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———

y JOURNAL

OF THE

CEYLON BRANCH

OF THE

a A) s

i ees

iB ee ig, UPL IC "ty v S

‘EDITED BY THE HONORARY SECRETARY. TN

_ The design of the Society is to institute and promote inquiries into the \

History, Religions, Languages, Literature, Arts, and Social Condition N ik

of the present and former Inhabitants of the Island, with its R

Geology and Mineralogy, its Climate and Meteorology, . N

its Botany and Zoology.

Mil W

2 3 YL As SCG

TTT

Price; to Members, Re. 1; to Non-Members, Rs. 2. -

oe —

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COLOMBO :

H. C. COTTLE, GOVERNMENT PRINTER, CEYLON. A

1911. ws.

LBL TLL TEL TLE TOL TEL TEL DLT TEL TELL LLL

JOURNAL

OF THE

CEYLON BRANCH

OF THE -

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,

1910.

VOLUME XXII.

No. 63.

EDITED BY THE HONORARY SECRETARY.

The design of the Society is to institute and promote inquiries into the

History, Religions, Languages, Literature, Arts, and Social Condition

of the present and former Inhabitants of the Island, with its

Geology and Mineralogy, its Climate and Meteorology,

its Botany and Zoology.

COLOMBO:

H. C. COTTLE, GOVERNMENT PRINTER, CEYLON.

1911.

= Ag

56. 5A!

“ » fanyaed” "

# : Cy png

f . ts,

CONTENTS.

PAGE

Council Meeting: February 7, 1910 .. fc 1

Council Meeting : March 16, 1910 sis oo 3

Annual General Meeting : March 16, 1910 ks 5

Paper read :—

‘‘The Age of Sri Parékrama Bahu VI. (1412-1467

A.D.),” by EDWARD W. PERERA 6

Annual Report for 1909 ie ‘at 45

Archeological Survey, 1909: Synopsis of work done

by the oe Ae aus 49

Office-Bearers for 1909, election of .. ie 57

Council Meeting : June 9, 1910 ee 32280

Paper not read :—

‘* Fourth Supplementary Paper on the Monumental

Remains of the Dutch East India ache in

Ceylon ”’ 5 63

General Meeting : August 3, 1910 io ae 70

Paper read :—

‘«¢ Tantri-Malai: some Archeological Observations

and Deductions.”’ by JoHN STILL my 73

General Meeting : September 29, 1910 eae 101

Paper read :—

‘¢ Kandyan Provinces,’”’ by the Hon. Mr. P. Arvu-

NACHALAM, C.C.S. is (2 LOS

Council Meeting : November 17, 1910 .,. ais 123

ERRATUM.

Page 99, line 16 . for ‘* Bodhisatrayé > ‘reced *« Bodhisatvay6,”

JOURNAL

OF THE

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,

CEYLON BRANCH.

COUNCIL MEETING.

Colombo Museum, February 7, 1910.

Present :

Mr. R. G. Anthonisz. Mr. A.M. Gunasékera, Muda:

Mr. M. K. Bamber, M.R.A.S. liyar.

Mr. E. B. Denham, B.A., C.C.S. Mr. D. B. Jayatilaka, B.A.

Mr. C. Drieberg, B.A., F. PAS. | Mr. R. C. Kaildsapillai, Mu-

Mr. Simon de Silva, Mudaliyar. daliyar.

| Mr. P. E. Pieris, M.A.,C.C.S.

Mr. J. Harward, M.A., Honorary Secretary.

Mr. G. A. Joseph, Honorary Secretary and Treasurer.

Business.

1. Ona motion proposed by Mr. M. K. Bamber, and seconded

by Mr. C. Drieberg, Mr. Harward took the chair.

2. Resolved that the following Members be elected :—

(1) E. Burgess, Assistant Bacteri- { G. W. Sturgess.

ologist : recommended by G. A. Joseph.

(2) L. Vibert, I.C.S. (non-resident): ( J. A. Daniel.

recommended by iG. A. Joseph.

(3) C. S. Vaughan, C.C.S.: recom- (H.C. P. Bell.

mended by Ve A. Joseph.

J. Harward.

(4) B. C. Cooray: recommended by | G. A. Joseph.

3. Laid on the table Circular No. 293 of November 26, 1909,

containing the opinions of Messrs. J. P. Lewis and R. G. Anthonisz

on the Paper entitled “ Fourth Supplementary Paper on Monu-

mental Remains of the Dutch East India Company in Ceylon,” by

Mr. F. H. de Vos.

Resolved ,—That the Paper be accepted and published in the

Journal.

B 36-10

JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XXII.

4. Considered a motion from Dr. A. Willey, suggesting the

expansion of the scope of the Journal so as to admit of the

publication of short notes, reviews, and queries relating to the

literature, history, and archeology of Ceylon.

Read letters from Dr. Willey and Mr. Arunachalam regretting

their inability to propose and second the motion owing to absence

from Colombo.

Resolved ,—That the consideration of the motion be postponed

till Dr. Willey and the Hon. Mr. Arunachalam are able to be

present. .

5. Laid on the table a Paper entitled “‘ Tantri-malai,’’ by

Mr. J. Still.

Resolved,—That the Paper be referred to Messrs. H. C. P. Bell

and Simon de Silva, Mudaliyar, for their opinions.

6. Laid on the table a Paper entitled “ Ancient Matara,’ by

Mr. F. Jayatilaka.

Resolved ,—That the Paper be referred to Messrs. J. P. Lewis

and P. E. Pieris for their opinions.

7. Considered the matter of inserting in full the remarks of

Prof. Vidyabhusana regarding the alleged discovery of a very

ancient inscription at Mihintale. °

Resolved unanimously,—That Dr. Vidyabhusana’s detailed

description be not printed. *

8. Considered date and business for next General Meeting.

Resolved,—That the matter be left in the hands of the

Secretaries, after consultation with the President.

* See Journal, vol. XXI., No. 62, p. 338, 1909.

No. 63.—--1910.] PROCEEDINGS, 3

COUNCIL MEETING.

Colombo Museum, March 16, 1910.

Present :

Mr. P. Fretidenberg, Vice-President, in the Chair.

Dr. A. Willey, D.Sc., F.R.S., | Mr. D. B. Jayatilaka, B.A.

Vice-President. | Mr. A. M. Gunasékera, Muda-

Mr. Simon de Silva, Mudaliyar. | __liyar.

Mr. J. Harward, M.A., Honorary Secretary.

Mr. G. A. Joseph, Honorary Secretary and Treasurer.

Business.

1. Read and confirmed Minutes of last Council Meeting held

on February 7, 1910.

2. Resolved the election of the following Members :—

(1) H. G. Bois: recommended G. A. Joseph.

by E. B. Denham.

(2) VAX Ric Slater, BA... C.C.8.): sun B. Denham.

recommended by A. W. Seymour.

(3) G.M. Cookson, B.A., C.C.S. : Ve Willey.

recommended by G. A. Joseph.

(4) T. Gracie: recommended by Ney eee

(5) B. Hill, B.A., C.C.S.: recom- ¢ A. Willey.

mended by ie. A. Joseph.

3. Laid on the table Circular No. 294 of November 26, 1909,

containing the opinions of Messrs. H. W. Codrington and P. E.

Pieris on the Paper entitled “‘Some Aspects of the Laws and

Constitution of the Sinhalese Kingdom,” by the late Mr. C. M.

Fernando.

Resolved,—That in view of the opinions expressed by the

gentlemen to whom the Paper was referred, and inasmuch as

the greater part of the Paper has already been printed elsewhere,

Mr. C. H. Z. Fernando be thanked for forwarding the Paper to

the Society, and be informed that the Council regrets its inability

to accept it for the Society’s Journal.

4, Laid on the table Circular No. 21 of February 12, 1910,

containing the opinions of Messrs. J. P. Lewis and P. E. Pieris on

a Paper entitled “‘ Ancient Matara,” by Mr. F. Jayatilaka.

Resolved ,—That in view of the remarks on the Circular by the

gentlemen to whom the Paper was referred it be not accepted, but

that the writer be thanked for forwarding it to the Society.

4 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XXII.

5. Laid on the table Circular No. 22 of February 12, 1910,

containing the opinions of Messrs. H. C. P. Bell and Simon de

Silva, Mudaliyaér, on the Paper entitled ‘‘ Tantri-malai,’’ by

Mr. J. Still.

Resolved,—That the Paper be accepted for reading at a

Meeting and be published in the Journal.

6. Laid on the table ‘‘ Notes on Katuwana Fort,” by Mr. J.

Still. |

Resolved,—That the Notes be referred to Messrs. J. Harward

and P. E. Pieris for their opinions. *

7. Laid on the table a letter from Mr. Donald Ferguson,

forwarding a Paper entitled “‘ Mulgiri-gala,’’ and the manuscript

used by Le Grand in his translation of Ribeiro.

Resolved,—That Mr. Ferguson be heartily thanked for present-

ing the Library of the Society with the manuscript used by

Le Grand in his translation of Ribeiro, and also for his Paper

on ‘‘ Mulgiri-gala.”’

Resolved ,—That Mr. Donald Ferguson’s Paper on ‘‘ Mulgiri-

gala” be referred to Messrs. P. E. Pieris and J. Still for their

opinions.

8. Laid on the table a letter from the Manager, Panini Office,

Allahabad, asking for an exchange of Publications.

Resolved,—That the applicant be asked to supply further

details as to what he offers and what he desires in return.

9. Read and passed the list of Members whose names are to be

struck off the List and published in the Annual Report.

10. Read and passed the Annual Report for 1910.

11. Considered the nomination. of Office-Bearers for 1910.

Under Rule 16 Messrs. Simon de Silva, Mudaliyar, and P. E.

Pieris retire by reason of seniority, and Messrs. E. R. Goona-

ratna, Mudaliyar,’ and H. W. Codrington by reason of least

attendance. Two of these Members are eligible for re-election.

Resolved,—That Simon de Silva, Mudaliyar, and Mr. P. E.

Pieris be re-elected, and that the vacancies in the Council be

filled by the appointment of Messrs. E. W. Perera, Barrister-at-

Law, and John Still, Land Settlement Officer.

* The Notes were offered, through the Director, Colombo Museum,

to the ‘‘ Spolia Zeylanica,”’ on behalf of Mr. Still. They were not in-

tended for the Asiatic Society, to which they were wrongly forwarded.

Mr. Still has withdrawn them.—B., Hd. Sec.

No. 63.—-1910.] PROCEEDINGS. | 5

ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING.

Colombo Museum, March 16, 1910.

Present :

The Hon. Sir Hugh Clifford, K.C.M.G., President, in the Chair.

Mr. P. Freiidenberg, J.P., Vice-President.

Mr. E. Burgess. | Mr. D. Montagu, A.M.I.C.E.

Mr. B. C. Cooray. Mr. P. E. Morgappah.

Hon. Mr. H. L. Crawford, | Ven. M. Sri Nanissara.

C.M.G. vi Dr AN Nell MR. C.S,

Mr. E. B. Denham, B.A.,C.C.8. | Mr. J. P. Obeyesekere, B.A.,

Rev. J. P. de Pinto. | Barrister-at-Law.

Mr. Simon de Silva, Gate | Mr. 8. Obeyesekere, Barrister-

Mudaliyar. at-Law.

Mr. D. Devapuraratna, Proctor, | Rev. J. Pahamunai.

S.C. - | Mr. E. W. Perera, Barrister-at-

Mr. A. H. Gomes. Law.

Mr. W. F. Gunawardhana, | Mr. F. C. Roles.

Mudaliyar. Mr. W. A. Samarasinha.

Mr. A. M. Hamid. Dr. Donald Schokman.

Dr. C. A. Hevavitarana, M.B., | Mr. J. M. Seneviratna.

C.M. | Mr. A. W. Seymour.

Myr. D. B. Jayatilaka, B.A. | Mr. D. E. Wanigasuriya.

Mr. E. W. Jayewardene, | Mr. Sam Williams.

Barrister-at-Law.

Mr. J. Harward, M.A., Honorary Secretary, and Mr. G. A.

Joseph, Honorary Secretary and Treasurer.

Visitors : Ten ladies and twenty-four gentlemen.

Business.

1. Read and confirmed Minutes of last General Meeting held

on December 18, 1909.

2. Mr. Joseph announced the election of Members since the

last General Meeting.

3. ‘[he Chairman drew attention to a number of antiques

recently disinterred by the Archeological Survey at Polonnaruva

which were exhibited on the table, mentioning that there was a

description of them in the Annual Report.

4. The Chairman then called upon Mr. E. W. Perera to read

the following Paper :—

6 JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XXII.

THE AGE OF SRI PARAKRAMA BAHU VI.

(1412-1467.)

By Epwarp W. PERERA,

Barrister-at-Law of the Middle Temple and Advocate of the

Supreme Court of Ceylon.

INTRODUCTION.

THE principal authorities for the period comprising the

reign of Sri Parakrama Bahu VI. are Valentyn and De Couto’s

accounts of Sinhalese history and the Rdjdvaliya. In

certain parts De Couto’s version, compiled in 1550 from

Sinhalese records, now destroyed, appears to be more reliable

and complete than the Rdjdvaliya narrative. Valentyn,

who also derived his information from Sinhalese sources,

probably from a variant text of the Rdjdvaliya which is

no longer in existence, supplements in certain particulars the

facts noted in the Sinhalese chronicle.

The Rdjdvaliya account dealing with the period under review

appears to be a bare summary of events of reigns compiled

from State records, and to have been put together about the

later end of the sixteenth or the early half of the seventeenth

century. Errors of scribes, omissions, and the disarrangement

of the narrative prevent us from entirely trusting the record.

However, a careful comparison of the Rdjdvaliya with the

accounts of Valentyn and De Couto enable us to gain a correct

knowledge of the principal events of the reign of Sri Parak-

rama Bahu VI. and of the time shortly before and after. But

for the details of the picture, for information regarding the

state and character of the king, the condition of the country,

the progress of education, the form of administration, the social

habits, and the material advance of the people, one has to go

to the literature of the period. It was an age of deep literary

activity, and fortunately much of that literature has descended

to us, giving us a glimpse of pure Sinhalese manners and culture

shortly before they came under Portuguese influences.

No. 63.—1910.] AGE OF SRi.PARAKRAMA BAHU VI. 7

Of these contemporary works, one of the most important

from the historical point of view is the Perakumbdasiriia,

ascribed to the priest Sri Rahula. It isa poetical panegyric

of Sri Parakrama Bahu, containing details of his ancestry

and celebrating the victories and magnificence of his reign.

A series of poems called sandésa, or poetical epistles, composed

during this epoch, contain references to passing historical

events, and furnish a complete picture of the contemporary life

of the period. A synopsis of the argument of the sandésa

poems would afford one an idea of the general character of

these compositions. The Sinhalese sandésa poem, based on

the model of Kalidasa’s Méghaduta, the “‘ cloud-messenger,”’

embodies, as its name implies, a message to be conveyed by

some bird to the shrine of a god, invoking his blessing

either on the sovereign or on a member of the royal family, or

imploring the aid ofthe divinity for the triumph of the imperial

arms. The poem generally opens with an apostrophe

to the particular bird to whom the “message” is to be

entrusted, next the capital whence he starts is described, and

the bird bidden to worship the Tooth-relic and take leave of

the king before setting forth. This affords the poet an

opportunity to describe the fortifications, the streets, the

temple of the Tooth, and other sacred and secular buildings

of the city, and to sing the splendour of the court and the

glories of the king. Next follows an account of the chief

villages and towns, the principal landmarks and natural

features of the country, such as temples, shrines, hospices,

fortified posts, tanks, mountains, forests, and streams along

the route by which the carrier bird has to fly. From these

descriptions, though poetical, and in places highly coloured, a

discriminating reader may glean many interesting particulars

regarding the state of the Island and the condition of the

people. Finally, the city whither the bird is bound and the

shrine of the god to whom the message is despatched is

singled out for praise. The sandésa closes with the words

of the “‘ request ” to be breathed into the ear of the divinity,

and a prayer for the prosperity of the realm and victery for

the king. The majority of these sandésas were written during

this epoch, and, as stated before, furnish valuable data for a

8 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XXII.

social study of the period. Almost all the principal highways

and cities of the time traversed by these winged messengers

are described. The Selalihini Sandésa, “the sela message,”

written circa 1450 by the priest Sri Rahula, describes the route

between K6tté and Kelaniya. The distance being short, the

bird is made to take a circuitous course; by way of Gurubebila

(Hanvella) on to Kelaniya, to enable the poet to describe the

intervening country.1 The Paravi Sandésa, ‘‘ dove message,”

by the same author, describes the route between Kotté and

Dondra, the dove-messenger flying along the seabeach road

now traversed by the railway from Colombo to Matara. The

Gira Sandeésa, the “‘ parrot-message,”’ by an unknown poet, is a

very valuable poem, teeming with allusions to contemporary

events and manners, and describes the route from Kotté to

Totagamuva and the educational establishment Vijaya

Bahu Pirivena of Sri Rahula. The Haxsa, or Tisara Sandésa,

ascribed to the High Priest Vidagama Maitreya, conveys a

message by a ‘‘swan’’ from the capital to the Buddhist hierarch

Vanaratana Mahasami, then presiding over the ecclesiastical

college of Padmavati Pirivena at Keéragala. This work.

illustrates in detail the aspect of the capital, and contains a

vivid presentation of the royal durbar with the different ranks ©

of officials who stood before the throne. There is yet another

Tisara Sandésa belonging to the same period by adifferent hand,

which unfortunately I could not consult, the poem not being

printed, and ne manuscript being available to me for reference.

The Kovul Sandésa,? ‘‘ the cuckoo (koil) message,” apart from

its literary excellence, has great value from a historical point

of view. It was composed by the priestly warden of the

Irugalkula Pirivena at Mulgirigala in the Southern Province,

and invokes a blessing on Sapumalkumara, who was then

administering Jafina as prince regent, soon after the conquest,

and contains a contemporary picture of the capital city of

Jafina and its environs. The poemsof Sri Rahula glow with an

intense patriotism and affection for the royal family, and even

in the Kdvyasékhara, which deals with a birth tale of the

Buddha, there are scattered allusions to the ancestry, virtues,

1 But vide Appendix B. 2 Still unpublished.

No. 63.—1910.] AGE OF SRi PARAKRAMA BAHU VI. 9

and accomplishments of the king and the princess royal

Ulakundali-dévi,' at whose request the poem was undertaken.

The glossaries, two of which were compiled during this

reign, Piyummala, Ruvanmala, and the Naémdvaliya, furnish

information, though not so ample as might be wished for, of

the character of the public and domestic architecture, of the

articles and utensils in ordinary use, of games and pastimes,

and of the grades of society. The amplest and most

accurate of these is the poetical glossary of the Ruvanmala,

composed by the king on the model of the Amarasinha. The

Piyummala is an older collection of words on the basis of the

_ Abhidénappadipika. The Némavaliya is a poetical composi-

tion by the chieftain Nallirutun, sannas minister, made in

1411, earlier than the Ruvanmala, and not so complete.

A prose work, the Sinhalese Thipavansa, probably written

by an author of this period, furnishes us with a detailed

description of the ancient Sinhalese royal dress and ornaments,

and the ordinary attire and furniture in use in the country,

though treating of the history of an earlier time. However,

as manners and customs change so very little in the Hast its

date scarcely affects its value. In addition to the sources

already indicated, a series of stone inscriptions and copper-

plate grants (sannas) have preserved to us a wealth of personal

and administrative detail of great historical importance. I

have specified in an appendix” all the lithic and copperplate

records bearing on this reign, noting the references where they

may be found. Three grants which have yet to be accurately

copied, translated, and annotated, I have included in an

appendix” with a tentative translation. For the text I had to

depend on transcripts more or less imperfect. There is yet

another stone record, I am informed, inscribed during this

reign, which is hewn on the rock at the Galapata Vihara in the

Kalutara District. Unfortunately I have not been able to

secure a copy of it. Perhaps the most interesting of the series

is the Pepiliyana inscription, which contains rules regulating

1This form of the name, instead of Ulakuda Devi, occurs in the

Kovul Sandésa.

2 These I have deferred for a later chapter.

10 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CHYLON). (VoL. XXII.

the internal economy of a great ecclesiastical establishment

of the period, with directions regarding the lodging and

entertainment of wandering monks and scholars. Similarly,

the Uggalboda Dévalé sannas furnish information regarding

the public duties imposed on great chieftains and the character

of the honours accorded to them by royal decree.

Thus, the main sources for the history of the period in review

are (1) the historical accounts of De Couto, Valentyn, and —

the Rdjdvaliya ; (2) passages in Sinhalese contemporary

literature ; (3) Chinese annals relating to the fourteenth and

fifteenth centuries ; (4) the testimony of royal grants and stone

inscriptions. Besides these, much assistance might have been

ordinarily derived from archeology and tradition, those twin

hand-maidens of historical investigation. But, as unfortunately

the capital of the period and the adjoining districts had long

been a prey to Portuguese invasion and fanatical vandalism,

scarce anything in the nature of ancient monuments has

survived. Besides, the sea-board districts, both in ancient as

in modern times, being the most subject to foreign influences,

much of the ancient traditional lore has disappeared, though a

few legends still linger in the remoter villages.

It has been found to be convenient to arrange the subject

in four divisions. In the first an attempt has been made

to trace the political events of the reign, preserving as much

as possible with the imperfect data available the chrono-

logical sequence of events. In the second has been sketched

the territorial and political divisions, the organization and

administration of village communities, and of the provincial

governments ; and the constitution of the realm in the fifteenth

century has been outlined, so far as may be gathered from

the meagre materials available. This chapter will be merely

tentative, in view of the dearth of written information on the

subject. 'The present, so far as the writer is aware, is the first

attempt to collect that information into a connected shape.

The third part has been devoted to the social condition of the

country, the food, attire, mode of living of the people, games

and festivals, instruments and tools, the disposition and

appointments of the court, and their public and private build-

ings, weapons and fortifications, and arts and handicrafts, so

No. 63.—1910.] AGE OF SRI PARAKRAMA BAHU VI. 11

far as they throw light on the state of Society at the time.

My remarks as to the tentative character of the undertaking

apply equally to this branch of the subject. It must be noted,

however, that materials though scattered are more abundant

for a social survey than for a sketch of the constitution.

Under a fourth head is included an account of the literature

of the period. It was an age of general culture, as it

was of successful military achievement, and many of the

productions of that time have descended to us. Unfortunately

some of these works, though it must be confessed only a few,

have still to be published. Greater attention has been directed

to the consideration of the life and character of the men them-

selves who created the era rather than to an elaborate critical

analysis of their work. The estimate of their work falls more to

the province of the critical scholar than to the historical student.

Besides, some account of their productions is available, while

no account of the lives of the brilliant band of scholars who

lent lustre to the time has yet been attempted. This method’

has commended itself as the best calculated to understand

their work and the prevailing spirit of the age.

