5a) are

NEW SPECIES OF LEIOPATHES 105

FIGURE 4. Leiopathes acanthophora sp. nov., holotype, SAM H-906, entire corallum, height about 30 cm.

usually 1.5—2.5 cm long although some are as

much as 4 cm long and 0.3 mm in diameter at

their base. Branchlets are placed at very varying

intervals, most commonly they are 5-7 mm apart,

with 2-3 branchlets per centimetre. The distal

branch angle is usually 90° or slightly less, and

the terminal branchlets are straight or slightly

curved.

The axial spines are 0.10-0.14 mm, as

measured from the middle of the base to apex.

They are simple, smooth, and conical, with a

slightly rounded to acute apex. Those on the

smallest branchlets (Fig. 6a) are relatively narrow

with a rounded apex. On the larger branchlets they

become more conical or deltoid (Fig. 6b). They

measure 0.12 mm on a branch 0.8 mm in diameter

(Fig. 6c), and 0.1 mm on a stem-like branch 4

mm in diameter. In places the size of the spines

varies slightly (0.001-0.003 mm) around the

circumference of the axis; however, the largest

spines are not always associated with the polyp

side of the axis. On the branchlets the spines are

106 D. M. OPRESKO

FIGURE 5. Leiopathes acanthophora sp. nov., holotype, SAM H-906; (a) outer edge of corallum showing

arrangement of branchlets, (b) branchlets with polyps, approx. x 4.

FIGURE 6. Leiopathes acanthophora sp. nov., holotype, SAM H-906; (a) Spines near tip of branchlet, 0.25 mm

in diameter, (b) spines on branchlet 0.35 mm in diameter, (c) spines on branch 0.84 mm in diameter. Scale bars

0.1 mm.

NEW SPECIES OF LEIOPATHES

arranged in axial rows, 3-4 of which can be seen

from one aspect (includes only those rows in

which the bases of the spines are visible); and

within each row they are spaced 0.4-0.9 mm

apart, resulting in 2-3 spines per millimetre. On

the largest branches the spines tend to become

flared out distally and proximally, and they are

less regularly arranged in axial rows.

In general, the polyps are arranged uniserially

(Figs 5a,b), although on the larger branches they

occur irregularly on all sides of the axis. The size

of individual polyps is quite variable, and small

polyps are often present between the largest ones.

In terms of transverse diameter, polyp size ranges

from 0.6 to 2.0 mm (measured from proximal side

of proximal lateral tentacles to the distal side of

distal lateral tentacles). The interpolyp space is

also quite variable, ranging from 0.4 to 1.8 mm;

consequently, there can be as few as 4 to as many

as 6 polyps per centimetre. In the alcohol-

preserved material, the polyp tentacles measure

1.6-2.8 mm.

Comparisons

The branching pattern of Leiopathes

acanthophora sp. nov. is similar to that of L.

glaberrima (Esper, 1792). Both species have

relatively long irregularly arranged branchlets.

Based on descriptions given in the literature, it

appears that the branchlets in L. glaberrima are

thicker than those in L. acanthophora. Brook

(1889) reported that the terminal branchlets in L.

glaberrima were 0.5-0.7 mm in diameter, while

those in L. acanthophora are only 0.2-0.3 mm.

In addition, the spines of L. acanthophora are

considerably larger than those in L. glaberrima.

Based on the illustration given by Brook (1889),

the spines in L. glaberrima measure 0.04—0.06

mm. In comparison, those in L. acanthophora

are usually 0.10-14 mm. Furthermore, in L.

glaberrima the largest branches are devoid of

spines, but this is not the case in L.

acanthophora. Brook (1889) also reported that

the polyps in his specimen of L. glaberrima were

about 1.0 mm in diameter. Although the polyps

in L. acanthophora are quite variable in size,

some are as much as 2 mm in diameter. These

differences are sufficient to adequately

differentiate the two species.

Etymology

From the Latin ‘acantho’ (spine) and ‘phora’

(bearing) in reference to the fact that this species

has larger and more numerous spines than the

closely related L. glaberrima.

107

Material Examined

Holotype. Indian Ocean: about 125 Nm east of

Cape Arid, W. Australia, 34°03'S, 125°31'E,

1011-1020 m, F/V ‘Adelaide-Pearle’, 31 July

1988, K. Gowlett-Holmes, K. Olsson and M.

Cameron (SAM H 906; schizoholotype, USNM

99402).

Distribution

Known only from off the coast of Western

Australia, at a depth of 1011-1020 m.

3. Leiopathes bullosa sp. nov.

(Figs 7-9)

Diagnosis

Corallum branched irregularly, but with groups

of branchlets tending to be uniplanar. Highest

order, unbranched branchlets straight or curved

slightly; up to 2 cm long, 0.2 mm in diameter and

spaced 0.5—1.5 cm apart; with 1-3 branchlets per

centimetre.

Spines typically hemispherical, blister-like; up

to 0.14 mm from midpoint of base to apex,

subequal or slightly unequal in size around the

axis. Spines arranged in rows, commonly spaced

0.4-0.6 mm apart in each row, with 2.5-3.5

spines per millimetre. Spines absent on larger

branches and stem.

Polyps 0.7—2.0 mm in transverse diameter,

spaced 0.6-2.5 mm apart, with 3-5 per

centimetre.

Description of Holotype

The holotype (SAM H-754) consists of a

number of broken branches. One such piece is

shown in Figure 7. The branching pattern is rather

loose and open and generally does not follow any

specific pattern, although on several branches the

branchlets tend to be unilateral or bilateral, and

the branching tends to be spread out in a single

plane. The largest simple branchlets (those

without secondary branching and usually located

on the outer edges of the larger branches) are

mostly 0.5-1.5 cm long and 0.10-0.15 mm in

basal diameter (excluding spines); however, a few

are as long as 2 cm and 0.2 mm thick. Branchlets

are placed at very varying intervals, mostly 5-7

mm apart but up to 1.5 cm apart, usually with 2-3

branchlets per centimetre, but sometimes with

only 1 per centimetre. The branchlets are inserted

mostly at right angles (distal angle ~90°); they are

usually straight or only slightly curved or sinuous

(Fig. 8a).

108 D. M. OPRESKO

FIGURE 7. Leiopathes bullosa sp. nov., piece of holotype, SAM H-754.

The spines are typically hemispherical and

blister-like (Figs. 9c—-d); although on the smaller

branchlets they are more knob-like (Fig. 9b) and

the axis can be fluted with the spines occurring

along the edges of the ridges (Fig. 9a). The

branchlet spines are very variable in size, 0.07—

0.14 mm, as measured from middle of base to

apex. They are subequal or slightly unequal in size

with up to a 0.04 mm difference on opposite sides

of the axis; the largest spines, however, are not

consistently associated with the polyp side of the

axis. The spines are arranged in axial rows, 3-4 of

which can be seen from one aspect (includes only

those rows in which the base of the spines are

visible), and within each row they are spaced 0.2—

0.7 mm apart (usually 0.4-0.6 mm). On average,

FIGURE 8. Leiopathes bullosa sp. nov., holotype, SAM H-754; (a) outer edge of corallum showing arrangement of

branchlets, (b) branchlet with polyps, approx. x 3.5.

NEW SPECIES OF LEIOPATHES 109

FIGURE 9. Leiopathes bullosa sp. nov., holotype, SAM H-754; (a) Spines on branchlet 0.2 mm in diameter, (b)

spines near distal end of branchlet 0.15 mm in diameter, (c) spines on branchlet 0.28 mm in diameter, (d) spines on

branchlet 0.27 mm in diameter, (e) branch 0.4 mm in diameter. Scale bars 0.1 mm; magnification in a and b as in d;

inc as ine.

110

there are 2.5—3.5 spines per millimetre in each

row. In places the spines can be seen to be

undergoing longitudinal fission. On the larger

branchlets and smallest branches the spines

become wide and flattened, and on branches

larger than 0.4-0.5 mm in diameter they are

absent. However, the transition from

hemispherical spines to no spines occurs in a very

narrow and overlapping range of branch

diameters, and sometimes smaller diameter

branches may be smooth and larger ones spinous.

The polyps on the holotype are in a poor state of

preservation (Fig. 8). They appear to be arranged

uniserially on the branchlets and very irregularly

on the largest branches. They are mostly 1.6—2.0

mm in transverse diameter as measured from

proximal side of proximal lateral tentacles to distal

side of distal lateral tentacles, but some are as

small as 0.07 mm. The width of the interpolyp

space is also variable, ranging from 0.6 to 2.5

mm. There appears to be 3-5 polyps per

centimetre on the branchlets. The maximum

length of the tentacles in the alcohol-preserved

material is about 2.5 mm. The polyps were

reported to be red in color when the specimen was

collected.

Discussion

Leiopathes bullosa is unique among species of

Leiopathes, as well as among other known species

of antipatharians, in having hemispherical, blister-

shaped spines. The development of a grooved and

ridged axis on some of the smallest branchlets,

which is also seen occasionally in L. secunda is

an unusual feature resembling a similar structure

present on the stems of certain species of

Bathypathes.

Comparisons

In basic pattern of branching Leiopathes

bullosa resembles L. acanthophora sp. nov. and

D. M. OPRESKO

L. glaberrima (Esper, 1792); however, the

species can be differentiated by the size and

shape of the spines which are very distinctly

hemispherical in L. bullosa but deltoid in L.

glaberrima and L. acanthophora. Although

poorly preserved, the polyps on the type

specimen of L. bullosa appear to be as large as

those in L. acanthophora.

Etymology

From the Latin ‘bullosa’ (covered with

swellings) in reference to general appearance of

the axis caused by the blister-like spines.

Material Examined

Holotype. South Australia: Great Australian

Bight, about 120 Nm southwest of Cape Adieu,

33°29'S, 130°33'E, 520-560 m, F/V ‘Longva’, 14

April 1990, K. Gowlett-Holmes (SAM H-754;

schizoholotype, USNM 99409).

Distribution

Only known from the Great Australian Bight,

from a depth of 522-560 m.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The author wishes to thank Karen Gowlett-Holmes,

K. Olsson, and M. Cameron for collecting the specimens;

Dr Wolfgang Zeidler of the South Australian Museum

for providing the specimens for study; Dr S. Cairns of

the Smithsonian Institution for providing research space

and reviewing the manuscript; Dr G. Williams of the

California Academy of Sciences for reviewing the

manuscript; S. Braden of the Smithsonian Institution for

preparing samples and taking the scanning electron

micrographs; and Dr E. Matthews of the South

Australian Museum for editing the manuscript. Support

for this work was provided by the U.S. National

Museum of Natural History, Smithsonian Institution,

Washington, DC, and by Oak Ridge National

Laboratory, Oak Ridge, TN.

REFERENCES

BOURNE, G. C. 1900. The Anthozoa. Pp. 1-80 in

‘Treatise on Zoology’, Part 2, Chapter 6, Ed. R.

Lankester, London. (as cited in Carlgren 1908:138).

BROOK, G. 1889. Report on the Antipatharia. Reports

of the Scientific Results of the Voyage of the

‘Challenger’, Zoology 32: 1-222.

CARLGREN, O. 1908. Anthozoa. Pp. 134-138 in

‘Bronn’s Klassen und Ordnungen des Tier-Reichs’,

Vol. 2, Section 2, Parts 4-6. C.F. Winter’sche

Verlagshandlung: Leipzig.

ELLIS, J. & SOLANDER, D. 1786. ‘Natural History of

Many Curious and Uncommon Zoophytes’, London.

ESPER, E. J. C. 1792. ‘Die Pflanzenthiere in

Abbildungen nach der Natur mit Farben erleuchtet

nebst Beschreibungen’, Vol. 2, Pp. 133-164,

Niirnberg.

GRAY, J. E. 1832. [No title]. Proceedings of the

Committee of Science and Correspondence of the

Zoological Society of London, March 29, 1832. Pp.

41-42.

NEW SPECIES OF LEJOPATHES 111

GRAY, J. E. 1840. ‘Synopsis of the contents of the

British Museum’, 42th ed., London.

GRAY, J. E. 1842. ‘Synopsis of the contents of the

British Museum’, 44th ed., London.

GRAY, J. E. 1857a. On the animal and bark of

Antipathes. Proceedings of the Zoological Society of

London, 1857. P. 113.

GRAY, J. E. 1857b. Synopsis of the families and genera

of axiferous zoophytes or barked corals. Proceedings

of the Zoological Society of London, 1857. Pp. 273-

294, 1 pl.

GRAVIER, C. J. 1918. Notes sur les Antipathaires du

Golfe de Naples. Pubblicazioni della Stazione

Zoologica di Napoli 2: 229-240.

HAECKEL, E. 1896. ‘Systematische Phylogenie der

wirbellosen Tiere’. E. Reimer: Berlin (as cited in

Carlgren 1908: 134).

HAIME, J. 1849. Sur le polypiéroide d’un Leiopathes

glaberrima. Annales des Sciences Naturelles 12:

224-226.

HICKSON, S. J. 1906. Coelenterata: Anthozoa. Pp. 326-

364 in ‘The Cambridge Natural History’, Vol. 1. Eds

S. F. Harmer & A. E. Shipley. Macmillan & Co.:

London.

JOHNSON, J. Y. 1899. Notes on the Antipatharian

corals of Madeira, with descriptions of a new species

and a new variety, and remarks on a specimen from

the West-Indies in the British Museum. Proceedings

of the Zoological Society of London, No. 53. Pp.

813-824.

LACAZE DUTHIERS, H. 1864. Mémoire sur les

Antipathaires (genre Gerardia). Annales des Sciences

Naturelles (Zoologie), 5(2): 169-239 (as cited by

Brook 1889).

LACAZE DUTHIERS, H. 1865. Deuxiéme mémoire sur

les Antipathaires (Antipathes vrais). Annales des

Sciences Naturelles (Zoologie), 5(4): 5-61 (as cited

by Brook 1889).

LAMOUROUx, J. V. F. 1816. ‘Histoire Générale des

Polypiers Coralligénes Flexibles’. Caen.

MILNE EDWARDS, H. 1857. ‘Histoire Naturelle des

Coralliaires’. Vol. 1. Paris.

OPRESKO, D. M. & BAYER, F. M. 1991. Rediscovery

of the enigmatic coelenterate Dendrobrachia

(Octocorallia: Gorgonacea), with descriptions of two

new species. Transactions of the Royal Society of

South Australia 115: 1-19.

PALLAS, P. S. 1766. ‘Elenchus Zoophytorum Sistens

Generum Adumbrationes Generaliores et Specierum

Cognitarum Succinctas Descriptiones cum Selectis

Auctorum Synonymis’. Hagae-Comitum.

PAX, F. 1918. Die Antipatharien. Zoologische

Jahrbucher 41: 419-478.

ROULE, L. 1905. Description des Antipathaires et

Cérianthaires Recueillis par S.A.S. le Prince de

Monaco dans |’Atlantique Nord. Résultats des

Campagnes Scientifiques du Prince de Monaco,

Fasc. XXX. Monaco.

SCHULTZE, L. S. 1896. Beitrag zur Systematik der

Antipatharien. Abhandlungen der Senckenbergischen

naturforschenden Gesellschaft 23: 1-40.

STUDER, T. 1878. ‘Gazelle’ Korallen, Abth. II,

Anthozoa polyactinia. Monatsberichte der Koniglich

Preussischer Akademie der Wissenschaften zu Berlin,

1878 Pp. 524-550.

VAN PESCH, A. J. 1914. The Antipatharia of the

‘Siboga’ Expedition. ‘Siboga’ Expedition Reports,

Vol. 17. E.J. Brill: Leiden.

POOLWANNA : A (H5) CHONDRITE FROM THE SIMPSON DESERT OF

SOUTH AUSTRALIA

M. ZBIK & A. PRING

Summary

The Poolwanna meteorite is a single stone weighing 0.875 kg and was found some 70 km west of

the southern end of Lake Poolwanna in north eastern South Australia. It consists of olivine

(Fai7.1+0.25 , N=30), low-Ca pyroxene (Fs17.6+1.7 W0o7+0.8, N=25), and plagioclase feldspar. Based on

texture and mineral chemistry, Poolowanna is classified as a H5 chondrite of shock stage S3-4.

POOLOWANNA: A (H5) CHONDRITE FROM THE SIMPSON DESERT

OF SOUTH AUSTRALIA

M. ZBIK & A. PRING

ZBIK, M. & PRING, A. 1998. Poolowanna: A (H5) chondrite from the Simpson Desert of

South Australia. Records of the South Australian Museum 31(1): 113-115.

The Poolowanna meteorite is a single stone weighing 0.875 kg and was found some 70 km

west of the southern end of Lake Poolowana in north eastern South Australian. It consists of

olivine (Fa,, ,,95 » 2=30), low-Ca pyroxene (F815 641.7 Wo 7108 > n=25), and plagioclase feldspar.

Based on texture and mineral chemistry, Poolowanna is classified as a H5 chondrite of shock

stage S34.

M. Zbik' & A. Pring’, ' Ian Wark Research Institute, University of South Australia, The

Levels, Adelaide, South Australia 5095, ? Department of Earth Sciences, South Australian

Museum, North Terrace, Adelaide, South Australia 5000. Manuscript received 11 April 1998.

The meteorite was found in May 1997 by Mr

Roger Henwood of Woomera, South Australia,

during an expedition to the Simpson Desert to

recover parts of the Blue-Streak Rocket which was

launched from Woomera in 1966. Mr Henwood

reported that he found the stone on the top portion

of a wide sand dune in the Simpson Desert at a

locality some 70 km west of the southern end of

Poolowanna Lake, in northern South Australia.

The locality is on the Poolowanna 1:250000 map

sheet and the site was recorded using a GPS

monitor (lat 26° 49.896'S, long 136° 51.523'E)

(Figure 1). Given that there are few geographical

place names in the Simpson desert we propose the

name Poolowanna for the meteorite and should

further meteorites be found in this map sheet area

they be numbered sequentially. Mr Henwood

surrendered the meteorite to the Museum in

accordance with the South Australian Meteorite

Act and was given a cash reward and presented

with a bronze medallion to commemorate the find.

Macroscopic AND Microscopic DESCRIPTION

The meteorite is 0.875 kg single stone, of

rounded rectangular shape, measuring 12 x 9 x 4

cm, with a weathered brown fusion crust and a

number of deep weathering cracks. The distinctive

fusion crust is 1 to 2 mm thick and dark brown in

colour due to the staining of iron oxide and

hydroxide minerals. The silicate minerals

throughout the meteorite are also stained by iron

oxides and hydroxides, indicating that it had been

exposed to the weather for many years. The fusion

crust surface is broken by numerous fractures

which have been filled with iron oxides and quartz

grains.

In thin section, the meteorite is medium to fine-

grained and generally stained brown by iron

oxides. The chondrule boundaries are generally

clearly visible but in areas of fracture and

weathering the boundaries are sometimes

obscured. The chondrules are typically between

0.5 and 1 mm in diameter but some of more than

2 mm in diameter were also noted. Metal and

troilite have been partially oxidized and occur as

disseminated grains (0.01—-2.0 mm in longest

dimension) throughout the matrix.

SAMPLING AND ANALYTICAL PROCEDURES

Polished thin sections were prepared from

meteorite slices and were used for petrographic

examination and microprobe analyses.

Compositions of the silicate minerals were

determined using a CAMECA SXS51 electron

microprobe with a Moran analysis package at the

University of Adelaide Centre for Electron

Microscopy and Microstructure Analysis.

Analyses were made using an accelerating voltage

of 15 kV, a sample current of 20 nA, and beam

width of 5 um.

MINERALOGY

In the meteorite there are two groups of

chondrules: those less than 1 mm in diameter are

114

M. ZBIK & A. PRING

SIMPSON DESERT

CONSERVATION

WITJIRA

NATIONAL

POOLOWANNA LAKE

METEORITE

FIGURE 1. Map showing the location of the Poolowanna meteorite.

spherical while those larger are much less regular

in shape. The chondrules and chondrule fragments

are composed predominantly of recrystallised

olivine and orthopyroxene and display

microcrystalline texture. The chondrules can be

classified according to the system of Wasson

(1993). Barred olivine chondrules (BO) are rare

and composed of olivine with pyroxene-

plagioclase mesostasis between the olivine bars.

There are a number of microcrystalline pyroxene

chondrules (C) which range in size from a fraction

of a millimetre to about 2 mm, and exhibit strong

undulose extinction. Radial pyroxene chondrules

(RP) are common, and display a range of crystal

sizes but nucleation appears to have occurred at a

single point on the rim of the chondrules. Several

unusual chondrules, containing large radial

pyroxene crystals coexisting with porphyritic

olivine grains, were noted in Poolowanna. This

type of chondrule is not included in Wasson’s

(1993) classification. A number of granular

olivine-pyroxene chondrules (GOP), porphyritic

pyroxene (PP) and pyroxene-olivine (POP)

chondrules are also present. The latter contain fine

and coarse, euhedral olivine grains and have a

poikilitic texture with turbid microcrystalline

plagioclase mesostasis between olivine and

pyroxene crystals.

Olivine in the Poolowanna meteorite is

equilibrated with a mean fayalite content of

Fa, 14025? n=30. The orthopyroxene shows a lim-

ited variation in composition with a mean

ferrosilite content of Fs,,,,,,, n=25 and a

wollastonite content of 0.7 mol% +0.8.

Clinopyroxene has not been detected and the in-

terstitial plagioclase is partially converted to

maskelynite, and due to the heavy weathering of

the meteorite its composition is variable and not

original.

A number of quartz grains, almost certainly of

aeolian origin, are incorporated into the weathered

crust and introduced into the meteorite interior

along fracture veins.

CLASSIFICATION

The Poolowanna meteorite is classified as an

HS chondrite. The olivine (Fa,,,) and

orthopyroxene (FS 5 641.7) compositions are within

the range of the H chondrites (Keil & Fredriksson

1964). The equilibrated mineral compositions,

crystalline matrix, well-defined chondrule

boundaries and recrystallised plagioclase, suggest

that Poolowanna meteorite belongs to the type 5

classification of Van Schmus and Wood (1967).

The wollastonite content in the orthopyroxene is

similar to that found in other H5 chondrites (Scott

et al., 1986).

Pyroxene crystals in the Poolowanna chondrite

POOLOWANNA METEORITE

display weak planar fractures and weak

mosaicism which all indicate that the meteorite

seems to be only slightly shocked after

metamorphism. According to the classification

scheme of Stéffler et al. (1991), the shock facies

is estimated to be S3-4; weakly to moderately

shocked.

115

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The authors wish to thank Mr Roger Henwood for

bringing the meteorite to the Museum’s attention, and

Mr John Terrlet of CEMMA, University of Adelaide for

assistance with electron microprobe analysis. We thank

Dr Alex Bevan of the Western Australian Museum for

his constructive review of this paper.

REFERENCES

KEIL, K. & FREDRIKSSON, K. 1964. The iron, mag-

nesium and calcium distribution in coexisting olivines

and rhombic pyroxenes of chondrites. Journal of

Geophysical Research 69: 3487-3515.

SCOTT, E. R. D., TAYLOR, G. J. & KEIL, K. 1986.

Accretion, metamorphism, and brecciation of ordinary

chondrites: Evidence from petrologic studies of

meteorites from Roosevelt County, New Mexico.

Proceedings of the Lunar and Planetary Science

Conference 17: E115-E123.

STOFFLER, D., KEIL, K. & SCOTT, E. R. D. 1991.

Shock metamorphism of ordinary chondrites.

Geochimica. Cosmochimica. Acta. 55: 3845-3867.

WASSON, J. T. 1993 constraints on chondrule origins.

Meteoritics 28: 14-28.

VAN SCHMUS, W. R. & WOOD, J. A. 1967. A

chemical-petrologic classification for the chondritic

meteorites. Geochimica Cosmochimica Acta 31: 747—

765.

CONFIRMATION OF THE ASSOCIATION OF THE HYPERIIDEAN

AMPHIPOD GENUS HYPERIA (CRUSTACEA : AMPHIPODIA:

HYPERIIDEA: HYPERIIDAE) WITH CTENOPHORES

WOLFGANG ZEIDLER

Summary

In July 1993 several specimens of ctenophore (Beroe sp.) were observed in Port Phillip Bay,

Victoria with a crustacean associate. One animal was collected and the associate removed and

identified as the hyperiidean amphipod, Hyperia gaudichaudii Milne Edwards, 1840.

CONFIRMATION OF THE ASSOCIATION OF THE HYPERIIDEAN AMPHIPOD

GENUS HYPERIA (CRUSTACEA: AMPHIPODA: HYPERIIDEA: HYPERIIDAE)

WITH CTENOPHORES

In July 1993 several specimens of ctenophore

(Beroe sp.) were observed in Port Phillip Bay,

Victoria with a crustacean associate. One animal

was collected and the associate removed and

identified as the hyperiidean amphipod, Hyperia

gaudichaudii Milne Edwards, 1840.

Species of Hyperia have been recorded in

association with ctenophores of the genus Beroe

in the literature previously (Thurston 1977) but

Laval (1980) suspects that these records may

actually be of Hyperoche, as young Hyperoche

may have been confused with Hyperia. This

would seem to be a reasonable assumption as

Hyperoche is a well known associate of medusae

and ctenophores (Flores & Brusca 1975, Harbison

et al. 1977, Laval 1980) and some genera, and

even families of hyperiideans, appear to be

restricted to certain host groups (Laval 1980).

Martin and Kuck (1991), in recording Hyperia

medusarum from the giant scyphozoan,

Chrysaora achlyos (see Martin et al. 1997),

conclude that ‘it is likely that species of Hyperia

occur only on scyphozoan and hydrozoan

medusae (Pasko 1987)’.

The present observation is based on only one

collected animal although others were observed in

the field by one of us (K. L. G-H). It was hoped

that more material would be forthcoming but this

has not occurred. Never-the-less, the association

of Hyperia with ctenophores has now been

confirmed and previous literature records of such

associations should not be dismissed. Hyperia

galba (Montague, 1815) has been recorded from

Beroe by Stephensen (1923), Schellenberg (1942),

Buchholz (1953) and Oldevig (1959) and H.

gaudichaudii has been recorded from a large

Beroe sp. from the Falkland Islands by Stebbing

(1914).

Material examined

Host. Beroe sp. (SAM H912) approx.

40x25mm, from off Portsea, Port Phillip Bay,

Victoria, drifting with current, 1-3m. Collected

by K. L. Gowlett-Holmes, 5" July 1993. Photo

index PH 0082, 3 colour slides.

Associate. Hyperia gaudichaudii, female

8.5mm with enlarged oostegites and eggs not yet

released into brood pouch, with reddish pigment

spots all over except for eyes and extremities of

uropoda (SAM C5831). Photo index PC 0064

(same three slides as PH 0082).

The Beroe and its associate were transported

alive to the South Australian Museum for

observation.

FIGURE 1. Two aspects of the Beroe from Port Phillip Bay showing the hyperiidean associate Hyperia gaudichaudii.

The specimen on the right in B appears to be a male judging by the relatively long antennae (arrowed).

118 W. ZEIDLER & K. L. GOWLETT-HOLMES

Field observations and location within host

Several Beroe (approx. 15) were observed in the

field and at least half had hyperiidean associates.

Generally two hyperiideans were observed together

on each host, occupying the same cavity. When

disturbed they became agitated and sometimes the

smaller one or more slender specimen would flee. It

is presumed that these were mating pairs and that it

was the male, being ‘free swimming,’ that fled.

When the specimen of Beroe being photographed

was collected, one of the hyperiideans escaped. An

examination of the slides taken of this animal (Fig.

1) revealed that one of the hyperiideans has

relatively long antennae (Fig. 1B), confirming that it

was a male that had escaped.

For the specimen collected, the female Hyperia

was found in a small cavity along one of the comb

rows (presumably created by the female) and was

positioned upside down holding onto the Beroe

tissues with pereopods 6 and 7. At the base of the

cavity a flap of Beroe tissue separated the

amphipod from a tunnel which went all the way

through to the gastrovascular cavity, indicating

that the amphipod either ventured to the

gastrovascular cavity to feed or intended to

provide access for her future offspring. Above this

cavity, on the same comb row, an old scar with

cilia missing indicated possible feeding. Similarly,

on the comb row either side, shallow cavities with

cilia missing suggest recent feeding or burrowing

activities. It is also possible that these scars were

made by other hyperiideans attempting to invade

the same host but their proximity to the main

cavity would suggest that the damage was made

by the resident associate.

The kind of burrowing observed here, resulting

in the combination of a cavity, tissue flap and

tunnel to the gastrovascular cavity, has not been

recorded previously for any other hyperiidean-

gelatinous plankton association.

Actual feeding by the female Hyperia was not

seen.

REFERENCES

BUCHHOLZ, H. A. 1953. Die Wirtstiere des

Amphipoden Hyperia galba in der Kieler Bucht.

Faunistische Mitteilungen aus Norddeutschland,

Kiel 1(3): 5-6.

FLORES, M. & BRUSCA, G. J. 1975. Observations on

two species of hyperiid amphipods associated with the

ctenophore Pleurobrachia bachei. Bulletin Southern

California Academy of Sciences 74(1): 10-15.

HARBISON, G. R., BIGGS, D. C. & MADIN, L. P.

1977. The associations of Amphipoda Hyperiidea

with gelatinous zooplankton — II. Associations with

Cnidaria, Ctenophora and Radiolaria. Deep — Sea

Research 24: 465-488.

LAVAL, P. 1980. Hyperiid amphipods as crustacean

parasitoids associated with gelatinous zooplankton.

Oceanography and Marine Biology, an Annual

Review 18: 11-56.

MARTIN, J. W., GERSHWIN, L., BURNETT, J. W.,

CARGO, D. G. & BLOOM, D. A. 1997. Chrysaora

achlyos, a remarkable new species of scyphozoan from

the Eastern Pacific. Biological Bulletin 193: 8-13.

MARTIN, J. W. & KUCK, H. G. 1991. Faunal

associates of an undescribed species of Chrysaora

(Cnidaria, Scyphozoa) in the Southern California

Bight, with notes on unusual occurrences of other

warm water species in the area. Bulletin Southern

California Academy of Sciences 90(3): 89-101.

OLDEVIG, H. 1959. Arctic, Subarctic and

Scandinavian amphipods in the collections of the

Swedish Natural History Museum in Stockholm.

Géteborgs Kungliga Vetenskaps - och Vitterhets -

Samhdlles Handlinger, Series B 8(2): 1-132.

PASKO, D. 1987. Host specificity and behaviour of

Hyperia medusarum and Hyperoche mediterranea

(Amphipoda: Hyperiidea): symbionts on gelatinous

zooplankton. Unpublished MS thesis, Humboldt State

University, 106pp.

SCHELLENBERG, A. 1942. Krebstiere oder Crustacea.

IV. Flohkrebse oder Amphipoda. Tierwelt

Deutschlands 40: 1-252.

STEBBING, T. R. R. 1914. Crustacea from the

Falkland Islands collected by Mr. Rupert Vallentin,

F.L.S. — Part Il. Proceedings of the Zoological

Society of London 24: 341-378.

STEPHENSEN, K. 1923. Crustacea Malacostraca, V.

(Amphipoda. 1.) Danish Ingolf - Expedition 3(8): 1-

100, figs 1-22.

THURSTON, M. H. 1977. Depth distributions of

Hyperia spinigera Bovallius, 1889 (Crustacea:

Amphipoda) and medusae in the north Atlantic

Ocean, with notes on the associations between

Hyperia and coelenterates. Pp. 499-536 in ‘A voyage

of discovery: George Deacon 70" anniversary

volume.’ (Ed. M. Angel.) Pergamon Press Ltd. :

Oxford.

Wolfgang ZEIDLER, South Australian Museum, North Terrace, Adelaide, 5000; Karen L. GOWLETT-HOLMES,

CSIRO Division of Marine Research. GPO Box 1538 Hobart, 7001. Records of the South Australian Museum

31(1): 117-118, 1998.

OBITUARY MEREDITH JOAN SMITH 10 FEBRUARY, 1943 — 18 JULY 1998

GRAHAM C. MEDLIN

Summary

Friends and colleagues were shocked by the sudden death, on 18 July 1998, of Dr Meredith Smith,

aged 55 years, Senior Scientist in the Evolutionary Biology Unit of the South Australian Museum.

Meredith had been on her first overseas holiday, on safari in Kenya, when three weeks into her trip

she became ill. Tests in the hospital in Nairobi indicated that she had a very low haemoglobin count

and after a blood transfusion Meredith returned to Australia with her eldest daughter Felicity. After

further tests at the Royal Adelaide Hospital she was diagnosed with lymphoma. During a course of

chemotherapy, Meredith died suddenly, two weeks after she had returned to Adelaide.

OBITUARY

MEREDITH JOAN SMITH

10 February 1943 - 18 July 1998

Friends and colleagues were shocked by the

sudden death, on the 18 July 1998, of Dr Meredith

Smith, aged 55 years, Senior Scientist in the

Evolutionary Biology Unit of the South Australian

Museum. Meredith had been on her first overseas

holiday, on safari in Kenya, when three weeks

into her trip she became ill. Tests in the hospital

in Nairobi indicated that she had a very low

haemoglobin count and after a blood transfusion

Meredith returned to Australia with her eldest

daughter Felicity. After further tests at the Royal

Adelaide Hospital she was diagnosed with

lymphoma. During a course of chemotherapy,

Meredith died suddenly, two weeks after she had

returned to Adelaide.

Born Meredith Joan Clark on 10 February,

1943, she attended the Magill Primary School and

Norwood High School before entering the

University of Adelaide in 1960. As a young

woman, Meredith had wanted to become a vet,

but this was not possible in South Australia so

she chose zoology instead, gaining a First Class

120

Honours Degree in 1963. After working for two

years with the CSIRO in Canberra, Meredith

returned to Adelaide and completed a PhD thesis

(Smith 1969) on the subject ‘A study of the

embryonic quiescence in diprotodont marsupials’.

The excellence of her scientific work was

recognised early in her career when, in 1968, she

received the Bolliger Award from the Australian

Mammal Society, for a paper titled ‘Artificial

termination of embryonic diapause in the red

kangaroo and the tammar wallaby’.

While the intricacies of marsupial reproduction

remained Meredith’s scientific passion throughout

her life, she somehow found the time to study

fossil vertebrates from the Victoria Cave at

Naracoorte, subfossil vertebrates from the

Flinders Ranges as well as freshwater shrimps

found in South Australian inland waters. Her early

work focused on the reproduction of possums

(Petauridae, Phalangeridae and Burramyidae) and

kangaroos (Macropodidae), but later this was to

change to the smaller rat-kangaroos (Potoroidae)

and in particular the reproductive biology of the

brush-tailed bettong Bettongia penicillata, which

she was still studying just prior to her death.

In the early 1970s Meredith worked on the

identification of small fossil vertebrates from

Victoria Cave near Naracoorte in the South East

of South Australia and became an acknowledged

expert on the identification of a wide range of

small vertebrates. From 1971 to 1976 she

published five papers on the Naracoorte cave

fauna with topics as diverse as the skull and

dental characteristics of fossil Potoroidae,

Petauridae, Burramyidae, Peramelidae,

Thylacinidae, and Dasyuridae, to the identification

of fossil birds and reptiles. Two papers

concentrated on the identification of elapid snakes

and lizards from the shape and measurement of

their vertebrae (Smith 1975 & 1976). Two new

species arose from Meredith’s study of the

Naracoorte fossils: a giant malleefowl Progura

naracoortensis (van Tets & Smith 1974), and a

giant primitive snake Wonambi naracoortensis

(Smith 1976). Her interest in fossil snakes

continued and in 1985 she described (Smith &

Plane 1985) a new boid snake Montypythonoides

riversleighensis from the World Heritage deposits

at Riversleigh in Queensland.

A feature of her papers was the meticulous

attention to detail. Descriptions of diagnostic

characteristics and references were usually

accompanied by drawings and/or photographs as

well as tables of numerous measurements.

Meredith’s academic output was prodigious and

G. C. MEDLIN

during her scientific career she produced, or

contributed to, two books on Australian mammals

(Smith & Ganf 1980; Aslin, Smith & Ganf 1987),

chapters for natural history books (Smith 1989a &

1996b), and species descriptions (Smith 1983,

1985, 1995), together with nearly 50 papers and a

number of semi-popular articles. She was a

member of the Australian Mammal Society and

had edited the journal ‘Australian Mammalogy’

and the Bulletin in 1976. The list of her

publications can be found at the end of this

tribute.

In 1967 she married fellow student Murray

Smith, and they had three children, Felicity, Tiffany

and Matthew. After two years in Armidale, New

South Wales, they returned to Adelaide and moved

into their property at Norton Summit. Here they

were able to cultivate fruit trees and Meredith kept

a menagerie of animals, including a couple of

horses, a pony, several donkeys as well as many

bantams and ducks. She also bred sugar gliders and

later brush-tailed bettongs. Meredith obtained part-

time work as a demonstrator, first at Flinders

University and later in the Zoology Department of

the University of Adelaide.

It was here that I first met her in 1976. The

meeting arose from my desire to learn more about

the identification of the remains of small mammals

found in owl pellets, which had been collected by

some of my students during a Mawson High School

field camp to Chambers Gorge in September 1975.

In early October 1975, I forwarded this collection to

Hans Mincham, then Information Officer at the

South Australian Museum. As a result of Hans

Mincham’s report that the material contained rare

and extinct species of rodents and small marsupials

(identified by Meredith), many of which had never

been found in the Flinders Ranges before, I returned

to the site in May 1976. These collections, together

with material collected by other individuals at

Aroona Dam and Copley, prior to May 1974, formed

the substance of a paper titled ‘Remains of

Mammals, including Notomys longicaudatus

(Gould) (Rodentia: Muridae), in owl pellets from

the Flinders Ranges, S.A.’ published in Australian

Wildlife Research in 1977. Here Meredith described

for the first time the wealth of small mammals which

had once populated the Flinders Ranges region. My

interest aroused, I made six more trips to Chambers

Gorge between September 1976 and October 1978

to determine the extent of the subfossil deposits in

the central and eastern ends of the gorge. Meredith

played a major role in helping to identify the

material and to train me in its identification.

In May 1979 I invited Meredith, Murray and

OBITUARY — MEREDITH JOAN SMITH 121

their children to accompany me on a field trip to

the eastern end of Chambers Gorge. The aim was

to enable Meredith to see the Cave D site in the

centre of Chambers Gorge, which had been the

main source of old owl pellets for the 1977 paper,

and to collect more pellets and bones. While

Meredith and I excavated the floor of a new cave

at the eastern end of the gorge, Murray took my

two boys and his children to the old Moorowie

Copper Mine. Here, he descended the rickety old

wooden ladder (pre-1900 vintage) to the bottom

of the shaft while the children waited at the

surface. Our shallow excavation revealed the

presence of a mat of grass, a wax match, parts of

the page of a novel, part of a pamphlet referring

to gunpowder and the lead of a large calibre

bullet, indicating that the cave had once been used

by miners. More interesting still, the cave also

had evidence of occupation by stick-nest rats

(Leporillus sp.), brushtail possums, ghost bats and

barn owls. After this trip Meredith commenced to

write a second paper on dasyurid remains found

in the Chambers Gorge Cave D site as well as

material from Big Moro Gorge and Top John

Gorge north of Chambers Gorge. This paper

(Smith & Medlin 1982) was presented by

Meredith at a symposium on ‘Carnivorous

Marsupials’ organised by the Royal Zoological

Society of New South Wales, in May 1980.

Murray’s death from bowel cancer in late 1980

was a devastating blow to Meredith, who was

now left to manage the large Norton Summit

property and to bring up three young children

alone. To support her family and herself Meredith

joined the Institute of Medical and Veterinary

Science at Gilles Plains as an animal laboratory

scientific officer, working part-time on the

breeding biology and husbandry of Australian

mammals, particularly marsupials. This

department within the IMVS was transferred to

the administration of the South Australian

Museum in 1983 and became known as the

Evolutionary Biology Unit (EBU). In

November1983, Meredith presented a paper to the

Australian Mammal Society’s ‘Possums and

Gliders Symposium’ held at the University of

Armidale. Here, she described for the first time,

the male and female reproductive systems and

paracloacal glands of sugar gliders (Petaurus

breviceps) and Leadbeater’s possum

(Gymnobelideus leadbeateri).

By the late 1980s her main research was centred

on the breeding biology of Bettongia species and

in particular the brush-tailed bettong (Bettongia

penicillata). In 1992 the focus of EBU changed

when it shifted from its location at Gilles Plains

to the Division of Natural Science in the city,

giving greater emphasis to molecular biology, and

the live animal work was terminated. The loss of

her beloved bettongs at Gilles Plains caused

Meredith much grief, but she was able to retain a

number of bettongs at home and to continue with

her scientific work, while still working part-time

at the South Australian Museum. Just before she

left for Kenya, she was still studying the

intricacies of the reproductive system of the

brush-tailed bettong and had become very excited

by a structure that she had recently dissected out

from a female bettong.

Some additional tasks which formed part of

Meredith’s brief at the Museum included:

management of the histology laboratory, advice to

the Curator of Mammals on the identification of

specimens in the mammal and _ subfossil

collections, contributions to public programs and

to review manuscripts as requested by scientific

peers and editors in the CSIRO and tertiary

institutions. Over the past 18 months, she had

completed a paper on ‘Establishment of a captive

colony of Bettongia tropica by cross-fostering;

and observations on reproduction’ (Smith 1998)

and was in the process of completing the

description of a new species of extinct hopping-

mouse from the Flinders Ranges. She had also

completed the morphological analysis of the

reproductive system and skeleton of a uniquely

deformed kangaroo. Over the past two years she

contributed to three public programs, viz. text for

‘Nocturnal 1997’, a unique exhibition by two

artists of nocturnal animals; ‘Extinctions SA’ and

‘Lost Fauna of Adelaide’ where, as a key member

of the team responsible for producing the

exhibition, she provided captions and maps for

extinct mammals on display.

Meredith occasionally participated in field work

and during an earlier trip in June 1985 she visited

Dalhousie Springs. This work resulted in a

chapter on ‘Mammals from the Dalhousie Springs

Area, with Notes on some Reptiles and Frogs’ in

‘Natural History of Dalhousie Springs’ by Zeidler

and Ponder (1989). During 1997 she joined the

Waterhouse Club expedition to the Flinders

Ranges to share her expertise.

Outside of her scientific work, Meredith was

able to continue her interest and love of

animals. She was a member (and one-time

secretary) of the S.A. Waterfowl Club Inc. and

the S.A. Poultry Association and exhibited

bantams and ducks of various breeds very

successfully. In addition to keeping horses and

122

donkeys on her property at Norton Summit,

Meredith was a long-time member of the Black

Hill Pony Club.

A simple but moving service was held in St

John’s Anglican Church, Norton Summit with

the eulogy being given by Meredith’s aunt and

Jacob Van Dissel from the pony club. In life,

Meredith was a very private person and she

probably would have been surprised at the

number of her colleagues, friends, neighbours,

and members of the above clubs, who came to

the church to mourn her passing. This in itself

was a measure of the esteem in which she was

held. The funeral service was followed by a

private cremation.

Meredith is survived by her mother, two

daughters Felicity and Tiffany, and her son

Matthew.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I have drawn heavily on information prepared

by Neville Pledge for the Cave Exploration Group

newsletter, information prepared by Chris Watts

for the South Australian Museum, ‘SAM

Newsletter’, as well as various scientific

publications which listed her published works.

Jennifer Thurmer, Neville Pledge, Jan Birrell,

Mark Adams, Carolyn Horne, and Catherine

Kemper assisted with additional information or

comments.

BIBLIOGRAPHY OF MEREDITH JOAN SMITH

1965:

Clark, M. J. & Sharman, G. B. 1965. Failure of

hysterectomy to affect the ovarian cycle of the

marsupial Trichosurus vulpecula. Journal of

Reproduction and Fertility 10: 459-461.

1966:

Clark, M. J. 1966. The blastocyst of the red kangaroo

Megaleia rufa (Desmarest) during diapause.

Australian Journal of Zoology 14: 19-25.

1967:

Clark, M. J. & Poole, W. E. 1967. The reproductive

system and embryonic diapause in the female grey

kangaroo, Macropus giganteus. Australian Journal

of Zoology 15: 441-459.

Clark, M. J. 1967. Pregnancy in the lactating pygmy

possum, Cercartetus concinnus. Australian Journal

of Zoology 15: 673-683.

G. C. MEDLIN

Sharman, G. B. & Clark, M. J. 1967. The inhibition of

ovulation by the corpus luteum in the red kangaroo,

Megaleia rufa. Journal of Reproduction and Fertility

14: 129-137.

1968:

Clark, M. J. 1968. Growth of pouch-young of the red

kangaroo, Megaleia rufa in the pouches of foster

mothers of the same species. /nternational Zoo Year

Book 8: 102-106.

Clark, M. J. 1968. Termination of embryonic diapause

in the red kangaroo, Megaleia rufa, by injection of

progesterone or oestrogen. Journal of Reproduction

and Fertility 15: 347-356.

Smyth, M. and Smith, M. J. 1968. Obligatory sperm

storage in the skink Hemiergis peronii. Science 161:

575-576.

1969:

Smith, M. J., Brown, B. K. & Frith H. J. 1969. Breeding

of the brush-tailed possum, Trichosurus vulpecula

(Kerr), in New South Wales. CSIRO Wildlife

Research 14(2):181-193.

Smith, M. J. & Sharman, G. B. 1969. Development of

dormant blastocysts induced by oestrogen in the

ovariectomised marsupial Macropus eugenii.

Australian Journal of Biological Science 22: 171-

180.

Smith, M. J. 1969. A study of the embryonic quiescence

in diprotodont marsupials. PhD thesis, University of

Adelaide.

1970:

Smith, M. J. & Godfrey, G. K. 1970. Ovulation induced

by gonadotrophins in the marsupial, Sminthopsis

crassicaudata (Gould). Journal of Reproduction and

Fertility 22: 4147.

Smith, M. J. 1971. Breeding of the sugar glider

Petaurus breviceps in captivity; and growth of

pouch-young. International Zoo Year Book 11: 26—

28.

1971:

Smith, M. J. 1971. Small fossil vertebrates from

Victoria Cave, Naracoorte, South Australia I.

Potoroinae (Macropodidae), Petauridae &

Burramyidae (Marsupialia). Transactions of

the Royal Society of South Australia 95: 185-

198.

1972:

Smith, M. J. 1972. Small fossil vertebrates from

Victoria Cave, Naracoorte, South Australia II.

Peramelidae, Thylacinidae and Dasyuridae

(Marsupialia). Transactions of the Royal Society of

South Australia 96(3): 125-137.

OBITUARY — MEREDITH JOAN SMITH

1973:

Smith, M. J. 1973. Petaurus breviceps. Mammalian

Species 30: 1-5. American Society of Mammalogists.