Sri Parakrama Bahu VI. was the last great monarch of a

single Lanka,- and his reign marks an epoch. A careful

consideration of his times enables us to judge how far the

Sinhalese had declined since the great days of Anuradhapura

and Polonnaruva, what was the nature and degree of the

culture they possessed when the Portuguese landed in Ceylon,

and to what extent their customs and institutions have been

modified or superseded by the adoption of foreign ideals and

the impact of European civilizations.

T.—1412-1467 a.p.*

Siri Sangabo Sri Parakrama Bahu VI. came to the throne

under tragic circumstances. Legend says that with his own

hand he struck off the head of the usurper Aiakésvara at the

bidding of Vidigama Maha Sami. This monarch was the

1 Vide Journal, R.A.S. (C.B.),. vol. XVIII, p. 301, App.; Rdjdvaliya,

p- 68.

12) JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoLt. XXII.

son of Sri Vira Vijaya Bahu VI. (circa 1400-1411) by his queen

Sunétra Dévi of the Girivansa, and was born circa 1395.1

Escaping with her two infant sons when Kétté was sacked

and the king taken captive by the Chinese, Sunétra Dévi

fled with them in disguise and concealed them in the regions

1 Vide Appendices A, B (Valentyn).

GBO@QS OME AG CSD ED ow GB Sys ae 85 o Ox

age SI6a BS¢e got asd H® Oya 5) Ga Q Sx

B2z278 Sh QHZ B® GS HOHMS add; det Ga g Sx

Gama Onoed Saad BSent 6S JPal ome AE @ Sx

—8,6 DBE a, 27 2d.

** He sprang of the unblemished race of monarchs who thus bore mighty

sway with such majesty and power, the son of the monarch Sevulu*

Vijaya Bahuy and grandson of king Parékrama Bahu,} Queen Sunétra

Maha Dévi the creeper that twined round the wishing tree, the Lemeni

Jaya Maha Léna Lordf{ bore this beautiful Bédhisatva, this royal

child.” — Perakumbasirita, v. 27.

_ * The Sevulu family was a branch of the Solar race; for origin of the

name, vide Rajaratnakara, p. 52.

7 *‘ Grandson of Parakrama Bahu,” in third line, probably refers to

the maternal grandfather of the king, Dambadeniye Bandar Parékrama

Bahu, the father of Sunetré Dévi.—Couto says that it was he who

was carried away by the Chinese. ‘* This captive king had a daughter (7.e.,

Sunétra Dév:), a widow, with two infant sons (7.e., Sri Parakrama Bahu

VI. and the sub-king Mayadunné Parakrama Bahu), whose fate willed

it that they should escape the Chins on the day of the sacking, and she fled

with them into the interior.’’—Journ., R.A.S. (C.B.), 1904, vol. XVIITI.,

No. 55, p. 303, App. H. Probably Sri Parakrama Bahu was the adopted

son and heir of his maternal grandfather, Dambadeni Bandar Parakrama

Bahu, an under-king who wielded supreme power at Kdétté on the death

of his son-in-law Vijaya Bahu (cf. Lee’s Ribeiro, p. 24). Saddharmaratna-

kara, in a passage the sense of which is rendered obscure by its com-

pression, states that Vira Alakésvara was taken captive by the Chinese.

It would thus follow from Couto and the Saddharmaratnakara that

Sevulu Vijaya Bahu was probably at K6étté while his brother Vira

Bahu was ruling in Gampola, and on the former’s death his father-in-

law, Parakrama Bahu of the Girivansa, probably became king of Kétté,

till he was captured by the Chinese through the perfidy of his clansman

Alakésvara. But no definite conclusion can be come to till all the

Chinese literature on the subject is available for reference.—Journ.,

R.A.S. (C.B.), 1904, loc. cit., App. A., p. 295.

ft Sevulu Vijaya Bahu was descended from Sumittra, of the Lemeni

(Sk. Lambhakarna) royal clan, who escorted the Bé-tree, and was created

Jaya Maha Léna, ‘‘ Chief Secretary for War,” by king Devenipétissa,

hence in third line called Jaya Maha Léna Lord.

No. 63.—1910.] AGE OF SRI PARAKRAMA BAHU VI. 13

round Sitavaka from the Dictator Alakésvara, who sought to

kill the princes in order to strengthen his position. Legend

has cast a halo round the youth of Sri Parakrama Bahu,

telling how, hunted from retreat to retreat by the emissaries

of the tyrant, like many another hero of antiquity, his life was.

miraculously spared by the loyalty of humble herdsmen and

peasants. Ultimately the prince, then styled Sri Epano,!

took refuge in the monastery at Rayigama, where the priest

Vidagama Maha Sami of the blood royal befriended the youth,

formed a conspiracy to assassinate Alakésvara, and placed

him on the throne.”

The prince would appear to have been sixteen years of age

when he slew Alakésvara.? This event took place about the

year 1411. After this tragedy Sri Parakrama Bahu seems

to have returned to Rayigama, where he continued for three

years. In 1415 he removed his seat to K6tté, and in the same

year was duly anointed king.* Hence arises the confusion

of two distinct dates found in contemporary records of the

accession of this monarch. Some date his reign from the

actual year he acceded, others from the year he was formally

installed. He embellished the capital with fine stone build-

ings, palaces, and a range of monasteries, opened up streets,

and fortified the citadel with a girdle of ramparts.®

Valentyn, probably following a more complete version of

the Rajdvaliya, records: “Thereupon, having been crowned

(which period is described as having been 1,958 years after the

death of Budun, or 1,415 years after the birth of Christ), he

remained three years at Reygamme (Rayigama), then removed

to Cotta (Kotté),* then built a fine city entirely of solid blue

1§k, Adhipadda, «¢ Arch-duke,”’ title of the Sinhalese Crown prince.

2 Rajavaliya, p. 68; De Couto, Journ., R.A.S. (C.B.), vol. XX., p. 68.

3 Journ., R.A.S. (C.B.), vol. XVITI., No. 55.

4 Perakumbasirita, v. 28, indicates that he was crowned at Rayigama.

> Rajavaliya (Gunasékara), p. 68.

§°** This Maha Pracura (Parékrama) transferred his court to the

city of Cota (K6tté), which he founded over again in the same fashion,

and with the same motive as the kings of the Decan (Dekkan) so long

afterwards founded the city of Xarbedar.’’—De Couto, Journ., R.A.S.

(C.B.), vol. XX., No. 60, p. 68. The ‘‘ motive’ referred to is the

miraculous circumstance of hunted animals turning on their pursuers

14 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XXII.

stone, and a beautiful palace of the same stone, but with a

sort of new bangled galleries, and with a number of new

temples of devils, and of the idols that he worshipped. Here

he dwelt in company with a priest (i.e.,Sri Rahula), whom he

esteemed very highly, preserved here the relics of Budun, and

built a special house or monastery for his priests.”

The place referred to was the royal pile known as the

Pas Mal Péya, “the Five-storied Palace,” which probably

had been built on the principle of the similar quadrangular

structures at Anuradhapura and Polonnaruva, the different

tiers diminishing as the stories ascended. The magnificence

of the building has been sung by the bards who flourished at

the capital; among them by Sri Rahula in his Selalihini

Sandésa :—

‘“* Departing straight into the palace where

Of moonstone built stand the long lines of walls,

Where waving in the wind smooth strings of pearls

Hang from the palace eaves where glitter gems

Shining upon the solid golden spire.” 4

<< Thence in a trice repair to the royal bower which stands with

rows of mighty walls wrought of moonstone (crystal), where

on the ground hallowed by an anchorite’s hermitage, which determined

the Sdkyas’ choice of Kapilavastu as the site of their future city,

according to the old Buddhist legend. As shown by Couto, the story

reappears in tracing the origins of other Indian towns, and perhaps for

the first time in Ceylon it has been adopted as fixing the site of Kotté.

Later, the legend was again introduced by the annalists to account

for the choice of Senkadagala Nuvara (Kandy) as the capital.

Travels by De Marignolli, p. 369, contains the following reference to

Kétté:—‘* If we suppose he {i.e., Cain) built his city after the murder of

Abel Baers eeite this city of his is thought to have been where now is that

called Kota, Ceyllan, a place where I have been.’ Note (by Burnell) :—

«¢ Kotta, or (Buddhist-classically) Jayawardhanapura, near Colombo,

is first mentioned as a royal residence about 1314, but it again became

the capital of the Island in 1410....It appears to be represented as such

in the great map of Fra Mauro, under the name of Cotte Civitas.”

Marignolli left Constantinople, May, 1339, passing overland to Pekin

: returning via Zaeton to Quillon in Malabar, December, 1346, or

1347, from which place he sailed about the end of 1348.... and appears

to have been accidentally driven by the winds to Ceylon. He returned

to Europe, 1353 (see ‘“‘ Ceylon,” by an Officer, vol. I., p. 263).

1 Macready’s Selalihini Sandésa, v. 17.

No. 63.—1910.] AGE oF SRi PARAKRAMA BAHU VI. 15

wave in the gentle breeze strings of smooth pearls upon the

eaves of roofs glittering with the solid golden spire around

which dart the sheen of gems.” }

The site of the palace on an eminence overlooking the

ancient royal street now disused is still known as Pasmalpéya-

watta, ‘‘ the garden of the five-storied palace,’ but scarce one

stone is left on another where the mighty Parakrama, held

court.2. ‘‘ The new temples of Devils and of the Idols that he

worshipped ”’ clearly refer to the Hindu Dévalas in the capital.

Alakésvara had raised shrines for Vishnu, Lakshmana, and

Kartikéya on the four corners of the city wall,? and the king

maintained them arid perhaps added to them.

Still in two places in the ancient town, called to this day

puna lin, granite columns sunk into the ground mark the spot

where the sacred vessel (pundva) of the god had been deposited.

One of the most magnificent of these shrines was the Mahasen

Maha Paya, the great palace of Mahasen, described as having

risen on the southern side of the city flashing like “a blazing

orb.” + Dedicated to the god of war, the presiding genius of

1 In Ancient Ceylon pinnacles of royal and ecclesiastical edifices were

usually wrought of gold or silver and surmounted with precious stones.

According to Hiuen Tsiang (Buddhist Records of the Western World

(Beal), vol. II., p. 248), a large ruby crowned the spire of the Daladaé

Maligava at Anuradhapura.

2 Possibly this was the former site of the Seneviraja-vasala, Alakés-

vara’s residence.—Journ., R.A.S. (C.B.), vol. XVIITL., p. 389.

Here also stands, or rather stood till very recently, the granite corona-

tion platform of the kings of Kétté, overlooking the tank where Ala-

késvara was assassinated.—Journ., R.A.S. (C.B.), vol. XVIIT., No. 55,

p- 305, App. G.

8 Journ., R.A.S. (C.B.), vol. XVITI., No. 55, p. 285, App. A.

‘9 as SEP AAR KROGH 8H >

6 OSS BOM BIDRS ce DE &)

gE OS BME DE FS HO WS co

OSO68 €2)60; Omoasd BEd Se eo 68

— BzGECBHwa sews, 25 a.

‘‘ The palace of the god-king Mahasen, variously adorned, you will

behold on the southern side, within the city of our king, appearing like a

shining ball from thousand rays, flashing with solid gems, with banners

of the lord of fowls (7.e., the cock, sacred to the god) rising on golden

handles.” —-Selalihini Sandésa, v. 25.

16 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoLt. XXII.

the city, the shrine contained a painted image of Kartikéya,

adorned with jewels.t The Mahasen Maha Paya was hung

with banners borne on gilt handles bearing the god’s device,

the emblem of a cock (sevulu), and was probably sheathed with

copper. The most important edifice built by the king was

the Dalada Maligava, “‘ the Temple of the Sacred Tooth.”

It was a three-storied structure? in the form of a Crown,#

constructed of stone with finely carved granite pillars, sur-

mounted by a pinnacle of solid gold. The building would

appear to have been supported by four detached chapels or

shrines in stones at its four angles, dedicated to the four Hindu

gods Nata, Saman, Vishnu, and Siva. Hindu influence was

very strong at the period, chiefly due to the ascendency of the

Alakésvaras in the Councils of State and the numbers of

Brahmins who crowded to court from the neighbouring pen-

insula. Moreover, the king himself seems to have favoured

Hinduism. He possessed a wide knowledge of Sanskrit, and

was probably influenced by the Hindu sacred works he had

read, by the Brahmins by whom he was surrounded, and by

the teachings of the Royal Tutor Sri Rahula, who was deeply

skilled in all the lore of the Hindus, and would appear to have

entertained liberal notions on the question of religion. This

epoch saw in a marked degree the compromise between

Hinduism and Buddhism which had existed in Ceylon from the

earliest times. This toleration sprang from two causes: the

spirit of the adaptability of Hinduism to changed conditions

and alien ideals on the one hand, and on the other to the

Less d¢ Se%s ad S59O;8 DOB O@ re}

ast &s ERaI O2IMMD WD, O86 Bec; = &

ast ome dasd Smanw aeddene &

& td Bsnomb&Bot M&ED aesqe OnNoe, &

—865xnazan, 42 o.

‘¢With a joyous mind bow down and offer the tribute of your heart

to the god-king Mahasen, refulgent in the blaze of glory, acquired what

time he seized the spear against the Titan-king Padma Asura, and

piercing him transpired (Mount) Meru.”—Paravi Sandésa, v. 42.

2 Selalihint Sandésa, v. 25; Kovul Sandésa, Col. Museum MS. E 6

and G., p. 37 (reverse of page).

8 Selalihint Sandésa, v. 16; Mahdvansa, ch. 91, v. 17.

4 Paravi Sandésa, v. 39.

No. 63.—1910.] AGE OF SRI PARAKRAMA BAHU VI... 17

wisdom of the Buddhist hierarchs who realized the peril to

the church in an attitude of avowed hostility to a faith

which was favoured by the king, nobles, and even by the

people.

However, this catholicity did not make the king neglect

his claims to the Buddhist church. The Mahdvansa records

what he did for the national palladium. ‘‘ For the Tooth-

relic of the Sage, the king caused to be built a three-storied

palace delightful and beautiful to behold, and made a golden

casket finely set with the nine gems, and he encased it in

another golden casket set with excellent gems, shining with

vari-coloured rays, which he encased in another golden casket.

Moreover, when he had made a great and excellent covering

casket, gilt with the best and most resplendent gold, that king,

who longed for happiness during the continuation of existence

and even at extinction (nirvéna), placed the Tooth-relic

within the four caskets.”’ 4

Paraikrama also built presumably within the city a spacious

monastery” for the priests, which was early in the reign presided

over by the hierarch Mahé S4mi Vanaratana, the Sangha-raja,

the supreme pontiff. A great pdoya-gé,? or ‘‘ ordination

hall,”’ with the sacred boundary duly laid out, rose in the city

in testimony of the king’s devotion. Here under the direction

of Par4krama numbers of novices were periodically received

into the church amid great public rejoicing.

In memory of his mother, Sri Parakrama Bahu built a

magnificent shrine and a college for priests at Pepiliyana,

1 Mahadvansa, ch. 91, v. 17.

2 ‘Rajdvaliya (Gunasékara), p. 68.

3>am@e ames BS 5jO—M® DO 3) 6

BiD7E BOD OO} GS AF OE 2

BA SF OGBaMDd DODMH oGQe DE S 6

BAS? DED EM OND &O ow S 6

—BaQx8eee oe, 57 a.

The temple which the glorious lord Sri Pardkrama built for the pur-

pose of frequently causing the rite of ordination to be performed, when

assisted by the great body of the clergy he had erected and joined the

sacred boundary. Friend, (that) behold and with heart and mind well

pleased take your way.—Girda Sandésa, v. 57.

Cc 36-10

18 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XXII.

called after her the Sunétra Dévi Pirivena.! It was beauti-

fully painted and had an arama or grove attached to it, the

whole being surrounded by a high stone wall with carved

gateways. Numerous fields and villages were dedicated to it,

and for three days the priests who had assembled for the

dedication from the three kingdoms of the Island were lavishly

treated: Here, by royal command, the Buddhist Canon, the

Tripitaka, with the Atthakatha, its ‘‘ commentary,” and tika,

‘* gloss,”” was inscribed, and lands were allotted to the main-

tenance of the scribes who were daily engaged in the task. It

was an age of great literary activity and educational progress.

Keelesiastical colleges or pirivenas flourished throughout the

country and were presided over by abbots, distinguished alike

for their knowledge of theology, as for their piety and devotion

to the faith: the great Padmavati Pirivena at Kéragala,

under the presidency of the Rdjaguru Vanaratana Sangha-

raja, the Aranyaka (‘‘ the woodland cloister ’’) at Palabatgala

under the rule of the scholarly Sri Dharmakirti Sangharaja,

the Vijaya Bahu Pirivena at Totagamuva under the control

of Sri Raéhula Sanghardja, the Sri Gandnanda Pirivena at

Rayigama under the warden of the Maha Nétra temple, the

High-Priest Maittreya Maha Stavira, and the Sunétra Maha

Dévi Pirivena at Pepiliyana under the direction of Tipitaka

Mangala Sangharaja, the Master of the Tripitaka. These

abbots were great scholars, skilled in all the arts, sciences,

and secular learning of the time. The range of their

scholarship and the reason of the renown they enjoyed may

be judged by a study of their works which have descended to

us. Their influence is still felt, for the greatest scholars in

1 Within the delightful golden temple (vihara), which our noble king

had built for dedication to the triple gem in memory of the saintly

queen-mother, who like Aditi to the Solar race the mother of the sun,

lived in the hearts of the people, Friend, joyfully enter the image-house

of the Sage so that you may hereafter attain divine salvation (méksha),

and with the contemplation ot the famed virtues of the Sage lay aside

sloth, springing from the boundless ocean of transmigration (7.e., being

mortal in the toils of earthly existence it costs an effort to take to

religious services), and repeating the virtues of the Sage, worship the

images and the paintings, and carry the merit to your heart.—G@ird

Sandésa, v. 63.

No. 63.—1910.] AGE OF SRi PARAKRAMA BAHU VI. 19

the next five centuries lived in the afterglow of their classic

tradition, and modelled their thoughts and language, both

poetry and prose, on the productions of the fifteenth century.

It would appear that the choice of Sri Pardkrama Bahu to

the throne was ratified by the Emperor of China, who claimed

the overlordship of the Island after the capture of the late

monarch. According to Chinese records the election of this

ruler was confirmed by an edict from Nankin.? The monarch

realized that at this crisis it would not be politic to repudiate

the suzerainty of China, which at most was shadowy , and bring

on a repetition of the evils which an open flouting of Chinese

authority had breught about in the preceding reign. He

bided his time till he reorganized the kingdom and consoli-

dated his power to throw off the allegiance to the Dragon

throne. The suzerainty involved a yearly tribute, which

was first paid to the envoys who brought the ratification from

China. The second time they came after an interval of five

years. Next they came circa 1459,? but at this period the

Sinhalese monarch was at the zenith of his power. The Lord

of ‘‘ the three-fold Sinhala ” and the overlord of South Indian

cities would acknowledge no master, and the Chinese junks

sailed away without the tribute. This was the last time that

the imperial Chinese galleys swept our seas, but they were

soon to be replaced by the keels of a power far more formidable

than the Manchu Tartars.

To soothe the national sentiment which had been outraged

by the previous royal alliances with the alien Girivansa®

which brought on the Alakésvara dominion, Sri Parakrama

Bahu married a princess from the village of Kiravella‘ in

Beligal kéralé, described as a daughter of the Lord of the Uda-

pas-rata, ‘‘ Five highland districts’ (Kandy), and a descendant

of the Sakya prince Anuruddha.® At the imstance of Vida-

gama Mahé Sami, he installed his younger brother Mayadunné

1 Tennent’s ‘‘ Ceylon,” vol. I., p. 624.

2 Tennent’s ‘* Ceylon,” loc. cit., p. 625.

3 Probably the Sk. equivalent of the Tamil royal dynasty of Malaiman,

which had its seat at Conjeveram. Attanagaluvansa (Sinhalese), p. |.

4 Rajdavaliya, p. 68; Valentyn.

5 Mahdvansa, ch. IX., p. 37.

e254

20 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von, XXII.

Parakrama Bahu in the government of the Hatara Koraleé,

the Four Koéralés, with the dignity of Yuva-raja. He held

court with great pomp at Mayadunu Nuvara, later Sitavaka,

as described in the Paravi Sandésa.

The king had no male issue by his queen, but he had a

daughter, Ulakundali or Ulakuda Dévi, a princess who was

educated in all the learning and accomplishments of the time.

She was married circa 1449-1450 to a prince of the old Sinhalese —

royal line called Cholca Raya.! Having no male offspring

of his own, the king was anxious to obtain a grandson of the

true line to succeed him on the throne. The king’s wish is

reflected in the poetical message contained in Sri Rahula’s

Selalihini Sandésa, invoking the god-king Vibhisana at

Kelaniya, for the blessing of a son for the princess Ulakuda

Dévi. The prayer was granted, and the birth of the

crown prince was celebrated in the capital with all the

manifestations of public rejoicing. We catch an echo of the

prevalent note of joy in the stanzas of Sri Rahula recording

the event :—

In the 36th year (of King Parakrama Bahu, 7.e., 1451), in the

ninth month of the bright moon, when the full moon was seen in |

the heaven in conjunction with the star (asterism) Aslisa, was

born the royal babe wondrously fair, to be a constant source of

prosperity to the Solar race.

With the noise of the thunder of hoofs of steeds galloping

(to the tune of) chiming bells hung to them, with the sound of the

flapping of chowry-tied ears of lordly tuskers, with the loud blare

of pealing, crashing musical instruments (music) and trumpet-

shells of victory, like another ocean rose the city’s ceaseless

roar.”

No Sinhalese prince for the last three centuries had been

born with fairer hopes or under brighter auspices, and few met

with so untimely and tragic an end.

1 It is difficult to identify the Sinhalese name in the Portuguese

disguise of De Couto, obviously a corruption. According to tradition

the husband of Ulakuda Dévi was Nallirutun, Sannas Minister, at

whose request the Selalihini Sandésa, invoking an heir to the princess,

was composed.

2 Selalihini Sandésa, vv. 109, 111.

No. 63.—1910.] AGE OF SRi PARAKRAMA BAHU VI. 2 ih

While still a mere youth his grandsire, jealous of preserving

the crown in his family, swore him in as heir to the throne and

prince-regent (yuva-raja). This action was prompted by a

danger which the king’s own generosity had called into being.

One Panikkan,! an adventurer of royal race from the neigh-

bouring coast of Malabar, found an asylum and a Sinhalese

bride at the court of Kétté. He had by her two sons, Cham-

paka Perumal, called by the Sinhalese Sapumal Kumaraya, and

Jayavira, known to the people as Ambulugala Kuda Kuma-

rayé,2 whom Sri Parakrama Bahu adopted as his sons according

to the ancient custom of instituting, probably apprehending,

the failure of male issue. Some time after that the empress

gave birth to a daughter, the princess Ulakuda Dévi, mother

of Jayavira.

Ultimately, the rivalry between his warlike and ambitious

foster sons and his grandson created an element of civil strife

in the State, and proved the means of finally extinguishing

Parakrama’s own line on the throne. Fears for the future

welfare of the kingdom did not alone occupy the king’s

attention. Soon after (circa 1451-1452), a graver peril requir-

ing immediate attention confronted the monarch. Perhaps

encouraged by the success of previous invaders, the king of

Canara menaced the realm. De Couto thus refers to the event :

“ Not long afterwards the emperor was very unexpectedly

attacked by a large army that had been sent by the king of

Canara to Ceylon with a numerous fleet, but the prince having

speedily gathered together some troops defeated that mighty

army, which act gave him a very formidable name throughout

the whole East, and caused him to be greatly beloved by

his people.’ 3 According to the Kovul Sandésa the fort of

1 De Couto, Journ., R.A.S (C.B.), vol. XX., p. 69.

* Sri Kuda Kumaraya, younger prince, called Ambulugala from the

capital of his principality. His name was Jayavira, which was also the

name of the king’s grandson, the son of Ulakudaya Dévi.

3 It would appear from references in contemporary literature that

Pardkrama Bahu carried the war into the enemy’s territory, but this

cannot clearly be ascertained, because of the undoubted invasion of

India soon after. Perhaps the succeeding events formed part of the

same campaign, and originated in the attempt of the king of Canara to

conquer Ceylon,

22 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von XXIL

Javakakotté (Chavakachchéri) was built and manned by

Malays to keep back the Canarese. A contemporary bard

alludes to the event in the following lines :—

D® OHCELNOD

BODO GMO EGk

88a 37H) 5S

S8e DAIMNS BSzaw oz

> O YD

Having made the four oceans the bounds of his impartial august

sway, he blew away the fierce wrath of the famous Kannadi

(Canarese) king.?

In this reign we see the beginnings of that trade in cinnamon

to secure which the Island became in later times the battle-

ground of the Dutch and Portuguese. Shortly after repulsing

the Canarese invader the king despatched a vessel with cinna-

mon to the Malabar Coast, which landed in the bay of Adirama-

pattanam or Adrampet.? But the ruler there, Raja Vira Rama

Malava Rayar, probably a feudatory of the Lord of Chola,

made a descent on the vessel, plundered the cargo, and took

all the men captive. So successful had been his reorganizing

policy that when intelligence of this wanton act of aggression

reached Kotté it found the monarch strong enough to take

immediate measures in retaliation. He organized a punitive

expedition, and a large fleet carrying troops sailed at the

royal bidding to punish the insolence of the Tamil prince.

Parakrama’s troops ravaged his country with fire and sword.

Vira Rama himself was slain. Thence the Sinhalese forces

entered the Chola (Mysore) country, and plundering several

villages and a port on their march, they stormed the fortress

Makudam K6tté, comprising seven dependent villages, which

thereafter yielded a yearly tribute to Koétté.? After this signal

1 Gira Sandésa, v. 182.

2 In Valentyn, Driampatanam; in the Rdjdvaliya, Ayapattana,

corrupted in some MSS. to Yapapattana, was Adrampet (Adram

patnam, Advira Ramapatnam in Tamil, ‘‘the city of the great hero

Raéamaé”’), seaport in the Pattu Kotta taluk, Tanjore Dist., Madras Presi-

dency, lat. 10° 20’ 10” N., and long. 79° 25’ 40” KE. The sea trade

is chiefly with Ceylon, whither rice is exported in exchange for betel

and timber.—Hunter’s Indian Gazetteer.

® Rajavaliya, p. 69; Valentyn.

No. 63.—1910.] AGE OF sRi PARAKRAMA BAHU VI. 93

victory the army returned home rejoicing. The following

stanzas from the Gird Sandésa refer to these events in

glowing strains :-—

@QDMNS GD &

OG Wd ons § vo os)

GRO GE oe.)

DBAGSHOE D aD

The army that this noble Lord despatched, crowded in vessels,

when they had captured the intervening foreign countries, seized

the seaport of Rayanvala.

EDED OE O

p &) 2OagQD

QOHBOAMOD Ges

62) OHMz9 S823 Hmd

OR UR UR ev)

He despatched in one great armament (lit. at one and the same

time) his mighty army on broad great ships, for battle chiefly

against the country of Chola in India and Ramapatuna (Adi-

rampatanam), the seaport.

BAS™S GE OE @)

OEOG AS OBBW AC Di 8)

EOLZD AG KH @)

AMG BSBwHEDO €HD_ ®)

He subdued the might of the Tamil host, over lusting for

battle: on the plains of India he raised on high the sound of

victory, and on fair Lanké conferred the benefits of that victory.*

Another poet, the priest Sri Rahula, thus alludes to these

conquests :—

QROS €S DEHE OES ME BLD ase e839 0

DWEVWE He BSEed Be DBMBYO oO 89 O

OMME SMDSOERM GANG BOR2QOSS @ayo® 62 O

Qq Be SHOE) QDS DAS avnews 3) O2

He mastered the text of the Tripitaka in the words (tongue) it

had been preached by our Master. He stormed the mountain

strongholds, built aloft, and burst asunder the gates of Kannada

1 Gird Sandésa, vv. 125, 126, 127.

2 Perakumbasirita, v. 75.

24 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XXII.

city (Canara). Fair with jewelled ornaments the delightful king

Parakrama of golden hue, extirpated the race of the hostile

Mukara! king who offered him battle and slew his queen.?

There was tranquillity in the realm and predominance abroad

when provincial independence rose again at the call of the

Kandyans. The kingdom of the “five highland districts,”

Kandauda Pas-rata,? or the Kandyan kingdom, was at this

period ruled by an under-king called Jétiya Situ Raja.* Pro-

bably an able adventurer, not of princely rank, as his name

implies, had vaulted to the Kandyan throne and had up to

the present acknowledged the over-lordship of Kétté by an

annual payment of tribute. Ambitious to reign as an in-

dependent prince, he ceased to furnish the annual contingent

of labourers for the customary service to the emperor, and

declined to forward to the capital the share of the revenue due

to the imperial treasury. He sought to win over his subjects

by a magnificent display of imperial power. He summoned

the people of the five districts to assemble for his public

assumption of supreme authority, and he bid for the support

of his chieftains by lavish grants of villages and great titles

of honour, which were more prized by the Kandyan nobles

we are told even at that period than endowments of land.®

When intelligence of the revolt of king Jétiya Situ reached the

court, the emperor summoned the army, gave the chief

command to Jayavira Kud&é Kumaraya, who was stationed at

Ambulugala, and entrusted him with the task of reducing the

highlands (circa 1463-1467).6 The untrained mountaineers

1 Mukkaras, an Indian tribe.

2 I.e., by killing the queen he destroyed the chance of king Mukara

obtaining an heir, and thus destroyed his race.

3 Udunuvara, Yatinuvara, Harispattuva, Hévdheta, Dumbara.

4 As his name signifies, Jétiya Situ Raja probably did not belong to

any of the recognized Kshatriya ruling houses, but was a member of the

Vaisya caste (Velanda) to which the Setti or Situ (Sk. sréstha, ‘‘ nobles ’’)

belonged. Accessions to the noble orders by Setti were frequently

made from the ranks of the common people, the qualification being the

possession of a certain stated amount of wealth. The title thus con-

ferred became hereditary.

> Rajavaliya, p. 69.

® Valentyn’s ‘*‘ Account of Sinhalese History.’’ (Appendix B.)

No. 63.—1910.] AGE OF SRi PARAKRAMA BAHU VI. 25

were no match for the seasoned soldiers of the royal army.

Hundreds of the Kandyans were mown down, and many of the

nearest blood relations of the rebel prince were taken captive

and sent to the capital. Jdtiya Situ was himself driven out

of the highlands,! and his territory entrusted to a prince of

the Gampola royal line? and to a council of ministers with the

obligation of vassalage to the throne.? The victor returned

in triumph to Kétté and presented himself before the emperor,

who sent him back to his provincial government loaded with

ranks and honours.

Some years later, the king proposed to consolidate his power

by bringing the scattered jurisdiction of the Vanni chieftains

under the central authority. Centuries ago, the intervening

belt of country between the kingdom of Jaffna and the Sin-

halese provinces of the Sat Kéralé and Uda-pas-rata had been

overrun by warlike bands of Tamils from the opposite coast,

under turbulent chieftains called Vanniyars. They settled in

this wild territory, carved out kingdoms for themselves, and

defied the authority of successive Sinhalese rulers.

Powerful monarchs like the great Parakrama, Vijaya Bahu

III., and Pandita Parakrama Bahu II., induced them more

often by gifts than by force to acknowledge the Sinhalese

1a) BH SSOaI GlOsM® EDS

osiRa BHdn aasi dene a

OaSiBa 85 NdOdS Heed D

8 Bad WO BS Bd aside Bz

—S,02SA2BS ay, 58 a.

What time Jétiya assembled his four-fold array, the body of

darkness which went by the name of king Jétiya Situ was scared away

by the Solar king Paradkrama, like another king Batiya, and fled for

refuge to a foreign clime.—Perakumbdasirita, v. 58.

Throughout this stanza there is a play on the name of Jétiya,

meaning ‘‘moon or star,’ which is difficult to be adequately rendered

into English. King Bhatiya Tissa, circa 500 B.c., according to tradition,

is credited with having repelled a formidable invasion of an Indian tribe

called Kaka Mukkaru.

* The Gampola royal house sprang from one of the princes who

escorted the Bé-tree and belonged to the Solar dynasty.

3 According to Valentyn, Kud& Kuméarayaé was himself granted the

principality.

th OO A

26 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XXII.

supremacy. But the homage thus rendered was only at

intervals and during their reigns. For nearly the ten previous

centuries, owing to the dissensions in the kingdom, the Vanni

chieftains left to themselves, had grown powerful and recog-

nized no over-lord. The district had become Tamil, the thick

jungles which covered the land made the country inaccessible,

and the rocky fortresses where their forts were pitched made

their strongholds impregnable. Pardkrama decided to reduce

them. At this period the tract was divided into eighteen

districts or Vannis, each ruled by a Vanniyar or chieftain.

They warred and hunted, and roamed the thick woods with

the wild elephants in unrestrained liberty, until the silence of

their solitudes was broken by the tramp of the royal army.

Parakrama Bahu himself marched at the head of his forces,

and personally directed operations from the city of Damba-

deniya, which he made his headquarters.?. After a stubborn

campaign, during which several hill forts were stormed, the

Vannis at length submitted. They paid a yearly tribute of

elephants to the suzerain, which they continued to render to

Kotte till the reign of Don Joaé Dharmapala (1551-1597).

The conquest of the Vannis on his frontiers alarmed the king

of Jaffna, and he took precautions to safeguard his dominions.?

Relying on his former prestige, Arya Chakkravarti defied

the Sinhalese monarch by having himself also proclaimed

emperor of Ceylon. By this act he publicly asserted his

claim to Sinhalese territory and reminded his neighbour of the

time when the king of Jafina exacted tribute from Sinhalese

lands and ports. Sri Parakrama Bahu had at length obtained

the provocation for putting in execution a design which he had

long meditated. He was incensed at the affront, and deter-

mined, to quote his own words, “‘ there should no longer be two

kings in Ceylon.” ? He entrusted the royal army for the

conquest of Jafina to his general, Sapumal Kumara, with this

grim message to be conveyed to the lord of Jaffna: ‘Tell him,”

jested the king, “ since it ill becomes that Ceylon should have

two emperors, I have sent my general to relieve you of that

V Mahavansa (Wijesinha), pp. 272, 280.

4 Perakumbasirita, v. 46; Paravi Sandésa, v. 34.

5 Rajavaliya, p. 68.

No. 63.—1910.] “ace or sri PARAKRAMA BAHU VI. par!

new title, and as you could not rest and were not content with

what you had, to give vou somewhat more rest.” !_ The conquest

of Jafina, though lightly undertaken, was not easily achieved.

The power which scarce half a century ago had owned the

allegiance of the greater portion of the Island, and was still

mistress of the seas, would not yield her independence without

a struggle. Arya Chakkravarti’s outposts offered a stubborn

resistance to the invader, and the Sinhalese general, after

having raided several villages belonging to the kingdom of

Jafina and taken many prisoners of war, had to retire without

being able to penetrate to the northern capital.2 The presen-

tation of the Tamil captives from Jafina at court concealed

from the people the failure of the main object of the expedition,

and gave to the war in the popular imagination the character

of another triumph of the Sinhalese arms. However, Sri

Parakrama Bahu was not content with the results of the

campaign. Soon his army was again in motion under the

same general to conquer the north.? Sapumal Kumara

captured the chain of border fortresses which had. been erected

by the king of Jaffna as a security against any attack on the

capital.4 When intelligence reached him that the Sinhalese

commander had burst his defences and was marching on the

city, he despatched three of his most distinguished. chieftains

to oppose his progress. First went forth Kontakara Demalis,

then advanced Panigavarum, who was followed by Valamuni-

varussa.°> In a short space, they were one after another all

cut down by Sapumal Kumaraya. The anxious monarch, at

length, it is stated, despatched a brave chieftain called

Varakara,®° who had taken an oath to hew the Sinhalese leader

in pieces, to resist the enemy’s advance. As he forced his

passage through the enemy’s ranks Varakaéra was stabbed by

the Sinhalese ere he made his way to Sapumal Kumaraya.

Mounted on a black charger Sapumal Kumaraya entered Jafina

1 Valeniyn. ® Rajdavaliya, pp. 68, 69.

3 The route taken by Sapumal Kumaraya’s army may be followed

in the Kovul Sandésa. The old road lay from Kotté through Kelaniya,

Wattala, Negombo, Chilaw, Mannar, Chavékachchéri (Javaka Kotté).

4 Rajdvaliya, loc. cit.

5 Conta Cara Demalis, Panigevorum, Valamunivorussa, Varacara—

Valentyn.

28 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). — [Vou. XXIL.

in triumph, unconscious of any danger. However, he had

misjudged the wily character of his foe, and nearly paid with

his life the penalty of his rashness. Arya Chakkravarti had

placed an ambush of a choice body of his troops called the

Doluvara to strike down the prince’s horse.1 From the

histories it would appear that he almost fellinto the snare. The

conqueror of Jaffna was a champion of exceeding great size,

of prodigious strength, of a fine majestic presence, and a clever

horseman.? He extricated himself from the press as much by

his skill in striking down the foe who crowded round him as

by his fine horsemanship. ‘“‘ He curvetted his steed with spirit

and grace,” runs the chronicle, “ struck the foe in the very

centre and made the streets of Jaffna run red with blood.” !

Arya Chakkravarti fled the realm.3 His queen and children

were taken captives to Koétté to deck the triumph of the

conqueror. In a stanza of the Selalihini Sandésa is reflected

the prevalent popular feeling of the time, the note of eager —

expectation, and the confident hope of victory with which the

people awaited his return.

‘*Lo! Sapumal Kuméaraya returns from Jaffna ta’en,

Leader midst a mighty host that follows in his train,

Above the snowy chatra spread with many a gem bedight,

Himself on steed of sable hue, recalls the Sun god’s light.

1 Rajavaliya, loc. cit.

2 De Couto, Journ., R.A.S8. (C. B.), vol. XX., p. 69.

7 4 8 & se& Deane BOS 0798 So

5 5S & SBEDMD HEMI amnw ‘o)

am S 6 BMD GDODEOD GOD Eas SH ro)

o 8 6 BAS Ra BHD G6 do vo)

— om socens.

In fierce blaze of majesty that king (7.e., Sapumal Kumaraya)

always (shone) like the sun, and the fame of his might reached

even the eighteen States of India. Heedless, unmindful of affairs, Arya

Chakkravarti, having brought great misery on himself, leaving his

country fled across the ocean.—Kovul Sandésa, Colombo Museum MS.,

H. 16, p. 51 (reverse).

4 Macready’s translation, Selalihini Sandésa, v. 28.

BRE MOnd myoosas SEacd &S Pe)

EB Dd ota SElACmM Hof EN)

AG B8oa2 eH M598 ao £5

YS QHMNMiGesay sgepo2o7 rN)

— 1g CB acee ae, 20 =m.

No. 63.—1910.| AGE OF SRi PARAKRAMA BAHU VI. 29

With the spoils of war Sapumal Kumara presented himself

before Pardkrama at court. Honours and distinctions were

showered on him, and he was again despatched as a royal

commissioner to settle affairs in the newly acquired country.

We catch a glimpse of the prince in some verses in the Kovul

Sandésa, which was addressed to him at the period by the

incumbent priest of Tilaka Pirivena at Dondra, congratulating

the conqueror of Jaffna on his victory and invoking a blessing

on him and his army :—

Erp3s as5SBos emigo

E23 DIS@DOD MWSOWM WBoas

aes BSgut ayo dcsaeodse

GEM DONHMW OOMIO3 ®UMGCGSO wap

UR OR OR U)

Joyfully convey this message to the thrice-auspicious great

royal prince Sapumal, who driving afar off king Arya Chakkra-

varti, having consolidated Jaffna, now flourishes.

Jafina at the time of the conquest was a populous city with

wide streets, storied houses, fine gardens, palaces, and Hindu

temples.1_ Various races, such as the Tamils and Mallalas,

composed its army, which included the brave regiment of the

Doluvara,? the special guard of the king of Jaffna. This army

which was not disbanded, we find easily reconciled to the

changed situation, and along with the Sinhalese troops garrison-

ing the city under the orders of Sapumal Kumaraya :—

DOG €@d58e 6B BE @GOO2s C a

@E®B_ BW e086 BHC A C6

30: 3B sQQd HOBSNs ann ome ED CG SB

Qh CB BOSD Gs BSR OBE oS Ce a

Sapumal Kumaraya remained as ruler of Jaffna for some

time, actively engaged in settling the country and exer-

cising the royal prerogative of administering justice in open

1 Kovul Sandésa, Colombo Museum MS8., pp. 49-50. Among the

shrines mentioned are temples dedicated to Rama and the god-king

Punala. ;

2 (2?) Sk. dridha, strong, hardy, and vara, noble.

30 JOURNAL, R.A,S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XXII.

durbar.t Shortly after he was succeeded by a nephew of the

last king, Arya Chakravarti, called Arya Chakravarti Addum

Perumal, who was placed on the throne with the obligation of

vassalage to the Sinhalese crown.? Sapumal Kumaraya thence

appears to have gone as viceroy to the ancient capital of

Yapahu, the seat of the provincial government of the Hat

(Seven) Koralé, which he continued to rule till summoned to

the imperial throne.2 Of the events that followed the death of

Sri Parakrama Bahu and of the origin and youth of the princes

Sapumal Kumaraya, Jayavira Kuda Kumaraya, and Jayavira

the king’s grandson, who were all afterwards destined to play

so important a part in the history of the Island, the old Portu-

guese historian De Couto alone of the annalists has preserved

1 €12 BS BBE DRI Bj H{o SE ¢ ood

aeceg BREMeW BAHW MIME oo

BHOOE SHG Oat Sex SHS ODS es)

BSe BhOAsdS w72 OM ad

ODD GZ a@bs oSoan 2-9¥% &: WG

Om € O885 Bm®d 87& & es DB

BESO @ MC BB OH MM Dd aD 6

ey @€ 88¢ 63 se Bom 3A

OMIOYG eee as.

2 Although it would appear from the Rdjdvaliya (Gunasékara’s

translation), pp. 69, 70, and Kovul Sandesa, that Sapumal Kumaraya

continued as ruler of Jaffna after the subjugation of the peninsula till

he left it at the head of an invading force to march on Ké6tté, the facts

would seem to be otherwise. Valentyn and the Yalpana-Vaipava

Malai (Brito), pp. lxxv.-lxxvi., the former derived from Sinhalese

sources, and the latter, a Tamil historical record, both agree that Jafina

was restored to a nephew of Arya Chakkravarti. Valentyn alone gives

the name Arietattoe Adduru Prauwmal, clearly a corruption. The error

in the Rdjdvaliya appears to have arisen from the similarity of the

names Yapdpatuna (Jafina) and Yadpahu (in Hat Korale), and their

confusion by ignorant copyists. The Kurunégala Vistaraya, an old

topographical record, compiled about the 15th or 16th century,

incidentally mentions the fact that Sapumal Kumarayé ruled as

viceroy at YApahu after leaving Jaffna, and thus gives the clue to the

mystery.

3 The events following the death of Sri Parakrama Bahu more

properly belong to the reign of Jayavira Parakrama Bahu. De Couto

considerably modifies the relation in the Sinhalese Rajdvaliya and throws

a different complexion on the conduct of the conqueror of Jafina.

No. 63.—1910.] AGE OF SRi PARAKRAMA BAHU VI. al

tous the memory. ‘ This king had no son, but lad a daughter

who was married to Cholca Raya of the race of the ancient

kings, by whom he had a son, whom his grandfather swore in

as heir to the throne. In the time of this king there arrived

at the city of Cota (Kétté) from the opposite coast a panicalt

of the caste of those kings, a man of great activity and sagacity ,

whom the king welcomed, and married him to a woman of rank,

by whom he had two sons and a daughter ; these lads were

brought up in companionship with the prince (7.c., Jayavira2),

with whom there was also a first cousin of these lads, the son

of a sister of his mother’s. These three lads grew up, and

came to have such power in the kingdom, that the king noticed

in them a change of disposition, from which he feared that

on his death they would murder his grandson.? And dissem-

bling in regard to this, he resolved to separate them, which he

did, commanding the two brothers to go and subject for him

the king of Jaffnapatad, which had rebelled against him,

conferring on the elder one, who was called Québa Permal

(Champaka Perumal), the title of king of that dominion with

the obligation of vassalage. This man, who was a very great

horseman, and of the greatest size and strength of any of that

time, in a few days made himself master of that dominion.” 4

Before closing the record of this reign one important act

of civil administration deserves to be noted. When he had

consolidated the country Sri Parakrama Bahu appears to have

placed on a proper basis the taxation of the country. There

is no information available from which we can ascertain the

basis on which the adjustment proceeded. However, it is

probable that the reform was of far-reaching effect, though

the priestly chronicler would have us believe that it was

1 Ordinarily Panical or Panikar is indentical with the class of

‘* fencing-masters ”’ or ‘‘astroiogers”’ (vide Hobson-Jobson). Lam inclined

to think that Panical here is the proper name Pannikan, common in the

neighbouring coast. Besides, Panical is described as being a member

of the royal caste, which he would not be if he belonged to the class of

‘« fencing-masters ” or panicals.

2 Son of Ulakudaya Dévi and the grandson and heir-apparent of Sri

Parakrama Bahu VI.

$ An apprehension which subsequent events justified.

* De Couto, Journ., R.A.S, (C.B.), vol. XX., pp. 68 and 69,

32 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XXIT.

effected solely for the benefit of the church. The only

information on the subject is the following statement re-

corded in the Rdjaratndkara.t “ Throughout the whole of

Lanka he set apart and made over to the Tooth-relic lord

land dues and port dues.”’ |

After having his grandson, during his own lifetime,sworn in

as ruler, Mahalu Pardkrama Bahu, the “ aged ”’ king,? as his

subjects loved to call him, passed away in the 55th year of

his reign and in the 52nd after his coronation (1466-1467).