Smith, M. J. and How, R. A. 1973. Reproduction in the

mountain possum, Trichosurus cinus (Ogilby), in

captivity. Australian Journal of Zoology 21: 321-329.

1974:

Smyth, M. & Smith, M. J. 1974. Aspects of the natural

history of three Australian skinks, Morethia

boulengeri, Menetia greyii and Lerista bougainvillei.

Journal of Herpetology 8: 329-335.

van Tets, G. F. & Smith, M. J. 1974. Small fossil

vertebrates from Victoria Cave, Naracoorte, South

Australia II. Birds (Aves). Transactions of the Royal

Society of South Australia 98(4): 225-228.

1975:

Smith, M. J. 1975. The vertebrae of four Australian

elapid snakes. Transactions of the Royal Society of

South Australia 99(2): 71-84.

1976:

Smith, M. J. 1976. Small fossil vertebrates from

Victoria Cave, Naracoorte, South Australia IV.

Reptiles. Transactions of the Royal Society of South

Australia 100(1): 39-51.

Smith, M. J. & Le Gay Brereton, J. 1976. Annual

gonadal and adrenal cycles in the eastern rosella,

Platycercus eximius (Psittaciformes: Platycercidae).

Australian Journal of Zoology 24: 541-5546.

1977:

Hope, J. H., Lampert, R. J., Edmondson, E., Smith, M. J.

& van Tets, G. F. 1977. Late Pleistocene faunal

remains from Seton rock shelter, Kangaroo Island,

South Australia. Journal of Biogeography 4: 363-385.

Smith, M. J. 1977. Remains of mammals including

Notomys longicaudatus (Gould) (Rodentia:

Muridae), in owl pellets from the Flinders Ranges

S.A. Australian Wildlife Research 4: 159-170.

1978:

Smith, M. J., Bennett, J. H. & Chesson, C. M. 1978.

Photoperiod and some other factors affecting

reproduction in female Sminthopsis crassicaudata

(Gould) (Marsupialia: Dasyuridae) in captivity.

Australian Journal of Zoology 26: 449-463.

1979:

Smith, M. J. 1979. Observations on the growth of

Petaurus breviceps and P. norfolcensis (Marsupialia:

Petauridae) in captivity. Australian Wildlife Research

6: 141-150.

123

Smith, M. J., Hayman, D. L. & Hope, R. M. 1979.

Observations on the chromosomes and reproductive

systems of four macropodine interspecific hybrids

(Marsupialia: Macropodidae). Australian Journal of

Zoology 27: 959-972.

Williams, W. D. & Smith, M. J. 1979. A taxonomic

revision of Australian species of Paratya (Crustacea:

Atyidae). Australian Journal of Marine and

Freshwater Research 30: 815-832.

1980:

Smith, M. J. & Ganf, R. W. 1980. ‘Marsupials of

Australia Volume 1. Possums, the Koala and

Wombats’. Lansdowne Editions, East Melbourne.

Smith, M. J. & Williams, W. D. 1980. Infraspecific

variation within the Atyidae: a study of

morphological variation within a population of

Paratya australiensis (Crustacea: Decapoda).

Australian Journal of Marine and Freshwater

Research 31: 397-407.

1981:

Smith, M. J. 1981. Morphological observations on the

diapausing blastocyst of some macropodid

marsupials. Journal of Reproduction and Fertility

61: 483-486.

Smith, M. J. & Rogers, P. A. W. 1981. Skulls of

Bettongia lesueur (Mammalia: Macropodidae) from

a cave in the Flinders Ranges, S.A. Transactions of

the Royal Society of South Australia 105: 217.

Smith, M. J. & Williams, W. D. 1981. The occurrence

of Antecaridina lauensis (Edmondson) (Crustacea:

Decapoda: Atyidae) in the Solomon Islands. An

intriguing biogeographical problem. Hydrobiologia

85: 49-58.

1982:

Bennett, J. H., Smith, M. J., Hope, R. M. & Chesson, C.

M. 1982. Fat-tailed dunnart Sminthopsis

crassicaudata: establishment and maintenance of a

laboratory colony. Pp. 38-44 in ‘The Management of

Australian Mammals in Captivity’. Ed. D. D. Evans.

The Zoological Board of Victoria, Melbourne.

Smith, M. J. 1982. Reptiles from the Late Pleistocene

deposits on Kangaroo Island, South Australia.

Transactions of the Royal Society of South Australia

106(2): 61-66.

Smith, M. J. 1982. Whispers, screeches, gurgles,

screams ... .... Australian Natural History 20(12):

413418.

Smith, M. J. & Williams, W. D. 1982. Taxonomic

revision of Australian species of Atyoida, (Randall)

(Crustacea: Decapoda: Atyidae) with remarks on the

taxonomy of the genera Atyoida and Atya (Leach).

Australian Journal of Marine and Freshwater

Research 33: 343-361.

124

Smith, M. J. & Williams, W. D. 1982. Taxonomic

revision of Australian genus Caridinides,

(Calman) (Crustacea: Decapoda: Atyidae).

Australian Journal of Marine and Freshwater

Research 33: 575-587.

Smith, M. J. & Medlin, G. C. 1982. Dasyurids of the

northern Flinders Ranges before pastoral

development. Pp. 563-572 in ‘Carnivorous

Marsupials’ Vol. 2, ed. by M. Archer. Royal

Zoological Society of N.S.W., Mosman.

1983:

Smith, M. J. 1983. A giant python from southern

Australia, Wonambi naracoortensis. P.40 in

‘Prehistoric Animals in Australia’. Eds. S. Quirk and

M. Archer. Australian Museum, Sydney.

Smith, M. J. 1983. Koala. Vol. 8, 120-123 in ‘The

Australian Encyclopaedia’. The Grolier Society,

Sydney.

Smith, M. J. 1983. Possums. Vol. 16, 34-35 in ‘The

Australian Encyclopaedia’. The Grolier Society,

Sydney.

Smith, M. J. 1983. Western Pygmy-possum,

Cercartetus concinnus. Pp. 162-163 in ‘The

Australian Museum Complete Book of Australian

Mammals’ ed. by R. Strahan. Angus & Robertson

Publishers.

Smith, M. J. 1983. Desert Rat-kangaroo, Caloprymnus

campestris. P. 192 in ‘The Australian Museum

Complete Book of Australian Mammals’ ed. by R.

Strahan. Angus & Robertson Publishers.

Smith, M. J. 1983. Tammar Wallaby, Macropus

eugenii. Pp. 232-233 in ‘The Australian Museum

Complete Book of Australian Mammals’ ed. by R.

Strahan. Angus & Robertson Publishers.

Smith, M. J. 1983. Toolache Wallaby, Macropus greyi.

P. 234 in ‘The Australian Museum Complete Book

of Australian Mammals’ ed. by R. Strahan. Angus &

Robertson Publishers.

Smith, M. J. & Williams, W. D. 1983. Reproduction

cycles in some freshwater amphipods in southern

Australia. Pp. 183-193 in ‘Papers from a Conference

on the Biology and Evolution of Crustacea’ ed. by J.

K. Lowry. Memoirs of the Australian Museum 18.

1984:

Smith, M. J. 1984. The reproductive system and

paracloacal glands of Petaurus breviceps and

Gymnobelideus leadbeateri (Marsupialia:

Petauridae). Pp. 321-330 in ‘Possums and Gliders’

ed. by A. P. Smith and I. D. Hume. Surrey Beatty &

Sons and the Australian Mammal Society: Sydney.

Smith, M. J. 1984. Observations on the reproductive

system and paracloacal glands of Cercartetus lepidus

(Marsupialia: Burramyidae). Australian Mammalogy

7: 175-178.

G. C. MEDLIN

1985:

Smith, M. J. 1985. Wonambi naracoortensis. The Giant

Australian Python. Pp. 156-159 in ‘Kadimakara:

Extinct Vertebrates of Australia’. Eds. P. V. Rich, G.

F. van Tets and F. Knight. Pioneer Design Studio,

Lilydale.

Smith, M. J. & Plane, M. 1985. Pythonine snakes

(Boidae) from the Miocene of Australia. BMR

Journal of Australian Geology and Geophysics 9:

191-195.

1987:

Aslin, H. J., Smith, M. J. & Ganf, R. W. 1987.

‘Marsupials of Australia Volume 2. Carnivorous

Marsupials and Bandicoots’. Lansdowne Editions,

Chatswood NSW.

1989:

Smith, M. J. 1989a. Mammals from the Dalhousie

Springs area, with some notes on reptiles and frogs.

Pp. 119-21 in ‘Natural History of Dalhousie Springs’

ed. by W. Zeidler, and W. F. Ponder. South

Australian Museum, Adelaide.

Smith, M. J. 1989b. Release of embryonic diapause in

the Brush-tailed Bettong, Bettongia penicillata. Pp.

317-321 in ‘Kangaroos, Wallabies and Rat-

kangaroos’. Ed. by G. Grigg, P. Jarman, and I. Hume.

Surrey Beatty & Sons: Sydney.

1990:

Hayman, D. L., Smith, M. J. & Rodger, J. C. 1990. A

comparative study of chiasmata in male and female

Bettongia penicillata (Marsupialia). Genetica 83:

45-49.

1992:

Hinds, L. A. & Smith, M. J. 1992. Evidence from

plasma progesterone concentrations for male-induced

ovulation in the brush-tailed bettong Bettongia

penicillata. Journal of Reproduction and Fertility

95: 291-302.

Smith, M. J. 1992. Evidence from the oestrous cycle for

male-induced ovulation in Bettongia penicillata

(Marsupialia). Journal of Reproduction and Fertility

95: 283-289,

1994:

Merchant, J. C., Libke, J. A. & Smith, M. J. 1994.

Lactation energetics of growth in the brush-tailed

bettong Bettongia penicillata (Marsupialia:

Potoroidae) in captivity. Australian Journal of

Zoology 42: 267-277.

Smith, M. J. 1994. Male-induced oestrus and ovulation in

female brush-tailed bettongs (Bettongia penicillata)

suckling a young in the pouch. Reproduction, Fertility

and Development 6: 445-449.

OBITUARY — MEREDITH JOAN SMITH 125

1995:

Smith, M. J. & Hinds, L. 1995. The Tammar Wallaby

Macropus eugenti (Desmarest 1817). Pp. 329-331 in

‘The Mammals of Australia’, ed. by R. Strahan. Reed

Books, Chatswood.

Smith, M. J. 1995. Western Pygmy-possum Cercartetus

lepidus (Thomas 1888). Pp. 213-214 in ‘The

Mammals of Australia’, ed. by R. Strahan. Reed

Books, Chatswood

Smith, M. J. 1995. The Desert Rat-kangaroo

Caloprymnus campestris (Gould 1843). Pp. 296-297

in ‘The Mammals of Australia’, ed. by R. Strahan.

Reed Books, Chatswood.

Smith, M. J. 1995. Toolache Wallaby Macropus greyi

(Waterhouse 1845). Pp. 339-340 in ‘The Mammals

of Australia’, ed. by R. Strahan. Reed Books,

Chatswood.

1996:

Smith, M. J. 1996a. Duration of embryonic diapause in

the brush-tailed bettong, Bettongia penicillata

(Potoroidae): effect of age on quiescent corpus

luteum. Reproduction, Fertility and Development 8:

807-810.

Smith, M. J. 1996b. Mammals of the Flinders Ranges.

Pp. 127-131 in ‘Natural History of the Flinders

Ranges’ ed. by M. Davies C. R. Twidale and M. J.

Tyler. Royal Society of South Australia: Adelaide.

1998:

Smith, M. J. 1998. Establishment of a captive colony of

Bettongia tropica (Marsupialia: Potoroidae) by

cross-fostering; and observations on reproduction.

Journal of Zoology, London 244: 43-50.

Graham C. MEDLIN, Honorary Research Associate, Mammal Section, South Australian Museum, North Terrace,

Adelaide, South Australia 5000. Records of the South Australian Museum 31(1): 119-125.

IRIEK

OJP

pip teitts

E@RIDS

SOUTH

AUSTRALIAN

MUSEUM

VOLUME

31 PART 1

OCTOBER 1998

ISSN 0376-2750

CONTENTS:

1i3

117

119

ARTICLES

C. ALLAN CHILD

Pycnogonida from Prydz Bay, East Antarctica.

S. BARKER

Selection of lectotypes and redescriptions of three Cisseis (Coleoptera: Buprestidae)

species.

K. J. TILBROOK

The species of Antropora Norman, 1903 (Bryozoa: Cheilostomatida), with the description

of a new genus in the Calloporoidea.

P. F. MURRAY & D. MEGIRIAN

The skull of dromornithid birds: anatomical evidence for their relationship to

Anseriformes.

D. M. OPRESKO

Three new species of Leiopathes (Cnidaria: Anthozoa: Antipatharia) from southern

Australia.

M. ZBIK & A. PRING

Poolowanna: A (H5) chondrite from the Simpson Desert of South Australia.

NOTES

W. ZEIDLER & K. L. GOWLETT-HOLMES

Confirmation of the association of the hyperiidean amphipod genus Hyperia (Crustacea:

Amphipoda: Hyperiidea: Hyperiidae) with ctenophores.

G. C. MEDLIN

Obituary — Meredith Joan Smith

Published by the South Australian Museum,

North

Terrace, Adelaide, South Australia 5000.

R= ECORIDS

Ole

cae

Sang

SOUTH

AUSTRALIAN

MUSEUM

VOLUMIE 31 PART 2

FEBRUARY 1999

THE EGYPTIAN COLUMN AT THE SOUTH AUSTRALIAN MUSEUM

MICHAEL O’ DONOGHUE

Summary

It is nearly a century since the Egyptian Column was erected in the forecourt of the South

Australian Museum. This article provides a description of the column, an account of its

archaeological discovery in the temple of the god Herishef at Heracleopolis, the history of its

coming to Adelaide and a translation of its hieroglyphic inscription.

THE EGYPTIAN COLUMN AT THE SOUTH AUSTRALIAN MUSEUM

MICHAEL O’ DONOGHUE

O*’DONOGHUE, M. 1999. The Egyptian Column at the South Australian Museum. Records of

the South Australian Museum 31(2): 127-147.

It is nearly a century since the Egyptian Column was erected in the forecourt of the South

Australian Museum. This article provides a description of the column, an account of its

archaeological discovery in the temple of the god Herishef at Heracleopolis, the history of its

coming to Adelaide and a translation of its hieroglyphic inscription.

Michael O’Donoghue, University of South Australia, Holbrooks Rd., Underdale, South

Australia 5034. Manuscript received 1 September 1997.

INTRODUCTION

On 7 July 1999, the Egyptian column will have

graced the lawns in front of the South Australian

Museum for a century (Figure 1). It has become a

cultural landmark in Adelaide with generations of

South Australians and visitors to the state

wandering past it and wondering at the

civilisation which gave it birth. The possession of

such a column is a distinction which the South

Australian Museum shares with only a handful of

museums around the world.

Information about the column exists in a

number of places including the original

archaeological reports and the archives of the

Museum but this information has never been

brought together and published. Alan Rowe in his

manuscript ‘A Guide to the Egyptian Antiquities

in the South Australian Museum’ (1920),

discussed the column at length, but he was not

aware of William Matthew Flinders Petrie’s work

(Petrie 1905) and his manuscript was never

published. The purpose of this article is to

describe the column arid its original and modern

contexts as fully as possible. To do so I will

survey the history of the column, its origins, its

location in the portico of the temple of Herishef,

its archaeological discovery and its donation to

the South Australian Museum. I shall also

translate the hieroglyphic texts it carries.

DESCRIPTION

The column was carved from a single piece of

granite which came from Aswan in upper Egypt.

When discovered it was in two pieces and the

mend can be clearly seen in the middle register.

Its capital was also missing. A replica of the

capital was carved in Adelaide of Murray Bridge

granite using a cast of a capital from a matching

column which was supplied from the British

Museum. The capital consists of an abacus

supported by nine palm fronds. At the base of the

fronds a number of circular bands have been

FIGURE 1. The Egyptian Column in the forecourt of

the South Australian Museum. Photograph: South

Australian Museum Photographic Library.

128 M. O’ DONOGHUE

MEDITERRANEAN SEA

MEMPHIS

FAIYUM xf?

Medinet el-Faiyum'@.

’ Bahariya Oasis

Bahr Yusuf

e@ El-Amarna

Akhmim (Panopolis)

Abydos @ Dendera

* Dakhla Oasis ae THEBES

Hieraconpolis @

Kharga (Nekhen) Edfu

Oasis

ELEPHANTI NE es

(0) 100 200mls

i 4 T —~—1

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FIGURE 2. Map of Egypt showing location of Ihnasya el-Medina (Heracleopolis on map). Note the location of

Aswan, the source of the granite for the column. From James 1988:8, copyright Trustees of the British Museum,

British Museum Press.

EGYPTIAN COLUMN 129

carved. Below these is the shaft which has a slight

narrowing towards the top. The intention is to

represent a palm tree and it may be compared with

the real palms planted around it in its present

location on the museum lawns. Ramesses II made

use of the smooth shaft to inscribe his name and

titles in vertical columns, together with scenes of

him offering burning incense to the god Herishef.

His son Merneptah began to add his own names,

and these can be seen as very faint traces between

the vertical columns of Ramesses in the lowest

construction.

According to Petrie (1905: 14) the diameter of

the column is 29.9 inches (75.8 cms) at its base,

and 25.1 inches (63.6 cms) at the top of the shaft.

The height of the shaft from the base to the

bottom of the bands at the top of the shaft is 142

inches (360.5 cms). The bands, palm fronds and

abacus are the local reconstruction.

IHNASYA-EL-MEDINA

The column comes from the temple of the god

Herishef in the Egyptian town which bears the

modern Arabic name of Ihnasya el-Medina and

which was known during the Greco-Roman

period in Egypt as Heracleopolis Magna. Its

ancient Egyptian name was Nen-neswet (Nn-nswt

1° 23), which means ‘[the city] of the Royal

Child’, perhaps referring to the god Horus

(Mokhtar 1983: 62f). As the map (Figure 2)

shows, this site is in middle Egypt about 120 kms

south of Cairo, just south of the entrance to the

Faiyum depression. It stands about 10 kms to the

west of the Nile and on the east bank of the large

canal now called the Bahr Yussef which, after

flowing from the Nile and running parallel to it,

eventually flows into the Faiyum.

The ancient site of Heracleopolis is represented

by a series of mounds which encompass the

modern town of Ihnasya el-Medina from the west

and south-west (Mokhtar 1983: 71). Over time

the mounds have been partially excavated in

search of monuments, sebakh (the valuable

fertiliser which is the result of the manufacture of

ancient bricks from Nile mud and straw) and

limestone. Little is now to be seen on the surface.

The earliest mention of the city in Egyptian

texts is from the 5th Dynasty (c.2498—2345 BCE)!

during the Old Kingdom. In the First Intermediate

Period (9th and 10th Dynasties 2160-2040 BCE),

when central authority in Egypt was weakened,

the rulers of Heracleopolis claimed to be rulers of

all Egypt. From the Middle Kingdom onwards the

city was clearly important and is frequently

mentioned in the Egyptian texts. The nearby

necropolis of Sedment seems to have been the

burial ground for the ancient city and tombs have

been found there from most eras in Egyptian

history (Mokhtar 1983: 1L0Off).

The city was called by the Greeks, and then by

the Romans, Heracleopolis Magna. Heracleopolis

means ‘the city of Herakles’ and it seems to have

been so named because the Greeks identified their

god Herakles with the Egyptian God of the locality,

Herishef. Magna means ‘great’ to distinguish it

from another city with the same name which was

given the designation Parva ‘small’.

Heracleopolis Magna is mentioned by several

classical authors writing on Egypt. Strabo

(Geographia Book XVII 1.39), who spent a

number of years in Egypt following a journey up

the Nile in 25—24 BCE, and Pliny (Natural History,

Lib. V: 9-4, 11) (23-79 CE) both mention it as an

important city in Egypt. These and other references

over the next centuries reflect its importance in

Greco-Roman and Christian Egypt.

EXCAVATION OF THE TEMPLE

The site was first excavated by Edouard Naville

for the Egypt Exploration Fund in 1891. His

account, published in 1894, was rather sketchy

(Naville 1894) but he must be credited with the

discovery of the site of the New Kingdom temple

of Herishef and with the conclusion that it could

be traced back to the Twelfth Dynasty (1991-

1782 BCE). The area of the archaeological site is

huge and Naville admitted that it was pure chance

that he found the site of the temple of Arsaphes,

as he called Herishef. He made several soundings

until about five metres below the modern surface

he hit upon a column capital and dug all around

it:

We thus cleared what I believe to be all that is still

extant of the great temple of Arsaphes. It is a

rectangular hall, in the forepart of which is a row of

six granite columns (Naville 1894: 9).

This seems to refer to what Petrie (1905) was to

' Scholars have adopted the less Euro-centric convention of using BCE (Before Common Era) and CE (Common Era) in place of

BC and AD but the year numbering remains the same.

130 M. O’DONOGHUE

call the portico with its columns (section II in

Figure 8). The Adelaide column is one of these.

To clear what Naville thought was the temple

required the removal of over 40 000 cubic metres

of earth. He recorded that only one of the columns

was perfect. It is now in the British museum.

Inscriptions on both sides of the doorway behind

the row of columns, which gave access to the

inner courts of the temple, recorded that the

monument was erected by Ramesses II to his

father Herishef. Naville found sections of the

architrave, which had been reused, with the name

of Senusert II still discernible. Since he was a

pharaoh of the Middle Kingdom, Naville

concluded that an original Twelfth Dynasty

temple stood on the site, although he could not

identify any of its plan. He also discovered the

bases of a colonnade beyond the vestibule and a

very well preserved, though broken in two, statue

of Ramesses II with much of the original colour

still in evidence.

Unfortunately Naville did not publish any plan

of the discoveries and so the three photos he

included become vital for restoring the original

location of the finds. The photos show the

positions of the columns when excavated,

including the one which was to end up in Adelaide

(Naville 1894: Frontispiece and Plates V, VI).

Naville must have immediately arranged the

removal of the columns, presumably to England,

from where they were rapidly distributed around

the world. The Adelaide column was offered to

the South Australian Museum late in 1891

(Amelia Edwards’ letter dated November 1891,

State Records of South Australia GRG 19, Series

58), the same year it was discovered. This hasty

removal and the lack of any plan of the site were

to cause problems for the next excavator.

In 1904 Petrie also excavated at Ihnasya. On

the basis of his re-excavation on a more extensive

scale, Petrie reconstructed the history of the

temple (Petrie 1905). He concluded that in the

Twelfth Dynasty (1991-1782 BCE) a smaller

temple had been erected, probably by Senusert II

and Senusert III, since their cartouches appear on

blocks which were reused in later reconstructions

of the temple. Petrie also suggested that the

granite columns came from this Middle Kingdom

temple although he was not sure where the

structure was located at that time. As we shall see,

the question of the original setting of the columns

is still contested. In the Eighteenth Dynasty,

perhaps under Tuthmosis II (1540-1504 BCE),

the temple was reconstructed on a new plan which

included the portico and the reuse of the columns.

Then, in the Nineteenth Dynasty, Ramesses II

(1279-1212 BCE) added to the temple and raised

the columns on granite bases. He also inscribed

the columns with his cartouches, as we see today.

His son and successor, Merneptah, began to add

his own cartouches. Later still, perhaps in the

Twenty Third and Thirtieth Dynasties, the temple

underwent further restorations. At some time, the

columns were raised further by the insertion of

white sandstone bases between them and their

original granite bases. Having base and column of

such differently coloured stone seems rather

unconventional. The sandstone bases were

inscribed with the name of Ramesses II. If they

were not added by him, they must have come from

one of his constructions elsewhere.

Petrie was rather unimpressed with some

aspects of Naville’s work. He was critical of the

lack of a plan of the temple and of any diagrams

showing the location of finds. He also drew

attention to some of the errors made by Naville in

recording the site.

The columns had already been removed by

Naville; all that remained was one capital, which

Petrie said belonged to the column which had

been sent to Bolton in England. This made it

difficult for Petrie to draw a plan of the locations

of the individual columns. Furthermore Petrie

found that the few measurements Naville had

given were incorrect. However, on the basis of

the photos taken by the Rev. W. MacGregor and

published in Naville (1894), Petrie believed he

had reconstructed, to within a few inches, the

positions of the columns (Figure 4).

The columns had been distributed without any

measurements being taken. So Petrie asked the

curators of the Museums to which the columns

had been sent to measure the columns for him.

We do not know who measured the Adelaide

column for him but Petrie included its

measurements and noted that it was in Adelaide

(Petrie 1905: 14).

All of this meant he could identify the locations

of the columns in the temple and identify each in

the photos. On this basis he drew up his

reconstruction of the portico (Figure 3).

It can be noted that Petrie’s reconstruction

features four columns on each side of the entrance

for a total of eight. This is despite the fact that

only six had been found, and he could not find

any remains of the two extra columns or their

bases! He argued that without two additional

central columns, the architrave, which he

reconstructed from the remnants of its inscription,

would not have been able to span the distance

EGYPTIAN COLUMN

eer

Ome) |

“Pet

Fyne Ea

Bitte eas

FIGURE 3. Petrie’s reconstruction of the temple portico. From Petrie 1905, Plate VIII, top diagram.

131

132 M. O’DONOGHUE

FIGURE 4. Petrie’s reconstructed drawing of the temple portico, including the location of the columns, as

discovered by Naville. From Petrie 1905, Plate VIII, bottom diagram.

FIGURE 5. General View of the Temple of Heracleopolis Magna. From Naville 1894, Frontispiece.

EGYPTIAN COLUMN

between the next two columns. If this is accepted

it raises the intriguing question as to when and

how all traces of the two extra columns were

removed. Based on the following reconstruction

the Adelaide column is the third from the left (i.e.

column C),

Figure 4 is Petrie’s reconstruction of the

temple portico as discovered by Naville. The line

of blocks at the top of the diagram is the lowest

course of the inscribed limestone wall of the

facade which stood behind the columns and was

roofed to form a colonnade. In the centre is the

doorway which gave access to the inner courts

of the temple. The drawing reconstructs where

Petrie concluded the columns and _ their

respective bases were found by Naville. Column

A is the complete column in the British Museum,

column B is in Boston (the object lying on top

of base B is not a column but an inscribed block

as can be seen in the photo, Figure 5), C is the

top section of the Adelaide column (part of

which must have been found outside the area of

Petrie’s drawing), D is the column in

Manchester, E is the column in Bolton and F is

the column in Philadelphia.

Petrie based his reconstruction on the following

133

three photos from Naville’s report as well as his

own excavations of the bases of the columns. It

was a clever piece of archaeological detective

work, for which Petrie was justly famed.

Figure 5 provides a general view of the portico

(compare with Petrie’s diagram above). The line

of inscribed blocks running across the centre of

the photo is the lowest course of the facade of the

portico which stood behind the row of columns;

on the far left is column A with its capital intact;

in the middle foreground lies column B and

behind it the top section of column C, the

Adelaide column; the top of column F can be seen

just in front of the entrance doorway in the

facade; to the right, column D lies still half buried

in the debris and on the far right midground is

column F, Perhaps the section of column which

can just be made out in the right hand bottom

comer of the photograph is the other section of

the Adelaide column. Petrie’s drawing does not

extend far enough to include this.

In Figure 6, making use of Petrie’s diagram, we

can identify, in the foreground, column B now in

Boston and, nearby, the capital which presumably

belongs to it. Immediately behind it is the top

section of column C, the Adelaide column. In the

FIGURE 6. Columns and Architraves from the Vestibule of the Temple of Heracleopolis Magna. From Naville

1894, Plate V.

134

M. O'DONOGHUE

FIGURE 7. Columns and Architraves from the Vestibule of the Temple of Heracleopolis Magna. From Naville

1894, Plate VI.

right midground is column D now in Manchester

and, above it, in the top right hand corner, column

F now in Philadelphia.

In Figure 7 we can identify, in the right

foreground, the top of the shaft of column F

which also includes the bottom section of the

palm capital. In the background is the complete

column A now in the British Museum. On the

left, one behind the other, are the granite bases of

the three left hand columns.

GENERAL PLAN OF THE TEMPLE

The full extent of the temple at the time of

Ramesses II was revealed by Petrie and is shown in

Figure 8. The entrance was through a large open

courtyard (I) which was flanked by rows of columns

fronted by statues. Mokhtar (1983: 81) says these

columns were of granite with palm leaf capitals but

it is not clear where he obtained this information as

the columns were entirely missing. He may be

confusing them with the columns of the portico. The

columns were more likely of limestone.

At the eastern end of the courtyard was the

portico (II) from which the Adelaide column

comes. This portico served as the entrance to the

inner parts of the temple and consisted of a

covered colonnade fronting an inscribed facade,

which measured about 18.5 m. by 6.3 m (Petrie

1905: 13). The inscription on the facade consisted

of hieroglyphic signs 60 cms high and gave the

name and titles of Ramesses II. This was followed

by the text ‘He erected [it] as a monument for his

father Herishef, the King of the Two Lands.’

(Mokhtar 1983:83).

The entrance through the portico gave access to

the hypostyle hall (III), one of the oldest parts of

the temple (Mokhtar 1983: 86). Here Petrie

discovered the small (6 cms high), solid gold

statue of Herishef dating from about 730 BCE

which has been called ‘one of the largest and

finest gold figures known to be excavated in

Egypt’ (Mokhtar 1983: 86-87). The statue weighs

35 grams and is now in the Museum of Fine Arts,

Boston.

Next was the small hall (IV) which originally

had four columns and later eight. Only the bases

remain.

Finally there was the sanctuary area (V) of

which little remained. Petrie suggested it

consisted of a central sanctuary and two side

EGYPTIAN COLUMN 13

when the city was conquered by the Theban rulers

of the 11th and 12th Dynasties. It is also possible

that the earlier temple was in another part of the

largely unexcayated site.

THE ORIGIN OF THE COLUMNS

As Petrie remarked (1905: 7), ‘The granite palm

columns of the portico have been recognised as

probably of the XIIth Dynasty since they were

found .. .” He suggested that their position in the

portico may have been established during the 18th

Dynasty rebuilding, and inscriptions were added

FIGURE 8. General Plan of the Temple of

Heracleopolis Magna. From Mokhtar 1983:88, Figure

18.

rooms. The layout of the temple reflected the

canon of the Egyptian cultic temple of the New

Kingdom. This included a series of halls leading

eventually to the sanctuary where the statue of the

god resided in its shrine as the focus of the daily

temple ritual.

Petrie found no evidence of a temple on the site

prior to the Middle Kingdom, discovering only a

few re-used blocks which may be dated to an

earlier era. However, Mokhtar (1983: 77) argues

that a temple existed on the site from the First

Dynasty. He notes that a temple of Herishef is

mentioned on the Palermo Stone. Furthermore the

prominence of the city in the later lists of cities of

Egypt and its significance in mythology, suggest

it must have had a significant temple at an early

date. Mokhtar believes the archaeological FIGURE 9. Palm column in the mortuary temple of the

evidence for a temple may have been destroyed Pyramid of Sahure at Abusir. Author’s photograph.

136

to the columns by the 19th Dynasty pharaoh

Ramesses II and his son Merneptah. If they were

from a Middle Kingdom structure, their original

location remains unknown.

Rita Freed of the Boston Museum has

suggested an earlier origin for the columns

(personal communication, 16 August 1994). She

has traced their origin based on the style of the

palm capitals. She argues that they are typical of

palm capitals of the Old Kingdom belonging to

the pyramid temples of Unas and Isesi at Saqqara,

and of Sahure at Abusir. In this case the closest

similarities are with the columns of Isesi (Sth

Dynasty, c.2414-2375 BCE). This suggests that

the columns could have been taken from the

mortuary temple of this king (cf. Figure 9). As

William Stevenson Smith has commented,

referring to the column in the Boston Museum,

There is little either in the proportions or the

treatment of details to distinguish this column from

the Old Kingdom form as it is found in the temples

of Sahura and Unas (Smith 1960: 79).

There is no evidence to determine whether the

columns were removed from Saqqara to

Herakleopolis sometime after the Old Kingdom or

whether they belonged to an Old Kingdom

structure at Herakleopolis. However, there is no

doubt about their reuse in the reconstructed 18th

Dynasty temple or their later inscription by

Ramesses II.

THE Gop HERISHEF

The temple was dedicated to the god Herishef,

who is depicted on the Adelaide column receiving

offerings from Ramesses II. The other columns

feature other gods in the same position. Herishef

is depicted as a man with a ram’s head. There

were many ram gods in Egypt, among the most

important being Amun of Thebes and Khnum of

Elephantine. The ram seems to have been chosen

to represent divinity because it was linked with

fertility and sexual power. Amun was represented

by a species with curled horns which came to

Egypt from the Middle East during the Middle

Kingdom. The ram representing Herishef was

of a different species with more ancient local

origins and has horizontal horns which are

twisted (Altenmiiller 1977: 1015). He usually

held the was (w3s) sceptre and wore the Atef

crown which was worn by kings and gods. This

crown included the tall white conical crown of

upper Egypt surmounted by the sun disk,

and with feathers on each side. At the base of

M. O’ DONOGHUE

(ED

—=—

FIGURE 10. The God Herishef. From Mokhtar

1983:157, Figure 26.

the crown were the two horizontal ram’s horns.

The god’s name, Herishef (Hry-«,f) means ‘He

who is upon his lake.” Some think this lake refers

to Lake Moeris, the large lake in the Faiyum

because Ihnasya is so close to this area (Mokhtar

EGYPTIAN COLUMN 137

1983: 147). On the other hand it may refer to a

more local body of water which is no longer

identifiable, perhaps even the sacred lake

customarily attached to each temple. The Greeks

transcribed the god’s name in such a way that it

was read as Harsaphes (or Arsaphes) by scholars.

Hence the variations in the writing of the name

found in different texts.

THE CoLUMN Comes To ADELAIDE

In November 1891, Amelia B. Edwards, the

famous Honorary Secretary of the Egypt

Exploration Fund, wrote to the ‘National Museum

of South Australia’ [sic] offering to donate to the

Museum two fragments of a column of Ramesses

II (Letter, State Records of South Australia GRG

19, Series 58). This offer may have been an

outcome of the earlier visit to London by Rev.

William Roby Fletcher who was gathering

Egyptian antiquities for the Museum (The South

Australian Register, 8 July 1899). Roby Fletcher

was in London in mid-1890 and in his report he

mentions that he approached the Egyptian

Exploration Fund and was told that only

subscribers to its work could receive objects from

its excavations (Fletcher 1891: np). C. E. Owen

Smyth stated in his reminiscences that the pieces

of the column had been presented to Roby

Fletcher while he was in England (The Register,

25 October 1923).? However, neither Roby

Fletcher nor Amelia Edwards’ letter mention such

a presentation and it may simply have been that

the Fund knew of the interest of the South

Australian Museum because of Roby Fletcher’s

visit and so wrote with the offer.

In a letter dated January 6 1892, the general

director and secretary of the Museum committee,

Rob Kay, replied to Amelia Edwards that the

members of the committee ‘accept this donation

with much pleasure’ (State Records GRG 19/14

Vol. 13 Folio 97 and 98 Letter Book; see also

Folio 96 for letter to SA Agent General in London

asking that arrangements be made for transport).

He added that the committee ‘would be glad to

have one of the plaster casts of the capital of the

column referred to in your letter’. He also

inquired as to what type of base, if any, the

column should have. The column arrived in early

1892 and, when accession numbers were assigned

many years later, it was given the number

A40015. It was to remain in its boxes (the two

pieces were packed in separate boxes) for the next

eight years.

There are slightly different accounts of the

decision to erect the column. Without noting the

year, Hale (1956:72) reports that the Museum

committee was concerned because the entrance to

the Museum was being interfered with by the

local military force which used the square in front

of the North wing as its drill-ground. The

committee urged the Board of Governors of the

Public Library, Museum, and Art Gallery to grass

the area and erect the column to keep the military

away! Since the first dedicated Museum building,

the North Wing, was constructed in 1893 and

formally opened on 12 January 1895, this urging

must have been about this time.

The Superintendent of Public Building of the

time, Mr. Charles Edward Owen Smyth, has a

different story. In his reminiscences he notes that

when he was landscaping the area in front of the

North wing of the Museum he asked for the

column to form a centre piece. Although it is not

entirely clear, he seems to suggest that the new

Parade Ground behind Government House was

already in use from 1892 and mentions that the

drill shed was moved to the new Parade Ground

without providing a date. Since the column pieces

were stored and the capital carved in the drill

shed, it must have been removed as part of the

landscaping associated with the erection of the

column (Owen Smyth 1923 op. cit.). In the

speeches at the unveiling of the column in 1899,

reference was made to a ‘hideous drill shed which

prevents us from appreciating the full beauty of

this enclosure’ (The Advertiser, 8 July 1899, p.8),

so the drill-shed was not removed until after the

erection of the column.

Owen Smyth, who was known as a person of

forceful character, approached Mr (later Sir)

George Brookman to assist in the erection of the

column (The South Australian Register, 8 July

1899). A donation of £200 (Hale 1956: 72) was

forthcoming. This enabled a capital to be carved

> Owen Smyth's reminiscences came thirty years after the fact and despite his intimate involvement in the events, in several respects

seem to be incorrect. For example he mentions the column being in three pieces and that a cast of the base was supplied as well

as of the capital, neither of which are supported by the contemporary letters. A scrap book of cuttings from the Register of all of

Owen Smyth’s reminiscences may be found in the Mortlock Library of South Australiana (V1011— see References).

138 M. O’DONOGHUE

from granite which was mined at Lane and Opie’s

quarry at Swanport on the Murray. Today, when

travelling from Adelaide towards the Swanport

bridge over the Murray River, a large granite

outcrop can be seen to the left of the highway

which is known as Haystack Rock. This was the

area of the Swanport granite quarry and may have

been the actual site of the mining of the granite

(personal communication, 7 December 1996 from

Ken Wells, President, Murray Bridge Historical

Society). Owen Smyth in his reminiscences tells

how he and Sir Robert Thomas of The Register

journeyed to Murray Bridge and ‘saw some

suitable red granite in a swamp some few miles

down the river’ (Owen Smyth 1923). This

description would fit the area described above.

Owen Smyth had the granite transported to

Adelaide and stored in the old drill shed which

still stood on the eastern side of the old Parade

Ground in front of the museum building. Here the

capital was cut as an exact replica of that on the

complete column at the British Museum, a plaster

cast of which had been provided at the time the

column had been donated. The unveiling and

positioning of the capital upon the shaft was

carried out on the afternoon of Friday, 7 July

1899. Mr. George Brookman performed the

ceremony. The speeches given on the occasion, in

the presence of many of the dignitaries of the

colony, were reported at length in the newspapers

of the next day (The Advertiser and The South

Australian Register, see References). Owen

Smyth had planted some palm trees in the area a

few years earlier as part of his landscaping of the

northern side of North Terrace.* He now

completed his vision for the area around the

column by adding more palm trees. As he noted

in his reminiscences:

The palms were planted round about to make the old

Egyptian ghosts who may haunt the column feel

more at home, and incidentally to add to the beauty

of the little green spot, so restful to the eyes on a

blazing hot Australian summer day (Owen Smyth

1923).

This romantic interpretation should be

considered in the light of the fact that he had used

palm trees extensively in his landscaping of North

Terrace for some years before the column was

even donated to South Australia! (Healey 1996;

Sumerling 1992).

The Annual Report of the Board of Governors

of the Public Library, Museum, and Art Gallery

for that year (Report 1899: 5) noted that the

column had been erected and that Professor

Edward von Blomberg Bensly of the University

of Adelaide, who was Honorary Curator of

Archaeology from 1897 to 1901 (Hale 1956: 72),

had written to the British Museum for a

translation of the inscription on the column. The

details of the response from E. A. Wallis Budge

are given later in this article.

When Alan Rowe was in Adelaide, between

about 1915 and 1922, he prepared a catalogue of

the Egyptian collection of the Museum (Rowe

1920). Unfortunately it was never published, but

a painting by Gustave A. Barnes was prepared as

the frontispiece for the intended publication. The

painting showed an imaginative reconstruction of

the column as it might have appeared in its

original location. This painting is still held in the

Museum archives (South Australian Museum,

Anthropology Archives Acc. No. 126, GP No.

273), has been published in Robert Merrillees

(1990: 26) and is reproduced here as Figure 11. It

is obvious that Barnes used one of the photos in

Naville’s publication for the background (cf.

Figure 6), adding the erect and complete Adelaide

column to the foreground, despite the fact that the

Adelaide column is depicted lying behind the

erect column!

THE INSCRIPTION

There have been at least two attempts to

translate the inscriptions on the column. Neither,

apparently, was published. The first translation

was done soon after the column was erected. A

letter exists in the files of the South Australian

Museum (South Australian State Records GRG

19 Series 58) from E. A. Wallis Budge of the

British Museum to Professor Edward von

Blomberg Bensly. Wallis Budge had been sent

photos of the column with the request to provide

a translation. In his letter of the 21 March 1900

(Letter 2 315, State Records of South Australia

GRG 19 Series 58) he offered a translation of

some of the texts. He also suggested text for the

column’s identifying label and returned the photos

on which he had indicated the sections of his

translation. All of these may now be found in the

archives.

The second, more comprehensive translation,

was by Alan Rowe. Born in 1891 in England,

* These may be seen in a photo of the North Wing taken shortly after its construction in 1893 (Hale 1956, facing p.69).

EGYPTIAN COLUMN 139

FIGURE 11. Gustave A. Barnes’ painting imaginatively reconstructing the Adelaide column among the ruins of the

temple of Herishef. Photograph: South Australian Museum Anthropology Archive.

140

Rowe lived in Adelaide for a number of years and

was appointed Honorary Custodian of

Archaeology in the Art Museum.

In 1918 Alan Rowe, then a young man, and later to

become a well-known Egyptologist, compiled a

catalogue of the archaeological collections and

pointed out errors in the translation on the label

describing the Ahnas Egyptian Column (Hale 1956:

129).

He produced a detailed transcription,

transliteration and translation of the text on the

column for his catalogue of the Egyptian

Collection which unfortunately was never

published. Rowe’s translation has only minor

differences from the translation which follows.

Merrillees (1990: 36) gives an engaging account

from Sir Mark Oliphant of his attendance at a

lecture by Alan Rowe in about 1918 which began

at the column and included a translation of its text

before the group moved into the Museum to view

the mummy and coffin of Renpit-Nefert.

The inscription on the column occurs in a

horizontal cartouche on the top of the restored

capital and in three vertical registers, or

divisisions, on the shaft of the column. The three

registers on the shaft of the column each take

approximately one third of its height, so we can

refer to upper, middle and lower registers.

Interestingly the hieroglyphs on the south and east

sides of the column face to the left and hence are

read from left to right while those on the north

and west sides face to the right and hence are read

from right to left. This orientation was determined

by the location of the column. We can see from

Petrie’s reconstruction (Figure 3) that the north

side of the column in its current location would

have faced the entrance to the temple. This side

shows, in the middle register, scenes of Ramesses

II facing towards the god Herishef who is

depicted as though emerging from his temple. On

the rear of the column was the inscription now

found on the southern side, with which our

translation begins.

The scene of Ramesses II making offerings to

the god Herishef is in the middle register on the

east and west sides. Ramesses is wearing the blue

crown and Herishef is wearing the white conical

crown, which bears a feather on each side and the

sun on its top. At the bottom of the crown are the

ram horns. Herishef holds in his outstretched left

hand the was (w3s) sceptre of power and by his

side the right hand holds the symbol of life, the

ankh (‘nh). He also wears a lappet wig and

straight kilt. Ramesses offers to Herishef, in his

right hand, a cup bearing burning incense (the

M. O’DONOGHUE

flame is indicated rising from the container).

Ramesses wears a pointed kilt with carved details.

He also wears a collar, as well as arm and wrist

bands.

Each figure has his name inscribed above and

in front of his crown. Ramesses’ name is

inscribed inside two cartouches (the name rings

which enclose the Pharaoh’s name) while

Herishef’s is simply made up of the signs for his

name plus his divine determinative (the seated

figure of the ram-headed god).

The column was broken when discovered and

was shipped to Adelaide in two pieces. The join

can still be seen across the centre of the middle

some of the inscriptions and figures.

In four panels on the lowest register there are

traces, between the vertical inscriptions of

Ramesses II, of other inscriptions which were

apparently not cut so deeply or were never

finished (inscription lines 6, 7, 22 and 23). As a

result they can only be read with great difficulty

and in the right light. This is why they are shown

with cross hatching in the following transcription.

The most legible is that on the south-east side of

the column, when the sun or artificial light rakes

across the inscription. It consists of the names of

Merneptah, the thirteenth son and successor of

Ramesses II. Interestingly, the very first

hieroglyphic sign of Merneptah’s inscription on

the south-east side (line 6) which is the basket

sign (nb) has been properly cut. It is the only sign

of Merneptah’s titulary which was finished. Does

this mark the point where the carver was

interrupted, never to return? The same inscription

of Merneptah’s name can be read with a good

deal more ease on the column in the British

Museum and it leaves one wondering if the

exposure of the South Australian column to the

elements has led to the fading of the carving.

The inscriptions on the column are repetitive,

featuring time and again the throne name and

personal name of Ramesses II in cartouches. The

throne name was the name given to the king when

he was crowned and is the name which often

occurs in inscriptions. In Ramesses’ case his

throne name was something like User-Maat-Re-

setep-en-Re, which if translated could mean

‘Strong is the Truth of Re, chosen of Re’. His

personal name was Ramesses, which probably

meant ‘It is Re who created [lit. gave birth to]

him’. The enumeration of the Ramesses (e.g.

Ramesses I, Ramesses [X) of course was not used

by the ancient Egyptians but has been developed

in modern times.

EGYPTIAN COLUMN 141

In the following, the transcription,

transliteration, and translation of the text is given.

The transliteration is a system modern scholarship

uses to represent the sound of the Egyptian words.

Vowels are missing because hieroglyphic writing

didn’t feature them. The lines are numbered from

one to thirty three beginning on the south side of

South Face East Face

Capital

Upper Register

Middle Register

Lower Register

the column. While on the column the inscription

is written in vertical columns (or lines), and often

faces right to left, the entire inscription is given

here reading left to right in horizontal lines so that

the translation can be readily linked to the

hieroglyphs. Sections which are cross hatched are

either damaged or very difficult to read.

North Face

West Face

FIGURE 12. The four sides (or faces) of the South Australian Museum’s Egyptian column showing the major

divisions. Within each division the cartouches may be seen as either horizontal (e.g. on the capital) or vertical

(mainly within the registers) lines of hieroglyphs. For easy reference each line has been numbered in the text,

beginning on the capital of the South face with line 1 and finishing on the bottom of the West face with line 31. In

the text all cartouches are drawn left to right irrespective of their orientation on the column. This allows the

translation to be aligned with the relevant hieroglyphs (see below).