Summoned to the helm of a disorganized State while yet a

boy, he displayed a capacity and a genius in statecraft far

beyond his years, and only matched by the greatest of his

predecessors. Confronted with the danger of foreign invasion

ere he was securely seated on the throne, he displayed the

ready resource of a great commander by rapid concentration

and sudden attack in beating back the invaders, as later he

displayed a wary strategy and dogged patience in his campaign

against the Vannis.* His wise and far-reaching statesmanship

was seen in his temporizing policy with the Chinese, in the

adjustment of the taxation of the country, and in diverting

the activities of his ambitious foster son, Sapumal Kumaraya,

from intriguing against the succession of his grandson into the

profitable channel of reducing Jaffna. He combined qualities

seldom united, of skilful generalship and rare administrative

power, with scholarship and love of culture. Along with the

lofty courage, religious devotion, and ability to rule, which

distinguished the race of Asoka,® he had inherited their exqui-

site sense of taste, their love of magnificence, and passion

for noble buildings.? He found a State distracted by civil

1 Printed edition, p. 46.

2 “* Mahalu ”’ also means ‘elder.’’ Perhaps the king was so styled in

later years to distinguish him from his grandson Jayavira Paradkrama

Bahu, whose administration probably commenced during the lifetime

of his grandsire.

8 According to the chronicles he was sixteen years of age at the date

of his accession (1411-1412): hence the king was born circa 1395, and

died in his 72nd year.

4 Gira Sandésa, v. 128.

> Couto, Journ., R.A.S. (C.B.), vol. XX., p. 69.

6 Valentyn, Gira Sandésa, v. 138.

No. 63.—1910.] AGE OF SRI PARAKRAMA BAHU VI. 33

dissension, shorn of her former possessions, a prey to foreign

adventurers, yielding tribute to an alien nation ; he left a united

realm, comprising the whole Island, respected by his neigh-

bours abroad as the most formidable power in the East,’ having

all her former territories restored, with new conquests added

of cities over sea which acknowledged his over-lordship. His

mild and beneficent sway and his victories deeply attached

him to his subjects, who, as we read in contemporary verse,

compared him to his namesake the Great Parakrama”~; and as

the shadows of his long reign lengthened, his grateful people

called to mind the old prophecy, which foretold the dawn of a

bright era under a great and righteous emperor who would

rule the world with clemency and justice ; and they loved to

behold mirrored in their beloved sovereign the righteous lord

who would bear sway ‘* when twice five thousand years have

rolled away.” |

**O tell me, traveller, from whence you wend your way ? —

From Samanala, Brahman, have I arrived this day.

What news from god Sumana, who holds thereo’er chief sway ?

When thousand twain, and hundreds five, of years have

passed away,

The world to rule, a king shall come, so folk who dwell

there say !

King Perakum, then citizen, that is, whom all obey.’’ 3

The fabric of Government that he had reared with such

patience and toil withstood the incessant attacks made on it

by civil discord and foreign aggression for nearly the space

1 Gird Sandésa, v. 128. 2 @ird Sandésa, v. 129,

3 BAD OB Hj OB1B LO ce BONE OM mo

BID EQp OED ADE HOas wSe 5S ma

BODE DEcns SBLS Sada! Yon &a Fo‘)

BHS25 O9D,4H OMS GLOMSSS a0e& mR)

—SpOMVA KE, 112 a.

Tell (me) O! traveller! where do you come from ?—O! Brahman,

(I am returning) from having gone to Samanala. What news.is there

in that country, O! Brahman, from the chief god Sumana ? When

two thousand five hundred years shall have elapsed, they say there

will come aking, the chief of the world. Then it can besaid, O! citizen,

that is the king Perakum of this day.—Perakumbdsirita, v. 112.

(Skeen’s Adam’s Peak, p. 39.)

D 36-10

34 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XXII.

of a century before it ultimately crumbled to pieces under

the impact of disintegrating forces ; still, whatever of native

institutions, manners, and dignities that have survived to this

day in the maritime lowlands may be traced to his age. The

peace and tranquillity and the greatness of his reign were such

that in the dark days of Portuguese tyranny and religious

persecution men looked back to his time as to a golden age,

and awaited a national deliverer in a successor of his line

who would continue his victorious tradition, build anew the

walls of his capital, and revive the glory and the ancient faith

of the Sinhalese monarchy.

APPENDIX A.

It is strange that there should be so much misconception about

the identity of Sri Parakrama Bahu VI.’s parents, considering

that there is direct contemporary evidence on the point.

The Kudumirisa sannasa of this king refer to a grant by the

“late king my father,’’ which proves that Sri Parakrama Bahu VI.

was the son, not of a mere prince, but of a reigning sovereign

(CoAcS.Jour., Yi; 25-82):

The Pepiliyéna inscription records the erection of a shrine in

memory of the Queen-mother Sunétra Maha Dévi of the Girivansa

(C.A.S. Jour., X., 34). ‘

The Perakumba Sirita, after describing the founder of the royal

house, Prince Sumitra “‘ of Asdéka’s lineage,’ created Jaya Maha

Léna, and the achievements of the other great monarchs of this

line, explicitly mentions the parents of the king. I subjoin a

literal translation by Mr. W. P. Ranesinghe. He adds, that

‘‘it is probable that Lemeni Jayamahala was crowned Vijaya

Bahu,” and suggests that ‘‘ there must have been many Jaya-

mahalénas from the time of Devenipétissa to that of Parakrama

Bahu VI.”

‘¢ In the unblemished line of such illustrious sovereigns of power

and great sway was the son of Vijaya Bahu of the Sevulu race

and grandson of King Parakrama, a prince who was an embryo

No. 63.—1910.] AGE OF SRi PARAKRAMA BAHU VI. 35

Buddha, born of the great Queen Sunétra, who was like a golden

vine entwining the wish-conferring tree like Lemeni Jayama-

hala.” —v. 27.

Sri Rahula in the Kavyasékhara describes in glowing stanzas the

lineage of the king and the names of his parents. Here too, the

dynasty is traced to “ Prince Sumit of the Sdlar dynasty, who was

maternal uncle of Mahinda, son of Dharma Asdka,. 237 B.c.”

(Part XIV., vv. 61, 62:)

Prince Sumit was invested by Dévanampiya Tissa with the rank

of Jayamahalena, ‘‘ Chief Secretary for War,’ amid great pomp,

and given the hand of Princess Sumana of Magadha, a novice who

resided at the temple of Sanghamitta (Part IV., v. 66).

To them and their descendants was assigned the custody of

the Boé-tree (Part XIX., vv. 67, 68 ; Bédhivansa).

The following verses (Kavyasékhara, 69-71 in Part XIV.)

support the other authorities regarding the parentage of the king:

‘¢In this the thirty-fourth year of the reign of King Parakrama

Bahu, the celebrated Kdavyasékhara was composed and terminated

in language elegant. He was an ocean of gem-like virtues, a diadem

on the heads of all kings, grandson of Jayamahaléna, who was an

ornament to the Lambakarna race. He came from the good

lineage of the illustrious Vijaya Bahu of the Sevulu race and of

the puissant Paradkrama the Great and of Agrabodhi and

Vijaya Bahu.” Mr. W. P. Ranesinghe, to whom I am indebted

for the translation, says that according to these lines, “ the

descent of Sri Parékrama Bahu from all the above kings, including

Vijaya Bahu, is clear, and confirms the statement in the

Perakumba Sirita and the Rajdvaliya.”’

Valentyn states that the monarch was ‘‘ of the unsullied race

of the Emperor Socca (Aséka) Raja and of the family of Ittaha-

sammata (Mahdésammata), and of Simit (Sumit) Raja, a nephew

of the Emperor Praccaram (Pardkrama) Vijé (Vijaya) Raja, and a

son of the Emperor Savlu Vija (Sevulu Vijaya) Bahu Raja, and

of the Empress Simittra Déwa (Sunétra Dévi).”

The Rajdvaliya, although the pages referring to the Chinese

invasions have been tampered with, says that Vijaya Bahu was the

father of Parakrama Bahu, and that his mother was Sunétra Dévi.

** Here it must be observed that it was in the year 1958 of the

illustrious Buddhist era, on Thursday, the seventh day of the

bright half of the month Wesak, and the asterism Phusa, that King

Vijaya Bahu was taken captive. Whereupon his Queen, Sunétra

Dévi, left the city and went to Visidagama, taking her son with

her.”’—p. 67.

E. W. PERERA.

36 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vout. XXII.

APPENDIX B.

The following translation of Valentyn’s account of this period

is by Mr. Donald Ferguson, and appeared in the Ceylon Observer,

September, 1897 :—

‘¢ The King Boewanaca (Bhuvaneka) Bahu Raja, learning that his

dominions were now entirely freed from all enemies, returned once

more with a quiet heart to his kingdom of Degampala. But the

Cingaleese swore that they would never acknowledge such a

coward as their king; but there was then a prince, reared in the

Pagode of Vida Gamma,’ who, on account of his illustrious origin,

might be compared to the sun, as he was of the princely blood,

and of the unsullied race of the Emperor Socca (Aséka) Raja,

and of the family of Ittahasammatta? Raja, and of Simit Raja,

a nephew of the Emperor Praccaram Viga (Pardkrama Vijaya)

Raja, and a son of the Emperor Savluviga (Sevulu Vijaya) Bahu

Raja, and of the Empress Simittra Dewa.*

‘«This prince was set upon the throne of the Emperor of Cotta,

with the name of Rucaule* Praccaram BahusRaja, on the 8th day

(new moon) of the month of May, upon a Thursday,® by the

Gane or Priest Atahasuwamie,® also of the royal house, residing

in a Pagode.

‘He married a princess of the royal house from the village of

Quirivella,? who was of the family of Othurudda* Comara.

‘Thereupon having been crowned (which period is described as

having been 1,958 years after the death of Budun, or 1,415 years

after the birth of Christ®), he remained 3 years at Reygamme

(Rayigama), then removed to Cotta, there built a fine city, entirely

of solid blue stone, and a beautiful palace of the same stone ;

but with a sort of new fangled galleries, and with a number of

new temples of devils, and of the idols that he worshipped.

Here he dwelt in company with a priest (Sri Raéhula), whom

he esteemed very highly, preserved here the relics of Budun;

and built a special house or monastery for his priests. He also

took as his adopted sons two princes of imperial blood, Sappoe

{Sapumal) Comara and Coeda (Kuda) Comara,'® to whom he

showed very great favour.

‘Some time after that the empress gave birth to a daughter,

to whom was given the name of Ulacoedajanam Dewa,!! which

Dewa betokens a goddess in their language. !*

‘* Not long afterwards the emperor was very unexpectedly

attacked by a.large army that had been sent by the King of

Canara to Ceylon with a numerous fleet ; but the prince having

No. 63.—1910.] AGE OF SRi PARAKRAMA BAHU VI. By

speedily gathered together some troops, defeated that mighty

army, which act gave him a very formidable name throughout the

whole East, and caused him to be greatly beloved by his people.

‘‘ Shortly afterwards he sent a vessel with cinnamon to the

opposite coast of Malabar, which came to land in the Bay of

Driampatam ; but it was attacked in a hostile manner by the

ruler there, Rajam Malavaragam (Malava Rayar), and all that

was in it was carried off, besides that he took all the men captives.

«« The emperor hearing of this caused the country of this ruler to

be immediately ravaged by his troops with fire and sword. Thence

they proceeded to another territory, named Soliratta, captured.

the town of Mahacoelan Cottaja, further destroying seven of its

dependent villages, after which victory they returned rejoicing. *

‘*Whilst all was now quiet in the emperor’s dominions in Ceylon,

there was in the highlands a prince, named Jottia Sitte or Jothia

Stoenam Raja,* who, having been accustomed to pay tribute |

annually to the emperor, now informed him that he did not intend

to do so in future. He thereupon caused his people out of the five

districts over which he ruled to be assembled, and resolved to

sever himself from the emperor, and to assume authority as a

prince on his own account ; therefore, in order to induce his followers

the more firmly to adhere to him, he partitioned out to various

nobles many villages and lands, and conferred upon them great

titles of honour (on which the Cingaleese are much set).

‘* The emperor having heard of this sent a great army against

him, slew many thousands of his people, took prisoners many of

the nearest blood relations of this rebellious prince (and when

he had driven the prince himself out of Candi), established one of

his adoptéd sons, Ampoeloewagala Comara,!® a vassal who paid

him tribute annually as King of Candy.'®

‘* Some years afterwards eighteen other village chiefs of the

Vannias submitted to the emperor, by which his kingdom was

further greatly increased. |

‘« The King of Jaffnapatnam, fearing that the emperor would be

further revenged upon him in one way or another, took all

needful precautions against this, but meanwhile also had himself

proclaimed as Emperor of Ceylon, which the Emperor of Cotta

had no sooner learnt, than he resolved on the spot to make himself

master of Jaffnapatnam, and sent an army under Sappoe (Sapu-

mal) Comara thither, and let the king know through that general

that since it was improper that Ceylon should have two emperors,

he had sent that general to relieve him of that new title, and as he

could not rest, and was not content with what he had, to give

him somewhat more rest.

38 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XXII.

‘¢ This general in the first place seized many of the king’s terri-

tories ; but when the latter heard that he had begun to draw near

to the city of Jaffnapatnam, he sent one of his courtiers, Conta

Cara Demalis, and then a second and third, named Panigevorum

and Valamunivorussa,!’ to stop him ; but they were all three in a

short time slain by Sappoe Comara, who now made it evident that

he intended, with his blue horse with the green mane,'® to invest

the city.

‘* The anxious king, seeing him arrive, sent Varacara,'® a bold

knight, against him, who had undertaken to hew him in pieces,

but he was stabbed by his men ere he came near him. Meanwhile

the Prince Sappoe Comara got into the city, conquered it and all

the king’s realm, took many of his nobles prisoners, and brought

them in a body, since the king himself had fled, to the emperor,

who appointed one of his nephews, by name Arvattetoe Addum

Prauwmal,'® King of Jaffnapatnam.*°

‘* After that this emperor reigned in great peace for the space

of fifty-five years, spending most of the end of his lifetime in the

service of the gods.”’

Notes.

1 Vidagama. (See Upham’s Rajavali, pp. 266-267, and Bell’s

Kégalla Report, pp. 5, 42, 93, for details regarding the romantic

story of the youth of Paraékrama Bahu VI.)—D. F.

2 Read “‘ Mahdésammata,’” for the meaning of which see

Macready’s Selalihini Sandésa, p. IX. (?) Cf. the inscriptions of

Parakrama Bahu VI. in Bell’s Kégalla Report, p. 95; C.B.R.A.S.

Jl., VII., p. 199; X., p. 100.—D. F.

$ Parakrama Bahu VI. was the son of Vijaya Bahu VI. and

his Queen Sunétra Dévi (‘‘Sowlu”? = Sevulu = Sakalakala).

[Sevulu = Sakya, and has nothing to do with Sakalakala ; wide

Appendix A.—H. W. P.] I cannot identify the Parakrama

Vijaya who is here said to have been the uncle of Parakrama

Béhu VI.—D. F.

* This represents the Sinhalese rivikula = of the Solar race.

Cf. Selalihini Sandésa, vv. 18,96; and P. B.’s inscriptions, U. S.—

DF.

® The Rajavali has “‘ The seventh day.’’—D. F.

* A blunder for ‘“‘ Mahaswami.”’—D. F.

7 Kiravella. (See Bell’s Kégalla Report, pp. 5, 83.)—D. F.

8 For Anuruddha.

° On this see Bell’s Kégalla Report, p. 81.—D. F. :

10 Sapumal Kumaéraya and Kuda Kumaraya, the sons (?) of

Parakrama Bahu VI. (See Bell’s Kégalla Report, pp. 5, 42, 83.)

—D. F. ,

No. 63.—1910.] AGE OF SRi PARAKRAMA BAHU VI. 39

4 Ulakudaya Dévi, regarding whom see _ Bell’s Keégalla

Report, pp. 5, 83.—D. F.

12 In this connection, however, dévt means princess.—D. F.

13 Cf. Upham’s Rajavali, pp. 269, 270.

4“ Jottia’”’ or “ Jothia’”’ evidently = yddaya, warrior ; but

who this warrior king was I cannot say. Upham’s Rajavali

(p. 270) calls him ‘‘Sojana Sewo Rajah.’—D. F. [He was

Jotiya Situ Raja, wide Gunasékara’s Rdjavaliya, p. 69, and Pera-

kumba Sirita, 258.—EH. W. P.|

* Ambulugala or Kuda Kumaraya, the younger of the two

princes mentioned above.—D. F.

6 Cf. Upham’s Rajavali, p. 270.—D. F.

TI do not find the names of these men given elsewhere.—D. F’.

‘8 Mr. Bell, in his Kégalla Report (p. 83), quotes a stanza

from the Selalihini Sandésa, and gives the following translation

in verse :— :

‘Lo! Sapumal Kumaraya returns from Jaffna ta’én,

Leader, midst a mighty host that follows in his train,

Above the snowy chatra spread with many a gem. bedight,

Himself, on steed of sable hue, recails the Sun God’s light.”

The original has nil-tuwranga, which literally means a blue steed ;

but black is doubtlessintended. Whence the *‘ green mane’ was

derived I do not know.—D. F.

1? T find no mention elsewhere of this man.—D. F.

20 I cannot identify this individual. Cy. C.B.R.A.S. Jl,. XIL.,

p. 514 note.—D. F.

"1 Cf. Yalpana-Vaipava-Malai, pp. lxxv.—lxxvi.—D. F.

EK. W. PERERA.

APPENDIX C.

The following is the route taken by the carrier-bird in the

Selalihini Sandésa from Koétté to Kelaniya. Ihave adopted Mr. W.

P. Ranesinghe’s identification of places, which he has been kind

enough to furnish me with, in this most typical of the sandésas

The identity which I have noted in the text of Gurubebila with

modern Hanwella, on the authority of a High Priest of Kelaniya,

though based on tradition, appears to be unfounded, in view of

Mr. Ranesinghe’s explanation of how Gurubebila came to be

corrupted into Wanagurugodella :—

(1) Kotte.

(2) Kontagantota (ferry on the Diyavannawa).

(3) Anganpitiya (not mentioned in sandésa),

40 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XXit.

(4) Isuru Kovila = chapel or church built on the site of the

déwdla from its materials.

(5) Kaikawala=—(Tam. kav, hand, and kdwal, guard) the sentry-

post where the watch was kept by guards armed with bows, spears,

and swords = (?) Kaduwela.

(6) Ganéhéna (not mentioned in sandésa).

(7) Valambalama = Velitalawa = Talangama.

(8) [Valpola].

(9) Sumutana = Himbutana.

(10) Gurubevila = Vana-guru-godella ; godella has the same

signification as bévilla, contracted into bevila, a ‘‘ mound.”

(11) Diyaheba (not mentioned in sandésa).

(12) Guruluketa = Burrulla-keta = Burulketa.

(13) Velandagoda = Belagama.

(14) Veralana.

(15) Kitsirimevan Kelaniya = (Megoda) Kelaniya on hither

bank.

(16) Maskeliya, on hither bank of the river, where the ‘ fish”’

(mas = matsya) ** gambol” (kelanava).

E. W. PERERA.

APPENDIX 1D.

From the ‘“ Ming-shih,”’ or History of the Ming Dynasty, and

‘* Hsi-yang-ch’ao-Kung-tien-lu,” or Records of Tribute Missions

from the West, we learn that the famous eunuch Chengho carried

Chinese arms as far as Ceylon during the reign of Zunlo (1403 to

1425).—Report of the U. §. National Museum, under direction

of Smithsonian Institute. for year ending June 30, 1888, p. 428.

E. W. PERERA.

APPENDIX E.

Mr. Perera says that “the Selalihini Sandésa describes the route

between Kotté and Kelaniya. The distance being short, the

bird is made to take a circuitous course, by way of Gurubebila

(Hanwella) on to Kelaniya, to enable the poet to describe the

intervening country.’ This is not correct. The bird would

appear to have taken the then usual route, and the places described

in the work all lie between K6tté and Kelaniya. Gurubeula men-

tioned in the sandésa is the village now known as Vanagurugodella,

situated about midway between Kotté and Kelaniya, and not

Gurubebila in Hanwella. In the Hansa Sandésa, the swan

o. 63.—1910.] AGE OF SRi PARAKRAMA BAHU VI. 41

conveying a message from Koétté to Kéragala in Sina Koralé has

taken the same route as far as Kelaniya, and in that work the

situation of Gurubeula is clearly defined. The bird is told that

from Gurubeula he could see the village Gotatuwa on his left

and Welandagoda on his right, and the great Viharé (Kitsirimé)

before him. The temple Kitsirimé is on the left bank of the river

facing Kelaniya, and the villages of Gotatuwa and Welandagoda

are on either side of Vanagurugodella.

(2) Mr. Perera quotes a stanza from Perakumba Sirita in

support of his theory that Sri Parékrama Bahu was the son of

Vira Vijaya Bahu. This stanza has been entirely misunderstood

and incorrectly translated. The meaning of the stanza is clear,

i.e., that Parakrama Bahu was the son of Lemeni Jayamahala,

whose father was Vijaya Bahu and grandfather Paraékrama Bahu.

Parakrama Bahu herein referred to was Paraékrama Bahu the

Great of Polonnaruwa, as may be seen from the Kdvyasékhara of

Sri Réhula, and not Sri Paraékrama’s mother’s father, as stated

by Mr. Perera. It can be shown from other contemporary

writers that Sri Parékrama Bahu was the son of Jayamahala.

(3) It is stated that ‘‘ the king’s wish is reflected in the

poetical message contained in Sri Rahula’s Selalihini Sandésa,

invoking the lily-coloured god Vishnu at Dondra for the blessing

of a son for the Princess Ulakuda Dévi.”’ This is incomprehen-

sible. The message was clearly sent to the god Vibhisana at Kela-

niya,and there is no mention in the work either of Dondra or of the

lily-coloured god Vishnu.

(4) Mr. Perera goes on to say that “ Paraékrama Bahu struck

off the head of the usurper Alakésvara at the bidding of Vidagama

Maha Sami.”” I can think of no authority for this statement.

The Rajavaliya, the only work which speaks of this event, does

not support it.

SIMON DE SILVA.

APPENDIX F.

I must protest against the slur cast—unconsciously no doubt—

upon a name held in high honour in the history of the Buddhist

church. It is unfair to connect Vidaégama Maha Sami with the

assassination of Alakésvara, on what must be considered very

slight and doubtful evidence.

I cannot agree with the identification of Gurubeula mentioned

in the Selalihint Sandésa with Gurubebila near Hanwella. The

place mentioned in the poem is on the direct road from Kétté to

Kelaniya, and is at the present time known as Vanagurugodella.

42 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XXII.

The translation of the verse quoted from the Perakumba Sirita

(p. 7) is not accurate. It should read: “ A royal personage—a

future Buddha—was born to the Queen Sunétra Maha Dévi—the

golden vine that entwined the celestial tree, the lord Jaya Maha

Lena, grandson of King Paraékrama Bahu, who was the son of

King Savulu Vijaya Bahu ...... fi

Lastly, I cannot support the attempt to make Alakésvara a

foreign usurper. It is contended that Girivansa, to which he

belonged, was a Dravidian family in India. But according to the

Nikdya Sangrahawa (p. 24) the full name of this family was

Amaragirivasa. Amaragiri is another name for Dévanagala (in

the Kégalla District). The original settlement of the Alakésvara

family was apparently Dévanagala; and though the original

founder may have come from India, the family had long been in

the Island, and the great Alakésvara ought not to be regarded as

@ Dravidian usurper.

D. B. JAYATILAKA.

APPENDIX G.

First, with regard to the death of Alakésvara. I do not think

that that great statesman was murdered at all; least of all by

Visidagama, the chief hierarch of the Buddhist church. The

commanding personality of Alakésvara had been absent from the

field of Ceylon politics for many years before Parakrama Bahu VI.

came to the throne. The presumption, therefore, is that he had

been long dead at that time, and that the story of his usurpation

and of his tragic death which followed in consequence is all a

picturesque fable invented in later times.

Secondly, I do not think that King Parakrama Bahu VI. was

the son of Sri Vira Vijaya Bahu VI., although that has always been

the accepted opinion, and is so still. The authority quoted from

Perakumbé Sirita—far from supporting the accepted opinion—

seems to go far to destroy it. It says that King Parakrama Bahu

was the son of Jaya Maha Lena (Secretary for War), a nobleman

of the Lemeni branch of the royal race. Now, Jaya Maha Lena

and Sri Vira Vijaya Bahu are clearly not identical. For the one

was merely a royal scion, while the other was a king; and the one

belonged to the Lemeni branch of the royal stock, while the other

belonged to the ‘‘ Mehenawara Vansa,” the branch sprung from

the priestess. I think, therefore, that the paternity of Parakrama

Bahu VI., as given by the writer, according to the received opinion,

must be considerably revised.

W. F. GUNAWARDANA.

No. 63.—1910.] AGE OF SRI PARAKRAMA BAHU VI. 43

APPENDIX H.

It is unfortunate that Mudaliyar Simon de Silva took no part

in the discussion at the Meeting. His Memorandum (Appendix

E) subsequently sent in is on much the same lines as Mr. D. B.

Jayatilaka’s criticisms. I shall first shortly deal with the two

minor points (1) and (3) contained in the Mudaliyar’s Memoran-

dum.

(1) As explained at the Meeting, I had no decided opinion in

regard to the identification of Gurubebila, and was prepared to

accept any reasonable explanation from those who had greater

local knowledge. For further information on the question, wide

Appendix C.

(3) Vishnu for Vibhisana was an oversight, since corrected.

(2) The Mudaliyar, challenges what he calls my “ theory that

Sri Parakrama Bahu was the son of Vira Vijaya Bahu,” on the

assumption that I have “ entirely misunderstood and incorrectly

translated ” the stanza from the Perakumbda Sirita. No reason

is given why grammatically or otherwise the words cannot be

rendered in the sense taken by Mr. W. P. Ranesinghe, who has

favoured me with a translation. His rendering (wide Appendix

A) makes it convey the meaning that Parékrama Bahu V1. “ was

the son of Vijaya Bahu of the Sevulu race and grandson of King

Parakrama.” It will scarcely be contended that this careful

scholar, too, “‘ entirely misunderstood and incorrectly translated ”’

the stanza. It is the only way it can be rendered consistently

with the other contemporary authorities, which bear out that

Sri Parakrama Bahu VI. was the son of Sevulu Vijaya Bahu.

Further, it is stated in the Mudaliyar’s Memorandum, that

** Parakrama Bahu herein referred to was Parakrama Bahu the

Great of Polonnaruwa.’’ This cannot be, as Parakrama Bahu the

Great (1164-1197) was not the .“‘ grandfather ”’ of Sri Parakrama

Bahu VI. (1412-1467). According to the Kdévyasékhara, which is

cited in support of this view, it was a ‘‘ Jaya Maha Lena” who

was “grandfather” of Sri Parakrama Bahu VI. (vide Appendix

A). Even if “ grandfather’ be taken in the extended sense

of “ancestor,” the Mudaliyaér will not be supported by the

authority to which he appeals, for the ‘“‘ grandfather” or

** ancestor ’”? mentioned in the Kdvyasékhara is Jaya Maha Lena

and not Parakrama Bahu the Great. That Jaya Maha in that

stanza refers to the “ ancestor,’ the founder of the house, there

is very little doubt. De Couto states that Sri Parakrama Bahu’s

mother’s father was King Parakrama Bahu, which is consistent

with the statement in the Perakumbd Sirita. The Mudaliyar

44 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (VoL. XXII.

should have cited ‘‘ the other contemporary writer’? from whom

‘it can be shown that Sri Parakrama Bahu was the son of Jaya

Mahala.’’ That monarch’s own sannas declare that his father

s “‘ king,” and the Rajavaliya and Valentyn bear out that he

was Vijaya Bahu VI. (vide Appendix A).

(4) In saying that he ‘can think of no authority’ for my

statement that ‘‘ Parakarama Bahu struck off the head of the

usurper Alakésvara at the bidding of Vidagama Maha Sami,” the

Mudaliyar has forgotten to quote the two previous words of the

sentence, ‘‘ Legend says.’”’* The Rdjdvaliya, which he declares

“does not support it,’ states : “In this manner the prince lived

in obscurity until he had attained the age of 16 years, when the

elder Visidagama summoned the leading men, and having consulted

together, sent for the prince ; and, without the knowledge of

Alakésvara, brought him out to the people under the asterism

Phusa, on Thursday, the 7th day of the bright fortnight of the

month Wesak. Having caused Alakésvara to be put to death, he

raised the prince to the throne under the name of Sri Parakrama

Bahu.” The legend merely supplies the detail who was the

agent the priest employed to kill the usurper.

The identification of Gurubebila with Hanwella would appear

to have as much warrant as its identification with Vanaguru-

godella. But I expressed no decided view, and will yield to

special local knowledge.

The question of the origin of Alakésvara has no amamediaee

bearing on the subject, and was fully dealt with by me in a

previous Paper. The contemporary authorities quoted there

show conclusively that he belonged to a Dravidian family from

Conjeveram, whose settlement was at Rayigam. The proposition

that the family name is Amaragirivasa cannot be maintained, as

the word merely means that Alakésvara resided at Amaragiri.

E. W. PERERA.

5. Simon de Silva, Mudaliyar, submitted a Memorandum

dissenting from some of Mr. Perera’s statements. t

6. Mr. D. B. Jayatilaka said that the Paper was very interest-

ing and threw a flood of light upon on exceedingly obscure period

of Ceylon history. He drew the attention of the Meeting to a few

points in regard to which he could not agree with the writer.{

7. W.F. Gunawardana, Mudaliyar, disagreed with two points

in the Paper.§

* The «‘ legend,”—if such exists, is so manifestly unworthy of

credence that it should best be not countenanced.—B., Hd. Sec.

+ See Appendix E. t See Appendix F. § See Appendix G.

No. 63.—1910.] ANNUAL REPORT. 45

8. Mr. Harward, referring to the Paper and its subject in a

general way, drew attention to the interest attaching to the study

of the Chinese invasions of Ceylon, the tribute paid by Ceylon, and

the circumstances in which that tribute was terminated. They

had not had the Chinese point of view developed, except in the

very brief extracts from the Chinese chronicles given in the first

volume of Sir Emerson Tennent’s ‘‘ History of Ceylon.”

9. Mr. Perera, in reply, said that the chief bone of contention

seemed to be that he should have charged a hierarch of the Buddhist

church with murder. That was no reflection on the faith. It

had happened before that a monk had killed a man, and it might

happen again. A cowl did not always make a monk. *

10. ‘The Chairman, in proposing a vote of thanks to Mr. Perera,

said it was Papers of that kind which really illustrated the value of

a Society such as that to which they belonged ; because it brought

into the light of day obscure alleys in the history of the country

in which they were all living, and called forth discussions such as

those to which they had listened that evening. Far be it from

him to attempt to adjudicate upon the various points raised.

Whether the king, whose history they had just listened to, was

himself or was not himself was a point upon which none of

them, he felt sure, at a moment’s notice would like to pronounce,

after the authoritative declaration that he was not himself which

they had received from Mudaliyar Gunawardana. He felt sure

that later they would receive from the same quarter a justification

of that belief, if only in the form of a Note that might be appended

to some issue of the Journal.

The vote of thanks was carried cordially.

11. Mr. J. Harward read the Annual Report of the Council

for 1909 :—

ANNUAL REPORT FOR 1909.

The Council of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic peas

have the honour to submit their Report for 1909.

MEETINGS AND PAPERS.

Five General Meetings of this Society have been held during the

year, at which the following Papers were read and discussed :—

(1) “‘ Letters from Rajasinha II. to the Dutch,” by Mr.

Donald Ferguson.

(2) “Jnana Vasishtam,” by the Hon. Mr. P. Arunachalam,

MAS C.C'S;

(3) ‘ Notes on Delft,” by the Hon. Mr. J. P. Lewis, M.A.,

C.C.8.

(4) “ The Dutch Embassy to Kandy in 1731-32,” by Mr. P. E.

Pieris, M.A., LL.M., C.C.S.

* Mr. Perera subsequently replied to certain other criticisms in a

Memorandum. See Appendix H.—B., Ed. Sec.

46 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XXII.

LECTURES DELIVERED.

(1) “‘ History of Indian Art,’ with lantern illustrations, by

A. K. Coomaraswamy, D.Sc.

(2) “The Antiquity of Stone Architecture in India and

Ceylon,” with lantern illustrations, by Mr. D. M. de Z.

Wickramasingha.

A Paper entitled “‘The Kandyan Navandanno,” by Mr. H. W,

Codrington, B.A., C.C.S., was accepted for publication without

being read at a Meeting.

MEMBERS.

During the past year forty-five new Members were elected, viz.,

A. 8S. de Silva; E. S. Dassenaike, B.A., LL.B.; H. L. de Mel,

Proctor, 8.C.; W. A. Samarasingha, D. Devapuraratna, Proctor,

S.C.; F. Gomesz, B.A.; A. H. Gomesz, F.B.A., F.N.F.A.;

K. J. Saunders, B.A.; J. L. Pieris, Gate Mudaliyar; A. O.

Jayawardana; J. W. de Silva, Proctor, 8.C.; W. Wijeyesekera ;

R. Sagarajasingam ; C. F. W. Halliley; A. W. Seymour, C.C.S. ;

G. A. F. Senaratna; Dr. D. Schokman, F.R.C.S.E.; C. E. de

Vos, Barrister-at-Law; T. Reid, B.A., C.C.S.; F. H. Chambers,

B.A., C.C.8:.; T. A. Hodson, M-A., C€:C:S:; Hi. Skinner; WwW: 2.

Southorn ; T. E. Karunatilaka; Hon. Mr. C. T. D. Vigors, C.CS. ;

J.D. Brown, B.A.,C.C.8.;G. F. Plant, B.A.,C.C.8. ; B. Horsburgh,

M.A.,C.C.8.;T. A. Carey, B.A., C.C.S. ; Dr. V. Goonaratna, L.M. &

S.; S. Obeyesekere, Barrister-at-Law ; C. A. Galpin; F. Jayatilaka,

Proctor, S.C.; E.G. Brooke; J. M. Senaviratna; T. Maclachlan :

S. J. Williamsz; Rev. EL. A. Joseph, M.A.) B.D. 3) Dr. 1B)

Kobbekaduwe, M.R.C.S. & L.R.C.P.; Ven. M. Sri Nanissara ;

S. O. Canagaratnum ; C. C. J. Senaviratna, Proctor, 8.C.; H.

Perera, Gate Muhandiram; Rev. J. P. de Pinto and Rev. Father

J. Pahamuney, O.M.I.

LirE-MEMBERS.

Messrs. P. E. Pieris, M.A., C.C.S., and D. M. de Z. Wickrama-

singha have become Life-Members.

RESIGNED.

Five Members have resigned, viz., Messrs. A. Anson, O. W.

Heinman, J. Mathieson, T. Southwell, Mr. Justice A. Wood

Renton, and Mr. E. 8. W. Senathi Raja.

DEATHS.

The Council record with regret the death of the following

Members :—Messrs. C. M. Fernando, M.A., LL.M.; G. W. Jaya-

wardana, J.P.; J. P. Perera, Proctor; A. M. Perera; J. de S.

Rajepaksa, J.P., Mudaliyar ; and M. Suppramaniyan.

The Council passed the following vote of condolence on the

death of Mr. C. M. Fernando :—

Resolved—‘‘ That the Council of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal

Asiatic Society wishes to express its sympathy and condolence

No. 63.—1910.] ANNUAL REPORT. 47

with the family of the late Mr. C. M. Fernando, M.A., LL.M.,

and to express its sense of the loss which the Society has sus-

tained by his death :—

*“ By the death of Mr. C. M. Fernando, M.A., LL.M., Senior

Crown Counsel, Ceylon, this Society has lost one of its most

valued Members. He joined the Society in 1889, and was a

Member of the Council from 1896, and was the senior Member.

He was a regular attendant at Meetings, and to the part which

he took in its discussions and to his contributions, the Proceedings

of Meetings and the Journals of this Society owe much of their

interest and value.”

To the Journals of this Society Mr. Fernando contributed the

following Papers :—

(1) “ The Music of Ceylon,”’ No. 45, 1894.

(2) “The Inauguration of the King in Ancient Ceylon,”’

No. 47, 1896.

(3) ““ A Note on the Paleography of Ceylon,” No. 55, 1904.

(4) “Two Old Sinhalese Swords,’ No. 56, 1905.

The Society has now on its roll 316 Members; of these, 33 are

Life Members, 10 Honorary Members.

DEFAULTERS.

The following names have been removed from the list of

Members for non-payment of subscriptions :—A. W. Andree,

Gi. W. Bibile, A. Chinniah, W. Jayawickrama, Pandit Gopi Nath,

G, C. Lee, J. M. Weerasuriya.

PUBLICATIONS.

Two Numbers of the Journal, Vol. XX., No. 60, and Vol. XXI.,

No. 61, were published during the year.

No. 60 consists of the valuable “‘ History of Ceylon from the

earliest times to 1600 a.p. as related by Jodo de Barros and

Diogo de Couto,” specially translated and edited for the Society

by Mr. Donald Ferguson, and forms Volume XX. of the Society’s

Journal.

No. 61 contains, in addition to the Proceedings of the Council

and General Meetings, the following Papers :—

(1) “ The Origin of the Tamil Velalas,” translated by Mr.

V. J. Tambipillai.

(2) ‘“* Amongst the last Veddas,”’ by Dr. Moszkowski.

(3) ‘ Notes on recent work among the Veddas,” by Dr. C. G.

Seligmann, M.D.

(4) “* Portuguese Ceylon at the beginning of the Seventeenth

Century : a Sketch,”’ by Mr. P. E. Pieris, M.A., C.C.S.

(5) “‘ Sumptuary Laws and Social Etiquette of the Kandyans, i

by Mr. T. B. Paranatella.

(6) ‘‘ Kandyan Music,”’ by Mr. 8. D. Mahawalatenna.

(7) “ The lesser known Hills of the Batticaloa District and

Lower Uva,” by Mr. F, Lewis, F.L.S.

48 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XXII.

List oF MEMBERS.

A list of Members, giving the names of all the past and present

Office-Bearers from the beginning of the Society in 1845, corrected

up to August 31, 1909 (compiled by the Society’s Clerk and

Librarian, Mr. F. D. Jayasinha), was published during the year

and issued to Members.

THe LIBRARY.

The additions to the Library, including parts of periodicals,

numbered 404.

The Library is indebted for donations to the following :—

The Government of India ; the Archzological Survey of India ;

the Linguistic Survey of India; the Secretary of State for India

in Council; Dr. A. Caroll; Cuerpo de Ingenieros de Menas del

Peru ; the Postmaster-General, Colombo ; Messrs. H. D. Watson ;

Mr. L. 8. 8. O’Malley, 1.C.S.; F. Otto Schrader, Ph.D.; R. V.

Russell, 1.C.S. ; C. Brown ; F. Max Nabe; Professor T. W. Rhys

Davids, Ph.D. ; Dr. A. K. Coomaraswamy ; the Hon. the Colonial

Secretary, Ceylon; L. de La Vallée Poussin; Baron Cana de

Vaux; C. R. Lanman; G. A. Grierson, C.I.E., Ph.D. ; T. South-

well; J. A. T. Schwory; H. R. Nevill, 1.C.S. ;:G. H. Girtz ; RB;

D. Salsburz ; W. W. Atwood ; the Director of Public Instruction,

Ceylon; Sir R. C. Temple, C.I.E.; G. L. Corbett; R. H. S. -

Huchinson ; the Archzological Survey of Ceylon; W. F.

Gunawardana, Mudaliyar; Major K. D. Erskine, I.A.; G. L.

Raymond, L.H.D., &c.; M. A. Stein; M. M. Din; the Siam

Society ; the Archeological Survey of Burma.

For valuable exchanges received during the year the Society

is indebted to the following :—

The Musée Guimet, Paris ; the Societé Zoologique, Paris ; the

State Archives, Netherlands ; California Academy of Sciences ;

the Royal Society of Victoria ; the Royal University of Upsala ;

the Academy of Natural Sciences, Philadelphia ; the Smithsonian

Institute ; the Anthropological Society of Bombay ; United

States Department of Agriculture, Washington ; the United

States Geological Survey, New York; the United States Bureau

of Education, Washington ; the Anthropologische Gesellschaft

Koeniggraetyerstrasse, Berlin; Bataviaasch Genootschap van

Kunsten en Wetenschappen, Batavia; the Secretary Deutsche

Morglandische Geeselschaff-Halle, Germany; the American

Oriental Society ; La Societé Imperiale des Naturales de Moscow,

Russia ; the Asiatic Society of Japan ; the Royal Asiatic Society

of Great Britain and Ireland; the Asiatic Society of Bengal ;

John Hopkins University, Baltimore, United States of America ;

the Anthropological Institute, London; the Geological and

Natural History Survey of Canada ; the Royal Colonial Institute,

London; the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society ;

Koninklijk Institunt voor de Taal-Land en Volken Kunde van

Nederlandsch Indie, Holland; the Director-General of Arche-

ology, India; K. K. Naturtistorischen, Hopmuseums, Austria ;

L’Keole Francaise, d’Extreme-Orient, Hanoi, &c.

Eg Ee oe SO ee

se OS ee eee

No. 63.—1910.] ANNUAL REPORT. , 49

ARCHAOLOGICAL SURVEY, 1909.

The Council has secured from the Archeological Commissioner

a brief summary of the operations of the Archxological Survey '

during 1909.

A: much-needed increase to the Archeological vote, under the

sub-heads of ‘‘ Labour ”’ and ‘‘ Preservation of Ancient Monu-

ments,” sanctioned from 1909, has permitted of field operations

being conducted with redoubled vigour. No previous year in the

life of the Archeological Survey has witnessed equal progress,

especially at Polonnaruwa and Sigiriya.

I.—ANURADHAPURA. -

1.—Clearing.

With the sum of Rs. 5,000 now made yearly available to the

Archeological Commissioner for freeing ruined areas of scrub

and rank weeds, all the larger spaces dotted with ruins were kept

clear at Anuradhapura.

In addition, was started the systematical clearing of the jungle

which has for centuries enveloped the numerous caves and ruined

sites at Mihintalé, known to exist, but barely accessible, on and

around the clustered hills.

It is hoped to follow up this sweep of the undergrowth by

resuming excavation of the Mihintalé ruins, commenced as long

ago as 1893, but since deferred owing to more pressing claims at

Anurddhapura and elsewhere.

2?.—Excavations. ba

Vessagiriya.—The ruins of the ancient Monastery at Vessagiriya

surround three rock hummocks, which lie in line north and south

close to the main road from Anuradhapura to Kurunégala. Tho

most northerly rock (A), and the ruins situated to the east of the

second rock (B), were dealt with between 1906-1908.

During the past year (1909), after some heavy cutting, the

sites on rock B (two small dagabas and a viharé), its caves, and

all ruins adjoining it to the west, have been unearthed.

A quincunx group, probably a viharé and four piriven off its

angles, with several appurtenant buildings, stand between the

middle rock (B) and the southernmost rock (C).

To round off excavations at Vessagiriya the exploiting of these

and of the ground immediately round the foot of rock C alone

remains.

II.—PoLonnaAaRuUWwA.

The Archeological Survey made marked advance in 1909, both

in opening up the ancient City and its environs to view by axe and

katty, and in laying bare its far reaching ruins.

With the exception of a few special sites (mainly those apper-

taining to the two large Dagabas, Rankot Vehera and ‘* Kiri

Vehera’’) the decade since 19006 (when the Archeological Survey

E 36-10

50 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XXIT.

first broke ground at Polonnaruwa) has witnessed the excavation

of all the chief structures of “‘ Pulastipura,”’ from the mistermed

“‘ Demala Maha Séya”’ on the north as far south as the ‘“‘ Potgul

Vehera ”’ Monastery, a stretch of four miles.

1.—Clearing.

The parking of the city was continued by Moor axemen. With

a larger gang of Sinhalese at work, the whole of the confines within

the walls of the Citadel and City were freed of underwood, except

here and there at a few picturesque silvan clumps within which

no ruins seem to exist above ground.

Outside the City, northward, all the ruins surrounding the two

large Dagabas, the ‘‘ Gal-Viharé,”’ and the <‘ Ons eels Vehera ”’

hillock, were also re-cleared.

To the west, across TOpavewa tank, the heavy anes gripping

a group of ruins (‘‘ Sitala Maéligaéwa,” &c.), which stand quite

isolated from the main ruins situated to north and east of the

bund, was cut down and burnt.

2.—EHacavations.

** Demala-Maha-Séya.”’

This brick-built Buddhist temple is of the type of the so-called

“ Jétawandrama’”’ and ‘“ Thapérama’” Viharés. In size it

considerably exceeds the latter.

Exteriorly, the brick and stucco ornamentation of its moulded

basement and wall face, though carried out on very similar lines,

departs from the simplicity of “‘ Thaparama,” and is more lavish

even than that of “ Jétawanarama.” This plethora of surface

mouldings and ornament palls on the eye from overcrowding of

details and want of proportion.

The south and east walls stand in fair preservation, but the

back (west) wall and much of the north have fallen, whilst the

vaulted roof of vestibule and shrine has wholly collapsed.

In 1885-86 the vestibule was unearthed, under the direction of

Mr. S. M. Burrows, and disclosed remains of interesting frescoes

(Buddhist legends, &c.) on its inner walls.