142 M. O°’ DONOGHUE

On the South side (i.e. the side of the column facing North Terrace), the middle register features

two vertical columns with the throne name (line 3) and personal name (line 4) of Ramesses II followed

by the epithet, ‘beloved of Herishef’. In the lower register to the east of Ramesses II’s inscription can

be seen the faint outline of Merneptah’s inscription (line 6) with the well carved basket (nb) at its

beginning.

Line 1. Capital — South

GRE as

Wsr-M3%t-R©-stp-n-R° mry Hry-5.f

User-Maat-Re-setep-en-Re beloved of Herishef

Line 2. Upper register — South

4K otms 1S. HAT

nsw-bity Wsr-M3t-R©stp-n-R* s3 R° R°ms-sw mry Imn di ‘nh

King of Upper and Lower Egypt, User-Maat-Re-setep-en-Re, son of Re,

Ramesses, beloved of Amun, given life

Line 3. Middle register — South

ab \Z a, (9 | if — Ride a

ao — poets ]| RS Tae

nsw-bity nb twy Wsr-M3t-R©stp-n-R° mry Hry-s.f

King of Upper and Lower Egypt, lord of the two lands, User-Maat-Re-setep-en-Re, beloved of Herishef

Line 4. Middle register — South

Se GSMS #

53 R© nb hw R<-ms-sw mry Hry-s.f

Son of Re, Lord of Appearances, Ramesses, beloved of Herishef

Line 5. Lower register(centre) — South

=o a. Chl <

nb Bwy Wsr-M3%t-R©-stp-n-R‘ nb hw R-ms-sw mry Imn mry Hry-5 f

Lord of the Two Lands, User-Maat-Re-setep-en-Re, Lord of Appearances,

Ramesses, beloved of Amun, beloved of Herishef

Line 6. Lower register(to right of line 5) — South

—— CLEA Hos

OGZEUGas Gs

ti VOW ELL

nb Bwy B3-n-R* mry ntrw nb hw Mr-n-Pth hip hr M3% mry Hry-s.f

Lord of the Two Lands, Ba-en-Ra, beloved of the gods, Mer-en-Ptah,

pleasing before Maat, beloved of Heryshef

Line 7. Lower register (to left of line 5) — South

Very difficult to read but similar inscription to line 6.

EGYPTIAN COLUMN 143

On the East side of the column, the middle register shows the scene of Ramesses II offering to

Herishef. Their names are given just above and in front of their crowns (lines 10, 12 and 13). In front

of the body and legs of each figure are inscriptions (lines 14 and 11) indicating that Ramesses II offers

Herishef incense while the god offers the king, in return, stability, life, and power. Note that the

hieroglyphs in these lines face toward the figure being spoken to, as though addressed to him and that,

on this side, the hieroglyphs face from right to left (except for the inscription on the capital and those in

front of Herishef) as described above.

Line 8. Capital — East

AMM L )

“ms-sw mr Imn

Ramesses beloved of Amun

Line 9. Upper register — East

26 oTMES SS Cell L 9 YA

nsw-bity Wsr-M31-R©stp-n-R© 83 R© R°-ms-sw mry Imn mi R©

King of Upper and Lower Egypt, User-Maat-Re-setep-en-Re, son of Re, Ramesses, beloved of Amun,

like Re

Line 10. Middle register (above crown of god) — East

aes

Hry-Sf

Herishef

Line 11. Middle register (in front of figure of god) — East

Al ake eae?

nowy SA

di.n n.k dd ‘nh w3s nb

I have given to you all stability, life and power

Lines 12 and 13. Middle register (in front of crown of Ramesses) — East

—(ofges

nb Bwy Wsr-M3-R©stp-n-R©

Lord of the two lands, User-Maat-Re-setep-en-Re

cx FAH lS

nb hw R°-ms-sw mry Imn

Lord of appearances, Ramesses, beloved of Amun

144 M. O’ DONOGHUE

Line 14. Middle register (in front of Ramesses) — East

LOo> sy ea

o CS

a 70 Ko

irt sntr nitf

Giving incense to his father

Line 15. Lower register — East

= (OTe oi elt a

nb Bwy Wsr-M3%-R©stp-n-R‘ nb hw R°-ms-sw mry Imn mry Hry-s.f

Lord of the Two Lands, User-Maat-Re-setep-en-Re, Lord of Appearances, Ramesses, beloved of

Amun, beloved of Herishef

On the North side of the column, there are three vertical lines of inscriptions—lines 17 (upper register),

18 (middle register), and 21 (lower register)—as well as the horizontal inscription on the capital, line 16.

On the lower register, faint traces of Merneptah’s vertical inscription can be seen either side of line 16 (lines

22 and 23). In the middle register the beginning of the offering scenes of the east and west sides involving

Ramesses II can be seen in lines 20 and 19.

Line 16. Capital — North

Wsr-M3-R©stp-n-R°

User-Maat-Re-setep-en-Re

Line 17. Upper register — North

2K OWES Ce MAT

nsw-bity Wsr-M31-R©stp-n-R© s3 R° R-ms-sw mry Imn di ‘nh

King of Upper and Lower Egypt, User-Maat-Re-setep-en-Re, Son of Re, Ramesses beloved of Amun,

given life

Line 18. Middle register (centre) — North

$6 = (01922) SS gy GMAT

nsw-bity nb twy Wsr-M3%t-R©stp-n-R© s3 R° nb hw R°ms-sw mry Imn di ‘nh

King of Upper and Lower Egypt, User-Maat-Re-setep-en-Re, son of Re, Ramesses, beloved of Amun,

given life

EGYPTIAN COLUMN 145

Lines 19 and 20. Middle register — North

Above the head of Ramesses in both instances is a sun disk with two cobras (the cobra-goddess Wadjet,

protector of the pharaoh) emerging from it. Each serpent carries the ankh symbol. Under this symbol is the

title Behdet[y], meaning ‘he who comes from the town of Behdet (Edfu)’, a city sacred to the falcon-god,

Horus who was identified with the pharaoh.

m=)

foxx)

Bhdty)

The one from Behdet

Line 21. Lower register (centre) — North

= (ote) 5 il La

nb Bwy Wsr-M31-R~stp-n-R‘ nb hw R-ms-sw mry Imn mry Hry-s.f

Lord of the Two Lands, User-Maat-Re-setep-en-Re, Lord of Appearances, Ramesses, beloved of

Amun, beloved of Herishef

Line 22. Lower register (right) — North

UMYLY:

GG GOSS

SLI

a aasaeas

nb Bwy B3-n-R* mry ntrw nb hw Mr-n-Pth htp hr M3t mry Hry-5.f

Lord of the Two Lands, Ba-en-Ra beloved of the gods. Lord of Appearances. Mer-en-Ptah, pleasing

before Maat, beloved of Heryshef

Line 23. Lower register (left) — North

Similar inscription to line 22, very difficult to make out.

On the West side of the column, the middle register shows the scene of Ramesses II offering to

Herishef. Their names are given just above and in front of their crowns (lines 27 and 29). In front of the

body and legs of each figure are inscriptions (lines 28 and 30) indicating that Ramesses II offers

Herishef incense, while in return the god offers the king life and many festival celebrations.

Line 24. Capital — West

CRETE

“—ms-sw mr Imn

Ramesses beloved of Amun

Line 25. Upper register — West

LK ojtes) SC lL 9 24

nsw-bity Wsr-M31-R@stp-n-R© 83 R° R-ms-sw mry Imn mi R©

King of Upper and Lower Egypt, User-Maat-Re-setep-en-Re, son of Re, Ramesses, beloved of Amun,

like Re

146 M. O’DONOGHUE

Lines 26 and 27. Middle Register (above crown of Ramesses) — West

—=(ofWwes)

nb Bwy Wsr-M3%-R©stp-n-R©

Lord of the two lands, User-Maat-Re-setep-en-Re

ev Ef f+

nb hw R°-ms-sw mry Imn

Lord of appearances, Ramesses, beloved of Amun

Line 28. Middle register (in front of figure of Ramesses) — West

a ea a

irt sntr nit(f) irf di ‘nh

Giving incense to his father, who gives the gift of life

Line 29. Middle register (above crown of god) — West

Hry-5f

Herishef

Line 30. Middle register (in front of figure of god) — West

wm °°

me:

nw °

di nn.k hbw mi R©

Ihave given to you festivals like Re

Line 31. Lower register — West

=e )S =m e’S

nb Bwy Wsr-M3P-R@stp-n-R© nb hw R-ms-sw mry Imn mry Hry-s.f

Lord of the Two Lands, User-Maat-Re-setep-en-Re, Lord of Appearances, Ramesses, beloved of

Amun, beloved of Herishef

CONCLUSION

From the time of its origins in the granite

quarries of Aswan the Egyptian column has

attracted to itself layer after layer of meaning. It

began as a plain palm column in a temple of the

Middle Kingdom, or perhaps even before that in a

mortuary temple of the Old Kingdom. It was

reused during the New Kingdom and inscribed by

Ramesses II in devotion to the god Herishef. His

son Merneptah added his layer by inscribing his

own name. The column was discovered by Naville

and donated to the South Australian Museum by

the Egypt Exploration Fund in the heyday of

European excavation in Egypt. In Adelaide its

erection became a symbol of colonial pride and it

stands today as a symbol of the South Australian

Museum’s commitment to the preservation of the

Footprints of the human story. It would be fitting

to celebrate this story and these meanings on the

centenary of the erection of the column in its

present position on 7 July 1999,

EGYPTIAN COLUMN 147

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

I would like to thank the following: the Anthropology

Division of the South Australian Museum, particularly

Kate Alport, for their unstinting support of the research

for this paper; John Healey and Aileen Kearns for

alerting me to the reminiscences of Owen Smyth and

the origin of the palm trees; the Committee of the Egypt

Exploration Society for permission to reproduce Figures

3-7; the Trustees of the British Museum, British

Museum Press for permission to reproduce Figure 2;

Neville Pledge and Jenni Thurmer who provided Figure

12. Finally, | thank Nicholas Crotty for his enthusiastic

dedication to research on the South Australian

Museum’s Egyptian collection and in particular for his

research assistance for this paper.

REFERENCES

ALTENMULLER, B. 1977. Harsaphes. Lexikon der

Agyptologie Band II edited by Wolfgang Helk and

Eberhard Otto. Harrassowitz, Wiesbaden.

FLETCHER, REV. WILLIAM ROBY 1892 ‘Egyptian

Sketches’ Petherick: Adelaide.

GOMAA, F. 1977 Herakleopolis magna. Lexikon der

Agyptologie. Band II. edited by Wolfgang Helk and

Eberhard Otto, pp.1124-1127. Harrassowitz:

Wiesbaden.

HALE, H. M. 1956. ‘The First Hundred Years of the South

Australian Museum 1856 -- 1956’. Records of the South

Australian Museum X¥I, Museum Board: Adelaide.

HEALEY, J. 1996. Some prominent dates in South

Australia’s History Friends of the South Australian

Museum Newsletter, 26(1, 2):8-10.

JAMES, T. G. H. 1988 ‘Ancient Egypt: the land and its

legacy’. British Museum Press: London.

LOPEZ, T. 1974. Rapport Préliminaire sur les Fouilles

D’Hérakléopolis (1966) Oriens antiquus 13:299-316.

LOPEZ, T. 1975. Rapport Préliminaire sur les Fouilles

D’Hérakléopolis (1968) Oriens antiquus 14:57-78.

MERRILLEES, R. S. 1990. ‘Living with Egypt’s Past

in Australia’. Museum of Victoria: Melbourne.

MOKHTAR, M. G. 1983. ‘Ihnasya el Medina

(Herakleopolis Magna) its importance and its role in

Pharaonic history’. Series Bibliotheque d’étude

Institut frangais d’archéologie orientale du Caire 40:

Le Caire.

NAVILLE, E. 1894. ‘Ahnas el Medineh (Heracleopolis

Magna)’. XIth Memoir. Egypt Exploration Fund:

London.

PETRIE, W.M. FLINDERS. 1905. ‘Ehnasya: 1904’.

XXVIth Memoir. Egypt Exploration Fund: London.

PORTER, B. & MOSS, R. L. B. 1934. “Topographical

Bibliography of Ancient Egyptian Hieroglyphic

Texts, Reliefs, and Paintings’ Vol. IV Lower and

Middle Egypt. Oxford: Clarendon Press.

REPORT. 1899. Annual Report of the Board of

Governors of the Public Library, Museum, and Art

Gallery of South Australia for 1898-9. C.E. Bristow,

Government Printer: Adelaide.

SMITH, W. S. 1960. ‘Ancient Egypt: as represented in

the Museum of Fine Arts, Boston’. Museum of Fine

Arts: Boston.

SUMERLING, P. 1992. The legacy of Owen Smyth’s

date palms. Friends of the South Australian Museum

Newsletter, September pp. 2-3.

ARCHIVE SOURCES

FLETCHER, REV. W.R. 1891. ‘Report on Commission

concerning Egyptian Antiquities for the South

Australian Museum.’ 24 April 1891. South Australian

Museum, Anthropology Archives Acc. No. 122 GP

No. 273 (also to be found as an Appendix in his

‘Egyptian Sketches’ and as South Australian

Parliamentary Paper 1891, vol. 3, Paper no. 38.).

OWEN SMYTH, C. E. ‘Newspaper Cuttings from The

relating to South Australia’ Mortlock Library of

South Australiana, reference V101 1.

ROWE, A. 1920. ‘A Guide to the Egyptian Antiquities

in the South Australian Museum.’ (Unpublished

manuscript, dated from Rowe’s accompanying

instructions to the printer, 15 November 1920). South

Australian Museum, Anthropology Archives Acc.

No. 126 GP No. 273.

State Records of South Australia GRG 19/14 Vol. 13,

Folio 97 and 98

State Records of South Australia GRG 19 Series 58.

NEWSPAPER SOURCES

JENSEN, PROFESSOR ROLF ‘A pharaoh cry from

North Terrace.’ The Australian, 9-10 January 1982,

Weekend Australian Magazine, p.8.

An Egyptian Column: The unveiling ceremony. The

Advertiser, 8 July 1899, p.8.

The Old Order and the New. The Advertiser, 8 July

1899, p. 6.

A Classic Column: A relic of Ancient Egypt unveiled

by Mr. G. Brookman. The South Australian Register,

8 July 1899, p.5.

OWEN SMYTH, CHARLES EDWARD ‘North Terrace

Lands: Chapters from History’ The Register,

Thursday, 25 October 1923, p. 9.

SPIRIT BEINGS AND THE ABORIGINAL LANDSCAPE OF THE LOWER

MURRAY, SOUTH AUSTRALIA

PHILIP A. CLARKE

Summary

In the historic and ethnographic record for Aboriginal culture in the Lower Murray, there is a body

of mythology, on spirit beings, that does not directly relate to a creation period or as is sometimes

referred to, the ‘Dreaming’. Although not generally associated with land transforming events in the

mythology, these beliefs are nonetheless revealing of Aboriginal perceptions of the Lower Murray

landscape. This paper provides an overview of the records concerning spirit beings and adds further

Aboriginal ethnographic details from the 1980s. A cultural geographical approach is adopted, which

considers the role of spirit beliefs in the Aboriginal perception of place in the cultural landscape.

SPIRIT BEINGS AND THE ABORIGINAL LANDSCAPE OF THE LOWER MURRAY,

SOUTH AUSTRALIA

PHILIP A. CLARKE

CLARKE, P. A. 1999, Spirit beings and the Aboriginal landscape of the Lower Murray, South

Australia. Records of the South Australian Museum 31(2): 149-163.

In the historic and ethnographic record for Aboriginal culture in the Lower Murray, there is

a body of mythology, on spirit beings, that does not directly relate to a creation period or as is

sometimes referred to, the ‘Dreaming’. Although not generally associated with land

transforming events in the mythology, these beliefs are nonetheless revealing of Aboriginal

perceptions of the Lower Murray landscape. This paper provides an overview of the records

concerning spirit beings and adds further Aboriginal ethnographic details from the 1980s. A

cultural geographical approach is adopted, which considers the role of spirit beliefs in the

Aboriginal perception of place in the cultural landscape.

P. A. Clarke, Department of Anthropology, South Australian Museum, North Terrace,

Adelaide, South Australia 5000. Manuscript received 10 October, 1996.

INTRODUCTION

In the anthropological literature of Aboriginal

Australia, the study of mythology and its

relationship to land is generally limited to the

deep religious aspects of the creation period, often

termed the ‘Dreaming’.' For Australian

anthropology, one consequence of this is the

neglect of mythical beliefs linked to spirit beings

that were perceived by Aboriginal people to have

an existence separate from the ‘Dreaming’

ancestors. In mythology, these spirits are not

‘creators’, although sometimes _ their

contemporaries, but rather co-residents of a

landscape shared with Aboriginal people. This

paper brings together wide ranging written

sources and provides new ethnographic material

for southern Australia gathered in the 1980s. A

focus of the study is the investigation of how the

more recent knowledge of Aboriginal people

combines pre-European traditions with those that

developed from relationships to a landscape

altered by British expansion starting in the 1830s.

Sources AND METHODOLOGY

The Lower Murray region of South Australia is

the most heavily worked ethnographic area in

southern Australia (Fig.1). The Aboriginal people

here are generally known as the Ngarrindjeri. An

outline of this diverse literature is provided in

detail elsewhere (Clarke 1994, 1995). Briefly, the

authors from the nineteenth century can be

divided into early explorers and colonists of the

1840s (R. Penney, G. French Angas, W. A.

Cawthorne and W. Wyatt) and missionaries from

1840s to 1870s (H. A. E. Meyer and G. Taplin).

In the twentieth century there are anthropologists

from 1918 to the present (A. R. Brown, A.

Harvey, N. B. Tindale, R. M. and C. H. Berndt, P.

A. Clarke), a folklorist in 1930 (W. Ramsay

Smith), a sociologist in the 1970s (G. Killington)

and local historians from the 1980s (R. Linn and

L. Padman). Although all these recorders are

influenced towards their individual social and

disciplinary backgrounds, together they provide an

outline of Aboriginal spirit beliefs in the

nineteenth and twentieth century.

This paper provides some data from Aboriginal

people interviewed in the 1980s by the author.

The major Aboriginal sources were Lola

Cameron-Bonney, Ron Bonney, Marj Koolmatrie,

Paul Kropinyeri and Lindsay Wilson. Their

information has a strong relationship to the pre-

European past. Nevertheless, it also reflects the

development of contemporary cultural forms

through the interaction of an indigenous minority

and the hegemonic non-Aboriginal culture. The

sites associated with the beliefs are often

' See Clarke (1995) for a description of Lower Murray ‘Dreamings’.

150

P. A. CLARKE

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FIGURE |. The Lower Murray cultural region.

SPIRIT BEINGS AND THE ABORIGINAL LANDSCAPE 151

European constructions, such as church

graveyards, paths and clumps of trees left in

paddocks. During the 1980s in the Aboriginal

community of the Lower Murray, knowledge

about spirit beings far outweighed that of

‘Dreaming’ stories. Non-Aboriginal forces have

deeply affected the indigenous culture in the

Lower Murray region. Thus traditions do change

through time.

The study of how space is humanised is a major

theme in human geography. How modern

landscapes are produced from interaction between

human populations and earlier forms of landscape

is the concern of the subdiscipline of cultural

geography. This paper looks at the linkages

between the culture of the Aboriginal inhabitants,

their use of the landscape and the perceived

territoriality of the spirits. The aims therefore fall

within the objectives of cultural geography.

ETHNOGRAPHIC DETAILS

The use of ‘spirit being’ in this paper covers a

wide group of disparate beliefs. Nonetheless, the

unifying features are their separateness from both

the ancestors involved in the main creative

mythological period and the Aboriginal

population.’ Before the arrival of Europeans in

Australia, Aboriginal people considered that they

were co-residents of the landscape, sharing it with

many spirit beings.* To Aboriginal people in the

Lower Murray, who were probably not unique in

this regard, the spirit beings and places associated

with them formed distinct parts of the perceived

cultural landscape. Unlike the ‘Dreaming’

ancestors, whose presence is indicated by what

they left behind, these spirits existed

contemporaneously with people.

In the 1980s most Aboriginal people in

southern South Australia no longer possessed

detailed information of the body of knowledge

the literature has described as the ‘Dreaming’, but

they strongly believed in various spirits.*

Aboriginal spirit beliefs in the Lower Murray

reflect the connection between group identity and

place. Many of these spirits possessed some

human characteristics and, like people, they were

dispersed according to attributes of the cultural

landscape. Most spirit beings were either greatly

feared or at least regarded as a nuisance. Angas

says:

They are in perpetual fear of malignant spirits, or

bad men, who, they say, go abroad at night; and they

seldom venture from the encampment after dusk,

even to fetch water, without carrying a firestick in

their hands, which they consider has the property of

repelling these evil spirits (Angas 1847: 88).

The term ‘mooldtharp’ was applied by Angas

as a general term for an ‘evil spirit’ (1847:

96,138). He used it to mean an ‘evil’ species of

flycatcher, an earthquake or a whirlpool. Ramsay

Smith said it was ‘a spirit which assumes many

shapes. It may come as a kangaroo, or a wombat,

or a lizard’ (1930: 349). The Tangani people of

the Coorong believed that the muldarpi were

decorated and disguised men who came from the

west or north to kill them (Tindale 1931-34:

165,229). To the Yaraldi of Lake Alexandrina, a

melapi or mulapi was considered to be a shape

changer that killed people (Berndt & Berndt 1993:

205,206). This term, written here as mu:ldapi, was

used in the 1980s, particularly by Aboriginal

people in the Lower Murray, as a term for a

generalised ‘bad’ spirit. The following sections

provide detailed information on spirit beings.

Spirit MEN

Oral tradition in the local Aboriginal

community was rich in stories concerning

humanoid creatures that, due to their overall

similarity, are described here as spirit men. The

> Lower Murray beliefs concerning gupas and prupi (ghosts and spirits of local people) will be the subject of a future paper.

Tindale (nd) provides an overview of Aboriginal beliefs concerning spirit beings, which he terms ‘little folk’ and ‘little people’,

linking them to a ‘pygmoid race’. Berndt and Berndt (1989) give ethnographic examples of ‘spirit beings’ from northern and central

Australia. Mountford (1958: 144-159) describes the association between spirit people and land for the Tiwi of Melville and Bathurst

Island.

It has been reported by several authors that Aboriginal people in the southern districts of South Australia during the second half

of the twentieth century had poor knowledge of their early ‘traditional background’. For example, see R. M. Berndt and C. H. Berndt

(1951: 197,229-233), Killington (1971: 6), Gale (1972: 13,14), R.M. Berndt (1989: 64), C. H. Berndt (1989: 17), and Berndt and

Berndt (1993: 297). Hemming (1988: 192) acknowledged the lack of detailed knowledge concerning the ‘Dreaming’ in the Lower

Murray community during the 1980s, when he claimed that of the people he consulted ‘all knew only fragments’ of the Ngurunderi

mythology.

152 P. A. CLARKE

LAKE ALEXANDRINA

PULLAWEWAL

POINT MCLEAY

POLTOLOCH

BIG HILL

TERI A

A NGI NARI

GUM BLock

PARK

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PENINSULA LAKE

ALBERT

WALTAWA

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PELICAN

MENINGIE

AONE-MILE

South east corner of Coorong

NOONAMENA

KINTJI

CLIFFS

A- Spirit men

H- Witch

% - Devil

O 2:5

kms

FIGURE 2. Spirit men, witch and devil sites in the Lower Murray.

SPIRIT BEINGS AND THE ABORIGINAL LANDSCAPE 153

shared characteristics are that they were generally

described as ‘coloured’ (not black), often little,

usually mischievous, and generally associated

with a particular type of landscape. The exact

relationship of this category of spirits to the pre-

European system of beliefs is difficult to

determine, as the ethnography has tended to

ignore myths that were not concerned with the

creative period.» In one of the rare written

accounts, beings called raitchari were described

as ‘pygmy men who sometimes act as guides to

hot men, sometimes lead them astray. They used

to live in the scrub’ (Harvey 1939). The ‘hot men’

are presumably people with some form of

ceremonial status. It is likely that these spirit men

were considered by ethnographers to have more

of a fairy-tale quality than deep social or religious

significance. Most of the information on these

beings discussed here has been gathered from

more recent sources. How spirit men were

regarded is an important indicator of the degree to

which both pre-European and post-European

landscapes were humanised.

Although the spirit men were humanoid,

Aboriginal people always described them in terms

that highlight their distinctiveness from the

Aboriginal population. The non-Aboriginality of

spirit men was confirmed by their strange

colouring and generally small size. They were

often reported as being red all over, but there are

many other accounts of beings in different

colours. For instance, one Aboriginal person

interviewed in the 1980s claimed to have seen

‘little yellow men’ amongst the reeds growing

along the mainland side of the Coorong. Another

said that ‘green men’ lived at Poltaloch on the

southern shore of Lake Alexandrina. Another

variation is ‘littke white men’ with spiky ears,

reportedly existing somewhere in the Meningie

area. Adults to frighten children into obedience

often used the existence of such beings.

The ‘little red men’ were said to have been seen

at Pelican Point, Teringie and Poltaloch (Fig.2).

Some people call these particular beings ‘kintji

men’ or ‘kindi men’. In the ethnographic record

they are sometimes described as ‘imps’ or ‘dwarf

beings’.© A small point on the mainland side of

the Coorong just south of Noonamena, known by

local Aboriginal people as the Kintji Cliffs, was

regarded as the home of kintji spirits. Another

site, Kindjunga Hill near the Coorong south east

of Pelican Point, was recorded as the home of

kindja spirits who lived in its caves and amongst

its rocky outcrops (Berndt & Berndt 1993: 208).

These particular spirits were associated with the

territory of the Talkundjeri descent group. Other

places related to the kintji were Kentjingatung and

Kintjanga, which are low sandy rises on southern

Campbell Park Station near Lake Albert.’ A

sighting of a ‘little red man’ was reported in the

1950s alongside a swamp near the One Mile

Camp situated on the outskirts of Meningie. The

Spirit surprised an Aboriginal man and his young

son walking along a path. The man was paralysed

but the boy escaped to raise the alarm. Several

men from the camp came to the aid of the father

who was still on his back. As with the other spirit

men of the Lower Murray, the little red men were

often seen in proximity to water, but believed to

dwell in higher places.

Aboriginal people disagreed on the colour of

the kintji. A Lower Murray man stated they were

small white men with dark beards. Interestingly,

this person knew a story that linked these spirits

with the southern Eyre Peninsula landscape. He

said that once the kintji men told an Aboriginal

man at Port Lincoln that they were intending to

leave the area on the first calm day. When such a

day came along, they all walked in single file into

a cloud of mist. It is possible that the name of the

kintji men, if not the belief itself, originated from

outside of the Lower Murray region. The term

kintji is possibly related to kinchirra from the

‘Nimbalda’ people of the Mount Freeling area of

the Flinders Ranges. The term kinchirra was

reported by Smith (in Taplin 1879: 88) as

meaning ‘spirit who fetches spirits of the recent

dead to the land of the west’. Similarly, kindara,

was said to mean the ‘place where spirits go’ in

Adnyamathanha language of the Flinders Ranges

(McEntee & McKenzie 1992: 34), and kintjura,

was the ‘spirit world’ in the Ngadjuri language of

Tindale (1936: 60,61) provides one of the few records of spirit people of the type described here. He mentioned ‘little people’ who

were said, by his informants, to have lived near Marion Bay on Yorke Peninsula. Cameron-Bonney (1990: 19) provides another

record from Victoria.

penguins may have been the source of this belief.

Tindale ‘Milerum’ manuscript, Stage A #9, Anthropology Archives, South Australian Museum. Tindale considered that fairy

Tindale ‘Milerum’ manuscript, Stage A #9, Anthropology Archives, South Australian Museum.

154 P. A. CLARKE

the mid north of South Australia (Berndt &

Vogelsang 1941: 9). Similar spirit beings, the

taikuni, were said by Aboriginal people in the

1940s to have lived in little knobbed hills around

the Lower Lakes, Adelaide Hills and north as far

as Gawler (Berndt & Berndt 1993: 207,208).

Sightings of these spirits continued during the

1980s. For instance, a Lower Murray man claimed

to have sighted two kintji men whilst ‘swan

egging’ (swan egg collecting) at Waltawa Swamp,

about nine kilometres north of Meningie. The

spirits were apparently seen standing amongst

reeds. They were described as small, light grey all

over, with shoulder length hair and a long neck.

Of the face, only the features of the two eyes were

noticed. These were shiny black and just under

five centimetres in diameter. The spirits reportedly

disappeared when the person’s gaze shifted for an

instant. Another Aboriginal man later told him

that he was lucky: it was said that when the eyes

of the kintji are red, not black as the case in the

above beings, they intend to do mischief.

There is some similarity between the ‘red men’

and the ‘natja men’ from the Tatiara district of the

south east of South Australia. The natja men were

described in the 1980s as ‘red hairy men’, also

said to look ‘like monkeys or orang-utans’.

Ramsay Smith records an unlocalised story about

a ‘queer little red man’, called “Yara-ma-yha-

who’, that was reportedly told to children as a

threat against misbehaving (1930: 342-345). In

the 1980s another individual claimed that many

years ago ‘silver men’ were seen on a hill near

Teeluk, north of Kingston. These spirits were

described as having an ‘arrow-like covering’ and

were blamed for upsetting local cattle. The silver

men eluded attempts by an Aboriginal man to

capture them.

A common element to many of the accounts of

spirit men is that only one or two of them were

seen together, usually in swamps and lagoons

where Aboriginal duck hunting and ‘swan egging’

activities occurred. A Lower Murray man reported

‘red men’ at Pelican Point earlier this century: an

Aboriginal duck hunter who had disregarded

warnings about these spirit men being there, shot

some ducks and started to search for them in the

spot where they had fallen. He then noticed a ‘red

man’ was picking up the ducks. The Aboriginal

man grabbed his gun and fled. Another story

involved a Kingston man, Alf Watson, who was

apparently duck hunting with his rifle when he

saw a kintji man among the winggi (sagent

sedge).® This spirit caused him to freeze and he

fell on his back. The kintji man came up to Alf

and sat on him, feeling his face with interest. This

was because this type of spirit man was bearded,

whereas Alf Watson was clean-shaven. Alf

claimed afterwards that he could feel the kintji

man’s cold bottom on his chest through his

flannel shirt. According to several Aboriginal

sources, Lower Murray people who hunted in

areas that were recognised as being inhabited by

‘red men’ used to leave one or two ducks behind

for them.

HEALERS, SORCERERS AND WILD PEOPLE

Knowledgeable people, who possessed skills in

both healing and sorcery, had an important role in

Aboriginal society of pre-European Australia.°

From the ethnographic accounts, it appears that a

powerful person was often both a healer and a

sorcerer, depending on context. It is likely that as

people grew older, their perceived skills in healing

and sorcery balanced the decline in their physical

powers. The possession of this knowledge

attracted fear and respect from other members of

the community. Aboriginal people from remote

groups were often suspected of being sorcerers,

sometimes called ‘wild blackfellows’. In the pre-

European period, the fear of such beings was

prompted by occasional attacks from foreign

Aboriginal groups. European colonisation

probably increased the fear of ‘wild blackfellows’

by creating categories of ‘civilised’ and

‘uncivilised’ (‘wild’) Aboriginal people. During

the early years of European settlement in the

southern districts, Aboriginal people feared ‘wild

blackfellows’ creeping up to practice sorcery

upon, or perhaps kill, them (Wilkinson 1848:

330). In the Lower Murray, Aboriginal people

believed that certain celestial events foretold the

coming of ‘wild blackfellows’ (Taplin Journals,

4—7 June 1859).

In earlier times these ‘doctors’ or ‘sorcerers’

were often people, living or dead, who were

8 Tindale Journals, Anthropology Archives, South Australian Museum. A similar version of this account was also known by

Aboriginal sources living in the South East during the 1980s.

° For a description of ‘clever men’, see Cawte (1974) and Elkin (1977).

SPIRIT BEINGS AND THE ABORIGINAL LANDSCAPE 155

perceived as having command over life forces and

the elements of the landscape. For instance, Angas

claims “They [Lower Murray people] place great

faith in sorcerers; who pretend, by charms and

magic ceremonies, to counteract the influence of

the spirits, to cure sickness; to cause rain and

thunder, and perform other supernatural actions’

(1847: 89). Sickness was generally conceived as

being caused by the evil spirit of some person

who had a grudge against them (Angas 1847: 96).

A knowledgeable person would therefore be

consulted to diagnose and correct the problem.

There is a wealth of recorded material concerning

the body of knowledge generally referred to in the

literature as sorcery.’ It is often difficult to

separate the concepts of the healer, sorcerer and

spirit being. To use exclusively any of these terms

to define such people understates their role in

their own culture. However, there appears to be

no equivalent English term for them.'!

In the 1980s sorcerers were generally perceived

by Aboriginal people in the Lower Murray to exist

only as spirit beings, not as living people or linked

to anyone now deceased. They were called kuratji

(‘feather-foots’) or by their original local language

name, thampamalthi. A general fear of sorcery

persisted in the community. For instance, people

were careful about the disposal of their hair when

it was cut, to ensure that it was not used to ‘sing’

them." Reports of kuratji visitations occurred in

the 1980s. For instance, according to Aboriginal

people living in the South East, a kuratji was

visiting at Woods Well on the Coorong, apparent

from the ‘squashed cockroach’ and ‘human dung’

smell. Other accounts from Aboriginal people in

the 1980s say the smell is ngruwi (‘dead body

fat’). The kuratji spirits were usually considered

to be periodic visitors. When in the Point McLeay

area, they were believed to stay out at quiet

scrubby places, such as sections of the Block K

and Gum Park farms run by the Point McLeay

Aboriginal Council. Aboriginal working-men

were said to be ‘very careful to cover their kantji

[urine] and mranthin [faeces] when out in the

paddocks’. Sometimes, clearings in the bush were

attributed to activities of the kuratji, which, in

turn, were attributed to spirit beings that had

‘come down from the north’, possibly to punish

someone. Whether sorcerers, healers and ‘wild

people’ were human or spirit beings, what Lower

Murray people knew about them in the 1980s had

links to their ‘traditional’ pre-European past.

Wits-Wits, WITCHES AND DEVILS

In southern South Australia during the 1980s,

there were beliefs that some spirit creatures were

once human. Such an example is the Witj-witj of

the Riverland district, who reportedly was a

female spirit that frightened animals away from

Aboriginal hunters.'? In her human form, she was

sent away from her people for ‘breaking the

rules’. Another female spirit considered to be bad

is associated with the Point McLeay area. Here is

a place Aboriginal people call the Witches Cave

in the cliffs of Big Hill facing Lake Alexandrina.

Sometimes parents at Point McLeay quieten their

children with threats that ‘the witches will come

down from Big Hill and take you away’. The

Witches Cave is considered to be a dangerous

place, due to the steepness of the cliff face and

the friable nature of the rock. There are also other

sites associated with ‘bad spirits’. According to

Aboriginal sources, the local name of Wirakum

Point at Noonamena refers to a ‘bogey man’ or

‘devil’ (Fig.2).

Tue But-But Spirit

Aboriginal people in the 1980s described a

being called the but-but as a dangerous but stupid

spirit creature. It had only one arm and one leg.

The ‘old people’ (men and women from previous

generations who were knowledgeable in

Most ethnographies of the Lower Murray people have some mention of sorcery practices and beliefs. For detailed accounts see

Meyer (1846 [1879: 195-200]), Taplin (1874 [1879: 19,23-31]) and Berndt and Berndt (1993: 252-266).

Partly for this reason, Elkin called this class of people ‘Aboriginal men of high degree’ (Elkin 1977).

Killington (1971: 48,87) recorded from a Lower Murray person that hair was the ‘trigger’ on a pointing-bone, and as such was

considered to have the property of being able to work into your skin, carrying withit poison. In the 1980s, some Lower Murray people

believed that their own human hair, if swallowed, acted to ‘spear’ intestinal worms.

Barney Lindsay in Education Department of South Australia (1991: 34,35) provides an account of the female spirit creature, Witj-

witj. There is also a record of a male ancestor from the Murray River region with a similar name, Witjawitj (Tindale 1930-52:

303,304). These names may be derived from the European term, ‘witch’.

156 P. A. CLARKE

Swan Reach

4 Mypolonga

Murray Bridge

Swanport

Tailem Bend

Wellington

-—Pomanda

FIGURE 3. Water spirit sites in the Lower Murray.

SPIRIT BEINGS AND THE ABORIGINAL LANDSCAPE 157

Aboriginal tradition) apparently carried around

with them bags of maggots in case but-but

approached. If this happened, the people would

lie down, putting the maggots on their eyes and

mouth. This fooled the but-but into thinking that

they were dead and passes them by. This spirit is

not associated with any particular part of the

landscape. The lack of sites connected with but-

but suggests that the spirit moves randomly across

the landscape, a fact that adds to its perceived

stupidity.

MULGYEWONK AND OTHER WATER SPIRITS

Throughout south eastern Australia, there were

Aboriginal accounts of water spirits, generally

called ‘bunyips’ in the popular literature.'* Some

have been described as being animal-like, and

others as predominantly humanoid creatures. In

the case of the former, Aboriginal people at

Moorunde near Swan Reach in the 1840s:

believed in the existence of a water spirit, which is

much dreaded by them. They say it inhabits the

Murray; but although they affirm that its appearance

is of frequent occurrence, they have some difficulty

in describing it. Its most usual form, however, is

said to be that of an enormous star-fish (Angas

1847: 97,98).

All reports by Aboriginal people in the Lower

Murray feature a more humanoid-type of spirit

than that recorded above (Fig.3).'° They called the

‘bunyip’ of the Lower Murray, the mulgyewonk.

This class of water spirit was greatly feared. The

booming noises it made were thought to cause

rheumatism (Taplin 1874 [1879: 62]). Taplin

records:

The blacks say that the Moolgewanke [mulgyewonk]

has power to bewitch men and women and that he

causes disease by the booming noise which he

makes. I am now convinced that the noise does come

from the lake. They say that Mr Mason shot at one

over on Pomont [Pomanda] and it made him ill

afterwards by its power. They say he is very much

like a pungari (seal) but has a face with a menake

(beard) like a man (Taplin Journals, 2-3 July 1860).

The consistent theme of most descriptions of its

behaviour was the threat of capturing children

who strayed too close to the edge of the lake. A

Yaraldi informant, Mark Wilson, said that the

mulgyewonk would lie submerged in the shallow

waters near the edge of the lake waiting for

human victims.'® He said that its long trailing hair

in the water looked like waterweed. The smell of

fish and duck grease, especially when children are

washing their hands in the lake after a meal is

said to attract the mulgyewonk (Berndt & Berndt

1993: 203). Taplin was told that a man, who had

rubbed himself over with oil, descended by a rope

to the bottom of the lake to rescue a child

captured by the mulgyewonk (Taplin Journals, 16—

17 September 1862).'’ He managed to drag the

child out from amongst the mulgyewonk, who

were sleeping, and get back safely. Even

Negurunderi, the main Dreamtime creator of the

region, was not immune to the nuisance caused by

this water spirit. At the Murray entrance to Lake

Alexandrina, a mulgyewonk tore holes in his nets,

which prevented him fishing for his family

(Tindale & Pretty 1980: 50). All reports of the

mulgyewonk reinforced it as a symbol of the

dangerous nature of the waters in the Lower Lakes

and Murray River region.

One European resident who lived near Narrung

described an incident in the 1950s or 1960s when

some Aboriginal children ran to her saying there

was a mulgyewonk in the lake. She later heard

that it turned out to be a floating tree trunk with

its trailing roots partially out of the water.

Apparently the children had remembered their

parents’ warnings about the lake and the water

spirit. Children are associated with both the

A general description of ‘bunyip’-type water spirits is given in the Observer, 2 December 1893. See also Barrett (1946), Massola

(1957), Hemming (1985), Ramson (1988: 109), Cameron-Bonney (1990: 16,17), Mulvaney (1994) and Smith (1996).

The wormlike models of ‘bunyips’ that presently make up a coin-operated tourist attraction in Sturt Reserve at Murray Bridge are

looked upon with disgust by many local Aboriginal residents, mainly because they do not look correct according to their own

descriptions.

'© ‘The Moolgewauk’ by Mark Wilson, Fry Papers, Anthropology Archives, S.A. Museum (Published in the Journal of the

Anthropological Society of South Australia, March 1985, 23(1): 11-16). Mark Wilson was a Yaraldi man.

Aclosely related report is given in Wilson (cited above). See similar accounts given by Tindale (1930-52: 269,270), Berndt (1940a:

168), Rankine (in Isaacs 1980: 114; 1991: 121-123), and Berndt and Berndt (1993: 203,204). They all record that a boy is taken

by mulgyewonks to live underwater. In a version published in a teaching manual (Education Department of South Australia 1991:

24,25), a man fishing is attacked by a mulgyewonk.

158 P. A. CLARKE

general story and many of the sightings. For

example, in 1870, George Taplin’s own son

claimed to have seen the mulgyewonk in the lake

(Linn 1988: 52).

It is likely that mounds of vegetation and earth

trapped in the lake have resulted in some

mulgyewonk ‘sightings’. Before the building of

the barrages, when seasonal fluctuations in the

flow of the river into the lakes were much greater,

large amounts of material were to be found

floating there.'* For instance, Angas says:

Floating islands, covered with reeds, are frequently

to be seen on this [Murray] river. These masses of

earth, originally detached from the banks by floods

or otherwise, are frequently drifted from side to side,

and not a few find their way to the lake (Angas

1847: 54).

Aboriginal people reported to Taplin that they

had seen the mulgyewonk and that one of them

had died and rotted close to the shore of the lake

near Rankine’s ferry (Taplin Journals, 16-17

September 1862). It is interesting to note that

Aboriginal people at Point McLeay during George

Taplin’s time attributed the booming sound of the

lake to the mulgyewonk breaking up gumtrees,

which eventually floated down the Murray (Taplin

Journals, 20 June 1860). Some of these

mulgyewonk noises were probably caused by the

sudden expulsion of mud under shifting sand in

the Coorong.’ Rather than claiming that the

cultural experience of the mulgyewonk resulted

from a misinterpretation of the environment, the

earlier flow conditions in the Lower Lakes and

Murray River would probably have promoted

more ‘sightings’ than now possible.

Fieldwork in the 1980s has shown that

Aboriginal people associated certain sites in the

river and lakes with the mulgyewonk. Perhaps the

most widely known in the Aboriginal community

was the site of George Mason’s former depot on

the eastern banks of the Murray, near the opening

of the river into Lake Alexandrina. This place,

called Maragon, was the site of many of the oral

history accounts of mulgyewonk encounters

during the last hundred years (Fig.3). Bubbles

seen in the water here were considered to be proof

of their existence. Several Aboriginal sources

stated that there are rock holes under the cliffs at

Maragon beneath the water level where these

spirits lived. Understandably, for Aboriginal

people swimming was not allowed at this spot.

Mark Wilson’s account cited above lists both

Maragon and the cliffs of Pomond (Pomanda),

about 8 kilometres to the south, as underwater

homes for colonies of the mulgyewonk. Local

Aboriginal people passing in canoes at night

avoided the latter place, said to be their

‘headquarters’. Another possible mulgyewonk site

is Mypolonga, about 15 kilometres up river from

Murray Bridge. Albert Karloan considered that

this place name was possibly derived from the

term mulgyewonk (Berndt 1940a: 166).

The mulgyewonk was also considered to have

existed in Lake Albert and Lake Alexandrina

waters. According to oral history among local

European families, another site associated with

this water spirit is the arm of Lake Albert. A

member of a local European family claimed that

Aboriginal groups for this reason avoided the

area. At Point McLeay, some Aboriginal people

in the 1980s remembered earlier times when the

mulgyewonk was reportedly encountered in Lake

Alexandrina. For instance, sometime during the

1940s, several elderly women, who had been

fishing at the base of Big Hill at Point McLeay,

hurried back to the settlement saying they had

heard a mulgyewonk splashing a short distance

into the lake. This spirit appears to have been

perceived as located in all the permanent

waterways of the Lower Murray (Fig.3). In the

1980s Aboriginal people in the Riverland

considered that a hole in the cliff face near the

site of a former mission station at Swan Reach

was also the home of a mulgyewonk.? In 1952,

'* Aboriginal informants haye pointed out several large and weathered tree trunks of dead red gums lying along the shores of Lake

Alexandrina. These tree sections, of a tree species not found in this part of the Lower Murray shore, were left behind after the 1956

flood. See Hemming and Jones (1989: 1) for a photograph of one such tree trunk at ‘The Bullrushes’.

' The water origin of the booming noise appears certain. Taplin records in his Journals (26 June 1860) that he was convinced that

the booming sound originated from in the lake. He heard it 12 times in 10 minutes one evening (Journals, 20 June 1860). See other

accounts by Taplin (Register, 30 January 1862; 1874 [1879: 62,63]). Tindale puts forward a physical explanation of the origin of

the booming sound (Advertiser, 12 May 1936). It is possible that the advent of frequent mechanical noises in the Lower Murray,

such as gun blasts, quarry activity etc., has hidden this phenomenon. Also, it is likely that the barrages at the Murray Mouth and

Coorong have altered the conditions that produced the booming effect.

This term is recorded in the early Lower Murray languages. Nevertheless, the term has had much wider use since European

settlement. For example, a paddle steamer, based at the Goolwa end but working along the Murray River in the 1860s, was named

after the river spirit, being called the ‘Moolgewanke’ (Taplin Journals, 26 November 1862).

SPIRIT BEINGS AND THE ABORIGINAL LANDSCAPE 159

Joe Mason, from the Nganguruku people,

considered that the river spirit, that he called the

muldjewangk, still lived along the Murray River

at Ranginj (Devon Downs). He claimed ‘I reckon

it weighs 150 pounds [68 kilograms] in weight. It

makes ripples on the water when it swims’

(Tindale 1930-52: 313). The use of the name for

this spirit here possibly reflects the movement of

Aboriginal people from the Lower Murray area to

the Riverland after European settlement.

Most Aboriginal people during the 1980s who

claimed to have previously seen or heard the

mulgyewonk were people who had lived at

Maragon. One such man stated that he and his

family observed a mulgyewonk in the river while

they were driving across the Swanport Bridge near

Murray Bridge several years earlier. This same

person claimed to have found a deep hole along

the edge of Lake Alexandrina when he was

younger. A foul stench and a whooshing noise

came from it. After describing it to his father, he

was told to keep away from this area, as it was the

home of the mulgyewonk. Another Aboriginal

source claimed ‘Old fellas say that whirl pools are

made by mulgyewonks cleaning their houses.’

Although the mulgyewonk is sometimes reportedly

seen in the Lower Murray, several Aboriginal

sources of this century have said it is either extinct

or at least very scarce. Mark Wilson (cited above)

thought that the arrival of paddlesteamers and

other boats on the river caused their destruction.

This opinion was reinforced by Henry Rankine

from Point McLeay who gave an account of a

violent encounter between a river boat captain and

a mulgyewonk (Rankine 1991: 122). Some

Aboriginal people expressed opinions that the

mulgyewonk was a ‘prehistoric remnant’, and ‘like

the Loch Ness monster’. This water spirit was a

talking point in many Lower Murray families

during the 1980s.

Although the mulgyewonk was the main water

spirit in the Lower Murray, there were also some

lesser known beings. From an Aboriginal person

came the following account:

The three sisters live in the lake [Lake Alexandrina]

just out from Loveday Bay. They are bad. When you

are in a boat there, the first wave pushing the boat

so it points the wrong way. The second makes the

edge dip. The third wave fills the bottom and turns it

upside down.”!

This story was told as proof about the

dangerous waters of the lake, particularly near the

islands at the Murray Mouth. Several examples of

white fisherman and canoeists drowning in the

region were given as additional evidence. All of

the information on Lower Murray water spirits

reinforces the danger element of human activity

on or near the waterways. This expresses the

Aboriginal perception that some areas of their

landscape are not safe.

BirpD SPIRITS

Birds of one kind or another featured

prominently in much of the Lower Murray

mythology. In the pre-European world view of the

Aboriginal people, many bird species were

probably perceived as travellers between the

cosmic and terrestrial landscapes, due to their

ability to fly. In an early description of a spirit

bird, Penney uses the term, ‘muldaubie’, which is

a generic term for bad spirit. Penney says:

They believe that he appears at night when the moon

is up, in the evening or just before the dawn of day,

in the form of the screech-owl, although he assumes

occasionally other appearances. Those to whom he

appears in dreams or who see his form almost

infallibly die.”

The screeching of the ‘night-owl’ was

considered by Lower Murray people to be a sign

that something was wrong (Ramsay Smith 1930:

322). This is consistent with early Aboriginal

beliefs in western Victoria where owls were

considered to be used by an evil spirit to watch

over people who had strayed from the camp

during the night (Dawson 1881: 49,52,53). The

southern stone-curlew (Burhinus grallarius) too,

appears to have been an omen for death across

southern Australia (Berndt 1940b). To Yaraldi

people, hearing the call of this bird at night

foretold the death of a close relative (Berndt

1940b: 460,461). Although it was no longer heard

in the Lower Murray region during the 1980s,

Aboriginal people could remember hearing the

southern stone-curlew’s call along the Coorong in

the 1950s and being told that it was an ill omen.

During fieldwork, the bird spirit most

commonly spoken about in the Lower Murray was

the ‘mingka-bird’. The mingka was essentially a

2! Clarke (1994: 135).

22 Penney (as ‘Cuique’) in South Australian Magazine. }une--\iiv 1842: 389-394,

160

night time spirit. According to one report, there

were two forms of this spirit, a northern and a

southern type. The northern one lived in a cave at

Mount Barker. Although it ranged far, including

into the south, the mingka returned there each

night. It was described by another source as a

‘sphinx-like bird’, which had a human head. It

came around houses at night, making a noise like

a baby crying. Some people said the mingka could

also sound like a fox. One Aboriginal account

described the call as a ‘shrill whistle’. Like many

of the spirits already mentioned, it was a

commonly used threat to make children behave.

According to Tindale’s Potaruwutj informants

from the South East, the ‘Minkar bird is an evil

being, warns about death or trouble.’

It was claimed in the 1980s that in the past

some old men could turn into a mingka at will. In

the South East, an Aboriginal ‘doctor’? named Old

Jumbuck was said to have fought with a mingka-

bird at Bordertown. During the fight the spirit-

bird repeatedly changed form, from a bird to a

human, until it eventually escaped. It was reported

that only Aboriginal ‘doctors’ could do this. One

young adult explained, ‘If you kill a mingka-bird,

you must burn all of its feathers. As each feather

can grow into another mingka-bird. It is like a

phoenix in this way.’ The mingka was said to

punish people who had done something wrong.

One man, it was stated, lost all but two of his

children to a mingka-bird as ‘tribal punishment’.

As with the mulgyewonk, children appeared to be

perceived as most at risk to this spirit. Children

doing forbidden things at night such as crying,

whistling, or even putting such objects as hats or

toys on their head, was thought to possibly cause

a visit by a mingka-bird. The spirit bird was also

an omen creature. There were several accounts of

people hearing the mingka during the night, and

then being told of the death of a close friend or

relative the next day. On one occasion in the

1950s it was heard calling in the scrub adjacent to

a Coorong fringecamp. It thrashed about in the

dark, while everybody kept inside. The next day,

the children found several tops of trees, measuring

over 5 cms in diameter, which had been snapped

off during the night. One person claimed that her

grandmother had once talked to a mingka-bird,

which had the head of her husband’s recently

dead grandfather. In most accounts of this spirit it

P. A. CLARKE

was thoroughly evil. It ‘will steal a baby’s breath

if it hears one crying’. The ‘breath’ here was

understood by Aboriginal sources to be the

infant’s spirit. The association of this bird with

death was strong in all accounts.

Although the home of the mingka-bird was said

to be Mount Barker, it was reported as seen and

heard at settlements throughout the Lower

Murray. Furthermore, it was said that the spirit

could potentially be encountered anywhere that

Lower Murray people lived. At Point McLeay, it

was sometimes heard in trees on the settlement.

Here, particular clumps have been pointed out as

favourite roosts, such as those near the cemetery.

Outside the Lower Murray area, this spirit was

apparently heard in the Riverland of South

Australia and one was reported as seen by a Lower

Murray person whilst living in Victoria. In the

1980s, the association of the mingka with Lower

Murray people was strong, so much so that it was

virtually never mentioned in any context other

than its unwanted attraction towards these people.

There are various Aboriginal names for this

spirit: mingka was said to be a Potaruwutj

language term from the South East and merambi

the Tangani word from the Coorong (Tindale

1931-34: 228,229).*%4 In the 1980s the Lower

Murray name was stated to be kowuk, and it was

described as a tawny frogmouth (Podargus

strigoides). The spirit was also recorded as being

able to assume the guise of various ngaitji

(totemic ‘friends’), such as an eagle, dog or hawk

(Tindale 1931-34: 228,229). In these forms, the

mingka carried the spirits of sinister beings,

connected to their owners by nunggi or kortui

described as ‘like a spider web’. Men could kill

these beings and the owners of the attending

spirits with a ‘sacred club’. Berndt suggested that

the mingka was an owl (Berndt 1940b: 461). A

Lower Murray person recorded by Killington

stated that this spirit was the ‘frogmouth owl’

(Killington 1971: 49,50,88). Tindale said that

minkar was the name for both the wedge-tailed

eagle (Aquila audax) and the white-breasted sea

eagle (Haliaeetus leucogaster) in the Potaruwutj

language of the Tatiara region (cited in Condon

1955: 84). The association of large birds of prey

with carrying the spirits of the dead was a

common belief across Australia (Clarke 1991:

65). The Skyworld was perceived by Aboriginal

* Tindale vocabulary cards for the Potaruwutj of the South East (Anthropology Archives, S.A. Museum).

** The Tindale vocabulary cards for the Potaruwutj of the South East (Anthropology Archives, S.A. Museum) lists minkar as a ‘being,

sinister, who may assume form of totem animal.’

SPIRIT BEINGS AND THE ABORIGINAL LANDSCAPE 161

groups of southern South Australia as a cosmic

landscape where many of the constellations were

bird spirits who had travelled there from the lower

land (Clarke 1996).

The association of birds of prey with the power

of foresight and as vehicles for spirits is not

always expressed negatively. For instance, a

1980s account states that an Aboriginal man,

named Joe Lock, who had lived at the Blackford

Aboriginal Reserve in the South East earlier in

the twentieth century, was able to turn his ‘spirit’

into an eagle. One day, reportedly after he had

flown about as an eagle, he was able to accurately

describe a group of people travelling to the

Blackford Reserve in a horse and buggy, long

before they arrived. While his spirit was an eagle,

his living body, which was left lying on a blanket,

was not moved. In another version, it was an

eaglehawk that Lock turned into while his human

body was under a blanket (Berndt & Berndt 1993:

249,250). These accounts, and that of the mingka-

bird above, indicate that Aboriginal people

perceived some birds as being a vehicle for the

human soul.

The Ngout-ngout was an individual spirit

associated with birds.> She was reportedly once a

woman who was expelled from her local group

for breaking custom. For revenge, Ngout-ngout

tricked children into becoming lost. This she

achieved by using a trail of flowers to distract

them. Ngout-ngout could turn into a bird. This

story was told to children with the warning that

they never wander off.

Some bird species commonly seen during the

day have a similar role to the mingka as omens. In

the Lower Murray during the 1980s the most

commonly held belief in omens concerned the

willie wagtail (Rhipidura leucophrys), ritjaruki.

When this bird was observed persistently making

strange erratic movements near a person’s house,

it was perceived as a message that someone had

died. Tapping on a window was taken as a

particularly bad sign. A variation of this belief

was that when a ritjaruki is observed with a rusty

colour on its beak, this means someone would

die. One elderly Lower Murray woman living at

Point McLeay in the 1980s said ‘Ritjaruki. Him

good telephone at Raukkan that fella.’ There were

many examples of observations of the ritjaruki

being used to forecast human death. The negative

influence of the bird was made apparent when a

young man at Point McLeay was said to have

behaved recklessly after having accidentally run

over and killed a ritjaruki. Since its omens were

invariably considered to be unwanted, the bird

was sometimes chased away. In the Lower Murray

during the 1840s for instance:

An elegant species of flycatcher, of a black colour,

which continually hovers about in search of insects,

performing all manner of graceful manoeuvres in

the air, is regarded by them as an evil spirit, and is

called mooldtharp, or devil. Whenever they see it,

they pelt it with sticks and stones, though they are

afraid to touch or destroy it (Angas 1847: p.96).

The ability of this bird to summon bad news

appears to have been widespread elsewhere in

southern Australia.” It is likely that the attention

the willie wagtail attracts from its highly energetic

movement across low and open areas, such as

around houses and cars, added to the likelihood

of this species being used as an omen.

There are other examples of birds being used to

predict death. For instance, one Aboriginal person

in the 1980s said that her mother’s nga:tji

(totemic ‘friend’), a swallow (probably Hirundo

neoxena), would fly up close to them and ‘sob

like a child’ if someone close was dying.?’ It is

likely that in earlier times, totemic species and

objects would have been considered to have the

power to warn people of danger or death. Another

account sometimes told at Point McLeay involved

a pelican, nguri (Pelecanus conspicillatus).

Sometime before the 1970s, when Point McLeay

was still the Government Mission Station, an

Aboriginal man was out hunting near Narrung.

He observed a pelican flying overhead and he

*’ An account by Barney Lindsay is given in Education Department of South Australia (1991: 18,19). The relationship between this

female spint and male human spirits such as Ngautngaut of Devon Down (Tindale 1930-52: 303,304) and Ngout-Ngout of western

Victoria (Massola 1968: 20,21) is not clear.

1980s, a western Victorian Aboriginal person said that they also considered the willie wagtail to be a bad omen there. She knew of

two occasions where people had reportedly died soon after seeing this bird tapping on their window. A Lower Murray informant

claimed that the willie wagtail, called by them ‘tjiri tjiri’, as an omen, was a belief from the Portland district of Western Victoria

(Killington 1971: 49,50,82).

*7 For an outline of ‘nga:tji’, see Meyer (1843(2): 86; 1846 [1879: 198]), and Taplin (1874 [1879: 1]; 1879: 131).

162

raised his gun to shoot it. Pelican flesh is

considered bad eating but the feathers were used

in ornament making. Nevertheless, the bird was

acting strangely so it was not shot. The pelican

flew several times over the man’s head and then

out over Point McLeay and across the lake

towards Adelaide. This was interpreted as a

message that the man’s brother, who was known

to be in an Adelaide hospital, had just died. The

story concludes with the later surprise of the

Mission superintendent, who had come down to

the man’s house with the message of the death, at

being told the family already knew.

The ability of birds to fly and the more frequent

observation of them made them more suitable

than other land-based animals as omens. The

specific behaviour of certain species, such as the

willie wagtail, seems to have been a major factor

in their designation as message carriers. The night

time activity or the ability to fly high were

probably important characteristics in the identity

of other spirits. For other birds, peculiar behaviour

on single occasions was interpreted as a sign.

Although much of the folklore formerly known

by Aboriginal people was lost or significantly

altered by the 1980s, the Aboriginal practice of

seeking information from signs in the

environment persisted.

CULTURAL SIGNIFICANCE OF SpirIT BEINGS

The Aboriginal cultural landscape of the past

was imbued with meaning, not just with the

topographical reminders of the actions of creative

‘Dreamtime’ ancestors, but by the perceived

occupation of spirits. As with biotic organisms,

such as plants and animals, these beings were

considered to exhibit particular spatial behaviours.

With a few exceptions, the spirits exhibited their

own territoriality. The beliefs in spirit beings

contain encoded knowledge about the landscape,

P. A. CLARKE

particularly about dangerous places and the

movements of human spirits after death. Many of

the accounts given in this paper either relate

directly to children, or concern the actions of

beings that could be used as threats by adults to

help control the behaviour of them. Other spirits

served as omens, providing a means by which

Aboriginal people could make predictions on the

future. Fundamental to many of the beliefs is the

Aboriginal notion of a person’s spirit surviving

death and being able to be summoned and carried

away by spirits. In some contexts, most of the

spirits discussed in this paper could be termed as

mu:ldapi, stressing their potentially negative

impact upon the lives of Lower Murray people.

Twentieth century Aboriginal culture in

southern Australia has often been described in

sociological rather than cultural terms. There are

nevertheless elements of the pre-European world

view that have persisted here. During the 1980s,

beliefs in spirits, albeit in greatly modified form,

served to ‘explain’ the rural landscape in a

manner that relates to how they probably

explained the pre-European landscape. Aboriginal

people also derived some enjoyment in these

beliefs as stories. They were also important as

signifiers used by Aboriginal people in the Lower

Murray to express their regional identity. By

engaging in the discussion of the activities of

Spirits as fellow occupants of their land,

Aboriginal people were highlighting their identity

with respect to the local landscape.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

This paper is based on material in the author’s

Ph.D. thesis, which was supervised by Chris

Anderson, Peter Smailes and Kingsley Garbett.

Barry Craig and Philip Jones commented on drafts

of this article. John McEntee provided linguistic

advice.

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Transactions of the Royal Society of South Australia,

60: 55-70.

TINDALE, N. B. & PRETTY, G. L. 1980. The

surviving record. In Edwards, R. & Stewart, J. (eds)

‘Preserving Indigenous Cultures: a New Role for

Museums.’ Australian Government, Canberra.

WILKINSON, G. B. 1848. ‘South Australia: its

Advantages and Resources...’ London.

‘FINCH’ VERSUS ‘FINCH-WATER’ : A STUDY OF ABORIGINAL PLACE-

NAMES IN SOUTH AUSTRALIA

LUISE A. HERCUS AND VLAD POTEZNY

Summary

This paper discusses the causes that underlie the geographical distribution of names ending in -owie

and similar water-related place-names. The authors draw on the place-name research of N.B.

Tindale and on their own fieldwork, and correlate the place-naming conventions in South Australia

with the known linguistic data. They suggest broad conclusions relating to linguistic development

and diffusion within the region. The patterning of water-related place-names suggests that linguistic

diffusion has interrelated with, and in many instances overcome, the strongest genetic links.

‘FINCH’ VERSUS ‘FINCH-WATER’: A STUDY OF ABORIGINAL PLACE-NAMES IN

SOUTH AUSTRALIA

LUISE A. HERCUS AND VLAD POTEZNY

HERCUS, L. A. & POTEZNY, V. 1999. ‘Finch’ Versus ‘Finch-Water’: A Study of Aboriginal

Place-Names in South Australia. Records of the South Australian Museum 31(2): 165-180.

This paper discusses the causes that underlie the geographical distribution of names ending

in -owie and similar water-related place-names. The authors draw on the place-name research

of N. B. Tindale and on their own fieldwork, and correlate the place-naming conventions in

South Australia with the known linguistic data. They suggest broad conclusions relating to

linguistic development and diffusion within the region. The patterning of water-related place-

names suggests that linguistic diffusion has interrelated with, and in many instances overcome,

the strongest genetic links.

L. A. Hercus, Linguistics, Arts, Australian National University, Canberra, Australian Capital

Territory, and V. Potezny, State Aboriginal Affairs, Adelaide, 5000. Manuscript received 13

November, 1997.

INTRODUCTION

Finches love to congregate around water, and

so it is not surprising to find sources of water

called after them. The best known of these is

Ediowie /dhi-awi' ‘Finch-water’ in the Flinders

Ranges. Further north on the western side of Lake

Eyre in Arabana country there are two places

simply called Yatyapara-nha ‘Finch’: the final

-nha is the optional proper noun marker used in

Adnyamathanha, Kuyani, Arabana and other

languages to the north. One Yatyapara-nha is the

Tarlton spring near the headwaters of Hope Creek,

the other is Lethbridge Spring, near the Paisley

Creek, and hence the name serves also for the

Paisley Creek. There is at first sight nothing

remarkable about this, except that on closer

investigation we find that there are simply no

place-names ending with the word for ‘water’ in

Arabana country, nor in the areas where Diyari

and closely related languages were once spoken.

Place-names follow the pattern of ‘Finch’ or

‘Finches’ (no distinction is made between singular

and plural unless this is to be emphasised), rather

than the ‘Finch-water’ of the more southerly

areas. In this paper we attempt to show the extent

of this regional distinction and to examine further

implications. The names under discussion only

represent a fraction of the totality of place-names

in the area, because throughout there are many

names that are not descriptive at all. Place-names

can be formed in all kinds of ways and may even

consist of verb-forms referring to events in myths.

An example of such a name from Wirangu

country is ‘Cungena’, the name of a small railway

township to the east of Ceduna, based on an

original Wiyana-gandyina ‘‘(they) kept hold of

the woman’; gandyina is the past tense form of

the verb gandyirn ‘to keep hold of’. Although the

descriptive names for sources of water are

definitely not the rule and do not represent the

whole picture, they do nevertheless give some

linguistic insights. N.B. Tindale’s own manuscript

notes suggest that he was intrigued by the

distribution of the ‘awi’ place-name suffix as long

ago as the 1930s. In fact, this interest may have

been a contributing factor to his enduring research

interest in Aboriginal place-names, which

continued until his death in 1993.

In the part of South Australia that we are

discussing there is one major closely linked

language sub-group. These are the Thura-Yura

languages, from the word for ‘man’ in some of

them. These languages are listed here, with a

rough indication of their location, based on

Tindale 1974.

Words that are based on modern linguistic transcriptions are given in italics.

? This paper is not intended to make any detailed statement regarding the attribution of country to one group or another: it deals with

the formation of names.

166

Kaurna Adelaide area.

Narangga Yorke Peninsula.

Ngadyuri Peterborough area.

Nukunu Southern Flinders Ranges, and

from Crystal Brook to Port

Augusta.

Parnkalla Eyre Peninsula and adjacent

areas to the north.

Nauo Southern Eyre Peninsula.

Adnyamathanha Northern Flinders Ranges.?

Walypi Blinman area, closely associ-

ated with Adnyamathanha.

Kuyani the plains to the west of the

Flinders Ranges and Stuart

Creek country.

an outlier of this subgroup is:

on the West Coast of South

Australia and originally inland

beyond the railway line.

Wirangu

Nearly all the Thura-Yura languages use the

‘Finch-water’ type of place-name.

To the north of this area languages of the

Karnic subgroup were spoken: these include

Arabana from the west side of Lake Eyre,

Thirrari, Diyari, Pirlatapa, Yandruwantha and

Yawarawarrka from the Cooper and the far north-

east of the state. The language spoken to the east

of the Northern Flinders Ranges was

Yardliyawara: this was closely related to Wadigali

from the Yandama Creek and to Malyangapa in

adjoining parts of New South Wales. Further

south were Wilyakali and Thangkali, which

belong to Paakantyi, the Darling River language

group. All these languages use the ‘Finch’ type of

place-name. The word for ‘water’ is never added

to the end of a place-name, not even optionally.

Within South Australia it is basically the Northern

Flinders Ranges and an area from the Western

Australian border to Olary that contains numerous

place-names of the ‘Finch-water’ type.

-Awl ‘WATER’

In Adnyamathanha country

The word for ‘water’ in the Thura-Yura

languages is kawi, but when this is added to

L. A. HERCUS & V. POTEZNY

another word to form a place-name the initial k

of kawi is usually lost. In the Adnyamathanha

language of the Northern Flinders Ranges initial

k is lost altogether, and ‘water’ is ‘awi ‘

anyway. The final vowel of the preceding word

is usually lost before -awi : this seems to be the

case even with -i* and -u , eg. Wartuli-awi

>Wartul-awi. This rule applies in Parnkalla and

Nukunu too, hence Marachowie ‘Marrity’awi’

from ‘marrityi + awi’ and Tandowie

‘Thand’awi’ from ‘thandu+ awi’. There are

some exceptions which will be noted in the

relevant sections. The term -awi, usually

rendered as ‘owie’ in English spelling, appears

to be used at the end of many, though by no

means all relevant place-names as a kind of

classifier, showing that the locality is a source

of water, or associated with a source of water;

so a creek or even a nearby hill can be named

from a spring or waterhole.

The use of -awi in place-names is most

conspicuous in the Northern Flinders Ranges in

Adnyamathanha country. Some of the names of

springs or soakages (now often made into bores

and wells) in the Flinders have names ending in

-awi. These names are numerous and we give just

some examples. The explanations, unless stated

otherwise, are all based on McEntee and

McKenzie (1992) and on personal com-

munications from John McEntee:

Italowie Creek, Gorge and Spring /tarl’awi,

from itarla ‘a crack in rocks’; in the Gammon

Ranges.

Wilkowie Well Wilk’awi ‘Dog Water’; just

north of the Flinders, on the

Strzelecki Track.

Arr’awi, Arr’awi-nha,

‘High Water’ (McEntee &

McKenzie 1992: 11), but

Arrowie Spring

Tunbridge 1988: 98

analyses this as Arru-awi;

north of Mt Chambers.

Weetowie Waterhole Urt’awi, ‘Black Tea-tree

Water; close to Arrowie,

north of Mt Chambers’.

Wirrapowie Spring in Bendieuta_ Creek,

possibly Wirup’awi;

‘Cockatiel Water’ (J.

McEntee, pers.com.).

* Tindale (1974) uses the name ‘Wailpi’ for all the people of the Flinders Ranges.

“ There do not appear to be any Adnyamathanha, Nukunu or Parnkalla examples of a final -i in disyllabic words preceding -awi; there

is however the nearby case of Busheowie (see under Kuyani below). We use an apostrophe to indicate vowel elision.

‘FINCH’ VERSUS ‘FINCH-WATER’ 167

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FIGURE |. Distribution of Aboriginal language groups in southern South Australia.

168 L. A. HERCUS & V. POTEZNY

Wartul(i) awi ‘Ringnecked

parrot Water’; near the

north-eastern edge of the

Flinders Ranges.

Wip’awi ‘Ant Water’;

north-east of Parachilna

Waterlowie Bore

Wepowie Mine

Boudowie Well derivation unknown; near

Burr Well.

Tunbridge (1988: 92 ff.) relates the myth of the

‘Two Mates’, the Cross-Cousins Wartalyunha and

Yanggunha ‘the Left-handed one’ who created

some of the springs and waterholes in the eastern

Flinders Ranges. This myth, among others, gives

the background to a few of the -awi names:

Ungoonya Spring Yanggunh = ‘awi ‘the

Ancestor> Yang gunha

Water’ (Tunbridge 1988:

171).

Wertaloona Spring Wartalyunh’awi, ‘the

Ancestor Wartalyunha

Water’ (Tunbridge 1988:

169,171).

Nepoui Spring Nhip’-awi ‘Flat rock

Water’.

Akurr-ul’-awi ‘the Arkaroo-

serpent-stretched-out

Water’.

MatyrarraRinh’awi ‘Filmy

Water’; near Mt Chambers.

Arcaroola Springs

Wattle spring

There are some names in Adnyamathanha that

always contain -awi, but this final is sometimes

omitted in names on maps, such as_ Pinth’awi

Pinda Springs, ‘Pay-back Water’; west of Mulga

View in the Northern Flinders Ranges. Because

Adnyamathanha vocabulary is well recorded and

there are still speakers, it is possible to interpret

most of the names. The difficulty of interpreting

names, if there is no traditional information , and

if they are known only through English spellings,

is shown by the following:

Moorowie MuR-awi, well near Mt

Chamber, ‘Thirst-water’, in

Adnyamathanha country.

Big Moro Gorge Mur’awi, ‘Ancestor water’

from the word = mura

‘Ancestor’. mura in

Adnyamathanha is also the

name of a small goshawk, but

traditional information, re-

corded by John McEntee

shows that the derivation was

from mura ‘Ancestor’ (J.

McEntee, pers.com.).

We know only through the evidence of

Adnyamathanha speakers that there are totally

different derivations for Moorowie and Big Moro

Gorge. The two names are unconnected, they are

associated with two words that are distinguished

from each other by having a retroflex -R- and a

front tapped -r- respectively.

There is a third place with a similar name,

‘Moorowie’, a dam south of Manna Hill, in

Ngadyuri country. As there are no Ngadyuri

speakers, we do not know whether it was once

mura or muRa. Moreover, in the absence of

traditional information, we do not know whether,

if it was mura, it meant ‘Ancestor’ or ‘goshawk’.

There is an entry for ‘mura’, ‘goshawk’ in the

Ngadyuri vocabulary by Berndt and Vogelsang

(1941), but this does not prove anything for the

place-name.

In Parnkalla country

There are a few of the typical -owie names in

Parnkalla country. It is not possible to interpret

them with any certainty whatsoever, but attempts

can be made thanks to the brilliant work of

Schiirmann 1844 and with the help of

comparative data:

Marachowie Spring ‘Marrity’awi’, (from

‘marritye’, ‘cat’), ‘Cat

Water’; near Yadlamalka,

north-north-east of Port

Augusta.

Belcherowie Well ‘Paltyarr’awi’, ‘Rat Water’

(from ‘paltyarra’, ‘rat’);

near the Moralana Creek

and close to the eastern

edge of Lake Torrens.

Yeltacowie Creek,

and Lake ‘“Yalta-kawi’, ‘Crack (in

rocks) Water’, parallel in

meaning to the

Adnyamathanha place-name

‘Italowie’; near the

northernmost edge _ of

Pernatty Lagoon.

Manucowie Wells “Manu-kawi’, ‘Back

Water’; south-east of

Bookaloo. Both this name

* Tunbridge uses the term ‘heroes’ to refer to mythological Ancestors.

‘FINCH’ VERSUS ‘FINCH-WATER’ 169

and the preceding are

unusual in that they show

preservation of the initial k-

sound of (k)awi ‘water’.

‘Irv’ awi’, ‘Bird Water’; near

the eastern side of Lake

Torrens; south of Moralana

Creek.

Etowie Creek.

Nonowie this could perhaps be

‘Nanna+awi’, ‘Bad Water’;

near Whyalla.

Billabowie meaning unknown, near

Kyancutta.

Some -abi names too can be found on upper

Eyre Peninsula, such as Currabie near Mt Wedge

and Carappee south-west of Kimba, both of which

probably represent ‘Kar’abi’ ‘Grassy plain Water’,

and Moonabie (possibly ‘Munna-abi’, “Chest

Water’), south-west of Whyalla. These -abi names

are based on ‘kapi’ which is quoted by

Schiirmann as an alternative word- for ‘water’ in

Parnkalla.

In Nauo country

There are some interesting placenames of this

kind in the far south of Eyre Peninsula which

would indicate that Nauo shared in this

development, using only -awi. The names in -abi

do not appear on western Eyre Peninsula till just

south of the latitude of Venus Bay in Wirangu

country, with Chintabie, Courtabie, Warrapie,

Moyappie and Thulinippie. The more southerly

and presumably Nauo names are:

Mungerowie between Port Lincoln and Coffin

Bay.

Woolawae some 15 km north-east of Coffin

Bay.

Titjowie Dam about 15 km south-east of Lake

Giles Conservation Park.

Most interesting of all is:

Wepowie some 25 km north of Coffin Bay,

‘Ant Water’. This is identical in

formation to the Adnyamathanha

Wepowie, Wip’awi, ‘Ant Water’.

north-east of Parachilna, and to

Wepowie north-east of Booleroo

Centre in Nukunu country (see

below), and also to Weebubbie,

probably Wiba’bi ‘Ant Water’

near Eucla.

In Nukunu country

There is only limited information available on

the Nukunu language, mainly from Gilbert

Bramfield (Hercus 1992). Even with the use of

comparative data it is not possible to analyse most

of the place-names. The following are some

examples:

Warcowie is now pronounced

Wark’awinha by

Adnyamathanha people

(McEntee & McKenzie 1992),

but as it is by the Warracoo

Creek it is likely to have been

based on a Nukunu form

waraku + awi ‘Long Water’.

Winninowie Creek possibly based on the Nukunu

equivalent of Parnkalla

‘winninya’, ‘dry grass’ hence

‘Winniny’awi’, ‘Dry grass

Water’; between Port Augusta

and Nectarbrook.

Ulalowie Hut derivation unknown, west of

Kanyaka.

Capowie Creek possibly ‘Kap’awi’, ‘Marrow

Water’; near Quorn.

Willowie there is a remote possibility

that this is connected with a

Nukunu ~~ equivalent = of

Adnyamathanha wirlla ‘lizard’;

near Melrose.

‘Wip’awi’, ‘Ant Water’; north-

east of Booleroo Centre.

Wepowie

Tarcowie derivation unknown; south-east

of Booleroo Centre.

‘Thilh’awi’, “Thorny Saltbush

water’; between Port Pirie and

Port Germein.

Telowie Creek

Tandowie this name _ is_ probably

‘Thand’awi’, ‘filled up

(waterbag)’, (J. McEntee,

pers.com.), from ‘thandu’,

parallel to the Ngadyuri

Yand’awi , from yandu ‘filled

up’; listed below. In Nukunu

lenition of initial consonants

does not occur, hence an initial

th does not change to y; south

of Wirrabara.

Milcowie Dam derivation unknown; north of

Crystal Brook.

Not found on maps, but recalled by Gilbert

Bramfield:

Kariyawi ‘Emu Water’, spring south-

west of Mt Remarkable. This

170

name is exceptional in that the

final -i of kari ‘emu’ is not

elided.

Pinthawi spring behind Port Germein,

probably ‘Pay-back Water’ like

Pinda Springs in

Adnyamathanha country.

The following places were probably in

Ngadyuri rather than Nukunu country:

Yandowie Mine probably ‘Yand’awi’ from

yandu; ‘loaded up, filled’,

referring to a waterbag. The

name is associated with a myth

(Tunbridge 1988:54) in which

during a drought an Ancestor

comes from Curnamona

chasing a kangaroo, and from

its skin he ultimately makes a

waterbag (J. McEntee,

pers.com.); west of Baratta.

Bucketowie Hill possibly ‘Pakart’-awi’, ‘Sore

Water’, north-east of Craddock

derivation unknown; close to

Bucketowie Hill.

These are the most north-eastern of the -awi

names in the Southern Flinders: further north-east

is Yardliyawara country, where place-names

ending with the word for ‘water’ are not found.®

Wongowie Bore

In Ngadyuri country

Information on the Ngadyuri language is

limited, confined mainly to a comparative word-

list with Diyari, published by Berndt and

Vogelsang (1941). The -awi place-names are very

common in Ngadyuri country. Examples are:

Wilcowie ‘Wilk’ awi’, ‘Dog Water’;

north of Belton.

Buckalowie Creek,

Hill, and Bagalowie

Bore ‘Pakal’awi ‘, ‘Frost Water’;

north-east of Belton.

Canowie ‘Kany’awi’, ‘Stone Water’;

south-east of Jamestown.

The Ngadyuri word for

‘stone (in a creek’)’ is

written as ‘gunja’ by Berndt

and Vogelsang 1941. This

name is exactly parallel to

Kadnyawi quoted below.

L. A. HERCUS & V. POTEZNY

Yardlowie Well

and Hill This name could possibly

be connected with the

Adnyamathanha word

yardla, ‘pointed hill’; near

Manna Hill.

Caltowie ‘Kalt’awi’, ‘Sleepy Lizard

Water’; west of Jamestown.

Dillowie Creek probably the same as

Telowie in Nukunu country,

‘Thilh’ awi’, ‘Thorny

Saltbush Water’; south-east

of Jamestown.

derivation unknown; north-

west of Burra.

Booborowie

Bimbowrie Creek

and Hill ‘Pinp’awi’, “Murray pine

Water’; north-north-west of

Olary. This was probably at

the border of Wilyakali

country.

Wilyakali belongs to Paakantyi, the Darling

River language group, and like the other Darling

River languages it does not have place-names of

the ‘Finch-water’ type. There are therefore, apart

from the exceptions discussed below, no more

names in -awi further to the east, nor any formed

with the Paakantyi equivalent which was nguku.

In Narangga country

Narangga country basically comprised Yorke

Peninsula as far north as about Port Broughton,

where it adjoined Nukunu country. The most

important information on Narangga, and

particularly southern Narangga country, comes

from Louisa Eggington who talked to T. Howard

Johnson between 1898 and 1900 (published

1930-1931). Fortunately she also spoke many

years later with Tindale. His work (1936) contains

a vocabulary and summaries of some myths.

Many of the place-names, particularly names of

waterholes, end in -awi. There was a variant form

‘kapi’ for ‘water’ in Narangga (Tindale 1936: 61),

just as there was in Parnkalla. This was attested

earlier by Sutton (1887-1888) who writes

‘cabbie’, ‘water’. Some of the most interesting

examples of place-names given by Tindale are the

following:

Hilderowie Well ‘Ilar’awi’, ‘Dwarf Water’,

from mythical beings called

° Interestingly enough the word ngapa ‘water’ does occur in final position, not in a place-name but in the name of a group, the Malya-

ngapa ‘Salt-lake water’ people of far western NSW, who were closely linked to the Yardliyawara.

‘FINCH’ VERSUS ‘FINCH-WATER’ 171

‘ilara’ who once dwelt there.

Their camps are said to be still

there as mounds; near Marion

Bay.

Coobowie ‘Kup’awi’, ‘Ghost Water’; just

north of Edithburgh; for ‘kupa’

‘white’ see below under

Murloocoppie.

Pondalowie ‘Pantal’awi’, ‘Limestone

Water’, (probably

‘parntal’awi’, cf

Adnyamathanha varnda

‘limestone’, the -/- being

probably explicable as an

epenthetic consonant); near the

south-western tip of Yorke

Peninsula.

Woorowie, Big

Scrub Hut “‘Wurawi’, derivation

unknown.

Goonderowie,

Dust Holes ‘Kundar’awi’, ‘Bad Water’,

according to Tindale probably

connected — with kudna

‘excrement’, a word still

recently recalled by Narangga

people; south of Daly Head.

It appears that in Narangga, as in Wirangu, the

-a- of -awi / -abi was elided, rather than the final

vowel of the preceding word. There are no

examples of -awi / -abi with words ending in -u,

but this feature can be seen clearly with two

words ending in -i:

Calloway ‘Kali’wi’, ‘Dog Water’; near

Daly Head.

Carriebie ‘Kari’bi’, ‘Emu Water’, near

Black Hill Conservation Park.

Sometimes, however, the word for ‘water’

remained unchanged, maintaining its initial k , as

in:

Orrie-cowie ‘Nguri-kawi’, interpretation

suggested by Tindale, but

meaning unknown; west of

Warooka.

Bubla-cowie,

Bubladdowie written as ‘Bablikawi’ and

‘Babladawi’ by Tindale, with

the interpretation ‘where young

men are circumcised’. Pre-

sumably the term is cognate

with Kaurna ‘pappa’, ‘young

initiate’; west of Weaver.

Wirangu

The Thura- Yura word kawi ‘water’ existed also

in the Wirangu language of the West Coast. It is

attested in the earliest known vocabulary there is,

that of Eyre. He writes (1845):

kau-we, gaip-py—water.

The term ‘kawi’ is found in the name of the

important IIcumban well near the Head of Bight,

‘Yeer Comban Cowie’, recorded by Eyre (1845:

240). The spelling ‘gaip-py’ no doubt represents

gabi/kapi. This was either a very early borrowing

from Kukata, or it existed all the time in Wirangu.

Parnkalla similarly had two forms, both attested

by Schiirmann (1844) and the same situation

existed in Narangga (see above). The names of

many other rockholes in Wirangu country end in

-abi. The rules for attaching -abi are as in

Narangga, with loss of the initial -a- of -abi:

Examples are:

Bookabie Buga’bi ‘Stinking Water’.

Coorabie Gura’bi “Magpie Water’.

Cundilippy Gurndili’bi ‘Auntie Water’.

Hasting’s place Mumbulu’bi.

Korgabie Gurga bi.

Possum rockhole Birlda’bi ‘Possum Water’.

Walpuppy Well Walba’bi, ‘Hill Water’.

Puntabie Barnda’bi ‘Rock Water’.

Other examples, with meanings that are not

certain are:

Yantanabie on the highway, south-east

of Wirrulla.

Alcannabie just south of Streaky Bay.

Gilgarabbie Bore south-west of Nullarbor

Plain.

Waltanabie Tank near Yalata.

Nalanippie south of Nundroo.

Waltabie Well ‘Waltha’bi’ (var. Waltya’bi)

‘Eaglehawk Water’.

Wiltabbie Well Wilth’abi (probably var. of

Wilty’abi ) ‘Old Water’,

near Wilgena.

There are various other spellings for the same

final, notably ‘ -bee’ and ‘-ppy:

Walenippi tank north-east of Smoky Bay.

Jumpuppy Dam close to Walpuppy, south-

west of Lake Gairdner.

Arcoordaby

Rockhole and Well west of Lake Harris.

Peelanibbee Water north of Head of Bight.

The easternmost of these names is Mintabie

Well, west of Lake Hart, Minta’bi ‘Round Water,

172

L. A. HERCUS & V. POTEZNY

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FIGURE 2. Distribution of ‘-awi’ place-names

‘FINCH’ VERSUS ‘FINCH-WATER’

lit. ‘Navel Water’. This is distinctly a Wirangu

name, as Parnkalla has assimilation of ‘nt’ to ‘nn’,

and therefore minta is represented by ‘minna’ in

Parnkalla.

There are a number of names in -(a)bi in the

area along the coast between White Well and

Eucla on the Western Australian border, an area

which had no permanent water and was

probably only sporadically used as a hunting

resource by Wirangu people from the east and

Mirniny people from the west. This becomes

clear from a study of historical sources,

particularly Daisy Bates, carried out by Tom

Gara (Gara & Cane, MS.). People also came to

the great quarry near Wilson’s Bluff and for

ceremonies in the area.

Mallabie Tank possibly Malya’bi ‘Mud

Water’; to the west of

White Well.

Cundalabbie further west from Mallabie.

Yangoonabbie Tank

and Bore Yangguna’bi, ‘Cockatoo

Water’; half-way between

the Head of Bight and

Eucla.

Bunabbie Blowhole,

Rockhole and Tank probably Barna’bi, ‘Goanna

Water’, close to Eucla.

probably Wiba’bi ‘Ant

Water’ near Eucla. This

cave with a spectacular

underground pool appears

to be the westernmost of

this continuous series of

names.

Weebubbie

These are all Wirangu names, not Mirniny:

yangguna is the Wirangu word for ‘cockatoo’. In

Mirniny the word for ‘water’ was ‘midyal’, and it

does not appear to have been used as a common

feature of geographical names, neither were

midhal and kabi in the neighbouring and closely

related Ngadyumaya language (von Brandenstein,

1991: 160-163). The Eucla area thus represents

the westernmost extent of the bulk of the -awi and

-(a)bi place-names, though there are a few

173

isolated names in -(a)bi further west. Daisy

Bates’s manuscript gives place-names between

Eucla and ‘Madhuru’ (Madura), and there are just

three of these names, all referring to ‘waterholes

in gullies along cliff sides’: Kallalabi near Eucla,

‘Kalliabi’ (this is clearly another ‘Emu Water’)

and ‘Jillong Gabi’. These may well have been

formed under the influence of the Wirangu

method of naming.

FAR-FLUNG PLACE-NAMES

Of the numerous Australian place-names

ending in -owie there are isolated examples in

areas far distant from Thura-Yura country, and in

these cases it is usually quite obvious that they

have nothing to do with the Thura-Yura word for

‘water’. Typical of such place-names is Nowie in

Victoria and associated sites nearby such as the

Nowie channel. The derivation of this place-name

is known: it comes from the word Nyawi ‘Sun’ in

Wembawemba and related Kulin (Victorian)

languages. The only conspicuous set of place-

names is from Gumbayngir country, on the edge

of the New England tablelands. These belong to

presumably a quite different derivation. The

references are:

Willowie Creek stream 29 17 152 22 SH5606

9339 NSW.

29 58 150 23 SH5605

8938 NSW.

stream 29 54 152 51

SH5606 9438 NSW.

mountain 29 59 152 52

SH5606 9438 NSW.

The Gazetteer shows that a few homesteads,

from Western Australia to Tasmania, that have

names in -owie, which may reflect the presence of

homesick South Australians.’ Here we discuss

only those names that are clearly relevant: they

look as if they could be Thura-Yura names, they

refer to sources of water and they occur in areas

not altogether outside the most remote reach of

Thura- Yura people.

Coolowie homestead

Koukandowie Creek

Koukandowie Mountain

As pointed out by R. Amery (pers.com.) other factors were at work too in spreading names for homesteads far afield. H. M. Cooper’s

work of 1949 Australian Aboriginal Words and their Meanings and later the even more popular work of A. H. and A. W. Reed

Aboriginal words in Australia, and A. W. Reed Aboriginal Place Names played a part in this: ‘people looked up these books and

liked the sound and meaning of the words and didn’t worry at all where they came from. Indeed publications like Cooper’s make

no indication whatsoever where the words originated from. ‘Willowie’ appears in the 1957 edition of Cooper and perhaps in earlier

editions.’ (Amery, pers.com.)

174

Kadnyawi

There are a few such Thura-Yura type place-

names ending in -awi in areas surprisingly far

from Thura-Yura country. The one best known to

Aboriginal people — and geologists- is Kadnyawi.

This is the Aboriginal name of two springs near

Mt Dutton, south of Oodnadatta. There is a ‘Big’

and also a ‘Little’ Cadna-Owie Spring, but only

the ‘Little’ one is marked on the modern map-

sheets (27° 47', 135° 41' SG5315 SA). Arabana

people also used the term for Mt Dutton itself,

and it has also become the name for the special

type of geological formation exemplified by Mt

Dutton. There is no mystery about what the name

Kadnyawi meant to the most senior Arabana

people: it meant ‘Rock Water’, but its origin is

perplexing. One thing is quite certain, it is not

Arabana, though the location is in the heart of

northern Arabana country. The Arabana word for

‘rock, rocky hill’ is kadnha and this is in fact the

pronunciation that would be equivalent to the

European spelling Cadna, but Aboriginal people

have never been heard by us to pronounce the

place-name that way, they always say Kadnyawi.

Further south in Kuyani and Adnyamathanha

country the word for ‘rock’ is kadnya and adnya

respectively. The name can thus be analysed as:

kadnya = rock, hill, (c.f. Kuyani, Parnkalla,

Nukunu kadnya.) plus awi = water, c.f. Kuyani

kawi, Adnyamathanha awi, (the Arabana word for

‘water’ is kutha).

The meaning is therefore ‘Rock Water’, i.e. a

rocky hill with springs, which is most descriptive

of Mt Dutton. There is an identically formed

name, Canowie, in Ngadyuri country (see above).

Mick McLean, the last person who could sing

the songs for Mt Dutton, was puzzled by the

name, as were other older people recorded in the

sixties: ‘I don’t know why that place has

Adnyamathanha’s name!’ Kadnyawi is important

in mythology, it is a centre for the myth of the

Pounding Stone and it plays a part in the myth of

Karlantyi, the Bicycle Lizard. Whether either of

these myths had links to the south, now long

forgotten, we do not know, and so the origin of

this name remains a mystery. Younger Arabana

people have sometimes re-analysed the name as

Kadni-awi, ‘Lizard Water’.

Gnarrowie Well

This is the northernmost South Australian name

ending in ‘-owie’: it is a waterhole and soakage

L. A. HERCUS & V. POTEZNY

well just 3 kilometres south of the Queensland

border on a small far western channel of the

‘Georgina’, i.e. Eyre Creek. 26 02 138 51 SG5409

6645. It is on the eastern edge of the Simpson

Desert, in the country of Karangura people, who

became extinct at the beginning of this century

(Hercus 1991). Wangkangurru people called the

site Ngurrawani-(nha)®: (Mick McLean on Hercus

Tape 66, 1966). It was important both

mythologically and historically, being effectively

‘the last water’. It figured in the long myth of The

Two Boys and was the centre of an area known as

Kawuka, a ritual centre for the increase of birds

of all kinds. It seems likely that the name

Gnarrowie is not connected with the word -awi

‘water’, but was simply a corruption of the

original name Ngurrawani-(nha).

Napeowie Waterhole

This waterhole is on a northern channel in the

floodplain of the Cooper, in Yawarawarrka

country at 27° 44', 140° 30', about 25 km west of

Innamincka. No information is available on this

place, the name is not listed by Reuther. The first

part of the name may represent ngapa which

means ‘water’ in Yawarawarrka and neighbouring

languages. The second part of the name looks

exactly like the Adnyamathanha word for ‘water’,

but it is possible that here too we have a

corruption of an unknown older Yawarawarrka

name. Many important myths and song-lines are

known to have travelled along the Cooper. The

Napeowie waterhole is close to the important

Kadripariwilpa waterhole, but it is not known as

being a ritual centre that would have attracted

visitors from afar. The origin of the name is

therefore unknown.

Strzelecki Waterholes

There are two waterholes along the Strzelecki

Creek in Yandruwantha country near Merty Merty

and further south which could possibly have

names in ending in Thura- Yura -awi:

Cadrapowie Waterhole 28° 33', 140° 17'

SH5402.

Narcoonowie Waterhole 28° 44', 140° 12'

SH5402.

A bore which appears to have an identical name

is Nargonowie Bore 28° 28', 140° 49' SH5402.

These places are in the middle of Yandruwantha

country and Cadrapowie is at least partly a

Yandruwantha type place-name, seeing that it

® Wangkangurtu place names optionally take the proper name marking suffix -nha, cf below, Conclusion (2).