‘Unfortunately no steps were taken to protect these paintings,

and in the fifteen years’ interval before the Archeological Survey

commenced work at Polonnaruwa, they had Ane beyond

recognition.

The first task of the past season’s excavation was the removal of

the débris which literally choked the entresol, leading on from the

vestibule, as well as the shrine itself, up to the top of the walls,

which are 25 feet high in places.

The difficulty of dealing with this immense mass of caked brick

and mortar talus, which filled the passage and shrine, rendered the

work both slow and dangerous, in view of the crumbling state of

the later built inner walls.* Ultimately the whole space was

* A Moor cooly was buried to the neck by the fall of part of a wall.

No. 63.—1910.] ANNUAL REPORT. 51

cleared without damaging either the frescoes on these screen walls,

or what remains of the colossal statue of Buddha (hiti-pilima)

which stands erect against the back wall. This immense figure,

formed of brick heavily plastered. is headless and had lost its

right leg below the knee.*

The frescoes are full of interest. They depict legendary episodes

from the life of Gautama Buddha. The main piece on the south

wall shows the “ Tathagata,” stiffly posed in a boat with two

rowers, who are admirably represented. Though not so well

preserved as the paintings in the “ pockets ”’ at Sigiri-gala, those

found on the walls of “‘ Demala Maha Séya ”’ yield nothing to the

latter in variety and spirited execution. Many of the figures are

larger than life-size.

The extreme flimsiness of the screen walls (clay conglomerate

packing, plaster coated) on which the frescoes are painted threatens

their rapid disintegration, if not entire destruction. Every effort

has, therefore, been made to preserve them for at least some

time, in order to secure, before it is too late, copies in oil as far as

the worn paintings can be reproduced.

A jungle stick roof, thatched with cadjans, has been thrown

across the shrine to shelter it from the north-east monsoon rains.

The Buddha has also been specially protected by temporarily

trussing the figure in a stick “ crate ’’ with ramba erass. But the

image is tottering to its fall, and may not survive long.

Circular Ruin.

About a hundred yards south of ‘“‘ Demala Maha Séya”’ is a

brick ruin, with remains of circular wall. The excavation of this

structure (presumed to be a “‘ Wata-da-gé”’ hitherto) has yielded

no satisfactory identification at present.

It has proved to be pillarless, and the walls did not apparently

enshrine a dagaba, as at the well-known ‘“‘ Wata-da-gé” near

‘* Thaparama”’ Viharé. The diameter within the wall is about

58 ft.

Vihare.

Between the “‘ Pabulu Vehera ”’ (Dagaba) and the little Hindt

temple of granite sacred to Siva (Dévalé No. 2) a mound with

crude masses of brickwork was next tried.

Excavation has shown it to be an oblong Viharé, with vestibule

once stoutly columned, and a shrine heavily walled in brick and

mortar sO as to bear up a vaulted roof. One or two broken

images were exhumed here. The floor is laid in lime concrete

coloured in a pattern of blue and red framing.

** Pabulu Vehera.”’

This is the present-day name of the third in size of the completed

Dagabas of Polonnaruwa. It lies some distance south of the

two larger Thupas and within the City wall.

* The leg was roughly renewed to save, if possible, further dismem-

berment, or not improbably total fall, of the figure,

52 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XXII.

There are manifest indications of the deliberate destruction of

its superstructure (kota and hatares kotuwa) in the tons of brick

débris, mortar bound, now burying the base of the Dagaba.

So far only a viharé, hugging its south-west face, has been

excavated, simultaneously with the above-mentioned viharé near

the Siva Dévalé. In its inner sanctuary were found a huge lime-

stone hiti-pilima of the Buddha, fallen headlong, and another

figure, with tall head-dress.

Monastery near the North Gate of the City.

Close outside the Northern Gateway through the ancient City

wall lie the ruins ofa small Monastery, within premises some 50

yards square. This Monastery was excavated thoroughly. The

most marked structures are a viharé and a dagaba.

The viharé was of the familiar Polonnaruwa plan, with three

images (of which the pedestals are an sitw) ranged side by side

towards the back. Some of the figures were uncovered on the

floor—all broken.

The dagaba differs from any yet examined at Polonnaruwa.

It stood on a brick-faced maluwa, or platform, 57 ft. four-square,

raised 7 ft. 6 in. from ground level, and was reached by a steep

flight of granite steps. The stairs are footed by a moonstone and

a pair of Ndga dwdrapdlas. The revetment of the maluwa is

faced in front by a most effective dado of twenty full-faced lions,

between pilasters, sharply moulded in brick tiles. The dagaba

proper had at base a diameter of about 30 ft. ; but it has been so

mercilessly wrecked that its true outlines are difficult to recast.

Treasure seekers had penetrated into the bell of the dagaba

by a diagonul shaft, and gutted its garbha, or “ relic chamber,”

which is partially exposed as they left it. This chamber really

comprised three cellas, superimposed one above the other, each

‘measuring 3 ft. square nearly, and each containing wall niches

for clay saucer lamps. The floor of the uppermost cella was

paved by a stone yantra-gala of 25 partitions; the second by

a plain slab on which rose a small octagonal pillar, the “ Indra-

kila;”? the third, and lowest, by a second yantra receptacle, but

of brick and in 9 divisions.

Of the original deposits in these cellas, the only antiques

ignored by the vandals were seven tiny bronze cobras found in two |

partitions of the bottom yanitra receptacle.

City Wall.

The City wall to the west has been laid bare, inside and out,

where the main road from Minnériya twice cuts through it. —

Ruins within Topdavewa Tank.

Not far west of where an ancient horowwa (sluice) of Té6pa-

vewa tank pierces the bund, occur four isolated ruins.

No. 63.—1910.| ANNUAL REPORT. 53

| Dévaleés.

Furthest north are the remains of a pair of Hindu fanes. _

The larger of the two showed the familiar plan of a devalé

containing three apartments, a front hall, vestibule, and the inner-

most chamber. The bottom of the walls alone survives. The

argha slab (its lingam is missing), unearthed in the middle of the

adytum, fixes the cult as that of Siva.

The other ruin is no more than a small chamber, walled by well-

dressed granite slabs, with a pilla (spout) projecting. It once

formed the sanctuary of some kovil, of which nothing more

exists at this day.

Dagaba.

South of these Hindu shrines a jungle-covered mound about

20 ft. in height was opened late in the season. ‘This finally gave

proof of having once served as a dagaba. The hatares kotuwa

(square tee) has wholly disappeared, but a large portion of the

tapering kota, or pinnacle, with 23 of its concentric rings intact,

was unearthed on the slope of the mound where it must have

- fallen when the dagaba was destroyed centuries ago.

The dagaba was apparently somewhat over 50 ft. in diameter,

and touched tangentially at the cardinal points a square stereobate.

Faint outlines of an outer maluwa about 80 ft. square are traceable.

It is not surprising to find that this dagaba, like the smaller

one near the North Gate of the City, had not esaaped rifling by

Southern Indian aliens.

A breach had been made into the top of the bell to a depth of

nearly 12 ft., uncovering two cellas.' In the first a series of stone

pillar-slabs (including the ‘‘ Indra-kila ’”’) were found fallen into the

relic chamber, owing to the breach. This topmost cella had been

quite denuded of all its contents save a single coin of Sahasa Malla

(1200-1202 a.p.)

Following the breach lower down, about half cf a brick yantra

receptacle was unearthed, with 16 (of the full 25) partitions

unbroken. The rest had evidently been destroyed and their

contents appropriated.

From the surviving divisions an extraordinarily varied set of

miniature bronzes—gods, animals, reptiles, and implements—were

taken out.

To ascertain the sectional construction of the dagaba, it was

decided to sink a shaft below these breached relic chambers

down to ground level. A further series of most interesting arche-

ological articles came to light at different depths.

Below the broken yanira receptacle—doubtless the bottom of

the second cella—a third cella, in size a cube of 3 ft., was struck.

This contained the most important “find” of all—a squared

pedestal of limestone (1 ft. 8 in. by 94 in.), with seven horizontal

ribs (probably to represent Mount Maha Méru) and splayed at top

pyramidically. This pedestal (of which three sides respectively

still show traces of red, yellow, and white colouring—with

blue, red, yellow, and white on the fourth side and top) stood

on three small detached supports as tripod. It was crowned

54 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (VoL. XXII.

by a beautifully modelled karanduwa of beaten gold, 3 in. high,

shaped like a diminutive dagaba. The karanduwa contained

seventeen small gems of no intrinsic value.

Underneath this third chamber lay a nine-holed yantra receptacle

of brick, each partition of which produced a brood of cobras,

a mother and four young, in bronze, or 45 ndgas in all.

Below this again were found more valueless gems mingled with

sand and lime mortar. Finally, a copper plate (once probably

inscribed but now so corroded as to yield no trace of writing), a

coin or two, and a chank resting on a tripod.*

Maligawa.

The last of the three sites attacked within T6pavewa tank was a

widespread mound covered with tall forest trees. It is situated

within sight of the Promontory lying south-east.

The lower portion of the mound is rubble-banked with relapdna,

or rubble pitching, as breakwater protection against the wavelets

of the tank which once lapped it.

When the trees had been cut and débris removed from the sum-

mit of the mound an extensive single structure steadily developed -

its ground plan, as its walls and cross walls were gradually

unearthed.

Further, it became more and more evident that the structure

was purely secular—without doubt a mdligdwa or residence of

some chieftain, if not of royalty.

No stone was used in the construction of this palace, or mansion,

and comparatively little brick. Walls, floor, steps, all are of

clay and lime concrete, thickly encased in, or overlaid with, lime

plaster. The walls still stand from 3 to 5 ft. in height, showing

most clearly the internal arrangement of corridors and rooms.

Access could be gained to the building only by a staircase in the

middle of the north face, rising to a bay portico and landings,

from which three gangways diverged and completely encircled the

structure. At the back (south) there is another bay, from which

steps descended, not directly but westward, on to the rubble-faced

platform.

Entering the building from the front, the first chamber is a

spacious hall, nearly 39 by 32 ft. in dimensions, the front portion

of which was once supported on 24 wooden pillars. There was

passage directly through this hall to an elongated room of the

same breadth, but only 6 ft. 6in.in depth. This again leads into

a verandah, 9 ft. 4 in. wide at the back, by barely 6 ft. 5 in. along

the flanks of the hall and narrow room which it also skirts. The

hall admitted into this verandah through cramped side openings.

The verandah at the east was bare, and from it stairs originally

mounted to upper storeys, which must have been entirely of

wooden construction.

The corresponding verandah on the west contained a lavatory,

cut off by a cross wall, but accessible from the back verandah.

* All‘these « finds ” will be deposited in the Colombo Museum.

No. 63.—1910.]| ANNUAL REPORT. 55

The walls of chambers and verandah still show openings where

windows were placed at intervals. Vertical holes in the walls

point to some eighty stout posts being engaged in them (to add

strength), in addition to the twenty-four pillars in the hall which

were free standing.

The floor is laid with a thick coating of lime plaster, no doubt

formerly coloured in a red and blue carpet design, for on the walls

are still to be seen portions of a dado—a brilliant red framing.

The whole structure—chambers, verandah, and three gangways—

covered an area of 84 feet square.

The only “‘finds’’ made were a small killdtaya, or chunam box,

still containing lime probably six centuries old, a coin of Sahasa

Malla, and a skull which crumbled to the touch.

3.—Restoration.

“* Thupdrama”’ Veharé.—The work of filling in the many and

dangerous cracks in the walls and roofs of the shrine and vestibule,

and the rebuilding, where necessary, of the doubtful inset arch

at the doorway into the shrine, was completed by the end of the

1908 season.

Last year, therefore, it was safe to turn attention to the square

duplicated tower.

The soffit of the vaulted roof of the shrine was first pointed to

ensure greater stability.

The cleaning of the tower, prior to dealing with its cracks,

disclosed that it had formerly been gutted from the top, in the

expectation of finding treasure, and the breach subsequently

refilled with loose débris. Allis now set right ; the tower has been

rendered quite impervious to rain, and the countless abrasions

and pittings in its wall and roof roughly mended to save further

rapid weathering.

ae flat roof of the shrine was relaid in cement concrete in

908.

Last season the “ weepholes’’ through the parapet (which

of old merely allowed rain water to run down and wear away the

wall face of the building) were corbelled out as bracket spouting,

= ae ensure the drainage being thrown clear of the basement

plinth.

Wata-dda-gé.—The pavement of the inner and upper maluwa

surrounding the central ddgaba (within the brick wall) was taken

up and laid with a radiating slope.

With no roof to shelter the dagaba and its circular maluwa, now

that the concentric rings of tall granite columns no longer stand,

the space. became virtually converted during wet weather into a

shallow tank with no egress for the water.

A conduit has now been cut, through both its granite plinths

(outer and inner) and the brick wall, in the middle of each

quadrant, to pass off water from inside to the exterior maluwa,

whence existing gargoyles discharge it on tothe ground. The

pavement surrounding the dagaba will in future, therefore, be

always rapidly drained.

56 JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON), (Vou, X XI,

II1.—Sierriya.

1.—Clearing.

The annual clearing of scrub within the enceinte of “‘ Sigiri

Nuwara’’ was carried out.

2.—Restoration.

In 1908, the western half of the ‘‘ Lion-staircase house ’’ at

the foot of the ladders leading to the summit of the Rock was

_refaced strongly in stepped masonry, cement-pointed, as a

protection against further wash from rain water falling over

the Rock.

Last season the east side of the structure was similarly renewed.

Attention was then given to the South Approach to the

‘‘ gallery.’’ The upper flights of steps on this Approach were

excavated in 1895, and subsequently restored partially by adding

continuous retaining and half walls on the off side.

But of the lower tiers, which had been long ago washed down

the slope of the hill, nothing remained ; and, to render the South

Approach traversable from end to end, it was necessary to rebuild

these. Before the last season’s work at Sigiriya closed in April,

three staircases and landings were partially construeted, almost

uniting the upper flights of steps with the broad terrace below

from which the original staircase ascent was made.

Simultaneously, a broad stairway of rubble stone, set in mortar,

was erected from the tank bund, at the foot of the hill, as far as

the terrace on which the Archeological Survey Camp is placed.

Another season’s work should see the junction of these stone

and brick stairs effected, by the building of one or two short

intermediate flights of steps and the levelling of the pathway

along intervening terraces. It will then be possible to reach the

‘‘ gallery’? and gain the top of Sigiri-gala by a succession of

staircases the whole way from the driving road at the foot of the

ascent to the hill.

Siva Déwdalé No. 2.

The vestibule of this chaste Hindt shrine, which threatened to

fall unless promptly rebuilt, was wholly dismantled, and has been

well reset.

The shrine walls have opened out in places, and with the dome

need more attention than had been anticipated. These will be

seen to next season.

IV.—Epigraphical Work. ,

Part IV. of the “‘ Epigraphia Zeylanica”’ appeared early in

1909. Mr. Wickremasinghe is believed to have Part V. in hand.

Eye-copying and securing ink “ squeezes ”’ of the lithic records

of the Island was steadily continued last year. The inscriptions

of the North-Western Province are now being gradually collected.

It has been decided by the Government that all ‘‘ estampages ”’

of Ceylon inscriptions are, after being photographed, to be stored

No. 68.—1910.] ANNUAL REPORT. 57

at the Colombo Museum for the benefit of the students of the

paleography and ancient language of the Island as deducible

from its cave rock, slab, and pillar records.

CoUNCIL.

Under Rule 16 Messrs. C. Drieberg and R. G. Anthonisz had to

retire by seniority, and the Hon. Mr. 8. C. Obeyesekere and the

Hon. Mr. Justice A. Wood Renton by least attendance, but two

of these gentlemen being eligible for re-election, Messrs. R. G.

Anthonisz and C. Drieberg were re-elected, and the vacancies in

the Council were filled by the appointment of Messrs. E. B.

Denham and M. Kelway Bamber.

The vacancy caused by the death of Mr. J. Parsons was filled

by the appointment of Mr. D. B. Jayatilaka, and that caused by

the death of Mr. C. M. Fernando was filled by the appointment

of the Hon. Mr. H. L. Crawford, C.M.G.

PRESIDENTSHIP.

The vacancy caused by the resignation of the Hon. Mr. John

Ferguson, C.M.G., was filled by the appointment of Sir Hugh

Clifford, K.C.M.G., who was Vice-Patron of the Society the

previous year.

FINANCES.

Annexed (see page 58) is a balance sheet, showing the expendi-

ture and receipts for 1909.

12. Dr. Neu proposed the adoption of the Report which, he

said, was very gratifying. It showed an increase in the number

of Members, and it was interesting to note that a good number ot

Civil Servants were joining the Society. The Society is now as

flourishing as it was 25 years ago.

13. Mr. RouxEs seconded and, as a former Treasurer, congratu-

lated the Society on its substantial balance.

14. The CHarRMAN thought the Report was, on the whole,

satisfactory, not only in the direction indicated by Dr. Nell, but

also from the point of view of the finances of the Society, which

at any rate at the present moment, were thoroughly sound.

The Report was then adopted.

OFFICE-BEARERS.

15. The CHarirRMAN pointed out that he would be away from

the Island from the end of the ensuing month till next year, and

stated that in these circumstances he thought it altogether

undesirable that he should be re-elected President.

16. Mr. HarRwarb said that at a Meeting of the Council it had

been unanimously decided to ask Sir Hugh Clifford to retain his

position as President. Other Presidents absent from the Island

on furlough had retained the position and resumed the duties on

returning, and he thought he was not going too far in saying that

‘lomseoily, A1e1OUOFT

‘HdGsor “WY auvaay

(Vou. XXII,

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io)

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(B90,

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~— =e "* soot oouerquAy

— "+ squowAeg drysiequreyq ory

— a SO6L Woy souRTeg

OSU *SLAIIGONY

No. 63.—1910.] PROCEEDINGS. 59

at no period within his memory had the Society been more

prosperous than during the short Presidentship of Sir Hugh

Clifford. He thought he was expressing the wishes of all in hoping

that the Chairman would reconsider his decision.

17. The CuarRMAN said he was very sensible of the honour

they had done him, but his own strong opinion in the matter was

that the President of the Society should be present in the Colony,

and should be an active force both on the Council and at the

Meetings of the Society. It seemed to him that to elect any

person President a few weeks before his departure from the Colony,

when during the remainder of the current year he could not,

humanly speaking, be in it, was not to do quite full justice to

the Society and not to fill the Presidential chair in a way that

was likely to serve the Society’s best interests.

18, Being further urged the Chairman said he did not wish to

press his objection, and the office-bearers were then, on the

motion of Mr. E. W. Jayewardene, seconded by Dr. C. A.

Hewawitarena, elected as follows :-—

President.—The Hon. Sir Hugh Clifford, K.C.M.G.

Vice-Presidents—The Hon. Messrs. J. P. Lewis and P.

Arunachalam, Dr. A. Willey and Mr. Philipp Fretidenberg.

Council.—Mudaliyars A. M. Gunasékera, Simon de Silva, and

R. C. Kailasapillai, the Hon. Mr. H. L. Crawiord, and Messrs. C.

Drieberg, R. G. Anthonisz, E. B. Denham, M. K. Bamber, D. B.

Jayatilaka, P. E. Pieris, E. W. Perera, and J. Still.

Honorary Treasurer.—Mr. Gerard A. Joseph.

Honorary Secretaries. —Messrs. H. C. P. Bell, J. Harward, and

Gerard A. Joseph.

19. Mr. RoLks inquired the date of Mr. Lewis's departure.

The CHAIRMAN said that it was the same as his own, but

he gathered that the Council put forward his name as a Vice-

President out of compliment to so learned, distinguished, and

useful a Member.

VoTre or THANKS.

20. Mr. PERERA proposed a hearty vote of thanks to the

Chairman, who had been not only an ornament but an active

force for the good of the Society.

60 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (VoL. XXII.

‘| _. COUNCIL MEETING.

Colombo Museum, June 9, 1910.

Present :

The Hon. Mr. P. Arunachalam, M.A., C.C.S., Vice-President,

ai in the Chair.

Mr. R. G. Anthonisz. | Mr. R. C. Kailasapillai, Muda-

Hon. Mr. H. L. Crawford, liyar.

C.M.G. | Mr. E. W. Perera, Barrister-

Mr. C. Drieberg, B.A., F.H.A.S. | at-Law.

Mr. A. M. Gunasékera, Muda-| Mr. P. E. Pieris, M.A., LL.M.,

liyar. Bate OR Gist

Mr. D. B. Jayatilaka, B.A. |

Mr. G. A. Joseph, Honorary Secretary and Treasurer.

Business.

1. Read and confirmed Minutes of last Council Meeting held

on March 16, 1910. —

2. The CHAIRMAN, before proceeding with the business of the

Meeting, addressed the Meeting in regard to the death of King

Edward VII. :

The first business to-day is in connection with the great and

sudden calamity which has fallen on us since we last met. In the

absence of the President, Sir Hugh Clifford, from the Island, it

falls to me as Vice-President to submit for your acceptance a

resolution, which I would ask you to pass in solemn silence.

The loss we deplore is of no ordinary sovereign. In the

discharge of the duties of his exalted station, His late Majesty

won the respect, love, and devotion of all his subjects. They

knew that their welfare was his highest aim, and that for it he

worked with unceasing toil. Up to his last breath he remained

steadfast and true to that ideal of service which shone so long

on his crest as Prince of Wales: Ich dien. His memory will be

enshrined in the hearts of a grateful people. Well would it be for

us if we strove, each in his sphere, to keep that ideal before us.

It was the privilege of this Society to be linked to his gracious

personality as Patron of our parent Society. His Majesty’s lively

interest in art, science, and literature was well known, and |

was manifested in the active encouragement and support of

numerous institutions throughout the Empire for their advance-

ment. Above all, the British Academy, which he founded, will

be an enduring testimony to his patronage of literature. By his

No. 63.—1910.] PROCEEDINGS. 61

successful efforts in the promotion of international harmony and

goodwill he laid the whole world under his debt, and was univer-

sally hailed as the Great Peacemaker ; and what nobler title can

there be to the remembrance of posterity 3

To that Gracious Lady, the widowed Queen, in her affliction,

our thoughts have daily turned ever since the sad news was flashed

to us by the wires, and we pray that God in His goodness may

give her strength to bear her sorrow. King Edward and Queen

Alexandra have always seemed very near to us in Ceylon. His

Majesty honoured the Island with a visit extending over many

days in 1875, and captivated the hearts of all. The links then

formed were renewed and strengthened when Their Majesties sent

their two beloved sons, still in their teens, among us in the year

1882, and later their present Majesties in 1901. Our Island was

thus specially favoured among the King’s dominions.

His late Majesty’s interest and attachment to Ceylon was

shared by all the Royal Family. This was brought home to

me in a striking manner in the winter of 1904, when Mrs.