‘FINCH’ VERSUS ‘FINCH-WATER’

contains the characteristic sound-sequence dr

found in the Diyari language group. There are a

number of Yandruwantha-Yawarawarrka place-

names which begin with kadri ‘creek’. Too little

is known about Yandruwantha sites for any

conclusion to be possible. The influence of Thura-

Yura cannot be ruled out, since the waterholes

along the Strzelecki Creek are known to have

been on the ochre route to the great mine at

Parachi!na in the Flinders Ranges, near the border

of Kuyani, Parnkalla and Adnyamathanha country.

The name of the Caroowinna waterhole on the

Strzelecki close to an important site near Chidlee

is probably not linked at all with names in -awi.

Reuther (VII 604 & 616) quotes two

Yandruwantha place-names ‘Karuwini’, of which

this is probably one, and the other is probably

Carraweena, also on Strzelecki Creek.

Marnpi-awi Murnpeowie ‘Bronzewing Pigeon

Water’

This is the name of the large station situated by

a waterhole in the Tooncatchyin Creek. It is a

little to the north of Adnyamathanha country, in

what was Diyari country according to Tindale,

where the word for ‘water’ was ngapa. The name

of the waterhole seems to have been originally

simply Marnpi ‘Bronzewing Pigeon’, and

Aboriginal people who have worked there still

refer to the station by this name. ‘Manpi’ is also

the name given by Reuther (VII: 1042), who

associated the place with the sighting of a flock of

pigeons by the Ancestors ‘Kalkuwulana’, ‘the

Two who belong to the Reed matrilineal descent

line’ (cf Reuther I: 1278):

The two muramuras Kalkuwulana (‘two reeds’),

together with their father, Kalukupana, are listed as

a constellation. These three once caught some fish

with a dundru [= net] (c.f. dander and the story of

Kalukupana). They saw a flock of pigeons there.

The station was originally called

‘Blanchewater’, and the main homestead was by

the Blanchewater Creek. The name Murnpeowie

does however appear on the pastoral map in use

before 1888, for the name of the waterhole, as

‘Murnpeowie Water’. Despite this early date it is

still likely that Adnyamathanha stockmen

introduced the name long ago. Over recent years,

on account of the name, people have associated it

with the Adnyamathanha-Ngadyuri Bronzewing

Pigeon story, and the story is now sometimes said

to start at Murnpeowie. We have thus an instance

of an Adnyamathanha name being introduced into

another country, and the myth following the name,

whereas in the case of Kadnyawi ‘Mt Dutton’ the

175

name probably followed the myth.

Murnpeowie is not far removed from other

Adnyamathanha type names; for example,

Aganowie dam is only some 20 km to the south.

This may well also represent an introduced name,

and a kind of ‘overflow’ from nearby

Adnyamathanha country. How easily a name can

be introduced is shown by evidence from John

McEntee of Erudina Station, who has studied the

Adnyamathanha language for many years,

particularly from the late John McKenzie.

Regarding the name Wundowie John McEntee

writes (pers.com.):

John McKenzie once told me that whoever was

putting the bore down and struck good water at that

place, asked John, or one of his family who

happened to be working in the area at the time,

“What would you say for ‘good water’ in the

Aboriginal way?’ The answer came back as

‘warndu-awi’, i.e. warnd’awi, hence Wundowie.

Murloocoppie Marlu-kapi ‘Kangaroo-water’

This is the name of some rockholes on the

Stuart Range to the east of the railway line and

off the Highway from Pootnoura Siding. It is also

the name of a rockhole and of a bore, both to the

west of the line and highway. The site of the

western rockhole and the site of the bore were

first called Marlu-kapi on the 1910 pastoral map,

which also named a ‘Murloocoppie Pastoral Co’.

The eastern rockholes however have only been

named so recently; they do not have this name on

older maps, nor did they have it traditionally. This

is a Western Desert (Kukata, Yankunytjatjara)

name of relatively modern origin, as the area was

once Arabana country, and obviously the sites

covered by the name have been expanded much

further very recently indeed (only in the post-1987

Murloocoppie mapsheet SH53—2) by the inclusion

of the eastern rockholes. Pootnoura Pudnura is an

original Arabana name, with the typical pre-

stopped consonant dn: it was part of the country

of the Midlaliri, the no longer extant western

branch of the Arabana people. The name

‘Murloocoppie’ is likely to have been brought into

the area by Kukata people with connections to the

south. It is probably similar in date and origin to

‘Coober Pedy’, some distance to the south; this

contains the word kupa ‘white man’, based on

Parnkalla and Narangga ‘kupa’, ‘ghost’, ‘white’

(see Coopowie in Narangga country). The word

marlu ‘kangaroo’ is Kukata-Yankunytjatjara, but

the compound ‘Murloocoppie’ represents the

Thura-Yura type of place-name with the word for

‘water’ coming at the end.

176

The place name ‘Mintabie’, associated with an

opal field near Marla Bore, belongs to an area that

is traditionally Western Desert country. This name

also appears to be brought in by Kukata people

with links to the south, and is identical to the

name of the site, mentioned above, on the eastern

side of Wirangu country near Lake Hart. Kukata,

like other Western Desert languages, originally

did not have place-names ending in the word for

‘water’, but Kukata people to some extent adopted

this system of naming. It seems that place-names

of the -abi type were transported by Kukata

people to an area far away from Thura-Yura

country in relatively recent times.

One other interesting example, due to Kukata

influence, is ‘Burntiltapy’ near Ingomar’, south of

Coober Pedy and on the edge of traditional

Kukata country. This is a Thura-Yura-type name

ending in -(a)bi ‘water’, but the first part of the

name contains the Arabana word pantilta

‘fighting with one another’.

-awi in Far Western NSW

Euriowie is a most important engraving site

some sixty kilometres north-north-east of Broken

Hill. George Dutton, of Bandyigali descent, was

the greatest authority for this area, and was

acknowledged as such by Tindale (1939). George

Dutton told Luise Hercus in 1968 that the Seven

Sisters camped all along this creek and were

constantly ‘dipping’ for water, i.e. they scooped

up water with their hands and thereby deepened

the creek. He thus confirmed information given to

Elkin (1949: 139):

A very trustworthy man of mixed blood, aged about

fifty-five, whom I met at Nappamerrie belonged to

the Wilyakali tribe..... He said that Euriowie was in

the country of the Tinyano!® tribe and that there

were many markings in a rocky place along the

creek near Euriowie. The engravings which

represented tracks of men, babies and animals and

also outlines of animals were made by chipping

with a narrow hand chisel. He added that the old

natives had told him that the Seven Sisters had

made the petroglyphs with chisels before going up

to the sky to live.

There can be no question as to the importance

of this site (see also McCarthy 1970: 18).

L. A. HERCUS & V. POTEZNY

McEntee (1991) has shown how people travelled

for ceremonies from the Flinders Ranges to

Wilyakali country, to Poolamacca, north of

Broken Hill. Euriowie is only some fifteen

kilometres from there. It is therefore highly likely

that Adnyamathanha people took part in

ceremonies at this site also, and may have given

their own name to this site. The word yuri means

‘ear’ in both Adnyamathanha and all the

Paakantyi, Darling River languages, including

Wilyakali, but the suffixing of -awi is of distinctly

Thura- Yura origin.

There are two other names in Paakantyi country

that could possibly represent borrowings from

Thura-Yura, but nothing is known about them.

One is Lake Narowie some 70 kilometres east of

Broken Hill, the other is much further south,

Tarawi, north of Lake Victoria, recently made into

a nature reserve.!!

Absence of placenames ending in -awi: Kuyani

In Kuyani country, and Arabana- Wangkangurru

country, as well as in the area where Diyari and

closely related languages were spoken, place-

names do not end with the word for ‘water’:

place-names containing the word for ‘water’ are

formed quite differently.

The prevailing order in descriptive phrases in

Australian languages 1s:

noun + adjective.

Thus one commonly says the equivalent of

‘child good’ and ‘ground hard’. This is reflected

in descriptive place-names: thus there are

numerous places in the Lake Eyre Basin that mean

“bad water’ or ‘stinking water’, with the word for

‘water’ coming first . Examples are:

Negapa-thungka ‘Water stinking’, the

Appatoonganie waterhole,

south of Mulka near the

Birdsville Track (Diyari).

“Water stinking’, Nockatunga

in South West Queensland

(Wangkumara).

Negaka-thungka

Ngapa-manha “Water bad’, the Appamana

waterhole South-east of Pandie

Pandie off the Birdsville Track

(Yawarawarrka).

freshly cut.

Ingomar is an Arabana name: /nka-mangu ‘Yam forehead’, the bald knob of root material left in the ground when a yam has been

This is a clan name referring to the people of the Tinyano Range. ‘Tinyano’ was the old name of the Range to the east of the Barrier

Range: the north-easternmost section of it is the Byjerkerno Ridge, running north-north-west from Euriowie (c/f also Le May, MS).

"| Information from Peter Thompson of Wilcannia.

‘FINCH’ VERSUS ‘FINCH-WATER’

‘Water bitter’, Lake

Ngapakaldi in the Thirrari

Desert (Thirrar1).

The meaning of these place-names is exactly

the same as ‘Bookabie’ in Wirangu country, listed

above. It is however quite different in formation

from ‘Bookabie’, which is of the ‘Finch-water’

type, where the final part of the compound singles

out some attribute of the place, and where -awi/

abi in fact fulfils the function of a post-positional

classifier.

The Arabana-Wangkangurru word for water,

kutha, is a relatively recent borrowing from the

Arandic languages to the north which have kwatye

‘water’ (Hercus 1987: 73-80). This word is

therefore not reflected in place-names with one

exception, which is probably of recent origin:

Kutha-Parkulu

Ngapa-kaldri

“Waters-two’, a double spring

just north of the Neales, west

of Algebuckina.

The original word for ‘water’ was ngapa, as in

the Diyaric languages, hence we find:

‘Water dried out’, Umbum

waterhole (Arabana); this

explanation appears already in

Reuther (VII 1454).

“Water bitter’ is the name of a

waterhole of uncertain location

on the Kallakoopah

(Wangkangurru).

Ngapa Murilya

Negapa-kalti

Ngapampara the lower Neales.

There are over 40 place-names beginning with

ngapa ‘water’ listed for the Lake Eyre Basin by

Reuther (volume VII), written at the turn of the

century, but published only in 1981. There do not

appear to be any names that end with the word for

‘water’.

The two types of name-formation with the word

for ‘water’ being the first or second member of a

compound name are however not absolutely

exclusive of one another, and there are in fact just

a few Adnyamathanha names beginning with awi

‘water’. Owieandana north of Mt Serle is the only

one that appears on most maps. The name

represents awi-antha-nha ‘Water-Algae’.

Kuyani fits into this pattern of the Lake Eyre

177

languages. The Kuyani word for ‘water’ is kawi.

Kuyani country immediately adjoins

Adnyamathanha on the western side. Although

there are numerous springs and waterholes in

Kuyani country, there do not appear to be any

with names that end in -(k)awi, except in a small

area not far from Parnkalla and Adnyamathanha

country where we find:

Busheowie Creek

and Well ‘Puthi-awi’, ‘Down-feather

Water’; on the north-eastern

side of Lake Torrens. It is

noteworthy that the final -i of

‘puthi’ is not elided here.

“Wina-awi’, ‘Chalk-water’; just

south of the Ediacara Fossil

Reserve.

Over the large area of the rest of Kuyani

country there are no -awi names shown on maps,

and we have not found any despite extensive work

on Kuyani sites.'2 Names follow the ‘Finches’

type, not ‘Finch-water’. Thus some springs

opposite Hermit Hill are called Murla-Murlapara-

nha ‘A lot of crested pigeons’, the Wangianna

Springs are Wanggiya-nha ‘Coolamon’, and a

small spring near Curdimurka is called Thitari,

‘Baby’ because in the myth of Kudnangampa a

birth camp was there. The Kuyani word kawi

‘water’ does however appear at the beginning of a

place-name: Kawilanha was the original form of

the name Callanna, west of Marree. Alice

Oldfield, the last fluent speaker of Kuyani, was

born there in about 1885. The absence of names

ending in -awi is all the more striking because of

the fact that the Kuyani language is very closely

related to Adnyamathanha: the two forms of

speech can in fact be termed dialects of one

language. In the formation of these place-names

Kuyani people followed the practice of their

northern neighbours throughout the Lake Eyre

Basin and beyond, while Adnyamathanha

followed the special Thura-Yura system. There are

further traditional reasons behind this. Kuyani

mythology and therefore Kuyani country was

definitely northward-looking. All the main myths

through Kuyani country travel along one axis, and

only those marked * (below) go on from or to

Parnkalla or Nukunu country, so more southerly

Old Winnowie

'2 There is one exception, Willowie Bore, shown only on the 1:100 000 map sheet Irrapatana (Billa Kalina) as being about four

kilometres south-west of Welcome Spring. This could be the exception that proves the rule, but it could also be an import by

Europeans, as there is a site with an identical name in Nukunu country, and one even in north-eastern NSW (see above under ‘far-

flung places’ and also footnote 10). Aboriginal people never mentioned it to us as a site, though they gave names for the other spring/

bore sites in the area.

178

Thura Yura people were not involved:

a. from north to south:

The Two Snakes Yurkunangku and Kurkari, the

Two Emu Men, the Dogs*

b. from north to south and back again:

The Two Men*, The Grinding Stone Men, Old

Man Thudnungkurla, The Urumbula*,

c. from south to north

The Kangaroo, Old Man Thunpila carrying the

dead body.

There are no major stories and songs that go in

an east-west direction, except for part of the

Seven Sisters myth. The fact that the main stories

and song-lines were along this northern axis

probably had a major influence on the naming of

sites, and the principles of naming altogether.

Absence of placenames ending in -awi: Kaurna

Just as Kuyani was almost but not quite

mutually comprehensible with Adnyamathanha,

Kaurna was very close to Narangga. The situation

appears to have been exactly parallel. Ibaritja, also

known as Ivaritji, was the last fluent Kaurna

speaker. Louisa Eggington, the Narangga speaker,

told Tindale (1936: 55-6):

that she had known Ibaritja and recognised that the

dialects had much in common; nevertheless, she

thought that Ibaritja ‘was hard to understand’.

While, as shown above, Narangga had many

place-names ending in -awi, there is no sure

attestation of any such names in Kaurna country."

According to the maps, names in -awi peter out

with the Condowie Springs north-east of

Snowtown, and the Booborowie Creek north-west

of Burra. The Kaurna people of the plains to the

south and south-east of there simply do not seem

to have used names ending with -awi. There is no

dramatic difference between the Condowie Plain

and plains further south, yet Kaurna people do not

appear to have taken on the habit of forming these

particular place-names. The system of using a

descriptive or classificatory final is however not

L, A. HERCUS & V. POTEZNY

entirely absent: there are a number of rivers and

creeks in the Adelaide Plains that are formed with

the word ‘parri’, ‘creek’ as second member. Such

names are not absent elsewhere in the area of the

Thura-Yura languages, the best known being

Wirrabara Wira-paRi, ‘Gum Tree Creek’ in

Nukunu country.'* They are however very

prominent in Kaurna. Examples are (courtesy of

Jane Simpson, pers.com.):

‘the River Torrens’,

(Teichelmann & Schiirmann

1840).

‘Upper vale of the

Hindmarsh’, (Wyatt 1879).

‘the Sturt River’,

(Teichelmann & Schiirmann

1840).

The most distinctive feature of Kaurna place-

names is the use of the locative markers

‘-ngga’ (with disyllabic words) and ‘-illa’ (with

polysyllabic words) ‘at such and such a place’ as

an integral part of a place-name, hence names

like:

Onkaparinga

‘Karrawirraparni’

‘Moorta perringga’

“Warriparri’

(Ngangki-parri-ngga) Women-

Creek LOC

and similarly Myponga, Willunga, Yankalilla,

Kangarilla.

This system of having the locative as an integral

part of a place-name is not used in the other

Thura-Yura languages, however closely related,

even Narangga. It is probable that it was a feature

from further to the east, from the Encounter Bay

language. Meyer (1840: 13) noted the use of

locative case forms as place-names in this

language:

These words, Poltong, Kotungald, Wittingenggul,

signify at the place which they designate.'* What

one would suppose from analogy to be the simple

nominatives appear not to be used.

The clearest example of the correspondence

between Kaurna and the Narrinyeri language of

There are a couple of -owie names of very recent origin in Kaurna country. R. Amery points out that the suburbs of Paralowie,

according to Manning (1990: 161), was proclaimed on 27 Nov. 1980. It is stated there that the name is derived from two Aboriginal

words para ‘river’ and ‘owie’, ‘water’. It is highly likely that Europeans constructed the name. Amery also points out that the name

of the ‘Moorowie’ walking track in Belair National Park was added along with other out-of-area Aboriginal names sometime

between 1953 and 1968.

Some names of creeks formed with -vari in the geographical index in Tunbridge 1988: 161 ff. may be due to the influence of the

English pattern of adding ‘creek’ to differentiate the creek from a waterhole or other geographical feature of the same name. They

were probably not always considered an integral part of the name. Only the simple names appear on maps, but this may be because

there ‘Creek’ is being added anyway.

Other well-known Narrinyeri place-name sending with the locative suffix are Coorong, Milang and Narrung.

‘FINCH’ VERSUS ‘FINCH-WATER’ 179

Encounter Bay comes from Jane Simpson (pers.

com.), and concerns the name of Encounter Bay

itself:

‘Encounter Bay’ is called ‘Ramung’ by the

Narrinyeri, and ‘Wirramulla’ (a variant of the name)

by the Kaurna. They are two forms of the same

name: ‘-ng’ and ‘-illa’ being the respective locative

suffixes in the two languages, and ‘R’ being

impossible word-initially in Kaurna.

CONCLUSION

The distribution of place-names formed with -

awi presents a complex web of linguistic

diffusion. The situation in summary is as follows:

1. Place-names ending in -awi or -abi are found

throughout the area of the Thura-Yura

languages including Wirangu, except for

Kuyani in the north-west and Kaurna in the

east.

2. The optional proper noun suffix -nha is

characteristic of languages further north and in

Thura-Yura it is found only in Kuyani and

Adnyamathanha.

3. Kaurna forms a number of place-names ending

with ‘parri’, ‘creek’ and among the Thura- Yura

languages only Kaurna has the frequent use of

the locative in place-names.

4. There are place-names in -awi, -abi beyond the

limits of the Thura-Yura languages and some

of these can be explained by traditional and

ritual links.

It is possible that this distribution could have

come about in the following way:

The process of using -awi as a descriptive or

classifying term at the end of place-names as in

Idhi-awi ‘Finch-water’ probably began long ago

in Adnyamathanha and Ngadyuri country. It

spread from there to Narangga, Nukunu, Parnkalla

and Wirangu country. Kuyani people, who kept

the northern way of simply saying ‘Finches’

instead of ‘Finch-water’, did not adopt it. Kaurna

people did adopt the general principle of using a

descriptive term at the end, as is shown by the

names ending in ‘parri’. Here they also developed

their own way of naming by following the

traditions of the neighbouring Encounter Bay

language, using a location marking suffix ‘-ngga’

and ‘-illa’ at the end.

An alternative possibility is that all the Thura-

Yura languages initially shared the ‘Finch-water’

type of place-names relating to water, and that

Kuyani and Kaurna lost this method under the

influence of neighbouring cultures. Whichever

explanation one adopts, the situation with place-

names shows that linguistic diffusion can

overcome the strongest genetic links.

There are three main diffusionary processes at

work:

1. Adnyamathanha and Kuyani both succumbed

to influences from the north, adopting the

optional -nha suffix which belongs to the

Karnic languages (and is found as -nya in the

Western Desert as well).

2. Kuyani either remained outside the sphere of

diffusion of the -awi/abi placenames, or lost

them, under the influence of Arabana and

other northern languages.

3. Kaurna either remained outside the sphere of

diffusion of the -awi/-abi placenames, or lost

them, under the influence of eastern

neighbouring languages of the Yaraldi type.

Forms of speech that could be called dialects of

one language and are almost mutually

comprehensible, such as Narangga and Kaurna on

the one hand, and Kuyani and Adnyamathanha on

the other, thus came to differ from each other with

regard to this salient marker of language-land

affiliation. This shows up the well-known fact

that Aboriginal languages are not predictable, one

can never be categorical in making assumptions

from one language to the next, however closely

related. Cultural influences and the constant

movement and interaction of people led to this

complex diversity, which is clearly reflected in

place-names. Each language is special and

important and adds to the understanding of the

whole diversity of the peopling of Australia.

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The present study would not have been possible

without the help of the many Aboriginal people

who over the years have spoken to us about place-

names, particularly the late Mick McLean and the

late Alice Oldfield, and Doreen and Gladys Miller

of Bookabie. We are deeply indebted to John

McEntee, Tom Gara, and Jane Simpson for their

considerable contributions to this paper, and we

are grateful to David Nash and Rob Amery for

their comments.

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McCARTHY, F. D. (ed.) 1970. ‘Aboriginal Antiquities

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McCARTHY, F. D. 1970. Aboriginal Antiquities in

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McENTEE, J. 1991. Lake Frome (South Australia)

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Adelaide.

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Son: Adelaide.

THE A. P. H. FREUND COLLECTION OF NEW GUINEA ARTEFACTS : AN

HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE

PHILIP FITZPATRICK

Summary

A. P. H. Freund was one of a number of missionaries from Papua New Guinea who donated

collections of artefacts and photographs to the South Australian Museum. Freund’s main collections

came from the Wabag Valley and the Menyamya area of the New Guinea Highlands between 1948

and 1953. This paper describes the historical context in which the collection was made and its

relationship to similar collections held by the South Australian Museum and other museums in

Australia and overseas.

THE A. P. H. FREUND COLLECTION OF NEW GUINEA ARTEFACTS:

AN HISTORICAL PERSPECTIVE

PHILIP FITZPATRICK

FITZPATRICK, P. 1999. The A. P. H. Freund Collection of New Guinea Artefacts held by the

South Australian Museum. Records of the South Australian Museum 31(2): 181-214.

A. P. H. Freund was one of a number of missionaries from Papua New Guinea who donated

collections of artefacts and photographs to the South Australian Museum. Freund’s main

collections came from the Wabag Valley and the Menyamya area of the New Guinea

Highlands between 1948 and 1953. This paper describes the historical context in which the

collection was made and its relationship to similar collections held by the South Australian

Museum and other museums in Australia and overseas.

P. Fitzpatrick, RSD 55 Cromer, Via Mount Pleasant, South Australia 5235. Manuscript

received | Septernber 1997.

INTRODUCTION

The South Australian Museum has a number of

significant Papua New Guinea collections made

in the period immediately following the Second

World War. During this period Norman B.

Tindale, the Museum’s Senior Ethnologist,

enjoyed the strong support of the Museum

Director, Herbert Hale, and was able to ensure

that the collections coming into the Museum

largely reflected his own research interests. It is

useful, therefore, to understand Tindale’s interest

in Papua New Guinea before embarking on any

detailed discussion of the Freund collection.

Tindale had briefly visited New Guinea in 1907

when the ship on which he was travelling with his

parents to Japan called at Madang. In 1943 he had

the opportunity to revisit New Guinea under very

different circumstances. He had joined the RAAF

in 1942 and, because of his background in Japan

and his command of the language, had been

assigned to the Pentagon to assist in the breaking

of codes and the monitoring of Japanese military

production. For this purpose a laboratory had been

established in Brisbane to analyse debris from

crashed Japanese aircraft (Jones 1994:162).

A number of aircraft had been shot down on

the approach to the airstrip at Tsili Tsili on the

Lower Watut west of Lae in August 1943, and

were of interest to Tindale because they appeared

to be new models. One was a ‘Lily Mark 2’, a

new aircraft altogether. Anxious to examine it

closely, Tindale left the RAAF base at Ardenfield

at 4 a.m. on 22 Sunday August en route to Wards

Strip near Port Moresby, arriving in the early

afternoon. He flew on to Tsili Tsili the next day.

Four crashed aircraft had been located, including

one which had landed on a church in the

engineer’s camp killing the chaplain.

Tsili Tsili village had been deserted by its

occupants but Tindale walked to a place called

Pesen to inspect one plane and came into contact

with the local people. He saw a number of

interesting clay pots there and took notes. He also

walked to another crashed plane near Morum

village, just north of Tsili Tsili, and took

photographs of the village and a ‘red-skinned

native boy called Fiugo who is a native of

Tuyantuyu’. In the evening Tindale attended a sing-

sing in another nearby village (Tindale 1943: 2).

Included in the journal which Tindale wrote at

the time are photographs of Fiugo and Pesen

village and a card with a reference to Beatrice

Blackwood’s 1939 article ‘Life of the Upper

Watut, New Guinea’. A reprint of this article is

held in the South Australian Museum Library —

presumably acquired by Tindale.

Tindale maintained his interest in New Guinea

when he resumed his position as the Museum’s

ethnologist after the war. During 1948-49 he

reinstalled and renovated the Museum’s Pacific

Islands Gallery, which had been removed to

storage in a disused railway tunnel following the

Japanese attack on Pearl Harbour in December

1941. Tindale had begun compiling a journal of

notes and clippings related to the Pacific region as

Pastor Freund died in Adelaide, 3 October 1998, aged 91 years

P. FITZPATRICK

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FREUND NEW GUINEA COLLECTION 183

early as 1934 when the spectacular discoveries of

hitherto unknown large populations in the Central

Highlands of New Guinea occurred (Tindale

1964). He was acutely interested in the further

explorations of the Highlands after the war and he

was anxious to supplement the Museum’s older

collections with new material from there. To this

end he corresponded with the Australian

Administration in New Guinea and set up a

number of contacts with both government and

private individuals through whom he could

organise the collection of artefacts.

South Australia has a peculiar association with

Papua New Guinea. The ranks of missionaries,

traders and government officers who have lived in

the region all seem to have been swelled by South

Australians. The consortium of business men who

set up Guinea Gold N.L. to first exploit gold

dredging at Wau-Bulolo and then developed the

famous Guinea Airways came from Adelaide

(Idriess 1933: 142, 209). Many of these people

donated or sold material to the Museum as they

travelled back and forth. Tindale recognised and

tapped into this traditional Museum resource and

cultivated enough interest to ensure a steady

supply of incoming ethnographic material from

the newly opened up areas in New Guinea.

Of the 800 or so collectors who donated or sold

Pacific material to the South Australian Museum,

only about 10% assembled collections of

significant size. Missionaries are heavily

represented, particularly with respect to the Papua

New Guinea collections, and specifically Lutheran

missionaries, or people of German descent linked

to the Barossa Valley (Jones 1993: 24). The

Lutherans penetrated the New Guinea Highlands as

early as 1929 and pioneered missions further and

further west, almost on the heels of the first

European explorers. One of the most significant

donations to the Museum came from the Lutheran

Pastor A. P. H. Freund, who pioneered missions at

Yaramanda in the Enga Province and Menyamya

in the Morobe Province between 1948 and 1953.

FREUND’S EARLY BACKGROUND

August Paul Harold Freund was born near

Eudunda on 6 July 1907. His parents were Johann

and Anna Christiane (nee Fiegert). Johann had

taken up virgin land in the low rainfall area near

Mount Mary, west of Morgan, in 1887. Johann

and Anna had nine children and Harold, as he

became known, was the second to last.

Harold worked on his father’s farm until 1925,

when he was seventeen and a half years old, then

he enrolled at Concordia Lutheran College and

Seminary in Unley. He met Dora Ey whilst

teaching Sunday School at the Bethlehem Church

in Flinders Street in 1928. He graduated on 8

December 1933 and married Dora on 6 April of the

following year in the Zion Church in Gawler. His

first posting as a Pastor was to Amo Bay on Eyre

Peninsula, where he was responsible for fourteen

Lutheran communities (Freund 1989: 38).

There were two Lutheran churches in Australia

at this time and it wasn’t until 30 October 1966,

that they united. Freund belonged to the

Evangelical Lutheran Church of Australia

(ELCA). The other was the United Evangelical

Lutheran Church of Australia (UELCA), which

had been involved in supporting missionary work

in New Guinea since 1886 when the missionary

Johannes Flierl arrived there. After Freund

became a Pastor the ELCA decided to realise a

long standing ambition and also got involved in

missionary work in New Guinea.

THE Mission ON Umsot

Freund was one of four ELCA missionaries

called upon to go into a non-mission area on the

upper Sepik River. They travelled to New Guinea

on the ‘Macdhui’, arriving in Port Moresby on 27

December 1935. However, while Freund and his

companions were attending the annual mission

conference at Finschhafen, the Lutheran Mission

Finschhafen offered to cede their interests in the

Siassi Islands, off the western end of New Britain,

to: the ELCA and also sell them their mission

station at Awelkon on Umboi (Rooke Island). The

Lutheran Mission Finschhafen was heavily

involved in opening up new fields in the Central

Highlands and found that its resources were being

stretched by maintaining the Siassi Mission. For

the purposes of the Property Trust Ordinance,

Freund’s group named itself the Australian

Lutheran Mission (ALM) and he and Dora settled

at Awelkon on Umboi at the end of 1936. The

ALM saw the Siassi area as an excellent place to

gain the necessary experience needed for later

extending its activities to the mainland (Wagner

& Reiner 1986: 255). Subsequent events were to

delay those plans for some time.

On 6 May 1938 their first son, Martin, was born

and on 16 June 1939 their second son, Roland,

was born. In September of that year war broke out

in Europe and in December 1941, the Japanese

attacked Pearl Harbour.

184 P. FITZPATRICK

The Allies had been mindful of Japanese

aggression in South-East Asia and China for some

years and were aware that the so-called Japanese

fishing boats operating off northern Australia and

New Guinea were in fact spying and preparing

coastal mapping. German raiders had also begun

sinking allied shipping in the Pacific and had

landed the crew and passengers off several sunken

ships at Emirau Island north-west of Rabaul.

Awelkon had a good view of Vitiaz Strait

through which ships from South East Asia had to

pass enroute to Port Moresby and Australia. In

1940 Eric Feldt recruited Freund as a

Coastwatcher. Harold was the only clergyman

recruited to the Coastwatchers and his decision,

though it was made quickly, must have been

extremely difficult. He did acknowledge,

however, that the Teleradio 3B, which Feldt

supplied, was very useful because Awelkon did

not then have any contact with the outside world

except by sea mail. When he returned from

accompanying Dora and their sons to Adelaide,

where she had gone for medical treatment, he also

brought back ‘a very fine but not too bulky’

telescope (Freund 1989: 43).

THE SECOND WorRLD WaR

After the attack on Pearl Harbour, Freund’s

involvement in the war rapidly escalated. Dora

and the boys were evacuated to Australia on

Christmas Day, 1941; they were among about

2 500 women and children evacuated in the space

of about a week. Freund and several other

Lutheran missionaries, all with German surnames,

joined the New Guinea Volunteer Rifles at Lae on

18 February 1942. Harold was technically exempt

but valuable because of his expertise with the

Teleradio and he agreed to join up also. There

was no medical examination, no training, no

uniforms or identity tags and the oath was

makeshift. He was given a rifle taken from the

disbanded police force but ‘misplaced’ it soon

afterwards.

In March of that year, Freund was involved in a

dangerous sea-going rescue of the remnants of the

Rabaul Garrison, organised by J. K. McCarthy

who was then the Assistant District Officer

(ADO) at Talasea. McCarthy collected the pitiful

survivors from the garrison together using his

New Guinea police and the group that Freund was

in took four small boats over to collect them

(Freund 1989: 54). This episode and Freund’s role

as a Coastwatcher would later hold him in good

stead with the Administration, particularly when

McCarthy became the Director of the Department

of Native Affairs.

Freund was eventually discharged in Australia

in July 1943 after 484 days of continuous active

service, including a strenuous and dangerous walk

through Japanese occupied country on the New

Guinea north coast to Bena Bena in the Highlands

near Goroka, whence he was flown out to Port

Moresby.

In November 1946, Freund helped take a new

mission boat, the Umboi-2, from Sydney to

Umboi to resume mission work. The Japanese had

occupied the mission and he spent 18 months

getting Awelkon back in shape and the mission

work going again.

In 1948 the Lutheran Church — Missouri Synod,

USA, decided to launch into mission work in New

Guinea. They had chosed the densely populated

Wabag Valley as their field and approached the

ALM for assistance during the establishment

period. Freund and ‘Pat’ Kleinig were detailed to

render that service.

EUROPEAN ExPLORATION OF ENGA COUNTRY

It is difficult to pinpoint when the Enga first

came into contact with Europeans. William

McGregor penetrated the Highlands from the

Sepik as far as the lower Maramuni and returned

via the Yuat in 1928. On this expedition he met

people who would most certainly have been

outlying Enga. The Fox brothers, Tom and Jack,

explored an area west of Mount Hagen in early

1934 but their route is unclear (Taylor 1938-9).

The Enga’s first major encounter with Europeans

occurred in mid 1934. An expedition led by the

tough and experienced prospector, Michael Leahy,

had left Kuta, near Mount Hagen, on 11 June to

explore the country west to the Dutch border.

Leahy had been unsuccessfully seeking a major

goldfield for many years and this area was the last

largely unexplored region in New Guinea.

Leahy’s initial dealings with previously

uncontacted people in the Highlands had been

relatively peaceful. A general belief that the

prospectors were either the ghosts of departed

ancestors or supernatural beings from another

world had paved the way for largely unmolested

travel. It was only when the truth became known

that clashes occurred and these incidents were

swiftly dealt with by Leahy and his men using

their high-powered rifles.

The Enga were familiar with the concepts of

FREUND NEW GUINEA COLLECTION 185

exploration and settlement well before they

encountered the first European explorers. Their

more spiritual accounts of evolution from ‘sky

people’ are tempered by oral traditions of their

own colonisation of the country by ancestors who

came from the west and south-west (Bulmer in

Lawrence & Meggitt 1965: 134). This pragmatic

appreciation of such a concept made the Enga’s

reception of European explorers into their country

quite different from that accorded by other

Highland groups. While the Europeans were

confidently expecting the Enga to be initially

overawed by their presence and unlikely to be

aggressive, the Enga were, in fact, simply

confused and unsure about how to treat the

newcomers. This confusion predisposed many of

the Enga’s first encounters with Europeans to

unfortunate outcomes characterised by

unprecedented violence.

On 25 June 1934 at a place called Doi, a few

kilometres west of Wabag, a particularly bloody

encounter took place which resulted in the deaths

of fifteen Enga and the wounding of many more.

While Leahy and his party were camped at Doi,

the Enga there had engaged in a heated debate

about what to do about them. One of the Enga

leaders had argued that the strangers should be

sent on their way as soon as possible. This man,

named Pinketa, had quite unexpectedly urged the

group of people below Leahy’s camp to attack.

Leahy had watched this event unfold and had shot

Pinketa as soon as he began brandishing his

spears. As soon as he fired, the rest of his men

followed suit, firing indiscriminately into the

crowd hitting both men and women. Further

shootings occurred as the Leahy party progressed

westwards and only ceased when Michael’s

brother, Dan, became ill with malaria and the

decision was made to abandon the expedition and

return to Mount Hagen.

Michael Leahy duly reported the incident at Doi

to the Administration, which took no action

against him. However, at a later lecture before the

Royal Geographical Society in London, Leahy

recounted the Doi incident and caused a furore

which forced the Administration to further

investigate the matter. This investigation endorsed

the Administration’s earlier finding but subjected

Australia to much international criticism.

The miners Schmidt and Schultze attempted to

follow Leahy’s path soon after his return. They

reached the Sepik via the Yuat but it is unclear

where they actually went in between. Ludwig

Schmidt became the first white man to be hanged in

New Guinea following the reports of atrocities he

committed against local people on this expedition.

When two Catholic missionaries were killed in

the Chimbu area in late 1934 and early 1935, the

Administration finally decided not to issue any

further permits for miners or missionaries to enter

uncontrolled areas and to severely restrict the

activities of those already there. This effectively

cut off the Enga from further incursions for

several years (Connolly & Anderson 1987: 214).

Inevitably, this closure of the area west of

Mount Hagen soon precipitated calls to open it up

again. In both Papua and New Guinea various

consortiums were looking for petroleum. The area

around Wabag was of particular interest to these

groups, for no other reason than the fact that they

couldn’t gain access to it. In 1938, partly as a

response to this pressure, a large Administration

patrol, under the leadership of Assistant District

Officer Jim Taylor, with Patrol Officer John Black

and Medical Officer, C. B. Walsh, set out to

explore the area of Michael Leahy’s aborted

expedition west of Mount Hagen.

The Enga acccorded the Taylor patrol quite a

different reception to that received by Michael

Leahy, although Taylor persisted in believing that

the Enga saw his party as the returning ghosts of

their ancestors. It is interesting to speculate how

much the Enga had learned about the Europeans

in the intervening years. The Enga had trade

contacts with the Medlpa, close to Mount Hagen,

and must have picked up a lot of useful

information by this means. When Taylor walked

along the Lai Valley he noticed quite a number of

steel axes which presumably had been traded in

from the Mount Hagen people.

Taylor was initially wary of the Enga but

gradually came to trust them.

When the people got to know us they liked us, only

when we are the unknown quantity are they

suspicious and unfriendly (Taylor 1938-39: 42).

He was also impressed by their sophisticated

gardens, wide, well drained and graded tracks and

substantial bridges. On the Waga he noticed two

young casuarina trees deliberately planted so that

they could be used as bridge pylons when they

matured. He camped at Doi (Tore) where he

found the people

bright and friendly and apparently bore no malice,

realising, I imagine, that the trouble was their own

making. They appeared quicker in the uptake than

those down the valley and had more to say (Taylor

1938-39: 44).

Taylor was searching for a suitable site for a

base camp and airstrip:

186 P. FITZPATRICK

On the 21st July we drew in to Wabag, on a high

terrace with a good depth of black soil, above

the right bank of the Ive (River) Lai, not far

above its junction with the Ambum. The area

was inhabited by two groups known as Kulliner

and Man-gia.

I explained to the people what we were going to do,

through Leo, who was now our best interpreter. He

made an eloquent speech which impressed the

people, or so it appeared to me, for they listened in

silence and at its conclusion struck the ground

ecstatically with their stone axes and told us to carry

on. | think they wanted to see the aeroplane.

We began immediately preparing a landing ground

on a stretch about 800 metres long by 40 metres

wide. It was on a gentle incline but was covered in

wild sugar-cane which meant a lot of cutting,

grubbing and burning.

...on the 8th August at 10.25 a 3-engine Ford, pilot

T. O’Dea, landed on the ground. People flocked to

the camp from every direction, there was much

singing and dancing. O’Dea was a great success as

he always is with inland people. From 1932 he has

worked with us in all parts of the plateau, and being

a singer of no mean order the people shriek with

delight when he sings to them songs from Pagliacei,

Cavalleria Rusticana and Tosca. They love to see a

white man act as a human being (Taylor 1938-39:

75-78).

Despite the apparent friendliness of the Wabag

people, an attack, in which a Police bugler was

killed, occurred at Wabag two days after Taylor

had left with the main party for the Sepik. The

boy bugler was with a party sent out to buy pigs.

He became separated and was brought down with

a stone axe. During the rescue of the party, led by

Sergeant Fokinau, two police and four carriers

were wounded and about eleven Enga killed.

Medical Officer, C. B. Walsh, radioed the

Administrator and the District Officer from

Morobe, Edward Taylor, flew in and succeeded in

defusing the situation.

In September, while Taylor was still away on

the Sepik, Patrol Officer Ian Downs went to

Wabag and began a series of local exploratory

patrols. Among other places, he visited the Tarua

and Sau, tributaries of the Yuat, with Walsh.

During a visit to the Lai Valley, Downs noted that

the valley between Yaramanda and Link ‘is out

about with tribal disputes which have left a trail

of desolation’.

Later, Patrol Officer Lloyd Pursehouse (who

was with Freund during his time as a

Coastwatcher and was later killed by the

Japanese) replaced Downs and accompanied

Walsh to explore the upper reaches of the Lagaip.

On 17 April 1939, after Black had returned from

an expedition to Telefomin, the New Guinea

Administrator, Sir Walter Ramsay McNicoll, flew

in to Wabag and stayed overnight. About three

thousand Enga came in to Wabag to meet him.

Taylor and his party left Wabag on 7 June 1939,

following an Enga trade route to Mount Hagen

which Patrol Officer Murray Edwards had been

shown. On 18 June they reached Mount Hagen

and met Patrol Officer George Greathead at the

head of a road he was building to the west.

A number of Patrol Officers using the route

pioneered by Edwards made sporadic visits to

Wabag after Taylor returned. In 1942 a permanent

Patrol Post was set up there by ANGAU officers.

Expatriate refugees walking inland from the

northern coast to escape the Japanese often made

for Wabag and then Mount Hagen.

By 1960 three other Patrol Posts had been

established in neighboring valleys. In 1973 the

Enga area became a district in its own right and is

now one of the nineteen provinces of Papua New

Guinea (Sinclair 1981: 160).

THE Mission AT YARAMANDA

A Seventh Day Adventist pastor, L. A.

Gilmore, visited Wabag in 1944 as a Paramedic

with ANGAU following reports of an outbreak of

Bacillary Dysentery amongst the Enga. The

dysentery had been introduced into the area by

soldiers passing through Wabag and was one of

the first Engan introductions to the more subtle

and unpleasant aspects of European intrusion into

their country. Two Seventh Day Adventist pastors,

Frank Maberly and Laurence Howell, flew into

Wabag on 4 June 1947 to set up their first mission

at Rakamanda (Kopamu 1994: 29). The first

Catholic mission in the Enga area was set up at

Pompabus, a few kilometers outside Wapenamanda,

in February 1948 by Father Gerry Bus and Father

William Ross of the Society of the Divine Word.

They had flown into Wabag in October the

previous year to make arrangements for the

mission with Patrol Officer B. Macillwain

(Kruczek 1995: 18).

In 1947 the westernmost Lutheran mission was

at Ogelbeng near Mount Hagen in the Western

Highlands District. Rivalry between the missions

in New Guinea had always been fierce. The

Lutherans, Catholics and Seventh Day Adventists

were particularly competitive and, despite a

number of inter-denominational meetings to

discuss and resolve the problem, the poaching of

FREUND NEW GUINEA COLLECTION 187

converts and districts was rife (Flierl 1937: 22).

Since the Catholics and Seventh Day Adventists

had already entered the Wabag Valley the

Lutherans knew they had to move quickly to stake

a claim in the area before the other missions

expanded their influence too far.

The Lutheran party, comprising Freund,

Reverend Felix Doering and lay worker Armin

(Pat) Kleinig headed for the vacant mission area

at the eastern end of the valley and for this reason

they decided to go overland using the well worn

track between Mount Hagen and Wabag. They left

Ogelbeng on 23 August 1948 with 230 carriers

and reached the Wabag Valley three days later.

The local Laiapu Enga people had selected a site

for the mission which did not appeal to Freund

and his party and they carried on past it for a few

kilometres until they came to a knoll on neutral

ground at the boundaries of three different clans.

The spot was near the abandoned police post at

Pausa, overlooking the Lai River. After the Enga

had agreed to the site, which was called

Yaramanda, Freund and Felix Doering walked the

50 kilometres to Wabag to seek approval for the

mission site from the Administration. Dora and

their two sons arrived at Yaramanda in December

(Freund 1985: 117).

At Yaramanda, Freund saw the complex

travelling Te’e festivals where pigs and other

valuables were paid out to cover debts. He also

saw initiation ceremonies where young men

received their first wigs. The richness of the

Engan culture fascinated Freund and he took the

opportunity to learn more about it. During this

process he began to acquire a number of artefacts.

THE ENGA PEOPLE

The Enga are now generally divided into clans,

but in Freund’s time the patrilineal tribe was still

significant. The clans within the tribes divided

into sub-clans and lineages and lived in hamlets.

There are cultural differences between the

Western and Eastern Enga. The Western Enga are

divided into the Mae and Yandapu and the

Eastern Enga into the Syaka (or Kyaka) and

Laiapu. The latter group is centred around

Yaramanda. The population density of these four

groups exceeds 150 people per square kilometre.

On the fringes of the groups the density is much

lower, averaging less than forty people per square

kilometre. In total there are approximately

250,000 Enga, making them the largest linguistic

group in the whole of Papua New Guinea.

The vast majority of the Enga are bush-fallow

cultivators, with sweet potato and, to a lesser

extent, taro as staples. Pigs formed the basis of

Enga wealth and were supplemented with shells,

salt, stone axes, net bags, skirts and tree oil. The

elaborate exchange and debt system (Te’e)

involving these valuables was the element which

provided social cohesion for the Enga. The same

system, called Moka, was used further east around

Mount Hagen by the MedIpa people (Kyakas &

Wiessner 1992: 130).

Since the 1950s the Enga, as with other

Highlanders, have been major subjects of

anthropological study; see, for example, Brennan

(1970), Brown (1978), Freund (1969), Sillitoe

(1988) and Kyakas and Wiessner (1992). Enga

culture, including its material culture, has been

described in detail in almost every aspect. The

literature is extensive and readily accessible to

both the academic and lay reader. It is useful,

however, to look briefly at the descriptions of the

Enga provided by Jim Taylor when he first

entered the area in 1938.

Boys go naked to about 10 years and girls to 3 or 4

years when they wear a small net covering. When a

girl reaches puberty she puts on a rush skirt which is

called kwerra; the rushes are grown in small ponds

very often made artificially for the purpose. When

about 3 feet high and turning white the plants are

taken out or cut and the rushes flattened and made

into tapes. These are made into skirts which reach to

just above the knee in front and hang almost to the

ground resembling a horse’s tail, at the back. The

ends are trimmed, being made perfectly even and the

skirt is open at the side to give the leg free

movement. They are white in colour and not

unattractive in appearance.

As the boys grow up they wear several nets folded

double over a belt of waist strings and reaching to

the shins. A bunch of lily leaves (Cordyline

terminalis) form the posterior covering of the men.

Women wear their hair short and cover their heads

with a net shawl edged with white beads of Job’s

Tears. A string bag is knotted on the crown of the

head and carried on the back. Though this is for use

it is also an article of apparel, and no woman would

walk abroad without one.

The men allow their hair to grow long and wear it in

a mop, sometimes turbaned with tapa cloth. The hair

is cut with bamboo knives and large wigs of two

patterns are made, the mop and the cossack type.

The small cowrie is the principal decoration, and

necklaces are worn and the shells threaded from side

to side and sometimes in rosettes. The women prefer

however the white and grey beads known as ‘Job’s

Tears’ which they grow in the garden. Huge

188 P. FITZPATRICK

necklaces are wound hundreds of times around the

neck and carried on the shoulders. Older men wear

beards and are very proud of them. Combs are

unknown and the hair is dressed with a single prong.

The staple food is the sweet potato, and beans,

cooking bananas, native spinach, taro, yam and

sugarcane together with nuts, seasonings and other

vegetable foods obtained from the forest, make up

the diet. Pork is the principal meat food but this is

augmented by opossum, field rats and eels . . . Dogs

are not eaten and fowls are unknown. Ginger is used

as a stimulant and tobacco is grown, but is smoked

only by full adult men.

Settlements are usually of two or three houses placed

close together. A man’s house where men of the

family sleep and women’s houses for the women

and girls... The houses are well-built but are small

affairs about 24 ft x 8 ft and 6 to 10 ft high, the rear

end of the houses being about 4 ft higher than the

front. Walls are 5 ft high and are made of pickets

and pandanus leaf. The frame is of wood and the

roof of coarse grass (kunai) where obtainable, and

the stalks of reeds where it is not. Inside, the men’s

houses consist of one room devoid of luxury.

Women’s houses are divided into three, a living

room at the front where meals are eaten; the men

come to meals; stalls for pigs and a bedroom. The

inmates sleep on mats on the ground and fires are

kept burning in fire-places made of clay and stone

all through the night. They are warm and dry and

very suitable for the climate, but are mad.

uncomfortable by smoke and the common flea

(Taylor 1938-39: 141-2).

Taylor described the Enga religion in fairly

simplistic terms: a goddess, Yemborne, and a god,

Tai, descended from the sky and taught the Enga

‘arts and crafts’ and then ascended again and

remain watching over them. Taylor also alludes to

the worship of sacred stones, which are guarded

closely. This is similar to a belief amongst the

Hagen people called Kur (Taylor 1938-39: 143).

The Enga focus their religious beliefs both on

the ‘sky people’ and on the spirits of their

ancestors. Keeping both groups happy and

placated is believed to be the source of harmony

in the Engan world and a number of special feasts

are held in their honour. The ‘sky people’ were

created by Aitawe, represented by the sun, and

dissociate themselves from earthly concerns

except on a grand scale, such as in matters related

to weather, earthquakes and land-slides. They

have a loose connection with the ancestors and

their existence and influence is celebrated in a

range of colourful myths (Kyakas & Wiessner

1992: 136).

As noted above, pioneering the Lutheran

mission work in the Wabag Valley was a joint

enterprise between the ELCA and the Lutheran

Church-Missouri Synod. However, when the

Executive Secretary of the Board of Missions of

the Lutheran Church — Missouri Synod, Dr. O. H.

Schmidt, arrived at Wabag with the Synod’s first

missionaries, Willard Burce and Otto Hintze, he

announced that the joint enterprise was not to

continue. On this basis Kleinig returned to Siassi

towards the end of 1948. Freund and his family

stayed on helping Burce and Hintze until 22 June

1950 before going back to Siassi. Both Freund

and Kleinig were destined for more pioneering

work elsewhere, this time amongst the Kukukuku.

EUROPEAN EXPLORATION OF KUKUKUKU COUNTRY

Whether deservedly or not the Kukukuku had

the reputation as the most dangerous, aggressive

and savage tribe in the whole of Papua New

Guinea, The stocky little fighters raided as far south

as the Papuan Gulf and in 1906 the Administrator

of British New Guinea, Captain F.R. Barton,

established an administrative outpost on the coast

at Kerema principally to curb their depredations.

When not raiding their neighbours the Kukukuku

fought amongst themselves and when the first

Europeans penetrated their boundaries they took

them on too (Sinclair 1966: 7).

The famous ‘Outside Man’, Jack Hides,

described the daring of the Kukukuku as

‘colossal’ (Hides 1936: 202). District

Commissioner and planter, Ian Downs, whose

adolescent Kukukuku interpreter had been

presented to him one morning disembowelled and

impaled in sections on the defensive stakes of his

camp boundary, was less sanguine in his praise.

He later described the chill he felt when he

momentarily mistook the shaven heads of Hare

Krishna in the streets of Sydney for Kukukuku

(Downs 1986: 8).

In some instances the Kukukuku’s reputation

preceded them; a report in the ‘Illustrated London

News’ in 1931 attributed the murder of pilot Trist

at Zenag to the Kukukuku when it is well known

Zenag is well out of their territory. I suspect this

article was written by Ion Idriess and it is possible

he confused Zenam, a base camp on the Isimb

River in Kukukuku country, with Zenag. Trist

had, in fact, crashed into a mountain and been

killed. Local people led the search party to the

crash site.

Captain Detzner, of the German Administration

at Morobe, is thought to have been one of the first

Europeans to penetrate Kukukuku country. He

FREUND NEW GUINEA COLLECTION

entered the area south of Wau when he was in

hiding following the Australian military

annexation of German New Guinea in September

1914. Resident Magistrate W. R. Humphries

patrolled the southern fringes of the area out of

Kerema at about the same time and about 1928 a

group of prospectors, including Soldwedel,

Zacharov and one of Detzner’s old soldiers,

Helmuth Baum, are known to have reached an

area south of the Upper Watut. By 1930,

Australian Administration patrols led by such

officers as E. Feldt, N. Penglase and A. Roberts,

were regularly entering the area from the Otibanda

Patrol Post on the Upper Watut (Hurrell 1951:

17).

In 1931, Helmuth Baum and eight of his Buang

carriers were killed in the Kareeba-Indiwi area. In

the same year Mick and Pat Leahy were attacked

near the Langimar River and both were injured;

Mick felt the effects of a club blow to his head

for the rest of his life. In 1932 the prospectors

Emile Clarius and Bill Naylor, with seven Buang

carriers, were killed at Kobakini near the Kapau

River. Naylor and Clarius were attacked as

revenge for the men taken away to gaol and

presumed dead after arrests were made following

the murder of some Kukukuku women in inter-

tribal fighting.

Patrol Officer Bridge found the bodies of the

prospectors but failed to apprehend the murderers,

as did a subsequent patrol. J. K. McCarthy,

returning from a patrol in the area, made a third

attempt and was attacked and wounded. He was

ill-prepared for the arrests, carrying neither

handcuffs or leg irons and, as it transpired, only

captured one of the men involved in the murders

of the prospectors. His unfortunate police were

tied by ropes to the prisoners and caught the full

brunt of the Kukukuku attack. Three innocent

Kukukuku were killed during the arrests, two died

in the attack and another two attacking the patrol

were shot dead. Six police were injured, including

Corporal Anis, who was shot through a lung with

an arrow and later died. None of the carriers were

fired upon by the Kukukuku (McCarthy 1933:

12). Subsequent published accounts of this

incident portray the Kukukuku as bloodthirsty

ambushers but McCarthy’s original patrol report

belies that version.

Following this patrol McCarthy made a glowing

report of the gold prospects in the area and

convinced the Administration to set up an airstrip

there for the purpose of allowing prospectors

access. He returned there in September 1933 with

Cadet Patrol Officer John Black, a South

189

Australian who later accompanied Taylor on the

Hagen-Sepik Patrol in 1938-9, and Surveyor

George Ballam to set up a base camp and build

the airstrip.

McCarthy chose a river flat which he had seen

on his earlier patrol at the junction of the Tauri

(Kotai) and Yakwoi Rivers for the site of the

airstrip. The nearest village to these flats was on a

ridge to the west and was called Menyamya.

McCarthy adopted this name for his base camp.

The river flat was strategically placed between the

warring Gainyama and Etobanga Kukukuku, and

neither group permanently occupied it (McCarthy

1963: 120).

Patrol Officers John Costelloe and Murray

Edwards (who had recruited Down’s unfortunate

interpreter) had both been driven away from the

Menyamya area by the Kukukuku but had not

sufffered casualties and McCarthy felt that once

he had an airstrip built it would be possible to

allow miners into the area. To the momentary

amazement of the Kukukuku, Tommy O’Dea, the

manager of Holden’s Air Service at Salamaua,

flew a De Havilland 50 biplane with a single 450

horse power Jupiter motor into Menyamya on 3

September 1933. The Kukukuku obviously took

this event in their stride because one of the men

Tommy O’Dea flew out to Salamaua to see the

ocean led an attack on one of McCarthy’s patrols

two weeks later and was shot dead (Simpson

1962: 44).

Over the next few months prospectors entered

the area by aeroplane and under the protection of

McCarthy and the other Patrol Officers there they

investigated most of the surrounding country

(Black & Bridge’ 1934: 10). The Kukukuku were

mystified by these incursions and occasionally

attacked McCarthy’s patrols. McCarthy’s

optimistic predictions about viable gold deposits

in the area quickly proved fruitless however and

the Administration told him to close down the

base camp. New areas were being opened up to

miners in the newly discovered valleys of the

Central Highlands and the Administration had

decided to concentrate its efforts elsewhere

(McCarthy 1934: 3; Sinclair 1966: 8).

In 1936, the Lutheran missionaries Lechner,

Reiner and Maurer explored the country south of

the Wau and Bulolo goldfields. They reported

significant populations and received approval

from the Administration to enter the area but not

to set up missions. At the same time, Patrol

Officer A. T. Timperley, working out of Kerema,

established a temporary patrol post on the Upper

Tauri close to the Papuan border.

190 P. FITZPATRICK

The Kukukuku continued to harass the sporadic

patrols which entered their territory over the next

seventeen years. Ian Downs was driven out of the

Kobakini area where he was endeavouring to set

up a base camp in 1937 and he was again attacked

at Imisi on the Upper Banir by the Siminapa

Kukukuku in 1947. Downs reported that the

Kukukuku had their own unique humour,

a theatrical pantomime of denials that they had ever

attacked us followed by tearful demands for the

return of their arrows (Downs 1986: 4).

By the 1950s the pace of development had

markedly quickened in Papua New Guinea,

particularly with the influx of planters into the

Central Highlands. In 1949 the Chifley

government had been defeated by Robert Menzies

and the United Nations had approved the

administrative union of Papua and New Guinea,

with Port Moresby as the permanent capital. In

1950 a system of Native Local Government

Councils was inaugurated and the Administration

prepared itself for the first United Nations

Visiting Mission (Downs 1980).

Buoyed along by these rapid changes and

encouraged by the general post-war optimism, the

Administration, under Colonel Murray, set the

elimination of restricted areas in the Territory as a

major goal (West 1968: 69). In 1950 the decision

was made to reopen Menyamya. Assistant District

Officer Doug Parrish and Cadet Patrol Officer

Garry Keenan were assigned the task but at the

last moment Doug Parrish broke his wrist and was

replaced by Assistant District Officer Lloyd

Hurrell. Hurrell was a dedicated and tough officer

who had been shot in the legs during the war but

had refused to discontinue patrolling.

Hurrell and Keenan left Slate Creek on 31

October accompanied by 157 carriers loaded

down with over two tons of food and equipment,

guarded by thirteen police and accompanied by an

interpreter and medical orderly. The patrol

reached Menyamya early on the morning of 9

November, 1950 and immediately began clearing

the old airstrip. Soon De Havilland 84 biplanes

from Lae began to arrive on a regular basis

(Sinclair 1981: 75).

Two months later Hurrell felt confident enough

about the situation at Menyamya to bring his wife

Margaret and their two children Peter and Lesley

to live there. Whether intended or not this was a

turning point in the Administration’s relationship

with the Kukukuku. Suddenly the Kukukuku saw

the strange white invaders in a new light; they

were normal human beings, just like them, with

wives and children! Young Lesley Hurrell, who

had pure blond hair, was of particular fascination

to the Kukukuku and they delighted in her

presence (Sinclair 1966: 12).

THE Mission AT MENYAMYA

In early 1950, the ELCA Mission Board

Secretary, who had heard reports of what

appeared to be large populations in the area from

commercial pilots, had flown over the Kukukuku

country to confirm these reports. When Freund

and Kleinig returned to Umboi they were invited

to attend a Lutheran Convention at Busamang (on

the coast between Lae and Salamaua) where it

was decided that Freund should lead a mission

into the Kukukuku country. On 24 November

1950, with Rev. Georg Horrolt and Rev. Fred

Scherle, Freund flew to Menyamya to assess the

situation and discuss the establishment of a

mission with Assistant District Officer Hurrell.

Hurrell had been quick to recognise the

proposed mission as another opportunity to

consolidate the headway he was making with the

Kukukuku. He was delighted when the

Administration quickly approved the Lutheran

application, noting that one of the missionaries,

Pastor Freund, had seen military service during

the war, a fact which he thought influenced the

Administration’s attitude to the proposal (Hurrell

1996).

Menyamya was classified as a Restricted Area,

however, and it was necessary for the missionaries

to also apply for permits to enter the area.

Freund’s sons were ready to begin their secondary

schooling and since he was due for furlough

Freund thought that the period spent waiting for

the permits could be used to settle them in their

Australian school. On this basis he travelled with

his family to Australia by boat in early 1951. The

permits were approved within six weeks,

however, and Freund, for the first time, travelled

by aeroplane back to New Guinea.

The Menyamya advance party consisted of

Freund and Horrolt. Horrolt was an experienced

missionary who had assisted in setting up the

Lutheran Mission at Ega in the Chimbu in 1934.

Accompanied by one church elder and two

servants they arrived on 13 March 1951. Freund

has said ‘this date may eventually be regarded as

the date of the beginning of our mission work in

the Menyamya area’ (pers. com.). Hurrell

provided a hut for Freund and his party and even

supplied meals. Freund and Horrolt identified five

FREUND NEW GUINEA COLLECTION 191

acres for the mission and 120 acres for gardens

and stock on a knoll across the river from the

Administration station and arranged with Hurrell

for its purchase.

Freund and Horrolt were soon joined by

Scherle, Kleinig and school teacher Owen Altus.

It took nine Dragon Rapide plane flights over a

two week period to transport the personnel, stores

and equipment for the mission station from Lae to

Menyamya. Freund recorded in his diary the fact

that the plane could only carry 1200 Ibs [544 kg]

per trip and the 55 minute flight each way cost 28

Pounds [$56].

The personnel included twenty evangelists from

the Lutheran’s coastal stations, three

accompanying elders and two servants. The

Lutherans worked on the principle of the ‘self-

propogating Native Church’ by sending out Papua

New Guinean evangelists. These evangelists were

seen to be more readily admitted into new territory

than European missionaries (Frerichs 1957: 16).

Freund discussed this approach with Hurrell and

they agreed that sending out evangelists amongst

the Kukukuku at such an early stage would not be

safe. Consequently over half of the evangelists

were returned to the coast.

At first Hurrell placed a two mile limit out of

Menyamya on the mission staff and a five mile

limit on Freund, but this gradually increased as

time went by. Hurrell (pers. com.) also enforced

the rule under the Restricted Areas Ordinance that

parties venturing outside the mission had to be

armed and Freund concurred, although he

wondered what the Administration would have

done if he, as a missionary, had actually shot

anyone, not to mention what the rest of the world

might have thought.

Owen Altus was recruited for Menyamya

because the Lutherans were convinced that

education had to be a basic aspect of their mission

work. Hurrell got on well with Altus and the two

men are now related through a family marriage.

Hurrell also thought Fred Scherle was a good

influence at Menyamya and he developed a

lasting friendship with him also. Georg Horrolt,

on the other hand, did not settle into Menyamya

as well and left.

The missionaries bought building materials

from the Kukukuku with bush knives, axes and

shells. The women brought in sweet potato and

corn to sell and these were also bought. Freund

weighed one woman’s load at 38 kg, which she

carried with a baby over 17 km. Another woman

weighing 47.6 kg brought in a loaded bilum

(string bag) weighing 52.2 kg from 4.8 km away.

Initially the women kept their bark cloaks drawn

around them and were always accompanied by a

bodyguard. Later they relaxed and came to the

station by themselves (Freund 1985: 146).

Freund brought the first cattle into Menyamya

on 25 November 1952 and the first calves were

born in October 1954. On 26 February 1955

Deaconess Merna Thamm arrived to work

amongst the women. Reverend T. W. Lutze

established Kwaiguma station, about fourteen

kilometres east of Menyamya in 1951. Freund

helped Reverend Russel Weier start the

Kwaplalim station, about fourteen kilometres west

of Menyamya, in September 1957. Ken Cramer

established his medical centre at Womgaga, not

far from Kwaiguma, in 1960. In 1962 a station

was established near Eyokaga, about ten

kilometres north of Menyaymya. This station was

called Concordia, partly in honour of the Lutheran

college in South Australia but principally because

of the difficulty of rendering an accurate spelling

of the local Kukukuku name for the site. A road

was built from Menyamya to the station and the

Freunds moved out there on 16 June, 1964.

Menyamya was a pleasant spot for the Freunds.

It is located about 120 km west-south-west of Lae,

with the airstrip at 1 128 metres and the

surrounding hills up to 2 438 metres. The rainfall

is consistent all year but varies between 1.1 and 2

metres per annum. The usual temperature range is

from about 16 to 29 degrees, although in May the

overnight temperature has been known to drop to

2 degrees. The warmth is tempered by a breeze

blowing up the valley in some months and down

in others. Fogs, which are a nuisance to pilots

throughout New Guinea, are rare at Menyamya.

THE KUKUKUKU PEOPLE

The term ‘Kukukukuw’ is not one familiar to the

people it purports to describe. The general

consensus is that the word is derived from the

Motuan kokokoko, which is the word for

cassowary, and describes the distinctive

cassowary-bone belts worn by Kukukuku men

after the birth of their first child. Other

connotations are more derogatory. In a letter to

Tindale dated 15 October 1951, Freund noted that

the term caused offence to the Menyamya people.

Pressed further, Freund reported that the

Menyamya Kukukuku referred to themselves as

Ngwodiaga but did not provide any further

information. A more colourful, and predictable,

version of the term comes from the Upper Watut

192

people who say that the first Patrol Officer, when

asking them who they were, mistook what a man

said when he replied ‘kouka’, their word for man

or boy (Burton 1996: 2). Simpson (1962: 19)

reported that the Bulolo people referred to the

Kukukuku as the Babwaf or Babwa but this is the

name of a village on the Watut River (McCarthy

1933: 5).

Faced with this dilemma in terminology, a

number of researchers, including Lloyd and

Gajdusek, proposed the word Anga, which is

almost universally used by the Kukukuku to

describe the concept of ‘home’. The word has

caught on with some researchers but is, according

to the Curator of the J.K. McCarthy Museum in

Goroka, Ivan Mbaginta’o, who is himself

Kukukuku, not in common usage amongst his

people. Mbaginta’o, however, uses the term Anga

in his own publications. Since this paper is

principally concerned with the historical context

of Freund’s collection, rather than its

anthropology significance, I have opted to

maintain the older term.

Hurrell and Keenan estimated there were about

22 000 Kukukuku living within a radius of sixteen

to twenty kilometres of Menyamya in 1951, with

a strip of land about 20 kilometres wide all around

designated ‘no man’s land’ (Keenan 1952: 6;

Freund 1985: 138). The northernmost part of their

country is the point where the Langimar River

joins the Watut, which eventually links with the

Markham River and flows into the sea near Lae.

Their southern boundary extends almost to the

Gulf of Papua in the vicinity of the Lakekamu

River. Mount Yule marks their eastern boundary

and the Vailala River their western boundary.

Their present population is in the vicinity of

70 000 — 75 000 (Hallpike 1978: 1; Hides 1936b:

8; McCarthy 1963: 90).

Much public interest was created in Australia

and overseas in the Kukukuku following the

publication of W. R. Humphries’ ‘Patrolling in

Papua’ in 1923 and especially after a series of

books by Jack Hides, one of the so-called Papuan

‘Outside Men’. A number of striking photographs

of the Kukukuku taken by Patrol Officer G. F. W.

Zimmer and published in the Papuan Report

(1925-6) were also reproduced in a number of

popular journals both in Australia and overseas in

1927 and were later used by Zimmer himself to

illustrate an article in the Pacific Islands Monthly

(Zimmer 1969: 85-93). The development of gold

mining near Bulolo also focussed attention on the

Kukukuku in the 1930s (Fisher 1936: 10).

Unfortunately the primary fascination with the

P. FITZPATRICK

Kukukuku centered on the the myths that had

evolved around their reputation as warriors. By

the late 1960s this sort of public interest had

waned.

Apart from Blackwood’s early work, more

scholarly publications did not emerge until the

late 1950s when Craggs et al. (1958), Fetchko

(1972), Fischer (1959, 1961, 1963), Godelier

(1969, 1971, 1986) and others sporadically

published a variety of monographs. Curiously,

interest in the Kukukuku amongst anthropologists

has, until late, never been as great as that in the

Enga.

Possibly the best description of the Kukukuku

at the time of initial contact comes from J. K.

McCarthy. McCarthy’s encounters in the 1930s

were principally with Kukukuku men and he

described their appearance in detail.

Around their middle they wore a skirt of heavy grass

fibre which hung to their knees in front; their

buttocks were covered with a strip of beaten bark

cloth and many wore belts of linked cassowary

bones. Across their chests they wore cross-belts of

bright yellow beads made from the seeds of a plant.

On their left arms they wore the bowman’s wrist

covering to protect them from the cut of the relaxed

string.

The sides and front of their heads had been shaved

by their sharp bamboo knives but a top-knot was

left at the crown of the skull. From this was hung a

cloak of beaten bark, which hung to the back of the

knees. This covering - the mal — served two

purposes, as a protection against the bitter winds

and rain of the mountains when it was drawn tight

around the wearer, or as a method of camouflage

when they put it over their bodies and stood

motionless. This camouflage was very effective —

even close up you could not be certain whether it

was a man or a tree stump you were looking at.

Their bows were of blackwood palm, short but

powerful, and the strings were of cane. The arrows

were also short, undecorated and unbarbed, although

some were heavily notched at their palmwood heads.

Some too, had tips of sharpened bone while others

had the wide sharpened blades of bamboo fitted.

These last were generally used for pig-hunting, when

the wide blade would cause the animal to bleed a

great deal and so fall from exhaustion. A stone adze

or stone club completed their arms, the clubs being

masterpieces of workmanship. The polished stone

heads followed several designs. Some were notched

in small squares like a Mills Bomb; some were star

shaped, some were cut like gear wheels. The more

utilitarian clubs were plain globes about the size of

a cricket ball and drilled through to take the wooden

handle; others were flat circles of granite. The clubs

were often carried hidden in their waist bands and

FREUND NEW GUINEA COLLECTION

covered by the long cloak that hung behind; they

were able to jerk them out like lightning.

Each man had the septum of his nose pierced and

through it he wore a short piece of white bone or

bamboo. Their expressions were almost always

fierce and truculent. Even their language sounded as

though the speaker was in a raging temper; the

words began slowly but each sentence became faster

so that at the end it was a high-pitched torrent. This

description of tribal dress was common to all

Kukukuku. It remained the same from the central

ranges of New Guinea to the hinterland of the

Papuan Gulf (McCarthy 1963: 97).

Beatrice Blackwood, who had carried out

fieldwork amongst the Kukukuku of the Upper

Watut River area, about 50 kilometres northeast

of Menyamya, in 1936-7 provided an early

description of the clothing of the Kukukuku

women:

The women wear a skirt which is fuller and longer

than the men’s sporran. The skirt has a back and

front leaving the flanks bare. The skirt is made of

shredded bark . . . Little girls begin wearing these

skirts much earlier than boys begin wearing their

sporrans. Tiny ones not more than an inch or two

long are seen on babies who can scarcely walk

(Hallpike 1978: 45).

Blackwood noted that the women also wore the

ubiquitous bark cloak, fastened in the same way

as the men’s, as well as a variety of ornaments,

including belts, necklaces and armlets, many of

which featured the bright yellow stems of orchids

(mistaken by McCarthy as seeds). The women did

not pierce their noses but, like the men, pierced

their ears and inserted the pliable wing shaft of a

cassowary upon which, when bent back on itself

and secured, served as a loop for suspending

shells and other objects. The women, like the

men, also carried small net bags for transporting

useful items such as fire lighting equipment

(Hallpike 1978: 46).

The Kukukuku, like the Enga, were bush-fallow

cultivators of sweet potato and taro but they kept

few pigs and did not have any exchange systems

based on pigs, shells or other valuables. As a

consequence they had no ‘big men’ or chiefs and

their leaders were generally the more skilled

hunters or warriors. They were sophisticated

hunters, using bird-hunting platforms and

elaborate traps. They were a part of several trade

cycles and used clay pots which came to them

from the Markham Valley via the Lower Watut

(Hallpike 1978: 2).

Blackwood is somewhat dismissive of the

Kukukuku’s technological skills but this seems to

193

be related to their disinterest in decorative art.

Certainly, as Freund testifies, their skills in

making the practical articles needed for daily

existence, and particularly salt manufacture, were

quite sophisticated.

This lack of interest in decorative art sets the

Kukukuku apart from everyone else in Papua New

Guinea and, indeed, the whole Pacific region.

There are other distinctions also. The blood

pattern found in a representative sample of 111

Kukukuku in the late 1950s did not resemble that

reported from anywhere else in New Guinea. Thus

Craggs et al. (1958: 70) suggested that the

Kukukuku may represent a group of people

distinct from both the Highland and the Coastal

people of Papua New Guinea. The Kukukuku

languages are also relatively distinctive. There are

about 12 Kukukuku languages similar enough to

form a linguistic stock but, on the basis of

Wurm’s 5 — 12% cognatic association rule, the

Kukukuku speak a language which is quite

different to that of their neighbours

(Hallpike1978: 1). Lloyd (1973: 96) suggested

that further work had to be done on the Kukukuku

language before a definitive case could be made

for its context in the Melanesian language family.

Recent work by Foley et al. seems to be providing

this basis.

Group boundaries amongst the Kukukuku tend

to correspond to dialect boundaries, but do not

seem to have any other function. The Kukukuku

social unit is an agglomeration of contiguous

hamlets, each hamlet consisting of six to ten

houses. This association is seldom fixed because

local politics tends to cause shifting allegiances.

EpiTor OF PipGIN LITERATURE AT LUTHER PRESS,

MADANG

By 1965 Freund had reached 58 years of age

and the constant walking had begun to take its

toll. In May of that year he decided to take up a

post at the Yorketown-Minlaton Parish in South

Australia. Dora’s aging mother needed care and

Freund thought the time had come to leave New

Guinea. After 14 years at Menyamya the Freunds

left for Australia. Freund was presented with 6

arrows by a leader at Kwaplalim village as a

farewell gift.

While at Menyamya, even though he was flat

out running the mission, Freund had sat up at

night printing and binding Bible stories which he

had translated into Tok Pisin (Pidgin English) for

his evangelists to use in the villages. These first

194 P. FITZPATRICK

rough booklets eventually became the standard

Bible story text throughout Papua New Guinea

for the Lutherans and other denominations. At one

stage, whilst on furlough, he had volunteers at

Gawler in South Australia roneoing and binding

copies for him (Anonymous 1964). The Lutherans

initially had an aversion to Tok Pisin and had used

Yabem, from the people around their first station

at Simbang near Finschhafen, and then Kotte,

from the people at Sattelburg (Flierl 1937: 14).

Freund, being a pragmatist, began using Tok Pisin

on Rooke Island when he discovered it was

widely used and the people had difficulty with

Yabem. Eventually the rest of the Lutherans fell in

line with him.

On the basis of this work he was recalled from

Australia and returned to New Guinea on 29 May

1968 as Editor of Pidgin Literature with the

Luther Press at Nagada, near Madang. Under

Freund’s editorship the Luther Press not only

produced religious tracts but booklets on

recreation and games, running a business, keeping

fowls, growing vegetables, fish farming, soil care,

growing rice, caring for goats and the proper care

of pigs.

RETIREMENT

Finally, in 1976 when he was 69 years old,

Freund decided to retire. He and his wife visited

Menyamya between 22—26 April , where Russ and

Selma Weier and a Dutch nurse, Adrienne

Hoogvliet, were the only European staff left. Russ

took Harold and Dora out to Concordia and

Kwaplalim in his Landrover for a final look

around. The Freunds arrived in Cairns on their

way home on 28 May 1976. After a brief holiday,

Harold began a series of stints as relieving Pastor

all over south-eastern Australia. In 1983, when

Dora was eighty, they decided ‘enough was

enough’ and retired again, this time for good!

COLLECTING THE MATERIAL

In early April 1950, whilst at Yaramanda,

Pastor Freund sent the South Australian Museum

a wig cover, made from the cocoon of a colony of

moths. Freund had been intrigued by the wig

cover and thought the Museum might be

interested in it. He had no real intention of

supplying further material to the Museum until

Tindale wrote back to him on 12 April of the

same year, pointing out that the Museum Board

has been able to find some funds so that interested

observers could collect material on our behalf at cost

and have them shipped to us for permanent

preservation.

Pastor Freund did not ship any further material

to the Museum at this stage but with Tindale’s

letter in mind collected a range of interesting

objects. On 23 February the following year, while

he was in Australia on furlough waiting for a

permit to enter the Menyamya area, he visited the

Museum and donated these objects, along with

related ethnographic information, to Tindale for

inclusion in the Museum’s collections.

During the same visit Freund showed Tindale a

stone club which he had collected at Menyamya

in Kukukuku country during his first visit there.

Freund did not donate the club to the Museum but

allowed Tindale to sketch it and take notes.

Tindale was very interested in the prospect of

obtaining material from Menyamya because it was

close to the area he had visited during the war and

had read about in Beatrice Blackwood’s 1939

article in the ‘Geographical Journal’.

The first consignment from Pastor Freund was

despatched from Menyamya on 8 July 1951 with

a letter to Tindale which said,

I decided to send you a trial package of material

from our Kukukukus. Both Customs and Health

Authorities keep an eagle eye on any such things

entering Australia. So I am interested to hear when,

in what condition, and with what difficulties you get

the package.

Thus began a series of shipments which would

continue for several years. As material arrived

Tindale and the Museum Director, Herbert Hale,

wrote back to Freund with useful information

related to the identification of the materials used

in the artefacts and providing copies of articles

gleaned from reports and publications not

available to Freund. On 26 March 1952, for

instance, Tindale wrote to Freund and included

information about the reeds the Menyamya people

used to make mens’ sporrans:

I have just received an identification of the reed

which the natives of your area use for the making of

grass skirts. It has been identified for me as

Eleocharie dulcis which grows from Brisbane north

through New Guinea and the East Indies to India.

The reed is widely cultivated, being used as a food

root as well as medicine. I enclose an extract from a

book by William Roxburgh entitled ‘Plants of the

Coast of Coromandel’ dated 1819, which gives an

account of the plant. In that book it is called Scirpus

tuberosus but it is the same species.

Inevitably, Tindale also had specific questions

FREUND NEW GUINEA COLLECTION 195

about the use and manufacture of items and

Freund endeavoured to answer these in his return

letters.

Freund, with a naturally inquisitive mind, not only

provided these details but also sent Tindale samples

of raw materials and objects in various stages of

manufacture. As this process developed, the

Museum slowly acquired a unique collection from a

unique group of people in an area which had only

just been effectively opened up to the world at large.

Following Freund’s departure, Tindale made contact

with L. Howie, a builder working for the Catholic

Mission at Wabag, and arranged to buy more Engan

artefacts for the Museum.

Inspired by the material arriving at the Museum

from collectors like Freund, Tindale was keen to

conduct his own expedition to the Highlands and

began to press the Museum Board for funds. In

April 1950, he wrote to Freund requesting details

of the conditions in the Wabag area.

Would it be possible for you to inform us about

general facilities for visiting the Wabag area and

any possibilities for say an individual researcher to

stay in the vicinity for a period of from four months

to eight months at reasonable cost?

Despite his best efforts the Museum Board

remained unconvinced by Tindale’s arguments

and declined all of his annual requests for the

funding of an expedition. By 1955, obviously

frustrated by his lack of success, Tindale went to

the press. At the time, a series of reports had

appeared in both local and interstate newspapers

related to the discovery of the so-called Shangri-

la Valley in the Central Highlands and Tindale

again stressed the need for a Museum expedition.

His subsequent entreaties to the Museum Board

were again unsuccessful and he made no further

requests for funding. He did, however, maintain

his interest in the area and continued to

correspond with collectors like Freund. He also

collected copious notes and press clippings on the

area right up until the late 1960s. It is interesting

to speculate how the Museum’s New Guinea

collections would have developed if Tindale had

been allowed to carry out his own collecting

programs. The Museum’s first expedition to New

Guinea since Edgar Waite’s of 1918 did not occur

until 1968-9 when Graeme Pretty and Tony

Crawford collected material from the Southern

Highlands and the Western District.

DOCUMENTING THE COLLECTION

In 1994 I resigned from the Aboriginal Heritage

Branch in Adelaide, where I had been the

Registrar of Sites, and took up part time

consultancy work. This change of pace has

allowed me to pursue a number of personal

interests. Before joining the Branch in 1974 I had

been a Patrol Officer and Publications Officer in

Papua New Guinea and I have maintained an

interest in the area ever since. I have returned

there to work on several occasions, most recently

this year. In 1995 I approached the South

Australian Museum with a view to assisting, on a

voluntary basis, with research related to their

Papua New Guinea collections. The Curator of

Foreign Ethnology, Barry Craig, thought that,

given my experience in particular areas of Papua

New Guinea, the Freund material and related

collections would be appropriate for me to work

on.

Locating Pastor Freund was relatively easy. I

simply looked up A. P. H. Freund in the Adelaide

Telephone Directory and there he was with an

address at the Lutheran Homes in Payneham. A

few discrete enquiries ascertained that he was in

good health and very probably interested in

helping with the collection.

As it turned out Pastor Freund had been helping

with the setting up of a Lutheran New Guinea

Mission Museum at Hahndorf, writing copious

notes for the collection, which had accumulated

at the Lutheran Church offices in North Adelaide

over many years. I arranged to meet him at the

South Australian Museum and showed him the

accession cards and copies of his photographs. He

was mildly surprised to see this material because

it had been over 40 years since he had donated it

to the Museum and he had forgotten about it.

When we visited the Museum’s off-site storage

facility at Netley the following week and looked

at the artefacts, many of which bore tags in his

handwriting, Pastor Freund was convinced

enough for us to get down to the business of

inspecting each item and recording his

observations and memories of it. Pastor Freund

was very thorough, a trait which carried him

through his years as a missionary, coastwatcher

and editor. He took the transcripts of our

conversations about the artefacts home with him

and checked, reworked and added to them until

he was satisfied that the information (and

grammar and punctuation) was accurate. We

reworked the final transcript, over 30 pages,

several times before he was satisfied with it.

During the process of making the transcript, I

endeavoured to locate as much relevant

information about Engan and Kukukuku material

196

culture as possible. Pastor Freund incorporated

information from these sources into the transcript

where he thought it was appropriate or where his

memory failed him. On one occasion he called in

the Kleinigs, who had worked with him in New

Guinea and now live in Adelaide, to verify the

names and uses of some of the items. As we

worked our way through the collection I

photographed each item in monochrome with a

scale and its relevant accession number.

The system of recording accessioned items in

the Foreign Ethnology Collection at the Museum

was in the throes of being updated and

computerised during the time of the making of the

transcript and a few items could not be easily

located. On occasion I had to skim through

photocopies of shelf lists hoping to spot elusive

objects. When this failed Pastor Freund and I

physically searched the shelves looking for the

items in the most likely places. Similar items are

grouped together on the shelves at Netley rather

than being grouped by collector. We actually

found his Menyamya arrow collection, one arrow

at a time, over a period of several hours by this

method. As we progressed we were able to amend

incorrectly numbered items and shelf locations for

the computer record. We left his arrows on one

shelf in one loose bundle in case we needed to go

back to them later on.

Pastor Freund was over 90 years of age and his

stamina and attention to detail during the above

process was, for someone a little over half his

age, somewhat humbling. During the period of

compiling the transcript his wife, Dora, passed

away and his son Martin, also a Pastor, retired

because of ill health and moved to Adelaide with

his family. Despite these events we completed the

transcript over a period of about 9 months,

working one day a week.

DISCUSSION

Freund did not despatch all of the material that

he collected to the South Australian Museum. His

correspondence with Norman Tindale tended to

pursue particular lines of interest and this

influenced the types of items he sent to the

Museum. On 12 April 1950, for instance, Tindale

provided information on the species of moth from

which the wig cover, which Freund initially sent

to the Museum in 1950, was made. The return

correspondence from Freund provided more

details on wigs and their construction and the

news that he had collected more samples, as well

P. FITZPATRICK

as other related items, such as pins and

decorations, which he would deliver to the

Museum when the opportunity arose. While

Freund was interpreting from Tindale’s letters the

types of items which he thought the Museum

would be interested in, and duly collecting these,

he was, at the same time, collecting other items

which were destined for other purposes.

During furloughs in 1950-51, 1953-54, 1958—

59 and 1963-64, the Freunds travelled extensively

in Australia lecturing and showing slides and

films of their mission work at Menyamya. One of

the aims of these lectures was to raise much

needed funds but, for the most part, Freund was

keen to show people in Australia that the efforts

of the missionaries in New Guinea were

worthwhile. To assist with the process of

generating interest in the mission’s work, Freund

also took artefact collections around to show his

audiences. At the end of each furlough he

disposed of these collections to friends and other

interested parties, rather than store them or carry

them back to New Guinea.

Between 11 November 1953 and 15 August

1954, the Freunds lectured in both Australia and

New Zealand. In 1954, Harold gave one lecture in

Sydney and then travelled to Queensland where

he spoke at seventeen different venues (Freund

1985: 158). On 13 August, near the end of the

furlough, he visited the Director of the

Queensland Museum, George Mack, and donated

most of his touring collection to the Queensland

Museum. Mack had attended one of Freund’s

lectures and had expressed an interest in the

collection. One of the donated items, a stone club-

head, originally had a handle but Freund had

separated the two components on the train up

from Sydney to make it easier to carry and had

left the handle in a luggage rack on the train;

when he went back to find the handle it was gone!

The residue of the items which had not been

given to friends or donated to the South

Australian or Queensland Museums was

eventually passed on to Christel Metzner and her

husband, who have established the Louise Flierl

New Guinea Lutheran Mission Museum at

Hahndorf in South Australia. Christel added this

material to a larger collection of Papua New

Guinean artefacts which accumulated over many

years at the Lutheran offices in North Adelaide.

Pastor Freund assisted in sorting and labelling this

material.

While most of the items which Freund collected

at Yaramanda are held by the South Australian

Museum, its Menyamya collection is essentially

FREUND NEW GUINEA COLLECTION 197

part of a larger collection shared by the

Queensland Museum and the New Guinea

Lutheran Mission Museum. These collections,

however, do not exhibit the range and variety of

the Freund Kukukuku material held in the South

Australian Museum. There are twenty six Freund

items in the Queensland Museum, fourteen of

which are chestbands, four are armbands, and

three are plaited belts. The rest of the collection

comprises two necklaces an ‘apron’, a ‘mat’ and a

clubhead (Queensland Museum, Oceanic

Anthropology Collection 1997). Apart from a few

items Freund has had difficulty distinguishing

which Kukukuku items in the Lutheran collection

are his and which come from other collectors.

A distinguishing feature of the South Australian

Museum collection is the amount of ancillary

material, in the form of photographs and

information, provided by Freund. There is no

similar level of data accompanying the Freund

collection in Queensland and the New Guinea

Lutheran Mission Museum collection is

accompanied by much more generalised

information. Unfortunately Freund was unable to

provide any further information, beyond his

original captions, for the photographs.

Apart from the information recently provided

by Pastor Freund, the credit for the compilation of

the South Australian Museum data on the Freund

collection must go to Norman Tindale. He

pursued Pastor Freund for copies of photographs

and elicited other information from him by letter

and during their meetings when Freund delivered

material to the Museum. This data is dispersed in

Tindale’s journals and in the South Australian

Museum Anthropology Archives, but when

brought together provides a surprisingly useful

accompaniment to the artefact collection.

The Freund collection in the South Australian

Museum contains approximately seventy items

from the Laiapu Enga at Yaramanda but only

twenty items from the Kukukuku at Menyamya.

The rest of the collection comes from Wabag,

Mount Hagen and Umboi. The Yaramanda

collection contains mutiple examples of specific

items, such as wig covers, but the examples of

artefacts-in-preparation makes it very interesting

and it stands up well against the other Museum

collections from the Highlands, such as the Howie

collection from near Wapenamanda and the

Alpers collection from the Eastern Highlands.

Little is known about L. Howie. He was a lay

worker with the Catholic Mission. In 1950 he had

donated a number of ‘sorcerer’s charms’, a comb

and a dyed skirt from Orokolo, west of Kerema,

to the Museum. When Tindale learned that Howie

was going to Wabag he arranged for the purchase

of a number of specific artefacts ‘at cost’ for the

Museum. This collection comprises twenty nine

items from Wapenamanda, not far from

Yaramanda, purchased in 1951 ‘by arrangement’

with the South Australian Museum.

The majority of the artefacts which Howie

collected for the Museum closely duplicate those

supplied by Freund. The Museum records provide

no hint of the rationale Tindale used for this

duplication He does not appear to have been

trying to fill in the gaps in Freund’s collection nor

was he simply picking up where Freund had left

off. The only distinctive item collected by Howie

for which there is not a Freund equivalent is a

man’s wig. Given Freund’s interest in wig covers

it would seem logical for Tindale to have sought

an Engan wig for the Museum’s collection but

there is no record of such a direct request in the

Museum’s records. Tindale was careful not to

mention to either Freund or Howie that he was

receiving artefacts from both of them or that he

was duplicating some of their material. At the

time of the collections Tindale was putting the

finishing touches to the refurbishment of the

Pacific Islands Gallery and he may have been

seeking specific items to illustrate the themes he

was developing for the individual displays,

although none of the Freund or Howie material

was used there. There is no doubt that there was

some sort of system in Tindale’s collecting

activities but its exact nature now seems to be lost

in time.

Although Tindale had an abiding interest in the

Wabag Valley and was insistent that the artefacts

should be purchased ‘directly from natives’, rather

than through a third party, his interest was mostly

‘scientific’ and he did not seem to have much

feeling for their intrinsic value. Tindale did not

object when Howie advised him that he would

have to cut all of the arrows and spears he had

collected for the Museum into three convenient

pieces before mailing them. Tindale later advised

the Methodist missionary, Ralph Lawton, to

carefully break a number of earthenware pots

from Kiriwina in the Trobriand Islands into

suitable sized pieces before mailing them because

he knew they would probably be broken in transit

anyway and controlled breakages would make for

easier reassembly.

The collection donated by Dr Michael Alpers

comes from the Fore people of the Eastern

Highlands. Dr Alpers worked extensively in this

area researching the causes of Kuru, the so-called

198 P. FITZPATRICK

TABLE 1. Yaramanda Artefacts - Comparison With Other South Australian Museum PNG Highland Collections

1-Freund (Yaramanda), 2—Howie (Lai Valley)*, 3-Alpers (Fore/Eastern Highlands).

Stone, Bone & Other Tools 1 2

Grindstone

Axe 7 be

Adze

Bark Beater

Hammerstone

Scraper

Core (for flaking) [NB., but no flakes in collections]

Chisel

Sharpening Stone

Needle — bone *

* ¥ * ¥ * % ®¥ Ke KH

Weapons/Hunting Gear 1 2 3

Spear 7 =

Shield

Bow

Arrow — plain palm

Arrow — bamboo blade

Arrow — pronged

Arrow — bone tipped

Arrow — barbed + *

Trap — bird

+ * © © %& © &

Ceremonial Objects 1 2

(7s)

Ochre/Paint

Stones — magic

Bow — magic

Arrow — magic

* * & *

Ornaments 1 2 3

Wig *

Wig Cover * *

Head Dress — feather * *

Hat — cassowary feather

Pin — Bone

Pin — Wood

Necklaces

Armlet

Legband

Headband

Waistband

Nosepieces

* * &€ € * * *

Clothing 1 2 3

Cloak *

Apron — Male

Rain Mat

Tapa Cloth

Belt Plaited

Skirt — Female

* * * * *

FREUND NEW GUINEA COLLECTION 199

TABLE 1. (cont.)

Narcotics, Musical Instruments & Toys

Smoking Pipe

Flute

Jews Harp

Drum

Spinning Top

Ball — Banana Fibre

Household Items

Basket

Small String Bag

Rope

Fibre — rope making

String

Large Net Bag (bilum)

Head Rest

Salt

Salt Making Gear

Gourd — Water

Bowl — wooden

Cup — coconut

1 2 3

x *

* *

* * *

* Collected 4 miles west of Wapenamanda (Yaramanda is about the same distance east of Wapenamanda).

L. Howie provided Enga names for artefacts collected on behalf of the South Australian Museum.

‘laughing disease’, transmitted by the

consumption of human brain tissue. The

collection is very large, comprising some four

hundred items. Of these, two hundred and

seventeen are stone axe blades. The rest of the

collection is comprised of a significant number of

other stone tools, such as chisels, hammerstones

and sharpening stones, and a variety of magical,

household and other items, including arrows and

items specifically related to Kuru. An analysis of

these three collections highlights the effects of

individual collectors’ interests (see Table 1).

Doctor Alpers has expressed an intention to

work on his collection for the Museum. The

Howie collection, although small, also deserves

attention because, like the Freund collection, it

was made during the early days of contact in the

Papua New Guinea Highlands and could be

coupled to an historical perspective of the

Catholic mission there, which differed somewhat

in approach from the Lutherans.

The Museum only has one other Kukukuku

collection; this was collected by Roger Teusner in

1969 and donated in 1981. Although Teusner

collected his Kukukuku material from three

villages near Concordia he also collected a few

items elsewhere. He also acquired artefacts from

people in the Barossa Valley in South Australia,

where many Lutheran families with connections

to Papua New Guinea live. His Kukukuku

collection is representative and in good condition,

possibly because some of it was specifically made

for him. Teusner has provided a number of

photographs and notes related to this collection

which makes it a valuable addition to the

Museum’s collections. A cursory comparison with

similar items in the Freund collection shows the

influence of steel tools during the years between

1952 and 1969, with neatly cut edges on skirts

and distinctive steel] blade marks on wooden

artefacts.

Although the provenance of individual items in

Teusner’s collection have now been confirmed, it

initially presented a number of confusing

elements. His collection of arrows, for instance,

included a number of barbed heads and a type of

binding different from the distinctive style of the

Kukukuku. As it transpired, his arrow collection

had been given the overall provenance of

Menyamya but included several which he had

collected elsewhere. The ascribing of Menyamya

as the provenance for the whole collection was

200 P. FITZPATRICK

TABLE 2. Kukukuku Material Culture —- Comparison of Australian Held Collections to Pitt Rivers Museum

Collection.

1—Pitt Rivers Museum (Blackwood), 2-Queensland Museum (Freund et al), 3-MacLeay Museum (Thompson), 4—

SA Museum (Freund, Teusner et al), 5—-Victoria Museum (Altus et al), 6-Lutheran Museum (Freund).