Arunachalam and I were in England, and Her Majesty Queen

Alexandra was graciously pleased to honour us with a private

audience at Buckingham Palace. Impressed as we were—and

who is not ?—by the Queen’s marvellous beauty and gracious

manner, we were scarcely less impressed by the interest manifested

in this Island and its people and the concern for their welfare—

an interest so deep that Her Majesty expressed her disappointment

that it had not been possible for her to accompany the King to

Ceylon in 1875, but Her Majesty still hoped to pay the Island a

visit. The happiness of welcoming Her Gracious Majesty among

us can now be scarcely hoped for. But should that good fortune

be granted to us, no need to say that the Queen Mother is assured

of a universal welcome of the most loyal affection and devotion.

It is impossible for any formal words to express our grief at the

close of so great and beneficent a career as that of His late Majesty

and our sympathy with the widowed Queen. But such as it is,

I ask you to pass this resolution and to authorize the Honorary

Secretary to forward it to His Excellency the Governor for

submission to His Majesty the King and the Queen Mother.

The following vote of condolence was passed in solemn silence,

all Members standing.

Resolved,—‘* To place on record the grief of this Society and

its sense of the profound loss sustained by the British Empire,

and by the world of art, science, and literature, by the death of

His Majesty King Edward VII., Patron of the Parent Society, and

to submit the same with our humble condolence to His Majesty

King George V., the Queen Mother, and the Royal Family.”

3. Resolved,—That the following Members be recommended

for election :—

(1) C. A. Davis: recommended by He ae rie es

(2) C. V. Brayne, C.C.S.: recom- te A. Daniel.

mended by G. A. Joseph.

62 . JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (VoL, XXII.

(3) C. M. Lushington, C.C.S.: (J. A. Daniel.

recommended by G. A. Joseph.

(4) T. A. Abdul Raheem: recom- a A. Daniel.

mended by G. A. Joseph

(5) J. OK. Murty, C.C.S.: recom-

Ji. A.

mended by G. A. Joseph

(6) R. B. Strickland, M.A. : recom- A. Willey.

mended by G. A. Joseph

(7) D. A. W. Bandaranayaka,

as S.C. : reeommended * os Bb

(8) J. A. Varey, Irrigation Engi- i W. Robertson.

neer : recommended by G. A. Joseph

(9) J. E. Rode : recommended by BA 4 Atlas,

4. Laid on the table a Paper entitled “‘ The Earliest Dutch

Visits to Ceylon,” by Mr. Donald Ferguson.

Resolved,—That the Paper be referred to Messrs. F. H. de Vos

and R. G. Anthonsiz.

5. Laid on the table a Paper entitled ‘“‘ Translation of Kdvya-

sékharaya, Chapter I.,”’ by Mr. A. O. Jayawardana.

Resolved,—That the Paper be referred to Messrs. P. E. Pieris

and A. Mendis Gunasékera, Mudaliyar.

6. Laid on the table a letter from Mr. J. Still regarding his

‘* Notes on Katuwana Fort.”’

Resolved,—That the Notes be referred to Mr. P. E. Pieris, in

terms of Council’s Resolution at the last Meeting, and then, with

the remarks of Messrs. Harward and Pieris, be sent to Mr. Still.

7. Laid on the table a letter from Mrs. A. K. Coomaéraswamy

regarding the translation of Professor Geiger’s Maldive Paper.

Resolved,—That the matter do stand over.

8. Laid on the table Circular No. 79 of March 19, containing

the opinions of Messrs. P. E. Pieris and J. Still on the Paper entitled

‘* Mulgiri-gala,’’ by Mr. Donald Ferguson.

Resolved ,—That the Paper do lie over till the cost of repro-

ducing the Plates be ascertained.

9. In view of Dr. A. Willey’s (Vice-President) departure from

Ceylon—

Resolved,—To express the Society’s appreciation of the

valuable services rendered to it by Dr. A. Willey, M.A., D.Sc.,

F.R.S., as Vice-President, and to the cause of Science in Ceylon

as Director of the Colombo Museum, and its deep regret at the

severance of his connection with Ceylon, and to recommend to

the Society that he be elected an Honorary Member for life under

Rule 7.

10. Resolved,—That a General Meeting be held early in July,

and that the aate and the business be left in the hands of the

Secretaries and Vice-President.

Plate I.

HIER LEYT BEGRAVEN

JUFF” MARIA MAGDALENA

VAN DER HEYDEN HUYSVROUWE

VAN DEN E.HEER GAREL BOLNER

COMMANDEUR DER STAD EN LAN

DEN VAN GALE MATUREE

OVERLEEDEN DEN /2 JANUARIO

A” 097

No. 63.—1910.] DUTCH MONUMENTAL REMAINS. 63

FOURTH SUPPLEMENTARY PAPER ON

THE MONUMENTAL REMAINS OF THE DUTCH EAST

INDIA COMPANY IN CEYLON.* _

By F. H. pr Vos,

Barrister-at-Law, and Member of the Society of Dutch Literature,

&c., of Leyden.

RECENT excavations on the site of the “‘ Groote Kerk,” +

Church street, Galle, have resulted in the discovery of two

Dutch tombstones, sketches of which, kindly made for me by

Mr. D. W. Goonawardena, of the Police Court of Galle, are

submitted with this Paper. These tombstones have been laid

down on the floor of the Dutch Reformed Church, Galle.

See Plate I.

Translation.—Here lies buried Juff. Maria Magdalena van

der Heyden, wife of the Hon. Carel Bolner,{ Commandeur of

the City and Lands of Galle and Matara. Died on January 12,

1697.

Remarks.—Carel Bolner was a native of Dantzic. He was

an Assistent, 1670 (Colombo), Koopman and Pakhwismeester ,

1686 (Colombo), Koopman and Administrateur, 1688 (Colombo),

Commandeur, 1693-1704 (Galle), Governor of Malacca, May

10, 1704-1707. Maria Magdalena van der Heyden, born in

Hoorn, was his second wife, he having married her in Colombo

on February 1, 1682. He married thirdly, in Colombo, on

March 5, 1702, Susanna van Schayck,§ baptized in Colombo

May 5, 1661, daughter of Andries van Schayck of Utrecht

and Abigail Ketelaer of Ter Goes. She died in Malacca on

* Journal, vol. XV., No. 49, p. 213; vol. XVII., No. 52, p. 12;

vol. XVIII., No. 54, p. 51; vol. XVIII., No. 56, p. 393.

+ Journal, vol. XV., No. 49, p. 267.

+ 50 Navorscher 238, 54 Navorscher 175.

§ Ceylon Observer, May 9, 1906. Journal, Straits Branch, Royal

Asiatic Society, No. 34, July, 1900, p. 20.

GA ee JOURNAL, R.A.S..(CEYLON). [Vou. XXII.

February 4, 1707. Before her marriage with Carel Bolner,

Susanna van Schayck had contracted two other marriages:

(1) with Hendrik Schook, Koopman, and (2) with the Rev.

Hermanus Specht of Utrecht.

_——

2. | |

See Plate II.

Translation.—Gravestone covering the dead body of Juff. °

Pieternella de Ridder, widow of the late Captain-Lieutenant

Cornelis Verdonk. Died September 14, 1698, aged 24 years

and 8 months.

Arms.—The arms are those of the Verdonk family. Riet-

stap* gives the following blazon :—

Vrerponk.—Bruvelles. (An. 6 juillet, 1737: chevaliers du St.

Empire 28 déc. 1737.) Ec. aux 1 et 4 d’azur au lion d’arg.

arm. et lamp. de gu. aux 2 et 3 d’azur & trois gerbes d’or, liées

de gu. Cq. cour. C le lion iss.

The second and third quarterings are the arms of some

family allied by marriage to the family of Verdonk.

-- Remarks.—Cornelis Verdonk was perhaps the son of David

Verdonk and Angeneta Roberts Alma.t There was a Dirk

Verdonk, an Assistent, Colombo, 1677.

3.—-St. Stephen’s Church, Fort Frederick, Trincomalee.

HIER ONDER LEGT BEGRAVEN

REBECCA SCHODT

IN HAAR LEVEN HUYSVROUW VAN

DEN OPPERCOOPMAN EN OPPERHOOFD

DER CEYLONSE OOSTE DISTRICTEN

MARTIN REIN

GEBOOREN TE COLOMBO DEN 22

DECEMBER ANNO 1690 EN

OVERLEDEN DEN 6zn JANY 1760

OUD 69 JAAR 5 MAANDEN EN 15 DAGEN.

* <¢ Armorial Général.”

+ Journal, Straits Branch, Royal Asiatic Society, No. 34, July,

1900, p. 13. )

ta ’

Plate I.

GRAVESTEEN DEGKENDE

Mer poopE LICHAEM

VAN IUFF: PIETERNELLA

DE RIDDER WED! WYLE

DEN CAPITAING: dslUY aE

NANT CORNELLS VERDONK

OVERLEDENDEN Ja" SEP

TEMBER ANNO 7O9@ OUD

2a JAAREN EN @ MAANDEN

No. 63.—1910.] DUTCH MONUMENTAL REMAINS, 65

Translation.—Hereunder lies buried Rebecca Schodt, during

her life the wife of the Opperkoopman and Chief of the Hastern

Districts of Ceylon, Martin Rein. Born in Colombo on

December 22, 1690, and died on January 6, 1760, aged 69

years 5 months and 15 days.

Remarks.—Rebecca Schodt was perhaps the daughter of

Claas Schodt of Hamburg, Dissave of Colombo, and Sara de

Meestre of Colombo, whom he married in Colombo, July 21,

1680.

Martin Rein was Dissave of Matara, 1737-1739. He was a

native of Hesse Cassel, and arrived in Ceylon in the year 1731,

in the ship ‘‘ Noordwoordigsveen.”’

4.—Mannar.

HIER RUSTEN IN DEN HEERE

OP 23 FEB. 1740

MEJUFR. JOHANNA COORN

VROUW VAN DEN HEER

JOHAN

VAN DER SPAR EN OP

28 MEY 1775 HAAR ED.

KLYNZOON DEN JONGEN

HEER JOHANNES CHRIST-

ITANUS VAN DER SPAR

Translation.—Here rest in the Lord, on February 23, 1740,

Johanna Coorn, wife of Johan van der Spar, and on May 28,

1775, her grandson, Johannes Christianus van der Spar.

Remarks.—This tombstone was discovered in two pieces in

Mannar by Mr. J. P. Lewis, C.C.8., one forming the front

doorstep to the Parsonage of the Roman Catholic Church

of St. Mary, and the other the back doorstep of the Parsonage

of the Roman Catholic Church of St. Sebastian. The stone is

now in the Fort Church, the Bishop of Jaffna having kindly

handed over the two portions to the Government Agent.

Johan van der Spar and Johanna Coorn were the parents

of Mattheus van de Spar, the Administrateur of Galle, born

in Jafina, May 19, 1730, died in Galle, November 24, 1806.

F 36-10

66 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). fVoL. XXII.

Mattheus was first married to Dorothea Cornelia van Dam.

They were the parents of Johannes Christiaan van der Spar,

baptized in Galle, January 15, 1758, died in Mannar, May 28,

1775. Mattheus van der Spar was Opperhoofd of Mannar in

1775. His grandfather, Johannes van der Spar, was also

Opperhoofd of Mannar when he died in 1719.

5.—Dutch Cemetery, Galle.

HIER ONDER LEGT BEGRAVEN HET LYK

VAN WILLEM CAREL DE SILVA, IN LEVEN

BAAS TIMMERMAN

GEBOREN DEN 8 JAN. 1775 EN OVERLEDEN

DEN 2 JANUARY 1820, ’S MORGEN OM 4UUR,

OUD 44 JAAREN 11 MAANDEN EN 24 DAGEN

ZALIG ZYN DE DOODEN

DIE IN DEN HEERE STERVEN

Translation.—Hereunder lies buried the body of Willem

Carel de Silva, during his life master carpenter. Born on

January 8, 1775, and died on January 2, 1820, at 4 o’clock in

the morning, aged 44 years 11 months and 24 days.

Blessed are the dead which die in the Lord.

es ee ee

A silver memorial plate purchased by the Museum :—

TER.

GEDAGTENIS: VAN DEN

KERSAMEN

NICOLAAS HUYSELAAR,

IN ZYN LEVEN BAAS DER

SMITS, EN KUYPERS ;

GEBOOREN TE STYNBACH,

DEN 13 APRIL, 1714, OVERLEEDEN

TE KOLOMBO,

DEN 19 APRIL, 1774

OUD 60 JAAREN

EN 6 DAAGEN,

No. 63.—1910.] DUTCH MONUMENTAL REMAINS. 67

Translation.—To the memory of the worthy Nicolaas

Huyselaar, during his life Baas of the smiths and coopers.

Born in Steinbach on April 13, 1714. Died in Colombo on

April 19, 1774. Aged 60 years and 6 days.

Remarks.—Nicolaas Huyselaar arrived in Ceylon in the

ship “‘ Horsen ” in 1742 as a ship’s corporal. He was married

to Anna Catharina Grim, born in Colombo 1726, the daughter

of Hendrik Grim of Weenen and Anna de Almeida.

7.—Gold Medal with Chain.

GEGEEVEN

DOOR DEN HEER RAAD ORDINAIR

EN GOUVERNEUR VAN CEILON

WILLEM JACOB VAN DE GRAAFF

AAN

JOHANNES DE SARAM WIJEYESEKERE ABERATNE

TWEEDE MAHA MODELIAAR VAN ’S GOUVERNEURS

PORTA OM HEM EN ZYNE NAZAATEN NA HEM TE

DIENEN TOT EEN TEEKEN YAN EERE EN ERKEN-

TENIS VAN ZYNE IN ALLE GELE-GENTHEEDEN

TEGENS DE EDELE NEDERLANDSCHE KOMPAGNIE

BEWESENE TROUW IN VOORSCHREEVE ZYN POST

EN OM HEM TER EERE TE STREKKEN EN TOT

KENE BELOONING VOOR DEN YVER EN WELMEE.-

NENHEID DOOR HEM GETOOND TER BEVORDER.-

ING VAN DE KANNEEL KULTURE ZOO IN ZYN

GEHOUDE DIRECTIE OVER HET ZUIVEREN EN

AANPLATEN VAN ENE UITGESTREKTE STUK ’S

- GRONDS TE DEMETIGODDE DAT IN DE WANDELING

GENAAMT WORD <‘ ’S GOUVERNEURS TUIN” ALS

IN HET SCHOONMAAKEN EN MET KANNEEL BEP.-

LANTEN VAN GRONDEN OP ZYN EIGE KOSTEN

WAARVAN VERSCHEIDE ZEER GOEDE STUKKEN

DOOR HEM AAN DE KOMPAGNIE VOOR NIETS ZYN

AFGESTAAN DIE ZEDERT AAN DE KANNEEL-

SCHILLERS ZYN AFGEGEVEN EN VAN WELKE ZYN

68 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [fVoLt. XXII.

YVER TOT ’S KOMPAGNIES DIENST HY EEN NIE-

UWE BLYK HEEFT GEGEVEN MET OP ZIG TE

NEEMEN DE ZORG OVER DE AANPLANTINGEN

VAN KANNEEL KOFFI EN PEPER IN DE

VIDAANIEN VAN KALANIE EN AMBATLE

KOLOMBO DEN 23 AUGUSTUS

1792.

Translation.—Given by the Raad-Ordinair and Governor of

Ceylon, Willem Jacob van de Graaff, to Johannes de Saram

Wijeyesekere Aberatne, Second Maha Mudaliyar of the Gover-

nor’s Gate, to serve as a token of honour to him and his

posterity after him and as an acknowledgment of the constant

fidelity shown by him in his aforesaid office to the Honourable

Dutch Company, and to conduce to his honour and as a

reward for the zeal and interest shown by him in the advance-

ment of cinnamon cultivation, not only in his superintend-

ence of the clearing and planting of an extensive piece of

land in Demetegodde, commonly called “'The Governor’s

Garden,” as also in the clearing and planting with cinnamon

at his own expense of lands, of which many very good lots

were given for nothing to the Company, and which were since

given to the cinnamon peelers, and he having given a fresh

proof of his zeal in the Company’s service by undertaking

the duty of planting with cinnamon, coffee, and pepper the

vidane-districts of Kalanie and Ambatle.

Colombo, August 23, 1792.

Remarks.—On the reverse two seals, (1) charged with a lion

rampant carrying in his left paw a sheaf and in his dexter a

drawn sword, with the motto ‘‘ Kendracht maakt macht ”

round the border ; (2) charged with a three-masted ship in full

sail with the words “‘ Vereenigde Nederlandsche Oost-Indische

Compagnie ” round the border.

This medal is the property of Mr. J. Louis Perera, Proctor,

Kollupitiya, the great-grandson of the donee. 7

Johannes de Saram Wijeyesekere Abeyratne was the son of

Domingo de Saram Wijeyesekere Abeyratne, Guard Mudaliyar,

and Dona Catharina Tillekeratne. He married on January

30, 1774, Francina Perera Samaranaike, and had a daughter,

No. 63.—1910.] DUTCH MONUMENTAL REMAINS. 69

Anganeta de Saram, who married John Paul Perera Goone-

wardene, Second Atapattu Mudaliyar. Their son John Louis

Perera married Caroline, the daughter of the Kuruwe

Mudaliyar, 8S. L. Perera. The possessor of the medal is a child

of the last-named spouses.

Remarks on Plate No. 44 :—*

Jacob Verboom was a native of Rotterdam, and was married

to Maria Berenberg of Batavia. He married secondly, in

Batavia, October 3, 1720, Elisabeth Henrietta Mondiger,t

who died in Batavia, August 22, 1780, after having married in

Batavia on June 16, 1729, Adriaan de la Barre of Gorcum,

the widower of Helena Vrythove.

* Journal, R.A.S. (C.B.), vol. XVIII., No. 54, p. 74.

+ Journal, R.A.S8. (C.B.), vol. XVII., No. 52, p. 49.

70 JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XXII.

GENERAL MEETING.

Colombo Museum, August 3, 1910.

Present :

The Hon. Mr. P. Arunachalam, M.A., C.C.S., Vice-President,

in the Chair.

The Hon. Sir J. T. Hutchinson, Kt., M.A., Vice-Patrou.

Mr. E. Burgess. Mr. C. Namasivayam, J.P.

Mr. B. C. Cooray. Rev. M. Sri Nanissara.

Mr. C. A. Davis. Mr. J. P. Obeyesekere, B.A.,

Mr. E. B. Denham, B.A.,C.C.8. LL.B.

Mr. 8. de Silva, Gate Mudaliyar. | Rev. J. P. de Pinto.

Mr. W. A. de Silva, J.P. Mr. T. A. Abdul Raheem.

Mr. D. Devapuraratna. Dr. W. P. Rodrigo, M.R.C.S.

Ven. F. H. de Winton. Mr. F. C. Roles.

Mr. A. H. Gomes. Dr. D. Schokman, F.R.C.S.E.

Mr. T. Gracie. Mr. C. C. J. Senaviratna.

Mr. B. Horsburgh, M.A., C.C.S. | Mr. W. T. Southorn, B.A., C.C.8.

Mr. P. E. Morgappah. Rev. 8. Sumangala.

Dr. A. Nell, M.R.C.S. Mr. F. A. Tiseverasingha.

Mr. G. A. Joseph, Honorary Secretary and Treasurer.

Visitors : eight ladies and seventeen gentlemen.

Business.

1. Read and confirmed Minutes of last General Meeting held

on March 16, 1910.

2. The following Resolution which had been passed at a

Meeting of the Council of the Society was notified to the General _

Meeting :—‘“‘ To place on record the grief of this Society and its

sense of the profound loss sustained by the Empire and by the

world of Art, Science, and Literature by the death of His Majesty

King Edward VII., Patron of the parent Society, and to submit

the same with our humble condolence to His Majesty King

George V., the Queen-Mother, and the Royal Family.”

3. A further Resolution passed by the Council was also

notified :—‘‘ To express the Society’s appreciation of the valuable

services rendered by Mr. A. Willey, M.A., D.Sc., F.R.S., to it as

' Vice-President, and to the cause of Science in Ceylon as Director of

No. 63.—1910.] PROCEEDINGS. 71

the Colombo Museum, and its great regret at the severance of his

connection with Ceylon. It is recommended to the Society that

Dr. Willey be elected an Honorary Member for life under Rule 7.”

The recommendations of the Council were adopted by the

Meeting.

4. The CHAIRMAN moved-——‘ That this Society desires to

record its profound regret at the death of Mr. Donald W. Ferguson,

and its appreciation of the very valuable services rendered by

him to the Society and to historical research in Ceylon, and to

express its deep sympathy with his family.”

In doing so Mr. Arundchalam said: ‘‘It is my sad duty to

announce to the Society the death of one of its most valued ©

members—Mr. Donald Ferguson. He belonged to a family which

has for almost a century been identified with Ceylon, and has laid

the Island under many obligations. He began life as a journalist

on the staff of his father’s paper, the Ceylon Observer, and rose to

be one of its editors.

Following the tradition of his cousin, Mr. John Ferguson, who

was till recently our President, and of a great journalistic figure

in the past, Mr. John Capper, of the Ceylon Tumes, who was for

many years our indefatigable Secretary, Mr. Donald. Ferguson did

not confine himself to journalism, but entered with zest into

literary work, of which our Society reaped a good harvest.

Compelled by ill-health to leave Ceylon, he settled down in

Croydon and devoted himself with undiminished ardour to his

favourite literary pursuits, chiefly the history and antiquities of

Ceylon. The quantity and quality of his work, which would have

been great for a person in vigorous health, were truly surprising

when one remembers the conditions under which that work was

produced.

He was a man of varied and profound research, master of many

languages, ancient and modern—perhaps the greatest linguist on

the roll of our Members. There was scarcely a branch of Ceylon

history or antiquities in which his opinion was not listened. to with

attention and respect.

But the field which he made specially his own was the Portuguese

and Dutch period of Ceylon history, and especialiy the Portuguese

period. No Member has made more numerous or more valuable

contributions to our journal. I hold in my hand a long list of

those contiibutions. The most important of them was the

translation which he undertook for our Society of ‘‘ Barros and de

Couto’s History of Ceylon,” and completed with exhaustive notes,

receiving the well-merited thanks of the Society.

He laboured for us and thought of us to the end. Not long ago

he presented this Society with a precious MS. copy of ‘ Ribeiro’s

Ceylon,” which had been used by Abbe le Grand in making his

translation. A Paper which was recently received from him on

the ‘‘ Earliest Dutch Visits to Ceylon”’ will shortly appear in our

Journal. When his doctors had given up hopes of his recovery,

he wrote a pathetic note, expressing his regret that he would not

live to complete other tasks he had set himself.

0 JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XXII.

He was indeed a rare type of scholar. His life should be an

example and a stimulus to us all, and his memory will be cherished

with gratitude by this Society. I am sure [ am echoing the

unanimous views of the Society in desiring to place on record our

appreciation of his services, the sense of our loss, and our sym-

pathy with his bereaved family.