Stone Tools 1 2 3 4 5 6

Grindstone

Adze

Bark Beater

Hammerstone

Scraper

Flake

* * eK eK Ke *

Bone & Other Tools 1 2 3 4 5 6

Awl * *

Plane

Drill *

“a

Weapons/Hunting Gear

Club (wood)

Shield

Bow

Arrow — plain palm

Arrow — bamboo blade

Arrow — pronged

Arrow — blunt

Arrow — bone tipped

Club (stone) — ball

Club (stone) — disc

Club (stone) — star * - *

Club (stone) — pineapple : * "

Club (stone) — diamond i

* * *¥ ¥ &¥ ¥ %¥ *F * *

* *¥ * * *

* * &€ *

* %¥ * *

Ceremonial Objects 1 2 3 4 5 6

‘Marita’ Initiation Tray =

Bull-roarer

Ochre/Paint

Ornaments 1 2 3 4 5 6

Necklaces *

Armlets *

Headbands *

Ear Rings z

Nosepieces 7

Clothing

iv)

Cloak

Sporran

Bark Back Cover

Baldric (Chestband)

Skirt

Belt

* * * & *

FREUND NEW GUINEA COLLECTION 201

TABLE 2 (cont.)

Narcotics 1 2 3 4 5 6

Pipe 5

Lime Gourd bs

Tobacco Dryer by

Musical Instruments 1 2 3 4 5 6

Flute *

Pan Pipe

Jews Harp ba =

Drum is

Medicines 1 2 3 4 5 6

Clay *

Red Earth *

Prickers *

Bark * "

Toys 1 2 3 4 5 6

Bark Cloth Figure is

Reed Toy *

Spinning Top bs

Bow & Arrow

Household Items 1 2 3 4 i) 6

String =

Rope "

Knife kJ .

Digging Stick %

Broom

Spoon

Pot (clay)

Fire Tongs

Torch

Firemaking Kit

Small Net Bag

Large Net Bag (bilum)

Head Rest

Salt is

Mat me

* * &F *

Note: The above table is necessarily approximate. In some cases not enough detail is available to positively ascribe

an object to a particular category. In other cases a variety of items are placed in one category despite their

variations eg. necklaces. Other items described in printouts from the various institutions as Kukukuku are obviously

incorrectly provenanced, barbed arrows ascribed as Kukukuku for example. It is important to be aware that the

types of artefacts listed in Table 1 do not represent a complete material culture inventory of the people described as

the Kukukuku. Blackwood’s ethnography mentions other objects such as ‘sun’ and ‘pronged’ stone clubs,

cassowary bone belts, bow wrist guards, lime spatulas, aeolian flutes and water carriers which are not represented

in any of the collections surveyed.

202

also curious because the artefacts, in fact, came

from three specific villages near Concordia, some

distance to the north of Menyamya, and from an

area slightly different linguistically.

Apart from this collection the Museum has only

an adze, stone club, axe and package of salt from

unknown parts of Kukukuku country donated by

three different collectors.

There are few other Kukukuku collections held

outside South Australia. A complementary, but

smaller and less diverse, collection made by Owen

Altus is lodged with the Museum of Victoria in

Melbourne. About 150 Kukukuku items collected

by Patrol Officer George Chisholm in 1913 and

1914, inland from the Gulf of Papua, were

included in the Official Papuan Collection

assembled by the Papuan Administrator, Hubert

Murray, between 1907 and 1929. The Australian

Museum took about 12% of the entire collection

and the rest went, at Murray’s request, to the

Australian Institute of Anatomy in Canberra in

1934. In 1984 it was transferred to the National

Museum of Australia. Chisholm provided only

brief documentation on the tags he attached to his

collection and it would be necessary to locate his

original Patrol Reports to gain further information

(Craig 1991: 54). The Derek Thompson

collection, made chiefly at Menyamya in the

1980s and held by the Macleay Museum in

Sydney (Macleay Museum 1986), is probably the

most recent large Kukukuku collection. A useful

summary of the various Papua New Guinea

collections held in Australian institutions is

provided by Bolton (1980).

Overseas, the Beatrice Blackwood collection at

the Pitt Rivers Museum in Oxford (Pitt Rivers

Accession Book: 36—81) is the most complete site-

specific (Upper Watut) Kukukuku collection

known to this writer. The collection made by Dr

Carleton Gajdusek and held by the Peabody Essex

Museum in Salem, Massachusetts, is extensive and

is detailed in a thesis by Peter Fetchko (1972).

Another significant collection 1s the Maurice

Godelier Collection in Paris. The British Museum

has a string bag, a bamboo pipe, a necklace and a

shield collected at various times between 1907 and

1980 which are described as Kukukuku (British

Museum Accession Book 1996). A lengthy film of

the Baruya Kukukuku was made by Godelier and

the Australian ethnographic film maker, Ian

Dunlop, in the 1970s but is generally unavailable

because of its depiction of initiation rites.

One of the consistent features of the South

Australian Museum’s Pacific Islands and Papua

New Guinea collections, in common with other

P. FITZPATRICK

Australian museums, is the randomness of its

individual collections. Since the museums could

not undertake their own specific fieldwork, as

Tindale wished to do in the New Guinea

Highlands in the 1950s, they were subject to the

whims and fancies of their various donor-

collectors. Most of the collectors were men and

this is possibly why there is a preponderance of

weapons in the Papua New Guinea collections.

All of the Australian museums have thousands

upon thousands of arrows and spears from Papua

New Guinea and the Pacific region.

The collection made by Beatrice Blackwood

does not follow this trend however. With the

exception of a few specific and more obscure

items, Blackwood’s collection is a considered

representation of Kukukuku material culture (see

Table 2). The Freund Kukukuku collection, taken

in its entirety over the three repositories, makes a

reasonable showing by comparison. There is no

heavy emphasis on weapons and there is a

considered attempt at finer detail. Freund was

fascinated by the technology and skill of both the

Laiapu Enga at Yaramanda and the Kukukuku at

Menyamya. His notes on the manufacture of

commodities like bark cloth and the details of

weaving and string-making in the recently prepared

transcript (1996) accompanying his South Australian

Museum collection demonstrates his attention to

detail. He has also provided excellent photographs

and texts on items not in the collection, such as

Umboi canoe-making, the development of Tok Pisin

(Pidgin English) and the ceremonial life of both the

Enga and the Kukukuku.

The problem with Freund’s Kukukuku

collection, of course, is the fact that it is spread

over three institutions. The South Australian

Museum has the bulk of the collection but there

are a number of significant items lacking. The

Museum does not have a Kukukukuw shield, for

instance, but there is one in the New Guinea

Lutheran Mission collection. It would be useful to

bring these collections together at some stage, but

this possibility is unlikely, given the limited

resources of the South Australian Museum. It

would also be useful, using the Blackwood

collection as a reference point, to attempt to locate

samples of some of the other interesting

Kukukuku artefacts lacking in the Freund

collection, such as some of their stone technology,

i.e. bark beaters, templates, stone flakes and

chisels. These would be valuable additions to the

collection and could enable a comprehensive

exhibition of Kukukuku material culture to be

mounted by the Museum in the future.

1887

1907

FREUND NEW GUINEA COLLECTION

CHRONOLOGY

Freund’s father Johann and his mother Anna take

up land near Mt Mary, South Australia.

Freund born on 6 July.

1925-6 G. F. W. Zimmer’s Kukukuku photographs

1928

1931

1932

1933

1934

1935

1936

1937

1938

1939

1940

194]

1942

published in Papuan Report for that year.

William McGregor encounters Enga people on

the Yuat River during a patrol from the Sepik.

German prospector Baum killed in Kareeba-

Indiwi country together with eight of his Buang

carriers.

Mick and Pat Leahy attacked by Kukukuku.

Pilot Trist dies in forced landing near Zenag.

Clarius and Naylor, together with seven of their

Buang carriers killed by Kukukuku.

Patrol Officer J. K. McCarthy builds airstrip at

Menyamya to service prospectors.

Tommy O’Dea takes the first plane into

Menyamya.

No gold found and Menyamya closed.

Freund graduates from Concordia College at end

of year.

Freund becomes Pastor at Arno Bay on Eyre

Peninsula.

Freund marries Dora Ey on 6 April.

Michael Leahy leaves Mount Hagen on 11 June

to explore the area to the west.

Incident at Doi in Enga country on 25 June

resulting in the killing of 15 people and the

wounding of many others.

Freund travels to New Guinea on Macdhui

arriving Moresby in December.

Freund settles at Awelkon on Rooke Island.

Beatrice Blackwood starts fieldwork in the

Upper Watut.

The Lutheran missionaries, Lechner, Reiner and

Maurer explore the country south of Wau.

Blackwood finishes fieldwork in February.

Patrol] Officer Downs goes to Kobakini to set up

base camp and is constantly harassed by

Kukukuku.

The Hagen-Sepik Patrol under the charge of

James Taylor leaves Mount Hagen to explore the

country to the Dutch border on 9 March.

Martin Freund born in May in Gawler, South

Australia.

Taylor constructs a base camp and landing

ground at Wabag during July.

First plane lands at Wabag on 8 August.

Taylor leaves Wabag on 7 June for Mount

Hagen, arriving on 18 June.

Roland Freund born on16 June at Finschhafen.

Freund recruited as a coastwatcher by Eric Feldt.

Dora and sons evacuated to Australia.

Freund and other Lutherans join the New Guinea

Volunteer Rifles at Lae.

Wabag becomes a permanent Patrol Post.

1943

1946

1947

1948

1950

1951

1952

1954

1955

1962

1964

1965

1968

1976

203

New airstrip built at Wabag.

Freund discharged from Army in Australia in

July.

Tindale flies from Australia to Lower Watut to

inspect downed Japanese planes. Obtains copy

of Blackwood’s article on the Kukukuku.

Freund returns to Umboi (Rooke Island) and

spends 18 months getting the mission back into

shape.

lan Downs attacked by Siminapa Kukukuku on

the upper Banir.

Ogelbeng the most western Lutheran Mission.

Seventh Day Adventists set up mission at

Rakamanda near Wabag on 4 June.

Catholics set up mission at Pompabus near

Wabag in October.

Freund and Kleinig set out from Ogelbeng on 23

August for Wabag Valley.

Freund arrives at Yaramanda on 26 August.

Freund leaves Yaramanda on 22 June.

Decision made to reopen Menyamya.

Hurrell leaves Slate Creek for Menyamya on 31

October.

Hurrell and Keenan arrive on 9 November and

clear old airstrip.

Tindale gets funds from the Museum Board to

purchase New Guinea artefacts.

Freund visits Tindale on 24 February between

leaving Yaramanda and going to Menyamya.

Brings Enga material to donate to the Museum.

Freund sends Tindale a ‘trial’ package of

artefacts from Menyamya which arrives on 8

July.

Freund arrives at Menyamya.

Freund brings cattle into Menyamya on 25

November.

Tindale selects photos from Freund’s touring set

and makes copies for Museum. Sends copies to

Freund for annotation.

First calves born at Menyamya.

Deaconess Merna Thamm arrives at Menyamya

to work with women.

Concordia station established by mission 6 miles

north of Menyamya. Missionaries build road to it.

Freund moves out to Concordia on 16 June after

the Jordans leave for Australia.

Freund leaves Menyamya for Yorketown, South

Australia.

Last of the Kukukuku brought

Administration control.

Freund returns to PNG to take up job as Editor

of Luther Press at Nagada near Madang.

Freund visits Menyamya on April 22-26. Only

three European staff there.

Freund leaves PNG and arrives in Cairns,

Queensland on 28 May.

under

204

Figure 1. Salt manufacture at Menyamya. Bushes from

the plant which produces ‘Job’s Tears’ seeds are burnt

and the ashes dissolved in water which is then filtered

through fern leaves (mounted on a frame) into a bamboo

pipe for drying in the sun or by a fire. Similar methods

were observed by Freund at Yaramanda, although in the

Mount Hagen area reeds soaked in saline pools were

burnt (Photo by A. P. H. Freund — SAM Archives

AP808).

Figure 2. A man from Yaramanda with a large bundle

of salt wrapped in leaves (Photo A. P. H. Freund —

SAM Archives AP670).

P. FITZPATRICK

Figure 3. A small bundle of salt from Yaramanda

collected by Freund for the South Australian Museum

(Accession number A42379 — photo by P. Fitzpatrick).

Figure 4. A well-loaded woman at Yaramanda about

1949 with net bags full of sweet potato for sale. The

woman also has a beaten bark cloak for protection from

the sun and rain. The bark cloth covering her right

breast has been soaked in fluids from the body of her

dead husband and is being carried as part of the

mourning process (Photo by A. P. H. Freund - SAM

Archives AP778).

FREUND NEW GUINEA COLLECTION

Figure 7. A Kukukuku man called Itamebiakavo

from Kabag, about 9 kilometres east of

Menyamya. He is wearing a bandolier made of

bark fibre interwoven with yellow orchid stems.

The bandoliers were often also worn as belts.

Itamebiakaro was blinded in one eye by an

arrow. The other decoration around his chest is a

bandolier of cowrie shells (Photo A. P. H.

Freund — SAM Archives AP769).

205

Figure 5. A net bag

similar to the one shown in

Figure 4 donated by

Freund to the South

Australian Museum

(Accession number

A42341-— photo by P.

Fitzpatrick).

Figure 6. A man’s net

bag from Yaramanda. The

use of such bags was

almost universal in Papua

New Guinea and the

custom persists in many

areas today. Kukukuku

men carried similar bags

(Accession number

A42337 — photo by P.

Fitzpatrick).

206 P. FITZPATRICK

Figure 8. A sample of the

type of bandolier shown in

Figure 7 donated by Freund

to the South Australian

Museum. This bandolier

measures over 30 metres in

length (Accession number

A42365 — photo by P.

Fitzpatrick).

Figure 9. A sample of the

type of orchid stems

collected for interweaving

into bandoliers like the one

shown in Figure 7. This

sample was collected by

Freund specifically to

accompany the bandolier

shown in Figure 8

(Accession number A44632

— photo P. Fitzpatrick).

Figure 10. A typical Kukukuku

“sporran’ or man’s grass apron.

Additional layers are added to create

the bulging effect of the ‘sporran’.

The man is also wearing a fibre and

orchid stem belt above his ‘sporran’.

The cassowary bones about his waist

indicates that he is married and has

at least one child. These bones were

mistakenly described as human

bones by early writers (Photo by A.

P. H. Freund — SAM Archives

AP799).

FREUND NEW GUINEA COLLECTION 207

Figure 11. A sample of a

Kukukuku man’s grass apron or

‘sporran’ (as in Figure 10) donated

by Freund to the South Australian

Museum (Accession number

A42794 — photo by P. Fitzpatrick).

Figure 12. A young woman from

Yaramanda wearing necklaces of

cowrie shells. These shells were

used by the missionaries and

government officers as currency but

as more and more were brought into

the area their value diminished

(Photo by A. P. H. Freund - SAM

Archives AP622).

Figure 13. A sample of the type of

necklace shown in Figure 12

donated to the South Australian

Museum by Freund. (Accession

number A42358 — photo by P,

Fitzpatrick).

208

Figure 14. A Kukukuku man called

Tandatagagakata from Wiama village

about 8 kilometres south of Menyamya. He

is wearing a bark cape which is fastened

by a drawstring to a tuft of hair

deliberately left for the purpose on an

otherwise shaved head (Photo by A. P. H.

Freund — SAM Archives AP768).

erence

aac

Figure 15. A stone beater

used to make bark cloth.

The bark attached to a

Mulberry branch is beaten

on a larger log and the

crushed fibre sheet peeled

off. This beater was

collected by R. Teusner

(Accession number

A67591 — photo P.

Fitzpatrick).

P. FITZPATRICK

Figure 16. Two men from the Mount Hagen area wearing beaten

bark wig covers (Photo by A. P. H. Freund —- SAM Archives

AP631).

A 42343

Figure 17. A sample of bark

cloth used as a wig cover,

collected by Freund at

Yaramanada (Accession

number A42343 — photo P.

Fitzpatrick).

FREUND NEW GUINEA COLLECTION

a | A 42348

209

Figure 18. The method

used to manufacture wig

covers. Unlike the

manufacture of bark

cloaks, a small piece of

Mulberry branch is used

and the beater is of

wood, rather than stone.

A finer texture ts

achieved by beating the

bark as thin as possible.

The roughly cylindrical

shape is drawn together

at one end by string

(Photo by A. P. H.

Freund — SAM Archives

AP662).

Figure 19. A man from

Yaramanda dressed for

his wedding ceremony.

He is wearing an

elaborate wig under a

woven cover similar to

the one shown in Figure

20. He is also wearing a

large ‘Baler’ shell

around his neck, bone

pins in his wig, elaborate

armbands and a specially

woven fibre apron (Photo

by A. P. H. Freund —

SAM Archives AP634).

Figure 20. This type of

wig cover is designed to

be more decorative than

protective and is

generally worn during

ceremonies such as the

wedding for which the

man in Figure 19 is

dressed (Accession

number A42348 — photo

by P. Fitzpatrick).

210 P. FITZPATRICK

Figure 21. A large gathering of people and

pigs at Yaramanda for a pig exchange or

Te’e ceremony (Photo by A. P. H. Freund —

SAM Archives AP653).

Figure 24. Young woman at Yaramanda

during the early stage of the

establishment of the Lutheran Mission

there. (Photo A. P. H. Freund —- SAM

Archives AP621).

@6 _ Aagsi8

: .

Figure 22. A sample of the special rope used during pig

exchange ceremonies to fasten a pig by one leg to a

stake. These ropes and stakes were part of an elaborate

tallying system for the exchanges. This example

collected by Freund is unused and was probably made

especially for him to send to the South Australian

Museum (Accession number A42338 — photo by P.

Fitzpatrick).

Figure 23. Men’s apron decorated with

pigs’ tails. Collected by Freund at

Yaramanda (Accession number A42353

— photo by P. Fitzpatrick).

FREUND NEW GUINEA COLLECTION 2t1

Figure 25. Mother and child at Yaramanda (Photo A.

P. H. Freund - SAM Archives AP616).

Figure 26. Some of the earlier Yaramanda Mission

buildings overlooking the Lai River in 1948 (Photo by

A. P, H. Freund — SAM Archives AP664).

Figure 27. The Dragon Rapide which brought the

school teacher, Owen Altus, to Menyamya in 1951. He

is standing with Pastor Horrolt and the pilot (Photo by

A. P. H. Freund —- SAM Archives AP815).

Figure 28. Pastor Freund with a group of Kukukuku

men during the early establishment of the Lutheran

Mission at Menyamya. (Photo A. P. H. Freund - SAM

Archives AP805).

Figures 29. Typical early Kukukuku visitor to the

missionary camp in 1952. Few women came on these

early visits (Photos by A. P. H. Freund —- SAM Archives

AP798).

212 P. FITZPATRICK

Figure 31. Pastor Scherle buying food at the camp boundary during

an early exploratory trip a few kilometres out of Menyamya in 1952

Bigare, 20; The Mesyamya' Mission (Photo by A. P. H. Freund — SAM Archives AP785).

school teacher, Owen Altus, with a

Kukukuku man. Altus is 1.84 metres

tall. (Photo by A. P. H. Freund - SAM

Archives AP766).

Figure 32. A. P. H. Freund and the author editing notes on the collection at the South Australian

Museum in 1996. (Photo by A. P. H. Freund).

FREUND NEW GUINEA COLLECTION

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

Apart from Pastor Freund a number of other

individuals offered invaluable assistance during the

process of researching the collection. Owen Altus and

Reverend and Mrs Kleinig, retired Lutheran

missionaries, come to mind, as does Doug Young from

the Catholic Diocese of Wabag. Barry Craig, from the

South Australian Museum, facilitated access to the

collection and offered much needed technical and

213

editorial advice. Kate Alport assisted with my various

forays into the South Australian Museum archives. The

curators of various museums and institutions holding

Kukukuku and Enga material in Australia and overseas

provided valuable data, especially Mike Quinnell from

the Queensland Museum. Lloyd Hurrell graciously

replied to my written enquiries, as did Doug Parrish of

the Retired Officer’s Association of Papua New Guinea.

Mike O’Hanlon and Jim Specht read the draft and

offered much valued professional advice.

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FREUND, A. P. H. 1989. ‘Missionary Turns Spy:

Pastor APH Freund’s Story of His Service with the

New Guinea Coast Watchers in the War Against

Japan 1942-43.’ Lutheran Homes Incorporated:

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FREUND, A. P. H. 1996. ‘Notes on the Freund

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of Dorothea M. Freund, Nee Ey.’ A. P. H. Freund:

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FREUND, R. P. 1969. ‘Western Innovations and Laiapu

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GODELIER, M. 1969. La monnaie de sel des Baruya

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THE USHER PHOTOGRAPHIC COLLECTION FROM THE SOUTH-WEST

PACIFIC

GRAHAME R. PIKE AND BARRY CRAIG

Summary

A collection of photographs was donated to the South Australian Museum in 1972. This collection

includes around 630 photographs taken by Ernest Sterne Usher in Papua, New Guinea and the

Solomon Islands. This paper reports research by the authors into the circumstances which gave rise

to this collection and provides a brief description of the historical and cultural context of a selection

of the images, with reference to some relevant ethnographic material in the Museum’s collections.

THE USHER PHOTOGRAPHIC COLLECTION FROM THE SOUTH-WEST PACIFIC

GRAHAME R. PIKE AND BARRY CRAIG

PIKE, G. R. & CRAIG, B. 1999. The Usher Photographic Collection from the South-West

Pacific. Records of the South Australian Museum 31(2): 215-253.

A collection of photographs was donated to the South Australian Museum in 1972. This

collection includes around 630 photographs taken by Ernest Sterne Usher in Papua, New

Guinea and the Solomon Islands. This paper reports research by the authors into the

circumstances which gave rise to this collection and provides a brief description of the

historical and cultural context of a selection of the images, with reference to some relevant

ethnographic material in the Museum’s collections.

G. R. Pike (Volunteer Researcher) & B. Craig (Curator of Foreign Ethnology), Department of

Anthropology, South Australian Museum, North Terrace, Adelaide, SA 5000. Manuscript

received 6 April, 1998.

INTRODUCTION

In 1995, Barry Craig, then acting Head of the

Division of Anthropology at the South Australian

Museum, was looking through cupboards at the

Museum’s Netley storage facility. Inside one he

found a box containing photographs and nitrate

negatives taken in Papua, New Guinea and the

Solomon Islands. He took them back to his office

in the Museum on North Terrace for a closer look.

On further inspection it was discovered that the

collection contained some remarkably clear

images of considerable ethnographic interest.

The majority of the photographs (around 630)

are the work of Ernest Sterne Usher, from 1914 to

1916 a Surveyor and assistant-Geologist with an

oil exploration team in the Papuan Gulf region.

Some of the images are similar to those which

were taken by Frank Hurley in the same region

five years later (Specht & Fields 1984).!' A further

83 prints appear to derive from photographs taken

in Papua by Evan R. Stanley, Papuan Government

Geologist, and 24 prints of photographs taken in

Australia by Leonard Langdale Wrathall, both of

whom were members of the oil exploration team.

Also included in the Usher Collection are 33

postcards of Milne Bay and Trobriand Islands

produced by W. H. Cooper of the Royal Arcade,

Melbourne, twelve others of Papua printed in

England for the Papuan Times Ltd, and 52 of the

Solomon Islands produced by the Tasmanian

photographer John Watt Beattie.

In November 1995, the authors began research

on the Usher photographic collection,” a task that

was particularly difficult as the only information

accompanying the collection was Usher’s brief

description of each of the images and a copy of a

letter dated June 1972 from the donor, Usher’s

sister, Mrs Edith Saxton of Melbourne.

FamiLy History

Ernest Sterne Usher was born in 1887 at Fitzroy

in Melbourne. His father was Frank Usher, his

mother’s maiden name was Mary Margaret Apps.

Other early collections of photographs taken in the eastern Gulf region are those by A. B. Lewis in 1912 whilst collecting for Field

Museum of Natural History in Chicago; E. W. P. Chinnery in 1916, a Papuan Government Resident Magistrate in the area, whose

photographs are held by his daughters in Melbourne; Paul Wirz in 1930, who carried out anthropological research in the region,

whose photographs are held by the Museum fiir Volkerkunde in Basel, Switzerland; F. E. Williams, Government Anthropologist

for Papua, during his fieldwork in the Purari region in 1922 and at Orokolo in 1931-2, whose photographs are held by the Australian

Archives, Canberra, and by the South Australian Museum (see footnote 6).

Grahame Pike began by developing a computer index of the photographs as a recipient of funding from the Commonwealth

Rehabilitation Service. He continued with indexing, the location of relatives of Usher and the search for relevant documentation

as a recipient of a research fellowship from the Friends of the South Australian Museum and continues the project currently as a

volunteer researcher. Barry Craig, as Curator of Foreign Ethnology at the South Australian Museum, supervised Pike’s research

and provided additional text for this paper based on various ethnographic sources.

216

Family stories have Frank Usher and his brother

Arthur travelling to Australia in 1879 as crew

members aboard a cable-laying ship. Frank and

Arthur did not sign on for the return trip when the

ship eventually docked in Melbourne. Edith

Saxton, one of Frank’s daughters, thought that her

father initially obtained work at Melbourne’s

Yorrick Club, although she was not sure of the

position he held.

The earliest reference to Frank Usher is in the

1886 ‘Sands and McDougal Directory for

Victoria’, where he is shown to be living at 73

Moor Street, Fitzroy. He had married Mary

Margaret Apps in 1881 when he was 20 years old.

Frank and his wife moved into Moor Street and

two sons were born; during the time they lived in

Fitzroy a further four children, all girls, were born.

Frank was taken into his father-in-law’s business

W. G. Apps Funerals, Moor Street, Fitzroy,

eventually becoming a director. Frank Usher died

at the age of 76 in June 1940.

Ernest attended school in Fitzroy and was, with

his family, a regular at the local Parish Church of

Saint Mark, George Street, Fitzroy. He took

diplomas at the Working Men’s College

(precursor to the Royal Melbourne Institute of

Technology) as a Municipal Engineer and

Geologist. His first appointment was as Surveyor

to the Water Supply Department. In 1908 he was

Assistant Field Geologist in the Mines

Department and in 1912 was stationed in

Bendigo. While he was in Bendigo he attached

himself to the Church of All Saints and acted on

the Vestry, in the Sunday School, and as Scout

Master. In 1913 he was chosen to join Dr Arthur

Wade’s oil exploration expedition to Papua; his

loss to All Saints was greatly felt. He arrived on

the Papuan field in January 1914. Following is an

extract from Wade’s ‘Report on Petroleum in

Papua’ (1915: 5):

At the request of the Government of the

Commonwealth of Australia I, and my assistant, Mr

L. L. Wrathall, B.Sc., A-R.S.M., left England in

September, 1913, in order to investigate the

geological features of the oil-bearing areas in Papua,

and to report any conclusions to which I might arrive

as to the methods of development which, in my

opinion, should be adopted on these areas.

We arrived in Port Moresby on the 15th October,

1913, and on the 17th proceeded to the Vailala

River, where some work had already commenced.

On the 19th October we arrived at Upoia, some 25

miles from the mouth of the Vailala River, where we

were joined by Mr E. R. Stanley, the Government

Geologist to the Territory of Papua, who had been

G. R. PIKE & B. CRAIG

instructed to assist us in the geological work. At

Upoia we found that two shallow bores had been

drilled by means of small hand boring plant by Mr

Grebin, and abandoned for some time, whilst on the

other side of the river at Orevi we found Mr Locke

engaged in drilling with a larger and more efficient

plant. We therefore decided to first examine

thoroughly the geology of these two areas and then,

with the knowledge so gained as a basis, to proceed

westward towards the Purari River and endeavour to

lay down some general structural lines, or at any rate

to map any anticlinal features and to investigate any

occurrence of natural gas and petroleum which may

accompany such features. This being accomplished

we were to return to the Vailala, and to work

eastwards to Port Moresby with the same objects in

view. We decided to map in detail all areas in which

evidence of petroleum occurred on the scale of 12

inches to the mile. Later we found that so little was

known of the districts through which we were

travelling, and that the maps already published were

so inexact, that it was necessary to fix our positions

accurately by theodolite work, where possible, and to

make an accurate traverse of the coast by theodolite

and chain or stadia, so that the areas mapped could be

placed in their proper positions with regard to the

coast line. The arrival of two surveyors, Mr E. S.

Usher, in January, and Mr J. W. Murray, in March

1914, assisted us greatly in this work.

Thus Usher and Murray were to assist first in

the survey west along the coast from the Vailala

through to the delta of the Purari River, and then

along the Papuan coastline east of the Vailala as

far as Port Moresby (refer Map P.217). Finally

they would return for further work in the Vailala-

Purari area. The photographs more-or-less follow

that sequence with a date of August 1914 for their

time in Port Moresby, coinciding with a visit there

by the Admiral of the Royal Australian Fleet at

the outbreak of the First World War. Back in the

Purari-Vailala area, there is a ‘Christmas 1915’

date for a Purari expedition.

Perhaps early in 1916, Usher went on leave to

Melbourne, sailing on board the ‘Meklong’. From

the sequence of the photographs, it appears that

the Meklong called in at Samarai, then

Herbertshoe and Rabaul, then sailed around the

north and west of New Britain to Witu or Vitu

(French Islands), and then south to Morobe on the

southern shores of the Huon Gulf, then north-east

to Ablingi and Lindenhafen on the south coast of

New Britain, and finally due east to the Shortland

Islands, Vella Lavella, Simbo Island, Gizo Island,

Russell Island, Gela (=Nggela or Florida Islands),

Tulagi Harbour and Guadalcanal in the Solomons.

Presumably the ship then sailed directly to

Brisbane and/or Sydney.

USHER PHOTOGRAPHIC COLLECTION 217

0 50 100 km

ee Oe ae Me a OC

Kerema e&

Motu Motu Vv

Gulf of Papua

Sepoi

Kivori

@jBerena

Yule Is.8

NEW GUINEA

Port Moresby *

IM.SAM1998 ff

Map showing location of Vailala V-Purari area of the eastern Gulf of Papua.

218

USHER’S PHOTOGRAPHS

On his arrival at Upoia, Usher immediately

began his photographic record. He preserved on

film the living conditions, the characters, events

and a view of native life that has since

disappeared. Album A is a record from January

to August 1914. He would have arrived by boat at

the Upoia landing (A8) and been shown his

quarters, and then taken on a tour of the camp.

The next morning he would have witnessed the

general muster of the native workers and the

inspection of the native police (A7). In his first

days he took pictures of the main camp, native

quarters, white quarters (A5) and of the terrain

surrounding the camp site. In his Report, Wade

describes Upoia (1915: 8):

Upoia is situated in a basin-like depression

surrounded on three sides by hills. To the north the

hills rise in a precipitous escarpment to a height of

500 feet above sea-level. These hills curve round to

the west, where they terminate abruptly in sago

swamp. The Southern Hills are about half as high as

those mentioned, while on the eastern boundary is

the Vailala River, which here runs almost due south.

Towards the end of January 1914, Usher went

from Upoia to Aro-Aro. He took a photograph of

the departure (A11). Although the distance

between Upoia and Aro-Aro is not great, the

photograph shows a party of carriers in excess of

20, and a small contingent of native Police. They

had to carry all their supplies for the duration of

their stay, and for any exploratory side trips.

The camps set up by the survey teams were

usually on the fringes of, or close by, an existing

village. The advantage of this practice was that

Usher was able to record not only camp life, but

indigenous village life and, in particular, the

fascinating architecture. A men’s house (eravo) at

Parimamu village in the Vailala district (A16) is

shown near completion; Usher’s note on the back

of the print explains that the completed building

will extend to the front posts. Another photograph

(B88) of an almost-completed eravo? at Vailala

village shows three long and narrow, carved and

painted boards hanging from the scaffolding at

G.R. PIKE & B. CRAIG

the front. Five similar objects were described as

‘dancing shields’ in an illustrated sale catalogue

(No.3 of October 1895, Items 6-10) of W. D.

Webster, Bicester, England. They are too long and

narrow to be the sacred, named hohao boards

normally kept in the eravo but could be examples

of the purely decorative, unnamed boards

mentioned by Newton (1961: 25) or the larger,

softwood non-functional ‘bullroarers’ cited by

Mamiya and Sumnik (1982: 12) from Williams

(1936: 15; 1940: 158).

Orokolo, a coastal village situated halfway

between the Vailala and Purari Rivers, was the

site of a London Missionary Society station and

the location of the wreck of the Burns Philp ketch

‘Gira’ (A19). Sir Douglas Mawson’s father,

Robert Mawson, tried for several years to set up a

trading and plantation business at Orokolo before

he was forced by ill health to leave in 1911. In

1955, Sir Douglas Mawson presented to the South

Australian Museum three bows and 75 arrows

collected by his father in the Orokolo area and

two pots from the Kemp Welch River area (Hood

Bay, along the coast about 100 kms south-east of

Port Moresby).*

Orokolo was a large village and being situated

on the coast was one of the ports of call for the

hiri trading canoes from the Moresby area:

Every year, at the end of September, or the

beginning of October, the season of the south-east

trade being then near its close, a fleet of large sailing

canoes leaves Port Moresby and the neighbouring

villages of the Motu tribe on a voyage to the deltas

of the rivers of the Papuan Gulf (Barton in

Seligmann 1910: 96).

The /akatoi (trading canoes) of the Motu would

carry pots and shell wealth in exchange for sago

and canoe-hulls from the tribes of the Vailala and

Purari regions.

The terrain was easier on the geologists and

surveyors near the coast than it was inland,

although the sago swamps had their characteristic

difficulties. In a testimonial that Arthur Wade

wrote for Usher (dated 16 August 1914 at Port

Moresby) he alludes to the type of country his

surveyor had to cope with:

The men’s houses among the Elema speakers, living along the coast between Orokolo to the west, through the Vailala River area

as far as Sepoi (near Cape Possession) to the east, are called eravo. The Namau speakers of the Purari Delta, west of the Elema, call

the men’s house ravi. The word dubu appears to be a Motu word applied indiscriminately throughout most of the Gulf and Central

Districts of Papua to refer to men’s club houses and/or ceremonial platforms (see Seligman 1910; 17-22, 60-65, 141-150). Usher

was not always consistent in his use of these terms.

* These were registered A.47390-47467 and 48080-1.

USHER PHOTOGRAPHIC COLLECTION

He has a good constitution which has withstood the

dangers of a trying tropical climate as well as the

more trying work he has had to face in surveying

lines through dense jungle [and] almost impenetrable

swamp.

On one his trips into the jungle, along the He

Peri track, Usher came across a fungal growth that

was particularly striking. His photographs lead us

to believe that it is of the species Dictyophora,

fairly common in areas of rich soil in sheltered

spots such as rainforests; its odour is memorable,

being foetid as of faeces or rotten meat.

Usher’s eye for ethnographic detail and for

everyday activities has provided us with a record

of village life at that time: a boy wearing shell

wealth ornaments (D27); a widow with tightly

bound limbs and torso (D30) and another painted

with clay (C83). Other images might still be

captured today: an old man staring intently at the

camera cradling betel-chewing equipment in his

lap (C26); a woman washing her baby in the sea

(C50).

A group of women cooking sago in pots (A44)

and the image of a man using a bow and arrow

(A50) show interdependence within family

groups: the hunters providing high-prestige food

(cassowary — B119, cuscus — C29) while the

women and girls process sago (B117-118, 163).

Another image shows a boy digging out turtle

eggs from the banks of the Vailala River.

But life in Papua in 1914-16 was not one of

work only; the indigenous people also knew how

to have fun in play. A form of ‘hockey’ being

played on the beach at the Vailala river mouth is

shown (A56).

Fishing provided an important component in

the diet of coastal villagers. In his book ‘In

Primitive New Guinea’ (1924: 241), Holmes

records:

surf-fishing engaged in by young and old of both

sexes at Orokolo, as well as at other villages along

the coast, was done with the aid of conically shaped

wicker fish-traps. Periodically shoals of a sprat-like

fish named avaha were washed into the beach; their

coming was hailed with delight by everybody, and

whilst they were being caught by pouncing the traps

into the water, seemingly at haphazard, with the

hope of encircling and entrapping a few, excitement

ran very high.

According to Holmes then, the task of gathering

food was in some cases a source of fun for those

engaged in it. Usher took a photograph at Ipisi

219

village near Kerema of these conical fish-traps; he

records on the back of the picture that ‘the boys

run rapidly through the water on seeing a fish,

and bring down the basket-net over it; a hole at

the top enables the fish to be got out’.

Holmes also mentions in his book (ibid.) that a

Y-shaped frame was used for fishing, with a net

stretched between the arms of the Y. This device

was submerged and the fish scooped up to fall

into the slack part of the net at the junction of the

fork (B87; D26) so that they could not escape.

One photograph (A78) shows the Y-nets and the

conical basket fish-traps being used on the same

occasion.

Another method of fishing used by men and

boys was with the bow and arrow and spears

(B129). One technique was to use an uprooted

sapling with its stem driven at low tide into the

sand to serve as a platform. The man would stand

on the sapling’s roots and shoot the fish from

above (B123).5 The skill lay in allowing for

refraction through the water. This was less of a

problem for those who chose to catch fish using

spears with multiple prongs at the distal end

(A110).

Another important source of food was sago.

The swamps of the Purari Delta are rich in sago

palms. The starch processed from the palm pith is

a good staple food and was traded with the

Motuans to the east for clay cooking pots. As

noted above, the task of processing sago fell to

the women but the men could process it if they

were on a journey and short of food.

Holmes (1924: 252) described sago-making,

which explains Usher’s images (B117-118) of the

process:

[The equipment involved a] structure of troughs

placed on firmly driven cross-sticks. The troughs

were the butt-ends of midribs of sago-palms. They

were so arranged that the smaller and outlet end of

each sloped towards the other. The top trough held

the sago pith, under its outlet was placed another

trough which had a much greater slope, and under

its outlet was the last trough, which rested, at its

lower end, on a slightly tilted receptacle which had

been made from the supple part of the spathe of a

bastard palm. The smaller and outlet end of each

trough was covered with gauze-like fibre obtained

from coco-nut trees. This fibre acted as a sieve to

prevent stray bits of pith from reaching the

receptacle on the ground. The sago globules were

extracted from the pith by the woman thrashing it

with a long stick and by her frequently washing it

* This became a popular image of the Papuan fisherman early in the century (e.g. Holmes 1924, bookcover).

220

with water intermittently. The water carried the

released sago with it through the sieves to the

receptacle on the ground, where the latter remained

as residuum, whilst the former slowly dribbled away

as an overflow. The woman occasionally poured off

the water, with her hands scooped up the sediment,

put it into a plaited grass bag, suspended it to a

branch of a tree, where, what water was still left in

it could continue to drip away until only good edible

sago remained.

The oil fields operation employed Papuan

labourers, not only from the areas in which the oil

exploration was being conducted but also from

other administrative divisions, and these labourers

brought their own tribal skills and traditions with

them. The bridge built by Mambare men at Vivirai

is but one example. A portrait of Bangoda,

decorated as a Mambare warrior with face paint, a

tiara of hornbill beaks (‘signifying he has killed

his man’) and feather headdress, shows one of the

bridge-builders dressed up for a sing-sing.

With the growing influence of missionaries of

various nationalities and religious persuasions,

traditional forms of clothing were supplanted by

items of western dress. Usher encountered these

people at a time when these changes were just

beginning to have their effect on the Papuan way

of life. One of the strengths of Usher’s

photographic work is his study of groups of

people in traditional attire. These groups include

families, boys, girls, men and boys together,

women and babies, women and girls together,

women involved in food preparation. Many of

these groups are deliberately posed for the camera

but are important studies of dress and adornment

in a culture much changed.

A21 shows a family group at the village of

Orokolo, sitting on the steps of the family home.

Note the crescent-shaped pearl shell ornaments

around the necks of both adults and children. The

kina (pearl shell) seen in the Papuan Gulf region

comes from either east of Port Moresby via the

hiri trade, or from Torres Strait via the western

Gulf trade links. In the Highland Provinces where

these shells are scarce they take on greater value.

In 1975, the newly independent nation of Papua

New Guinea took the name of this shell currency

as its major monetary unit, corresponding to the

Australian dollar.

G. R. PIKE & B. CRAIG

Usher also recorded ceremonial activities,

important episodes in the rites of passage from

childhood to adulthood. B86 shows a boy who is

going through the ‘dubu’ (eravo - men’s house)

ceremony in Vailala village. If it was necessary

for any of the initiands to leave the eravo and

pass through the village, they had to be covered,

i.e. their identities hidden, by wearing a hara, a

cloak woven from the frond of a coconut (or

perhaps sago) palm which concealed them from

view.

An important Purari Delta ritual object was the

roughly-woven cane ‘monster’ called kaiaimunu

(D28) which ‘devoured’ the initiands during their

seclusion in the ravi (men’s house). The boys

emerged from the ravi reborn, with glistening

skin, bright shell and feather ornaments, and fore-

and-aft ‘ramis’ (Motu word for loin cloth) of bark

cloth painted with rectilinear designs (D21),

young men, as Usher noted on the back of the

photograph, ‘now eligible to marry’.

Usher did not have the good luck to witness the

dancing of the Purari aiaimunu (or hevehe as they

were known at Orokolo,° and semese at Vailala).

These spectacular oval masks could be up to 8

metres tall. They were constructed by stretching

bark cloth over a cane framework and marking

out coloured designs by sewing on slender strips

of cane. The South Australian Museum has one

aiaimunu 2.8 metres high (A.8554) and another

1.2 metres high (A.7422), both probably from the

inland Namau of the Purari Delta, obtained in the

late 19™ century; there are also two kanipu

(A.7420,-1), much smaller versions of aiaimunu,

from the same area.

Despite missing out on the performance of

aiaimunu, Usher photographed a few tied to the

front of dwelling houses at Maipua (D2) and

inside a ravi (D8). These were of the coastal and

inland Namau type respectively. During his survey

along the coast from Vailala to Moresby, he also

came across four men wearing a different type of

mask at Koraita near Kerema (B127).

The interior of the ravi is shown in several

photographs: C81 at Iai (Jari) in the Purari Delta

shows several carved and painted ancestral boards

(kwoi)’ in association with displays of human

skulls; D6 and D17 (prints incorrectly number

The South Australian Museum has 27 glass plate negatives and one nitrate negative of photographs taken by F. E. Williams in

Orokolo, mostly during his fieldwork in 1931-2. All were published in his book ‘Drama of Orokolo’ (1940) and for the most part

concern the construction, dancing and destruction of the hevehe masks. These negatives are archived under the name of F. R. Vyse,

Accession No.335.

’ Called gope to the west of the Purari and hohao among the Elema to the east.

USHER PHOTOGRAPHIC COLLECTION 221

D17 and D6 respectively, by Usher) show several

kwoi in association with pig and crocodile skulls

on either side of the central passage of a ravi at

Kairu; D8, taken in a ravi at Koropenaira, shows

several kwoi and aiaimunu, a small mask called

kanipu and, half hidden behind three handdrums,

a carved and painted rectangular board that

appears to be a shield remarkably like those to be

found among the Fegolmin and Angkeiakmin of

the Fly River headwaters in central New Guinea

(cf. Craig 1988, fig.40). The kwoi bear carved and

painted anthropomorphic, and sometimes

zoomorphic, designs on wood recycled from old

and broken canoes. The South Australian Museum

has seven old ancestral boards (A.7678—-7684)

which from their designs appear to come from

Orokolo or another nearby village in the lower

Vailala River area (cf. Newton 1961, Figs 34, 43,

243-8). F. E. Williams, Papuan Government

Anthropologist, described these boards (called

hohao among the Western Elema of Orokolo

where he did his fieldwork) as follows (1940:

154):

The carving, deeply incised, depicts a highly

conventionalized human face with forehead, eyes,

nose, and mouth, together with a number of

decorative additions. It is grotesque in the extreme,

but not without its effectiveness in the total

surroundings. In some rare cases a whole human

figure is displayed; and in some others the flat board

has developed into a figure carved in the round and

bearing on the crown of its head a tousled mop of

human hair.

The South Australian Museum has one such

figure (A.72748 — 1.43 metres high), male, but

without the hair; it appears to be from Orokolo

(cf. Newton 1961, Figs 249, 250). Another male

figure (A.33410 — 1.6 metres high) with hair

attached, in an assymetric ‘dancing’ pose

determined by the shape of the wood from which

it was carved, is more likely from a coastal Namau

village (cf. Newton 1961, Figs 212, 213) although

it came to the Museum without provenance.

The inside of the men’s house was divided into

areas known as larava. Each clan in the tribe had

its designated larava, and the clan kwoi or hohao

boards were displayed in their particular areas.

There were also small oval plaques of palm bark,

carved and painted with face designs, attached to

the men’s house posts (see D6, taken at Kairu,

inland Namau); the South Australian Museum has

two of these (A.7419, 7445 — cf. Newton 1961,

Fig.231) which appear to come from the inland

Namau. Two similar pieces (A.7417, 7418) but

differing in being cut with leg-like forms at the

bottom, are possibly canoe prow ‘shields’, not

men’s house post plaques.

The /arava is where the men traditionally sat

and talked. The kwoi or hohao were displayed in

these areas unless the space was required for the

giant aiaimunu/hevehe/semese masks, at which

time the boards were placed in the dark and dusty

recesses at the rear of the men’s house amongst

the rubbish. However, this does not mean that the

boards were not revered; they were. Indeed, they

had personal names and were of great

significance, representing bush spirits associated

with clan ancestors. Williams records (1940: 156)

that an incident on a hunting trip could be

followed by a dream in which a spirit instructs the

man to carve a board to mark the occasion. This

secret story of the hohao would be passed on from

father to son, the board being kept in the eravo

for many years. Two kwoi in Usher’s photo D6,

taken in a ravi at Kairu around Christmas 1915,

are the same as two kwoi previously photographed

by A. B. Lewis in May 1912 in the same ravi

(Newton 1961, Figs 33, 218).§ The differences in

the kwoi displays over a short period of only 3%

years indicates something of the constantly

changing nature of the ravi’s interior furnishings.

While creating a database for Usher’s collection

of J. W. Beattie postcards, the number of scenes

which included canoes made it necessary to find

out more about the various types. The standard

work on canoes of Oceania, that by A. C. Haddon

and J. Hornell, proved invaluable. A wealth of

data can be found in or through that reference

which explains several of Usher’s images.

The largest canoe constructed by the Papuans

was the multi-hulled /akatoi used in the hiri, the

annual trading voyages by the Motu of the

Moresby area in the east to the Elema and the

Namau of the Vailala and the Purari Rivers in the

cf, Newton 1961, plates 33, 218, which are reproductions of photographs taken by A. B. Lewis in 1912 for the Field Museum in

Chicago, two years before Usher arrived. The kwoi to the left of the passageway in the first Jarava in Usher’s photograph is in a

corresponding position in Newton 1961, plate 33; the kwoi to the left of the passageway in the second /arava in Usher’s photograph

is in a corresponding position in Newton 1961, plate 218.

222

west. The Motu took pots’ and shell ornaments!°

and exchanged them for canoe hulls (asi) and

sago, neither of which could be found locally. The

lakatoi sailed to the Gulf villages as three- or

four-hulled vessels and returned as reconstructed

vessels with many more hulls.

Haddon and Hornell (1975: 227) report that the

term lakatoi is derived from laka (Motu form of

wa, waka, waga — a canoe with strakes), and toi

(Motu form of tolu — three). Illustrations of

lakatoi were most popular in books that dealt with

this part of Papua and most visitors with cameras

endeavoured to secure photographs of them.

Haddon and Hornell (op cit.) quote from

Barton’s account of the Airi included by Seligman

in his book (1910: 96-120):

A lakatoi is composed of three or more asi

{dugouts], which are made of a soft-wood tree

(ilimo) of great size that grows close by rivers in

their low alluvial reaches in the Papuan Gulf district.

The Gulf natives fell the trees and float them to the

lakatoi that have arrived on a trading expedition

(hiri). The trunks are hauled on to the bank of the

river, where the visitors hollow them out and shape

them. Fire is not employed in this operation. An asi

is a clumsy dugout with rounded or squared ends

prolonged above into a projecting flat beak. An

unusually large one measured in 1886 had a length

of 47 feet 8 inches from the tip of one beak to that

of the other . . .

The asi are secured together by numerous cross

beams which are tied by lashings that pass through

square holes cut in their gunwales. Over these beams

a large platform or deck (ilaha) is constructed; this

must be made very strong as it has to stand the

strain of the great waves of the Gulf. The platform

extends beyond the asi especially fore and aft. In

1884 the largest /akatoi which arrived at Port

Moresby from the Gulf consisted of 14 asi and

measured 59 by 51 feet; two smaller ones measured

54 by 37 feet.

Usher recorded four views of lakatoi. The first is

of the central open deck space bounded by the large

four-sided shelter that has been constructed on the

multi-hulled vessel. The next image shows a fully-

rigged lakatoi moored off the village of Kaimare in

the Purari Delta (C93). The last two images (e.g.

C100) are of a nine- or ten-hulled /akatoi moored

beside Ukiaravi village in the Purari Delta, waiting

G. R. PIKE & B. CRAIG

for its load of sago to be brought in exchange for

the pots and shell ornaments it has delivered.

Barton gives a clear idea of the volume of trade

involved (Seligman 1910: 114—5):

The average number of men who go in a lakatoi is

29. In 1885 four lakatoi left Port Moresby each

carrying an average number of 1628 pots. In 1903 the

Kwaradubuna . . . equipped a lakatoi . . . consisting

of 4 asi. The total number of pots carried in this

lakatoi was 1294, giving an average therefore of 324

pots per asi. Assuming that 20 Jlakatoi sailed that

year, and that each was composed of 4 asi, the total

number of pots taken was 25,920. In addition to the

pots the Kwaradubuna J/akatoi took in that year 57

toia, 2 mairi, and 8 tautau, besides a certain quantity

of trade tobacco and other imported articles. This

vessel on her return voyage consisted of 10 asi, and

her cargo of sago would therefore have been about 25

tons. Dr Lawson informed me that in 1884 the largest

lakatoi consisting of 14 asi returned with 34 tons, and

two others with 30 tons each.

The canoes of the Papuan Gulf were generally

plain and practical although some of the larger

dugouts had a panel of carved and painted designs

along each side (C91). A single dugout for use in

river travel was paddled along by people who

stood in the canoe. For transport along the coast,

outrigger canoes were used because they gave

greater stability in the winds and strong currents

found in the Gulf.

Apart from his interest in the indigenous

inhabitants, Usher also noted the European

presence on the outstations in the Gulf region (e.g.

C51-2), in Port Moresby (especially a

magnificent 6-frame panorama of the town) and

at Herbertsh6he and Rabaul (e.g. E33). Other

photographs record the visit to Port Moresby of

the Admiral of the Fleet, Sir George E. Patey,

K.C.M.G., K.C.V.O., R.N., Commander in Chief,

Royal Australian Fleet, 1913/15. The visit was in

August 1914, at the outbreak of the First World

War. The people from the vicinity of Port

Moresby put on a display of dancing to mark the

occasion (A146—7).

The photograph A147 (neg. A154) is an

interesting study of the appropriation of a

European artefact for an otherwise indigenous

work. A close look at the headdress of the dancer

on the right reveals the incorporation of a pack of

° There were seven types of Motu pots (Barton in Seligman 1910: 114, fn.2).

'© There were three main types of shell wealth: toia (shell armlets), mairi (pearl shells, whole or crescent-shaped), and tautau (nassa

or ‘dog-whelk’ necklaces). A large toia bought a 250 to 350]b package of sago or one asi (canoe hull); a large uro pot bought a bag

of about 80lbs of sago and a small uro pot or a keikei pot bought about 40lbs of sago (Barton in Seligman 1910: 115).

USHER PHOTOGRAPHIC COLLECTION 223

playing cards. Western icons became

commonplace in tribal life over ensuing years and

the nature of New Guinea art changed

accordingly. The introduction of new objects and

designs into a tribal society can be both

challenging to tradition and a means of widening

the horizons of the recipients.

No matter how strong their traditions or how firm

their faith in their own intrinsic worth, the people

are now exposed and vulnerable and they must enter

a new age if they are to survive into the future

(Blackburn 1979: 15).

This meeting of two cultures should not

necessarily be seen as negative although the

asymmetry of power relations between colonisers

and colonised meant that most of the change was

carried by the colonised. It is safe to assume,

however, that when the dancer in Usher’s

photograph conceived of the playing cards as

components for his headdress, he didn’t see the

death of tradition but rather an opportunity to

impress his audience with something novel.

UsHER ON LEAVE

Apparently, on his way home on leave some

time in the first half of 1916, Usher (E47)

travelled aboard the cargo boat ‘Meklong’ from

Moresby to Herbertshohe and Rabaul via Samarai,

then called at Morobe and various other ports on

New Britain, then on to the Shortlands off the

southern end of Bougainville, and through the

Solomons, presumably then on to Australia.

The ‘Meklong’ was a cargo steamer with a carrying

capacity of about 175 tons. Her hull was of iron, and

she was capable of steaming seven knots in smooth

water: if any sea was running, her speed became

uncertain. Owned by the Norddeutscher-Lloyd, she

had formerly been used for bringing rice down the

Siamese river from which she took her name. In New

Guinea she had been employed in collecting cargo

from out-lying islands for transhipment at Rabaul to

the Norddeutscher-Lloyd steamers, which connected

the colony with the East and with Europe. Since her

capture [in 1914 by HMAS ‘Parramatta’] she had,

after various naval and military services, been put

back into the cargo trade, and Brig-Gen. Sir Samuel

Pethebridge proposed to use her for the despatch of

supplies to the islands, and for the concentration of

copra at Rabaul for transhipment to Sydney. With her

shallow draught, her small consumption of coal, and

her comparatively large carrying capacity, the

‘Meklong’ proved a most servicable vessel in the

work of the administration (Mackenzie 1938: 200-

201).

It was probably this excursion that sparked

Usher’s interest in obtaining postcard photographs

of these areas. Although Usher’s trip through the

Solomon Islands was fleeting, his photographs

and his collection of Beattie postcards give us a

record of life and culture in the islands around

1916. Among the images is a picture of two ‘War’

canoes that were kept in a canoe house on Vella

Lavella (F3). These canoes are of the mon type,

without an outrigger. Haddon and Hornell (1975:

108-9) have a description of an identical canoe

housed in the British Museum that came from the

the same island:

Both ends are alike and rise into a high peak which

is ornamented with ovulum shells along its outer

edge and along the inner edge with triangular

toothed pieces of shell. The sides are decorated with

inlay. A bunch of feathers is on the tip of each peak.

Haddon reports (ibid.) that Carl Ribbe, in his

book ‘Zwei Jahre unter den Kannibalen der

Salomo-Inseln’ (1903), mentions that the mon

canoes of Vella Lavella have two human heads

facing fore and aft on the peaks of the canoe prows.

This appears to be a visual reference to the

headhunting activities of the owners of the canoe.

Unfortunately the South Australian Museum’s

example (A.8059), obtained from Tost and Rohu in

Sydney late last century, has lost the high peaks,

ornamented with the ovulum shells, at each end.

UsHER’S DEATH

Ernest Sterne Usher died in Papua on 23

September 1916, not long after his return from

leave. The following article appeared in The

Papuan Times on 4 October 1916:

BOATING FATALITY

News has been received of the death by drowning of

Mr A. [sic] Usher, surveyor to the oilfields. This

gentleman has been engaged in cutting a new road at

the back of Orokolo to a new bore site. Mr Usher

was drowned whilst crossing the Vailala river from

the western side at its mouth. There was a fresh!! in

‘Fresh’: a sudden rise in water level caused by overnight rain upstream. Tidal bores also are a dangerous phenomenon in rivers

draining south into the Gulf of Papua. It was a tidal bore that swept Michael Rockefeller and his companions out to sea during his

work among the Asmat of Irian Jaya; presumably he drowned when he attempted to swim back to shore.

224

the river at the time, resulting in a very strong

current. The deceased attempted to cross in a small

canoe with three boys. He was warned by the

Village Constable to obtain a larger canoe, but

replied that a smaller one would be quicker. The

canoe was swamped, and the current swept the

unfortunate man out to sea. He endeavoured to swim

ashore, but became exhausted and sank. His body

has not been recovered so far. Two natives reached

the shore in an exhausted condition, but the third

boy was drowned, and his body washed ashore two

days later.

Mr Usher was extremely popular on the oilfield, and

only returned to the oilfields three months ago after

a holiday south. The sad news of his death caused a

feeling of depression on the field, where his many

friends heard the news with the greatest regret.

DIscusSION

Research on the Usher collection continues.

Although most of the photographs have

something written on the back and there is a short

description of each photograph in a list for each

of the alphabetic series, we do not know what

became of his field diaries which he would have

kept to document his survey observations. They

were probably taken over by Wade but we have

yet to locate Wade’s diaries and records. The

present numbered sequence of the photographs is

not always consistent with the few facts we do

know of Usher’s itinerary. It is possible that we

could get a clearer idea of the sequence of the

photographs from Usher’s field diary, even if he

did not record each day exactly when and where

he took each photograph.

Nevertheless there is sufficient data in the

images to throw light on the nature and

significance of undocumented or incorrectly

described ethnographic objects held by museums

(as noted above for the long narrow carved boards

in the Webster catalogue), and to conduct a

comparative study of ethnographic material over

G.R. PIKE & B. CRAIG

space (that is, comparing the material culture of

people in several neighbouring communities) and

over time (by looking for images from a number

of photographers showing the same place at

different points in time). The comparison of

Usher’s D6 with certain photographs by Lewis

3% years earlier has identified two kwoi

apparently in the same men’s house but in

association with different kwoi on each occasion.

Usher’s photographs taken at Kaimari in 1915

(C93, 97,98) may be compared to Hurley and

Williams photographs taken at Kaimari seven

years later.'? Thus there is much scope for

comparing the photographs of Lewis, Usher,

Chinnery, Hurley, Wirz, Williams, and perhaps

others not yet identified, to elicit information on

continuity and change in the cultures of the region.

The Usher collection is one man’s window on

cultures that have existed for hundreds if not

thousands of years, cultures that have not been

static but responsive to changes in the

environment, to impacts from outside and to

impulses from within. We do not know exactly

why Usher set about making such a thorough

photographic record. Was it simply curiosity? Was

it a way of letting his family know what he was

doing? Did he have some grander purpose? These

photographs join other major collections of

photographs of the colonial era that provide the

data for analysis of the way Europeans have

viewed tribal peoples in the Pacific (and indeed

elsewhere in the world). This paper has not

attempted such an analysis but the brief notes

attached to Usher’s images do suggest to the

authors that his attitude towards the indigenous

people was positive and his aim consistent with

an ethnographic purpose of recording the lifeways

of people still living more-or-less as their

ancestors lived before Europeans came to work

among them. This record will undoubtedly be of

considerable interest to the descendants of those

people and it is intended to explore means for

making the photographs accessible to them.

'2 E.g. Hurley: V.4867, V.4873 in Specht and Fields 1984: 167, 169; Williams: Australian Archives A6003/37.3.

ALBUM A

Al-4a,b

A8&

Al0

All

Al2

Al3

Al4

AlS

Al6

Al7

Al8

Al9

A20

A21

A22

A23, 24

A25

A26, 27

A28

A29

A30

A31

A32, 33

A34

A35

A36

A37

A38

USHER PHOTOGRAPHIC COLLECTION

InpEX To UsHER PHoto ALBUMS A To F

LOCATION

Melbourne, VIC.?

Upoia, Vailala River

Upoia

Parimanurri, Vailala District

Parimanurri

Orokolo, Vailala District

Orokolo

Ferntree Gully, VIC.

near Muru village

Muru village

Heperi Camp

Ravi Ravau village, Purari Delta

Aiari village, Purari Delta

Maipua village, Purari Delta

Vivirai, Vailala River

Vivirai camp

USHER’S DESCRIPTION

[Family photos; Melbourne?]; June 1916

White quarters

Weekly muster of labourers

Inspection of police and rifles

Looking upstream at camp and Vailala River

Boys houses at Upoia

Main camp; view from west side

Setting off from Upoia to Aro Aro January 1914

Crane and Wrathall paying women carriers.

Village scene

Camp at Parimanurri

Survey camp

Dubu at Parimanurri; the completed building

will extend to the front posts.

Typical dubu at Orokolo Village

Traders house (Mr McDonald’s) at Orokolo

Sunday School at London Missionary Society

Mission, Orokolo (Tongan missionary), showing

wreck of Burns Philp ketch ‘Gira’, with Crane,

McDonnell and Wrathall on deck

Village scene

Family group

Village scene

[Family photos, Ferntree Gully picnic]

Bush track scene

Group on dubu; family group

Man climbing coconut tree . . . notice breadfruit

trees and method of marking coconut tree for

ownership

Well-constructed typical dubu

White bell-shaped fungus

Village scene with canoes—all paddling is done

standing up.

Village scene with canoes

Interior of dubu

Panorama taken from rocking canoe

Bridge built by Mambare Boys at McDonald’s

Bridge built by Mambare Boys, Vaivira camp

(McDonald’s)

River Scene looking up Vailala River from

McDonald’s (Vaivira)

225

INDEXER’S NOTES

Negatives only

Destroyed

Mr W.J. Crane was

Patrol Officer from

6-7-14 to 3-3-15

Destroyed

Negatives only

Destroyed; replaced

with negatives of

family photos, Ferntree

Gully picnic, Victoria

Destroyed (but see

A48)—teplaced with

negative of family

photo of Joan

Destroyed—replaced

with negative of family

photo of Joan, Marion

and Edith

Destroyed—replaced

with negative of family

photo of Joan

‘Boys’ = men

On negative, says

‘Maira, V.O.”

ASS

A60, 61

A62

A63, 64

A65

A66, 67

A68

A69

A70

A7l

A72

A73

A74, 75

A76

A77

A78

AT79

A80

A81, 82

A83

Maira camp

Vailala village

Idikaku village, Vailala River

Idikaku village

near Mairu, Vailala River

Vailala River

Vailala River mouth

Vailala beach

Vailala?

Vailala River mouth

Vailala Beach

Vailala River mouth

Koraita village, near Kerema

Koraita village

Ipisi village, near Kerema

Kerema

Ipisi village

Koraita village

Kerema

Ipisi village

Kerema

Koraita village

Kerema

Koraita

G.R. PIKE & B. CRAIG

Views from Maira Camp and among sago palms

along Maira track

Group of boys

Group of girls; notice method of shaving head

Women preparing for a banquet—note village dogs

and cooking pots

Preparing banquet

Cooking scene

Big dubu

Well constructed typical dubu, near Lett’s

Group of men and boys

Man firing bow and arrow; near Lett’s

Forest track scene between Lett’s and Maira

Shifting camp by whale boat, Lett’s.

Mid-day meal at Rest House; C. Henry (P.O.)

standing; L. L. Wrathall and E. R. Stanley sitting;

cook boys Heraciou and Toi.

Fishing boys

My survey boys—left to right, Kao-I, Kebe, Ikavu,

Obovda, Bets

Hockey on the beach —photo taken at nearly sunset

Towing the stranded ‘Orokolo’ through the surf to

the Vailala mouth; notice three tow lines and boys

keeping boat in deep water

Group of boys and girls; ‘Orokolo’ ketch in

background being dragged along by natives

Towing the ketch ‘Orokolo’ into the river

Mambare ‘boy’ (Bangoda) in dancing costume —

notice bills of Hornbills signifying that he has killed

his man

Woman and very young child

Family groups

Children

Woman and child; women on canoe

Fishing boys; the boys run rapidly through the

water on seeing a fish and bring down the basket

over it—a hole at the top enables the fish to

be got out.

Women and children digging in the sand for

Lingulae (very ancient form of brachiopod)

Mambare boys dancing

Mambare boys ready to dance

Woman carrying firewood and baby

Groups [of people]

Large group of fishing people after a shoal of fish

Group of fishermen

Fishing boys

Women carrying evening meal (sago and potatoes)

Women returning with a load of shrimps

Group of police with Magistrate (Mr J. F. Keeland)

Women cooking shrimps in leaves—smoke in centre

of picture

Destroyed—replaced

with negatives of

family photos of Joan

Destroyed

Destroyed—replaced

with negative of family

photo of Marion and

Joan

Destroyed—replaced

with negative of family

photo of Joan

‘boys’ = men

‘boy’ = man

Destroyed

‘boys’ = men

Destroyed

in pots

in canoe

A84

A85

A86

A87

A88

A89

A90

AQ1

A92

A93

A94

A9S

A96

A97

A98

A99

A100

Al0l

A102

A103

A104

A105

A106

A107

A108

A109

All0

Alll

All2

A113

All4

All5

A116

All7

All8

All9

A120

Al21

A122

A123

Al24

A125

Kerema

Selon [?] village

Kukipi

Motu Motu

Lese village

Mairu village

Lese village

Moru village

Sepoi village

Kivori village, near

Cape Possession

Kivori village

Sepoi village

Mairu village

Berena village

Kerema

Berena village

Kivori village

Maiva village

Kivori village

Maiva village

USHER PHOTOGRAPHIC COLLECTION

Police sergeant and wife at Kerema

government station

Group [of people]

Loading canoes at Kukipi for transport

Motu Motu boys interested in a theodolite

Group of girls making ramis

Women stripping leaves from a sago palm for

making grass skirts [ramis]; notice heads of all

showing various styles of cutting hair

Lese Village

Transport by canoes (Max Aspin’s store); my

survey boys (Mambares) in front with theodolite

and other equipment

Women and babies

Fishing boys using bows and arrows

at Mairu village

Widow at Lese village

Woman and child at Lese village

Man and child

General view

Baby

Cooking scene

Picanninny [sic]

Widows and children

Village scene

Group of women

Samoan missionary’s house

Mission children

General scene; note: wind screens, fenced houses

which are right on the ground

Group of well tattooed women

Men spearing fish

Group of natives on the beach

Youthful couple

Preparing for a feast

Group of men

Native graveyard at Berena Village, west of Yule

Island; the roofs over the graves vary from 5ft to

7ft high

Portrait of C. Henry, Ass. Resident Magistrate,

Kerema

Picanninny

General scene

Dubu, houses, and baggage

Washing baby who is vigorously protesting; note

deep tattooing on the women

Group of tattooed women

House with garden

Back view of tattooed women

Well kept native house

Young boys spearing and rolling coconuts at village;

one boy stands at the side and rolls the coconut

rapidly along the ground—they are remarkably

good shots

227

Destroyed

Negative missing

Destroyed

Negative missing

Destroyed

Tattoo markings do

not show well

Toddlers

Negative missing

Destroyed (but see

A130)

Tattoo markings do not

show well

Tattoo markings do not

show well

Tattoo markings do not

show well

228

A126

A127

A128

A129

A130

A131

A132

A133

A134

A135

A136

A137

A138-142

A143, 144

A145-169

A170-173

A174-176

Al77

A178

A179

A180

A181, 182

A183

A184

A185

A186

near Berena village,

Mohu (Mou) village,

near Yule Island

Mohu (Mou) village

Kerema

Pinnapaku

Yule Island

Port Moresby

Near Port Moresby

Port Moresby

Hanuabada

G. R. PIKE & B. CRAIG

Mid-day halt with carriers

Typical dubu

Group of men and women (carriers) . . . C. Henry

in front

Portrait: C. H. Henry

Well decorated, tattooed women from Mou village

Picanninny at village about 1.5 miles from Yule

Island Mission Station

Group of young children at Yule Island Village

(Men) Boys building a house at Yule Island Village

Typical Dubu at Yule Island village

General view of Yule Island Mission Station (R. C.

Sacred Heart Mission)

General view of Yule Island looking from flagstaff

of Government Station towards Mission Station —

Ketch ‘Sir Arthur’ in foreground

Panorama of Port Moresby looking from Mr

Staniforth-Smith’s home towards land office [then

180° to right over the town to Ela Beach and

coastline beyond]

Panorama of Port Moresby looking from behind

Hospital towards Paga Hill [left to right]

Dancers at Police Barracks, Port Moresby, in

honour of the first visit of the Admiral of the

Australian Fleet, July 1914

[Left to right] Panorama of Elevara, Hanuabada and

Comdobu [Konedobu?] at Port Moresby

As above

Group of natives at village near Port Moresby

General view of village near Port Moresby

Father and son, Hanuabada

Natives, village near Port Moresby

Woman and baby

Woman and child, Hanuabada

Portrait : J. W. Murray

General view—village near Port Moresby

Picanninny [sic]

General view

Arrived 14th July 1914

as Assistant Resident

Magistrate, Gulf

Division

Tattoo markings do not

show well

Negative sequence

139, 140, 143, 142,

144

Another list says ‘from

behind Government

Secretary’s Office’;

negative sequence 141,

138

Negative sequence:

151, 168, 154, 148,

159, 158, 157, 156,

155, 152, 153, 149,

145, 147, 163, 165,

160, 162, 161, 164,

146; negatives of 159,

160, 168 missing, and

print and negative of

164 destroyed

NB. London

Missionary Society

Church in 172;

negative for 173

missing

Destroyed

Negative A185

Negative missing

Destroyed

Negative missing

Negative A178

Destroyed

A187

A188

A189

A190

Al91

A192

A193

A194

A195

A196

A197

A198

A199

A200

ALBUM B

B1,2

B3,4

B5, 6

B9-12

B13, 14

BIS

B16-18

B19

B20

B21

B22, 23

B24

B25

B26

B27-29

B30

B31

B32

B33

B34

B35

B36

B37

B38

B39

USHER PHOTOGRAPHIC COLLECTION

Heperi village, Vailala

Port Moresby

Papua

LOCATION

Port Moresby

Yule Island

Aidana village

Port Moresby

Upoia?

Upoia

Kerema?

Kerema

Ipisi village near Kerema

Ipisi village

Vailala River mouth

E. S. Usher on dubu at Heperi village

H.M.S. ‘Encounter’ showing view of Fairfax Harbour

H.M.S. ‘Encounter’ entering Port Moresby Harbour

on the occasion of the first visit of the Admiral to

Papua, July 1914

View of Port Moresby Harbour looking towards

Titava Island

Wharf, Port Moresby, decorated for visit of Admiral

of the Fleet

Port Moresby—Papua

General scene—Hanuabada, Port Moresby

Portrait: E. S. Usher

Portrait: L .L. Wrathall

Portrait: Dr Arthur Wade

Portrait: Evan Richard Stanley

Portrait: J. W. Murray

Portrait: E. S. Usher

Group photo of Wade Oil Expedition members,

Rear: Wrathall (left), Murray (right); middle, left:

Usher; front: Stanley (left), Wade (right)

USHER’S DESCRIPTION

S.S. ‘Kanowna’ Troopship coming into Port

Moresby—outbreak of War, August 1914

Troops on S.S. ‘Kanowna’

Torpedo destroyers alongside ‘Kanowna’

Australian Troops drilling at Port Moresby (in

groups across the landscape)

Australian troops at Port Moresby; left of centre:

others in groups under trees

Australian troops drilling at Port Moresby at the

outbreak of War

Heliographers at work

Red Cross Corps—Port Moresby

Torpedo destroyers at Port Moresby

Canoe scene—Yule Island

View of Roman Catholic Sacred Heart Mission

Station taken from the sea at Yule Island

Scene at Aidana village near Port Moresby —

panorama [right to left]

Group of young children at Aidana village

Group of young boys at Aidana village

Church of England—Port Moresby, August 1914

Start of first railway in Papua—Port Moresby,

August 1914

Coast scene near Koki

View from house looking towards river, Feb. 1915

New house, Feb. 1915

Mr Massey-Baker in canoe, Feb. 1915

Government station , Kerema, Feb. 1915

Baby, Feb. 1915

Boys playing in surf, Feb. 1915

Cutter Nouei [?] from ‘Ela’, Feb. 1915

Natives dressing to go home, August 1914

Natives transferring goods to canoes from launch,

August 1914

229

Negative missing

Negative A189

Negative A190

Negative A188

Burns Philp store with

tower, at right

Destroyed

INDEXER’S NOTES

Destroyed

Negative missing

‘Quarabada’ on

negatives and list

Destroyed

230

B40

B41

B42

B43

B44

B45

B46

B47

B48

B49

B50

B51

BS2

B53

B54

B55, 56

BS7

B58

B59

B60

Bol

Bo2, 63

B64

BOS

B66

B67

B68

B69

B70, 71

B72, 73

B74

B75

B76

B77

B78

B79

B80

B8 1-83

B84

B85

B86

B87

B88

B89

B90

B91

BIZEOS:

B94

B9S

B96

Vailala River mouth

Upoia

Koraita near Kerema

Koraita

Upoia

Near Port Moresby

Upoia

Purari village, Vailala River

Purari village

Vailala River

Akauda village, Vailala River

Hahia village

Upoia?

Urawoi village

Borki village, Vailala River

Urawoi village district

Between Upoia and Borki

Upoia

Vailala

Vailala village

Vailala River

Upoia

Vailala village

Upoia

Vailala village

G. R. PIKE & B. CRAIG

Off for home in canoes, August 1914

Canoes coming out to meet boat, August 1914

Launch ‘Ela’, August 1914

Canoe building, August 1914

House (dubu) in building, August 1914

Unloading cargo at Upoia, Vailala Oilfields

Distributing weekly allowance of tobacco,

matches etc.

Woman and child—village near Port Moresby

Old couple—village near Port Moresby

General view—village near Port Moresby

Street scene—village near Port Moresby

View to coast from village near Port Moresby

Village scene near Port Moresby

Large rubber tree showing aerial roots—Upoia

Boys road making at Upoia

Transporting boring plant—Upoia, Sept. 1914

Boys going to work—Upoia, Sept. 1914

View from bore site No.6 to white quarters,

Sept. 1914

View from bore site No.6 to white quarters,

Sept. 1914

View from white quarters to river, Sept. 1914

Two old women

Native house and group

Group of women

Group of men

A mid-day halt on Purari trip—J. W. Murray on

whaleboat

View of Vailala River from white quarters looking

south

Group of women

View from Hahia village looking towards Upoia

Group taken at departure of Mr C. H. Locke

Group of men and carriers, Oct. 1914

Group of women, Oct. 1914

Group of old men, Oct. 1914

Group of children, Oct. 1914

Fish traps across creek, Oct. 1914

Large rubber tree with aerial roots, Oct. 1914

Rock exposures between Upoia and Borki, Oct. 1914

Survey group on Stadia Traverse of Vailala River,

Oct. 1914

Smiths (Dullers’) house, Oct. 1914

Boy who is going through dubu ceremony,

Oct. 1914

Fishing women, Oct. 1914

Dubu under construction, Oct. 1914

Group of young children, Oct. 1914

Hunting for turtles eggs, Oct. 1914

Kiwi boys shaving with broken glass, Oct. 1914

Group of white residents Upoia

Woman with elephantiasis

Portrait of J. Hodges

Women cutting hair

Destroyed

Negative missing

Destroyed

Negative missing

Destroyed

B98

B99

B100

B101

B102

B103

B104

B105

B106

B107

B108

B109

B110

Blll

B112-114

B115

B116

B117

B118

B119

B120

B121

B122

B123

B124

B125

B126

B127

B128

B129

B130

B131

B132

B133

B134a,b

B 135-139

B140-147

B148

Ivori River

Hukerara village, Vailala River

Vailala River

Keki village, upper Vailala River

Paku village, upper Vailala River

Keki village

Junction of Dahile and

Vailala Rivers

Junction of Vailala and

Ivori Rivers

Upoia

Ivori River

Upoia

Horu village near Upoia

Horu village

Habia Camp

Horu Village

near Habia

Keuru (between Vailala River

and Kerema)

Keuru

Koraita near Kerema

Koraita

Kerema

Upoia

USHER PHOTOGRAPHIC COLLECTION

Nobigu, my cook boy

Murray Falls on Ivori River (Mr Massey-Baker,

R. M.), Nov. 1914

Tree house, Nov. 1914

Canoe scene, Vailala River near Ivori River,

Nov. 1914

Vailala River looking upstream from Keki village,

Nov. 1914

Village scene, Paku village, Nov. 1914

Village scene, Nov. 1914

Junction of Dahile and Vailala Rivers, Nov. 1914

Junction of Vailala and Ivori Rivers, Nov. 1914

Creek scene near Upoia, Nov. 1914

Creek scene near Upoia showing very dense scrub,

Nov. 1914

Scene on Ivori River—furthest north, Nov. 1914

Scene on Ivori River, Nov. 1914

Tree observation tower station—Upoia, Dec. 1914

Nobigu and lady

Cook boys—Upoia; (left to right) Kio, Aupa

and Ompe

Women making sago

Woman making sago

Boys with cassowary

Woman making basket

Scene among bamboo

Crossing creek near

Keuru, Feb. 1915

Man shooting fish, Feb. 1915

Motu-Motu canoe poling along coast, Feb. 1915

Cave in Limestone near Bluff, Feb. 1915

Dancing men, Feb. 1915

Dancing men entering dubu, Feb. 1915

Boys spearing fish near Kerema, Feb. 1915

Boys scrambling for tobacco, Feb. 1915

Man with Elephantiasis, Feb. 1915

View from Kerema Station looking north,

Feb. 1915

View from Kerema Station looking north,

Feb. 1915

View from Kerema Station looking towards

Mai [?] Point, Feb. 1915

Panoramic view from tree trig station, Upoia, for

photographic survey work [left to right]

Panoramic view from Bald Hill, Upoia, for

photographic survey [left to right]

White bell fungus near Upoia (photographed

from nature)

231

Negative only

Destroyed

No print

No prints; two

negatives, probably left

to right panorama

No prints; 135

destroyed; two

negatives each of 136

and 138 (second with

filter used)

No prints; 147

destroyed

232 G.R. PIKE & B. CRAIG

B149 Upoia Verandah scene at Upoia No print

B150-151 Upoia Panorama of Oilfield from behind Smith’s No prints

house [left to nght]

B152 Upoia View towards Albert Ranges from Bald Hill No print

B153-155 Upoia Cloud studies No prints

B156, 157 near Dua village Women breaking down sago pith, March 1915 Destroyed

B158, 159 Dua Creek Rock outcrop on Dua Creek near Gorge, March 1915 Destroyed

B160, 161 Ahia [?] village Panoramic views from [?]Ahia village looking No prints

east [left to nght]

B162 Upoia Mess table, Upoia—J. Hodges, R. Bannon

B163 Dua Village Women breaking down sago pith near Dua village

B164, 165 Dua village View of camp near Dua village, March 1915 Destroyed

B166, 167 ? Still life study—Monkey Bar Destroyed

B168-170 Borki Scenes on Billabong near Borki, April 1915

B171-173 Vailala River Swamp tree (mangrove roots); moving camp Destroyed

by canoe

ALBUM C LOCATION USHER’S DESCRIPTION INDEXER’S NOTES

Cl Orokolo Church, London Missionary Society

Station, Orokolo

€2 Upoia? Our white cook, T. McGowan [?] Destroyed

(Ox) Upoia, Vailala River Canoe scene No print

C4 Upoia, Vailala River Group of natives on riverbank No print

C5 Upoia, Vailala River Two natives on riverbank No print

C6 Upoia, Vailala River Canoe scene No print

C7 Vailala River Group of canoes and men No print

C8 Vailala River Canoe scene, Vailala river No print

C9 ? My survey boys (left to right) Itori, Woro, Kelala, Negative numbered

Hamoi and Dia C10

C10 near Upoia Track scene near Upoia on the Aro Aro track

Cll near Upoia Surveying new road, Upoia to the coast

C12 ? Man and woman cutting up sago palm Photo and negative

missing

C13 } Boy climbing coconut tree

C14 Vailala river Vailala river looking south from Letts

Cis near Upoia Camp scene

C16 near Upoia Prolific Poa Poa [pawpaw] tree

C17 ? My cook boy Nobigu in dancing costume

C18 Upoia White quarters, Upoia (old style native house)

C19 Upoia Survey boys and survey canoe

C20, 21 Upoia Fault in rocks near Upoia—dull wet weather

C22, 23 Upoia Moving camp by canoe—Upoia

C24 Nepaga village, Vailala Scene at Nepaga village creek

River mouth

C25 Nepaga village Old man

C26 Nepaga village Old man

C27 Tori village Village scene—crotons

C28 Nepaga village Young boy with ulcers

C29 Nepaga village Two hunters with cuss-cuss

C30 Maiva village, Mekeo district Village scene

C31 Berema village, Mekeo District | Roman Catholic Mission at Berema village

C32 Berema village Village scene

C33, 34 Maiva village Scenes at Maiva village

C35 Kivoori Poe village near Women cutting little girls hair

Yule Island

C36 Kivoori Poe village Samoan Mission house Negative missing

C37 Cape Possession Cape Possession Beds

C38

C39

C40

C41

C42

C43

C44

C45

C46

C47

C48

c49

C50

C87

USHER PHOTOGRAPHIC COLLECTION

Yule Island

Chiria Village, Yule Island

Yule Island

Berena village.

Yule Island

Helau village, Vailala river mouth

Mohu village, Mekeo District

Mohu creek, Yule Island

Maiva village

Pinnapaka village,

near Yule Island

Orokolo

Biai

Vailala River mouth

Upoia

Vailala

Vailala River

Vailala

Vaiviri

Vailala Oilfield

Purari Delta

Iai village, Purari Delta

Iai village

Tai village

Iai village

lai village

Tai village

Iai village

Tai village

Kairu village, Purari Delta

Kairu village

Koropenaira village, Purari Delta

Outcrop of rock

Old woman making pottery

Rescuing a horse

Women tattooing

Scene at Yule Island looking towards Delena

Dubu at Helau village

R.C.Mission at Mohu village

Portrait of two Mekeo boys

Market scene, Mohu creek

Men with spears and shield

Boys with bows and arrows

L. L. Wrathall off to enlist

Washing baby

Lawrence Schlenker, Orokolo, London

Missionary Society

London Missionary Society Station, Orokolo

Dubu at Biai, sleeping quarters for G. Bryson

(Appendicitis Hospital)

Man with Elephantiasis

Launching whale boat

Launching a canoe log

Women fishing in lagoon

No.6 Bore, Upoia

Tramway scene, Upoia

Oilfield Launch, ‘Vailala’

Oilfields Launch

Scenes in swamp showing Flying Foxes

Vailala River scene, Loop No.2

Skipper and engineer of launch, ‘Vailala’

Photo of trees on road from Upoia to coast

McDonald’s house, Vaiviri

Moresby Gifton on Launch ‘Vailala’

Bridge on the Upoia to Vaiviri track,

Vailala Oilfield

Large tree on the Upoia to Vaiviri track,

Vailala Oilfield

Photographic expedition in Purari Delta,

Christmas 1915

Tai village

Old men

Young boys

Young men

Women and children

Old men

Interior of dubu (irava or men’s club house)

Tai village Purari Delta

Three women; centre one [is] a widow covered

with white clay.

Creek scene near Kairu village

Old men

Dwelling houses

Aimunu (captives basket )

233

Negative missing

No print

Photo and negative

missing

Negative missing

No print

No print of 63

Photo and negative

missing

No print of 68

C71 destroyed

Destroyed

Negative missing

[Iai=Iari?]

Negative missing

Photo and negative

missing

Koropenairu on maps

234

C88

C89

C90

C91

C92

C93

C94

C95

C96-98

C99, 100

ALBUM D

D10

Dil, 12

D13

D14, 15

D16

D1i7

Dis

D19

D20

D21

D22

D23

D24

D25

D26

D27

Tai village

Urika, Purari Delta

Maipua village, Purari Delta

U-Ki-Aravi village

Kaimari village, Purari Delta

Kaimari village

U-k-iaravi village

LOCATION

Maipua village, Purari Delta

Maipua village

U-k-iaravi village, Purari Delta

U-k-iaravi village

Koropenaira village, Purari

Delta

U-k-iaravi village

U-k-1aravi village

U-k-iaravi village

near Urika Island, Purari Delta

Kairu village, Purari Delta

Kairu village

Kaimari village, Purari Delta

Kaimari village

Orokolo village

Kaimari village

Orokolo

Maipua village

Orokolo village

Kaimari village

G.R. PIKE & B. CRAIG

Village scene

Canoe scene

London Missionary Society station

Returning from the gardens

Interior of lakatoi—showing method of housing

East End lakatoi at Purari Delta

Street scene

Women at Kaimari village

General scene—panorama

A lakatoi from East End of Papua waiting in

Purari Delta for a load of sago given in exchange

for load of pots and other trade goods

USHER’S DESCRIPTION

General village scene at Maipua

Dwelling houses at Maipua

Irava (club house)

General scene

Lakatoi, lakatoi house and canoe

Interior of club house (irava)

Front view of Kai-aimunu basket—flashlight

photo taken in club house

Interior of club house

Lakatoi at U-k-iaravi village

U-k-iaravi village showing large irava

Two old men

Lakatoi at U-k-iaravi village

Sago making

Dwelling houses

Interior of irava or club house

Two men, Kaimari village. Smaller one covered

with clay being in mourning for a relative.

Women at Kaimari village.

Street scene

Youths just out of irava

Hanuabada natives off Lakatoi at Kaimari village

Youths just out of irava where they have been

confined for months; front view

Youths who have just come out of the irava or

club house after confinement of many months,

now eligible to marry; back view

Making sago with the feet

Women fishing

Young boy

= U-k-iaravi (see

99,100, D3-7, etc)

Kaimare village; cf.

C97

C96 photo and

negative missing

C99 negative missing

INDEXER’S NOTES

A-ki-ravi or Ukai-ravi ?

Negative missing

cf. C99-100

Print incorrectly

numbered D17 by

Usher

Same as C87; suspect

original D7 photo and

negative destroyed

Print incorrectly

numbered D6 by Usher

List states ‘Ari-hovi

village’ [=Api-Opi?]

List states ‘Ari-hovi

village’ [=Api-Opi?]

List states ‘Ari-hovi

village’ [=Api-Opi?]

Second negative D27

(no print) same subject

slightly different

position

D28

D29

D30

D31

D32

D33

D34

D35

D36

D37, 38

D39

D40

D41

D42

ALBUM E

E1-5

E8&

E10

Ell

E12

E13-26

E27

E28

E29, 30

E31, 32

E33

E34

E35

E36

E37

E38

E39

E40

E41

E42

E43

E44

E45

E46

E47

E48

E49-53

E54

ESS

ES6, 57

USHER PHOTOGRAPHIC COLLECTION 235

Ravi Kavau village, Purari Delta

Maipua village

Orokolo village

Orokolo district

Vailala village

Samarai

LOCATION

Rabaul, New Britain

Rabaul

Matape [Matupit] Island, Rabaul

Matape Island

Herbertshohe, New Britain

Herbertshohe

Rabaul

Herbertshéhe

Herbertshohe

Witu Island, New Britain

Witu Island

Morobe, German New Guinea

Morobe

Ablingi Island, New Britain

Aimuno (Captives baskets)

Old man with piebald skin Second negative D29

(no print) same subject

slightly different

position

Widow

Old woman with long curls

Women returning from gardens

Women fishing.

Man with elephantiasis of legs No print

Village Constable No print

Group of youths No print

Samarai, general views

Samarai, view west side

Scenic track among the coconuts, Samarai

An avenue in Samarai

Church of England in Samarai

USHER’S DESCRIPTION INDEXER’S NOTES

Views of Siid Tochter [‘South Daughter’ ]

volcano and crater

View of the ‘Mother’ volcano from

Government House

View of Rabaul Harbour from Government

House

General view of village

Making fish traps Negative missing

Lieutenant Peterson and pony

Group of children

Typical house

Dance scenes

The Pavilion (14 pigs) and native fruit for dance

Scene on coconut plantation

Views of Rabaul from the Harbour E30 also titled

‘Japanese Town’

Signalling station

Native Police

Street scene

Governors Residence

Young boys with toy boats

Typical canoe

Rubber plantation

Cocoa Plantation

Native labourers

Canoe making

Village scene

Coconut plantation

Witu Lagoon

Crew and Officers of the ‘Meklong’ cargo boat

Officers of the ‘Meklong’ cargo boat

E. S. Usher on ‘Meklong’ cargo boat

Witu Lagoon

Scenes at Morobe E53 also titled

‘Morobe Station’

Native men

Native women

Women and babies Shows head binding

ALBUM F

Fl-2

F10, 11

F12-14

F15, 16

F17

F18, 19

F20

F21

F22

F23

F24

F25

F26

F27, 28

F29

F30

F31732

F33

F34

F35

F36, 37

F38

F39-40

F41

F42

F43

F44

F45

F46

Ablingi Island

Lindenhafen, New Britain

Lindenhafen

Morobe

LOCATION

Vella Lavella Island, Solomons

Vella Lavella Island

Faisi, Shortland Island Solomons

Faisi, Shortland Island

Simbo Is., Solomons

Simbo Island

Gizo Island, Solomon Islands

Russell Island, Solomon Islands

Vella Lavella Island

Helavo village, Gela Is.

Gela Island

Helavo village, Gela Is.

Tulagi, Solomons

Tulagi

Guadalcanar, Solomons

Simbo, Solomons

Rere, Guadalcanar

Tasimboko village, Beraude,

Guadalcanar

Tasimboko village

Toombosa village, Beraude,

Guadalcanar

Toombosa village

Guadalcanar

Beraude, Guadalcanar

Gela Island, Solomons

G.R. PIKE & B. CRAIG

Man and child

Group of women

Women unloading canoes

Two men (portrait)

Men with shields

Two men (portrait)

Man (portrait)

Group of men

Group and village scene

USHER’S DESCRIPTION

Women (Liapari), side and front views

War canoes

General view

Island King (portrait)

Two boys (portrait)

Malaita boy (portrait)

Women (portrait)

Canoe scene

General views

Tambo Shrine

General views, Simbo Lagoon

Village scene

Views from Government Station

Native Church, Melanesian Mission

Canoe scene

Group of women

Helavo village

Ivory nut trees

Church

View of Tulagi

Views of Tulagi Harbour (Panorama)

Canoe scene

Women preparing yams

Man with [neck] growth (portrait)

Man (portrait)

Women

Houses

Women preparing yams

Village scenes

Church

Village Scene

Coconut Plantation

Loading horses

Lever Bros Plantation

Village scene (Voloa)

INDEXER’S NOTES

Also titled ‘Plantation’

Also titled ‘Natives’

‘Boy’ = man

Panorama, left to right

right to left

Negative F37 missing

—_

at)

USHER PHOTOGRAPHIC COLLECTION

G. R. PIKE & B. CRAIG

fel

A21

A44

A50

USHER PHOTOGRAPHIC COLLECTION

240 G. R. PIKE & B. CRAIG

igy

A68

A78

241

USHER PHOTOGRAPHIC COLLECTION

Ai10

A146

A147

G. R. PIKE & B. CRAIG

242

B86

B87

B88

USHER PHOTOGRAPHIC COLLECTION 243

G.R. PIKE & B. CRAIG

B127

B129

B1i63

C26

USHER PHOTOGRAPHIC COLLECTION

Lanne

G.R. PIKE & B. CRAIG

246

C51

USHER PHOTOGRAPHIC COLLECTION

C81

C83

c91

248 G. R. PIKE & B. CRAIG

D2 8 dle

USHER PHOTOGRAPHIC COLLECTION 240

G.R. PIKE & B. CRAIG

USHER PHOTOGRAPHIC COLLECTION

G.R. PIKE & B.

CRAIG

USHER PHOTOGRAPHIC COLLECTION

ACKNOWLEDGMENTS

The authors would like to thank the following people:

the late Edith Saxton for donating her brother’s valuable

collection of photographs and her sons Richard and Bill

Saxton for their hospitality and generosity during the

research period; Chris Warrillow of the Department of

Mining and Petroleum, Port Moresby, P.N.G., also John

Meehan of Port Moresby; Gordon Maitland and the

Auckland Institute and Museum, for their generous

253

donation of a copy of a J. W. Beattie catalogue; Andrew

Levens, Registrar of Births, Deaths and Marriages of

Victoria for his help in finding the Usher and Saxton

families; and the Friends of the South Australian

Museum for their research grant and encouragement. Dr

Jim Specht and Dr Ron Vanderwal provided valuable

critique of a draft of this paper. Finally, thanks are due

to Scott Bradley for his work producing prints from the

original nitrate negatives and for his enthusiasm for this

project.

REFERENCES

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Publishing: London.

CRAIG, B. 1988. ‘Art and Decoration of Central New

Guinea.’ Shire: Aylesbury, Bucks.

HADDON, A. C. & HORNELL, J. 1975. ‘Canoes of

Oceania.’ Bishop Museum Press: Hawaii. (Volume

1, Ist ed 1936, Vol. 2, Ist ed 1937, Vol. 3, Ist ed

1938).

HOLMES, J. H. 1924. ‘In Primitive New Guinea.’

Seeley, Service & Co.: London.

MACKENZIE, S. S. 1938. ‘The Official History of

Australia in the War of 1914-1918, vol X: The

Australians at Rabaul.’ Angas & Robertson: Sydney.

MAMIYA, C. J. & SUMNIK, E. C. 1982. ‘Hevehe:

Art, Economics and Status in the Papuan Gulf.’

Museum of Cultural History, UCLA: Los Angeles.

NEWTON, D. 1961. ‘Art Styles of the Papuan Gulf.’

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SELIGMAN, C. G. 1910. ‘The Melanesians of British

New Guinea.’ University Press: Cambridge.

SPECHT, J. & Fields, J. 1984. ‘Frank Hurley in Papua:

Photographs of the 1920-1923 Expeditions.’ Robert

Brown: Bathurst, NSW.

WADE, A. 1915. ‘Report on Petroleum in Papua.’

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WILLIAMS, F. E. 1936. ‘Bull-Roarers in the Papuan

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Papua: Port Moresby.

WILLIAMS, F. E. 1940. ‘Drama of Orokolo.’ Oxford

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