' Before submitting the formal motion, I venture to express the

hope that his valuable collection of books and MSS. will not be

dispersed, and that it may please the Ceylon Government to acquire

it for the Island.

5. The motion was seconded by Dr. A. Nell, supported by

Mr. P. E. Morgappah, and carried.

6. The SECRETARY next announced that the following gentle-

men had been elected to Membership in the Society since the last

Meeting :—Messrs. C. A. Davis; C. V. Brayne, B.A., C.C.S.; C. M.

Lushington, C.C.8.; T. A. Abdul Raheem; J. O’Kane Murty,

C.C.8.; R. B. Strickland, M.A.; D. A. Wickramasinghe; J. A.

Vareey; and J. E. Rode.

7. Mr. JosEPH read the following Paper by Mr. John Still :—

No. 63.—1910.] TANTRI-MALATI, 73

TANTRI-MALAI ?

Some Archeological Observations and Deductions.

By Joun STILu.*

TANTRI-MALAI is the name now given to a wilderness of

rocks situated about two miles west of the Malwatu-oya and

about twenty miles due north-west of Anuradhapura. For

many centuries the place has been abandoned, and although

it was at one time an important monastery, with perhaps

an adjacent town, at the present day its very name is lost.

Despite its situation in quite uninhabited country, and on

the edge of one of the largest stretches of wild forest in the

northern half of the Island, Tantri-malai has been frequently

visited. A notice of it appears in Mr. Parker’s recent book,

* Ancient Ceylon” (pp. 244-5), and a fuller account in the

Archeological Commissioner’s Annual Report for 1896.+

Mr. Bell, on his visit in October, 1896, encountered the

stormy rainy weather which usually ushers in the north-east

monsoon in that part of the country ; and of the other visitors,

most, if not all, made but short stay at the rock. It,

therefore, happens that I am able to record a certain amount

that is new, for I spent a week there, living in a cave and

devoting my whole time to exploration of the rocks.

The rocks of Tantri-malai differ from those tumbled

labyrinths the ancient Sinhalese most usually chose for their

early monasteries. They are less a collection of boulders than

a huge series of frozen waves of stone, separated one from

another by narrow gullies full of jungle and tangle and thorns.

Owing to this formation there are fewer caves than usual,

and in consequence fewer inscriptions ; for the earliest inscrip-

tions were generally cut on the brows of caves.

Broadly speaking the rocks divide into two groups, with a

sinuous stretch of grass land between them, which at its

* Mr. Still served as Assistant to the Archxological Commissioner

from January 1, 1902, to December 31, 1907.—B., Hd. Sec.

+ A footnote to page 7 of this Report gives a list of other accounts of

Tantri-malai in diaries of CivilServants. See Appendix B.—B., Hd. Sec.

74 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XXII.

lower—southern—end widens out into a little tank formed by

an embankment thrown from rock to rock. At the time of

my visit (December, 1909) this intervening grass land was a

rather swampy meadow, the favourite haunt of wild buffaloes.

But in the days when the monastery flourished it too must

have been submerged by the waters of thé tank. With the

large area of non-absorbent rock to collect and transmit the

rain, it is probable that a very considerable population might

have subsisted by means of this reservoir ; always supposing,

of course, that no water was drawn off for irrigation purposes,

and of this there is no indication in the way of either sluice or

channel. In this dry land, and remote from the river, water

conservance was of the first importance, and I am inclined to

attribute an early date to this little reservoir.

But the history of Tantri-malai goes back far beyond the

tank—at least I think so—and it seems to me that in its

various remains we can read of four different ages of occupa-

tion, ending in tragic abandonment. It may be that in this

I have tried to see too much in the stones and their record ;

but the evidence, such as it is, forms the subject of this

Paper, and those who cannot accept the conclusions may

perhaps form others from the observations.

1.—Earliest Period.

In the south-eastern quarter of the area of rocks there

stands a boulder, which by its overhanging sides forms a shelter

convenient alike to man and beast. At the present day it is

obviously the den of beasts, and in it are bones which show

it has been used by leopards.

But. in prehistoric times it must have been the refuge of

human beings, for in it I found chipped fragments of chert

and a piece of crystal. These were not in any sense imple-

ments, but they may have been the waste chips thrown

away while implements were being made. For they are of

material quite foreign to their surroundings, such as could

hardly have come to be where they were by accident. Of

their age, 1 am quite incompetent to form even an estimate ;

but to their newness I can put a limit—the limit is 2,000

years ago. The cave where they were found has a drip-ledge

No. 63.—1910.] TANTRI-MALAI, 15

cut along its face ; but it bears no inscription. However, from

other inscriptions which will be given later, it is clear that a

monastery existed in the Tantri-malai caves about 100 years

before Christ, and it is permissible to believe that this cave

was occupied at much the same date.

The floor of the cave in monastic times was rudely paved

with uncut pieces of flat stone, and some ten inches of earth

intervened between this and the bed-rock floor. It was on

the rock floor that these chips were found. They may be

later than I think, but the earth above them and below the

pavement held nothing, not even fragments of brick or

pottery ; so I think they must be very early. If they had

been found all about the cave and at a more modern level

they might be taken to be fire-strikers of early Sinhalese

date ; but there were no other fragments of similar stone, and

these were alone nearly a foot below the old paved floor.

The only other objects found at this lowest level were two

pieces of what is apparently a fresh-water shell. These

results are slender; but there are several other caves which

might yield more if carefully excavated, especially those at

Andiy4-gala, about three miles south of Tantri-malai.

2.—First Buddhist Monastery.

When the fine eagerness of early Buddhist zeal led monks

and nuns to seek out restful solitudes throughout Ceylon,

they very often chose for themselves homes among the rocks.

Apart from the history literature affords, all that we know

of the early monasteries has been gathered from caves,

buildings, and inscriptions on rocks. Throughout the Island,

and especially in the northern plain, there are scores of such

monasteries. It is hardly an exaggeration to say that in the

North-Central Province and the Wanni nearly every con-

siderable rock outcrop shows some trace of early occupation.

Probably it was the water holes they contain which led people

to occupy them, for a great many of these rocks contain

deep narrow pools which hold a supply of drinking water

throughout the dry weather—in many cases the only available

drinking water for several miles. This water and the shelter

of their caves formed their attraction.

76 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Von. XXII.

At Tantri-malai, as in so many other places, the first settle-

ment of which we have any definite record was a Buddhist

monastery founded in the early centuries B.c. 'Tosupport this

view there are three inscriptions,* two of the second or first

century B.c., and one perhaps a hundred years more modern.

None of these have been published before, but the first was

copied by Mr. Bell in 1896. It consists of eleven letters cut

IRET URAL GS

da ha tt sa ra

in the rock just above one of the best of the natural cisterns,

and reads “ Ba rata pi daha ti sa tera ha.” Asstated above,

the letters are of early form,and may be as old as the second

century B.c. ‘“‘ Baratapida”’ may be a name ; in which case

the record would read “ [that which] belongs to Baratapida

and the monk Tissa”’ ; or ‘‘ Barata’’ may be a name, and

pida perhaps derived from pudanavd, to offer.

The next record, of about the same date, is cut in the rock

by the side of a long cave about 60 yards to the east of the

last inscription. It is low down at the east end of the cave.

dkRAPeLUL

It reads “A tia ji ri ya ba ti ya ma tau pa si ka naga ya,”

* See Appendix B.—B., Hd. Sec.

No. 63.—1910.] TANTRI-MALAI, ee

and possibly a few more letters now obliterated. The earlier

part of it is beyond me; but from the latter half it is plain

that the cave was once the abode of a lady named Naga, who

had devoted herself to religion.

The last inscription of approximately this period is “cut in

the rock above a small natural cistern about 150 yards north-

north-east of Upasika Naga’s cave.

Okay ly kde

la cha

Judging by the shapes of the sa, ma, and ha, this belongs

to about the time of Christ. It reads “ Ba ta su ma na ha

ta la cha da,’ and appears to be complete. Bata Sumana

may be taken equally to mean “ Brother Sumana,” or to be

a single name ; but what his talachada may have been I am

not able to explain ; tala could possibly be read talé, which

means the blade of any sharp instrument, and the record may

be simply that Bata Sumana cut his name.

Beside these three definite date-fixing records, there are

several other remnants of the early monastery.

Probably the first monk or devotee who settled there lived

in the fine natural cave, afterwards the cell of Upasika Naga ;

but as the community grew, further accommodation had to be

provided, and perhaps the cave where the chert flakes were

found, and two others near to it, were then occupied. All

three have drip ledges cut above their brows, but none bear

inscriptions.

I attribute to the same period a number of small stone

buildings which occur almost at random on quite a number

of the rocks. These are in most instances close to some

natural cistern, which leads me to believe that they existed

before the construction of the tank. There are about twelve

of these buildings in all, each built of rough stone fragments

which show no wedge marks and which seem to have been

naturally fractured. I call them buildings, but as a fact

they are no more than little rectangular platforms with no

784° JOURNAL, R.A.S, (CEYLON). [VoLt. XXII.

steps or entrances of any kind. Their sides are formed of

large rough stones laid in straight rows, and within the space

thus formed they are filled up with stone rubble. Some

contain brick débris, others do not, but possibly it may have

all been washed away. ‘The four sides of these platforms face

approximately the four cardinal points, though in all cases

their north is 20 or 30 degrees west of the north, as my

compass gives it. They must have been the sites of buildings

of some sort, but it is hard to imagine their exact nature:

they can hardly have contained much brickwork, for almost —

all traces of brick have disappeared: they probably were

not tiled, for I did not find even a single fragment of tile.

It is therefore fairly certain that they were built of wood.

Their length from north to south, as a rule, slightly

exceeds their width from east to west, and in all cases they

were small. I measured several, with the results given below:

16 ft. by 13 ft.; 18 ft. by 15 ft.; 18 ft. by 17 ft.; 15 ft. by

15 ft. From their ruined state measurements must be only

approximations.

Of the earliest monastery, we have, therefore, the following

traces :—One large natural cave, spacious enough to shelter

thirty people at least, with an inscription of the first or second

century B.C.; an adjacent natural cistern, with an inscription of

the same period; another natural cistern, with a rather later

inscription; and a number of small rudely built stone

platforms, once the sites of buildings in which the stones

were collected, not quarried, for they bear no wedge marks;

also three lean-to caves beneath boulders in which are no

inscriptions, but which have cut drip-ledges.

3.—First Post Christian Monastery.

Of the next period, the most important item is the dagaba —

which stands on the apex of the largest and highest rock.

From its bricks Mr. Parker (‘‘ Ancient Ceylon,” page 244)

supposed this dagaba to belong to the second century or early

first century B.c. If he is correct, then the dagaba must be

added to the description already given of the first monastery ;

but, for several reasons, | am inclined to disassociate the

No. 63.—1910.] TANTRI-MALAIL. 79

dagaba from the early buildings I have described. Firstly, |

the stonework round about the dagaba all shows wedge marks,

i.e., it was quarried stone, but that of all the little buildings

was not quarried ; secondly, the three inscriptions are all

remote from the d4gaba and in the other group of rocks ;

thirdly , the bricks in and around the dagaba, although chipped

and broken, still retain their form, while those in the buildings

on the rocks are so destroyed and washed that their débris is

almost indistinguishable, and it was not possible from any

fragment I observed even to tell that it had had straight sides

or angles.

For these reasons I am inclined to believe that the

dagaba is of later date than the other buildings described, and

I would prefer to place it with the few buildings on the

rock below it on the eastern side. Here there are not only

wedged stone pillars, in which the oval wedge marks correspond

both in size and in their intervals with those in the wedged

stones around the dagaba, but there are also abundance of

brick fragments which still to some degree retain their form.

Still further to connect these buildings with the dagaba, there

is the fact of their position, grouped upon either side of the

steps which lead to the dagaba and to nowhere else.

Now, the first described buildings were in nearly every case

placed just beside a rock cistern, sometimes one on either

side of it. These other buildings, larger, less ruined, and

containing quarried stone, are not near any such water hole,

but are close to the tank. It appears therefore that the tank

was by this time the source of water supply. So from a tiny

settlement we can trace the monastery’s growth until there

were stone-pillared buildings, a dagaba,* and a tank.

It is interesting to note that from the summit of the dagaba

rock several of the great dagabas of Anuradhapura can be

plainly seen on a clear morning, without the aid of a glass :

Jétawanarama and Abhayagiri stand out distinctly. It is

* At this ruined digaba I found a brick bearing a design of two lotus

flowers. Almost similar bricks were found at Aluthalmilléwa, near

' Padawiya tank, by the Archeological Survey in 18)1 at a dagaba, with

an inscription of king Wasabha, who reigned in the later half of the first

century 4.D. See Annual Report, Archeological Survey, 1891, p. 10.

80 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoLt. XXII.

very hard to believe that the names of such great landmarks

could get mixed, and that their identity can have been ever

forgotten, as Mr. Parker supposes. The Maha Séya Dagaba on

Mihintalé kanda, full four and twenty miles away, is also plain

to see.

4.—Last Monastery on Tantri-malai.

The last and greatest monastery of Tantri-malai ended in

a tragedy. As we have not succeeded in discovering the

ancient name of this place, we cannot trace its history, but

tragedy, catastrophe, and sudden flight, or death, are plain

to see in its archeology.

Upon the rock which the dagaba crowns there is an image

of Buddha, and below it another.

The former is a sedent figure carved from the rock in

high relief, seated upon a throne, with lions carved on the

panels. The figure faces to the north and looks towards the

dagaba. From almost its very feet there started a grand

flight of broad low steps cut in the face of the rock, and

designed to lead to the dagaba; but they were never used.

Their edges are as sharp as when the mason left them ; eight

steps are finished, and half of the ninth. Then came calamity.

On either side of the great sedent image, 8 ft. high upon

his throne, the artist had designed four panels, each to

contain a smaller sedent image some 3 ft. high. All of the

eight panels, four on either side, are traced in the stone,

but not one is finished. One has been roughly blocked out,

another has been carved almost to the semblance of a man,

others are hardly commenced, as they were on that evil day

the craftsman left them.

To the north of the dagaba, at the foot of the rock, an

enormous image of Buddha was carved in the side of the

hill.. As he lies he is 40 feet long, but he was never finished.

The work was very nearly done, but not quite.

To the south-west of the dagaba, in the forest, is a stock

of wedged pillars and coping stones. They lie where they were

quarried, but they were never taken to their places. One long

stone has a beaded edge cut with great care, but it was never

used.

No. 63.—1910.] TANTRI-MALAIL, 81

It is as plain as any written history could be. It is an

instance of the true value of archeology as a stimulus to the

imagination. In what is now a solemn jungle there must have

been a tragedy. Tantri-malai lies right in the track from

Mannar to Anuradhapura; and it was at Mannar that the

Tamil invaders used to land, and to aE Lae that eeey

used to march.

It remains to find out the date-of these great images. Mr.

Parker places them, and indeed the whole of Tantri-malai,

in the second or first century B.C., or at the latest in the first

century A.D. Mr. Bell, Archeological Commissioner, attributes

them to the time of Parakrama Bahu the Great, in the

twelfth century a.p. Fortune placed in my way the means

of deciding this wide difference of opinion; for I found an

inscription which seems to settle the point.

On a rock adjacent to that on which the dagaba and great

images are, there are three buildings which by their more

modern style and infinitely superior preservation palpably

belong to a period quite distinct from that of the other ruins.

One is a square building on a rock, having acircumambient

verandah of broad dressed slabs of stone ; another is a chamber

hewn from the rock and walled un in front with cut and dressed

stone ; and the third is a little box-like structure on the

summit of the rock in which the cave is hewn. Its stonework

resembles that in the cave below, and is neat work adorned

by slight pilasters in relief. Mr. Bell in his Report appro-

priately calls if a ‘‘ campanile,” adding its traditional name,

Pot-gula, or ‘‘ library.”

These three buildings are quite obviously of the same date

and style. From the evidences of sudden cessation of work,

never afterwards resumed, and especially from the half-cut

steps, it may be confidently assumed that no important stone

work was undertaken at Tantri-malai subsequent to the

dispersal of the masons. The images cannot therefore be of

earlier date than the three buildings just described, for these

exhibit much skill in stone work, and the hewing out of a

rock chamber with a cubical content of 1,170 ft. (22 ft. 7 in.

by 8 ft. by 6 ft. 53 in.) indicates that both time and labour

were available. We can therefore roughly date the images

G 36-10

82 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XXII.

from the campanile, &c. The images may be as old. but can

be no older.

Now on the stones of the campanile letters are to be found

lightly traced by the point of a chisel. There is only one on

any given stone, and in all I discovered nine of them cut,

evidently to help the builder in placing the stones correctly.

CA Gee ae

CS)

SINGLE LETTERS ON STONES OF THE ‘‘ POT-GULA.”

From their form the letters can be at once, and with

certainty, ascribed to the latter half of the eleventh or to the

twelfth century A.D. So that Mr. Bell’s estimate* is entirely

supported by first-rate evidence. And it may be assumed

that these huge images, which in their style and colossal

proportions so nearly resemble those at the ‘‘ Gal-vihdré”’ in

Polonnaruwa, were commenced by Parakrama Bahu I., or

at least in his reign. And perhaps in the raid of Kalinga

Magha, which followed soon after, they were abandoned, and

Tantri-malai left to grow up in forest and to become a home

of buffaloes and bears.

It is satisfactory to have archeological evidence regarding

the date of these great stone figures; but even without it I

think it would have been obvious that they could not belong

to the simple times of early Buddhism. The idea of huge

images was not entertained until several centuries after

Christ. They in their way are fine, but it is not the way of the

simple monks who lived in the early cave monasteries.

Before leaving this side of the archeology of Tantri-malai,

it may be added that I found nothing to support Mr. Parker’s

*<«They manifestly belong to much the same period of lithic

sculptured art as the five examples at Polonnaruwa ’’—-Annual Report,

AS 1591p. 8:

No. 63.-—1910.] TANTRI-MALAI, 83

theory that ‘‘ Updtissa Nuwara’”’ may have been near or at

Tantri-malai.* Upatissa, the capital before the rise of Anuradha-

pura, must have been a large town, and I think that had it been

here, we should certainly find some systematic water supply

in use from the earliest times, instead of finding, as we do,

that the first monastery was dependent upon the water-holes.

So far I have dwelt only upon the history of Tantri-malai

as revealed by its archeology ; but there is another question

which may be found interesting.

In three caves at Tantri-malai, in a cave at Billéwa,

and in a cave at Andiy4-gala, two places a couple of miles

apart and some three miles respectively south and south-west

of Tantri-malai, I found rude drawings or paintings on the

walls and roof. In each case the cave in which the pictures

are is one which has a drip-ledge cut and has certainly been

used as part of a monastery; but the drawings are of a most

primitive style, and certainly do not belong to the period of

monastic occupation. The cave at Billéwa hasan inscription

eut in characters which may belong to the third or fourth

century A.p.; the Andiy4-gala cave has an inscription of the

same or a little earlier date ; while, as we have seen, Tantri-

malai was occupied up to the end of the twelfth century a.p.

The drawings are therefore comparatively modern.

The neighbourhood is almost entirely uninhabited, but

the nearest villages on both the north and the south are

occupied by Wanniyés. These people are called ‘‘ Verdar” by

their Tamil neighbours on the north and ‘‘ Veddé’’ by the

Sinhalese to south of them, the word in either case meaning

the same. They admit that they are Veddas of the Dunna

gat warigé, the ‘‘ clan of the bow,” but they call themselves

Vil Wanniydr. For they are bi-lingual, and speak both Tamil

and Sinhalese impartially. They claim community of race

with the Tamankaduwa Veddas, but say that their clan is

a separate one.t Curiously enough they claim descent from

the Suriya-wansa, the original royal stock of the Sinhalese.

* «¢ Ancient Ceylon,” page 245.

+ The Veddd of Tamankaduwa are of the Tala-warigé clan.—B. ,

Ed. Sec.

84 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). fVot. XXII.

They are nice, simple, honest people of the forest, rather

shy at first, but willing when acquainted to tell one all their

lore. It appears probable that the pictures in the caves are

the work of their ancestors. However, the present people

deny all knowledge of this, and say that no one draws like

that now.

I have copied to scale and in their correct colours all the

pictures I found ; but beyond this and a few remarks as to

their appearance, I do not feel competent to discuss them.*

In the majority of cases the subject appears to be the human

form; some hold bows in their hands, and one holds in his

two hands what may be regarded either as a bow and an

arrow or a sword and shield ; others appear to be animals

and birds, and a fine spotted leopard is among the best,

though his head is unfortunately missing ; other subjects

are mere diagrams, and among these too are obviously bows

and arrows, and one apparently the sun. All belong to the

same school of art, though I should not expect to find them

the work of a single person, owing to the various methods

used to express the head. Several are almost spirited sketches,

and obviously portray motion. A feature which distinguishes

them from most scribblings of the same sort is their chastity

and sexlessness. The colour principally used is ash gray,

but in two instances black is found, and in three a dull red.

All alike seem to have been painted with the artist’s finger as

a brush, and all are on the bare rock, not on plaster.

My hope in copying them was less that they would prove

of great interest in themselves, than that they might aid in

linking up this northern tribe of Veddas or Wanniyas with

the others of their race. ft

I conclude with a few measurements taken with the idea

of testing Mr. Parker’s brick theory, and some comments

thereon.

* Appendix A.

+ The Archzological Commissioner discovered and photographed

Vedda ‘‘ ash pictures”’ at Arangoda-gala and Konattegoda-gala near

the MAdura-oya, during his circuit of 1897 through Tamankaduwa

(Annual Report, A. 8., 1897, p. 15). Similar drawings have since been

found in Bintenna by Prof. C. J. Seligmann (Journ,,C, A. S., Vol. XXL,

No. 61, 1908, p. 77).—-B., Hd. Sec,

No. 63.—1910.] TANTRI-MALAI. 85

Mr. Parker says of Tantri-malai :—‘‘The bricks of the

dagaba are 3:23 in. thick and 9°04 in. wide, Bt. (breadth x

thickness) being 29:2, and the length either 18 in., making

the contents 525 cubic inches, or, if it was six times the

thickness, 19°38 in., which would make the contents 565 cubic

inches. In either case the size points to a time late in the

second century, or early in the first century B.c.”’*

At the dagaba I measured the ten most perfect bricks I

could secure, with the result tabulated below. Where I have

put ‘“‘& +” it means that the brick was broken, 2.e., 10 x 3

x 8 & + means that the last measurement has an uncertain

quantity greater than eight :—

22 in. X 7¢ im. X 94 in. ot in. X Shin. xX 10 in. & +

34 in. X 84 in. X10A in. & +) 22 in. x102in: X 12) in.

13 in. X 94 in. X Tin. & +] 23 in. x 8$in. xX 10 in.

oti.) 7$.in. .< 92 mm: 22 in. X 9in. X 94in. & +

Poemin. Xe fain. x, LL an: 3 in. xX 84 in. X 103 in.

>. Bt. = 24°22, and average thickness 2°85.

Further on, Mr. Parker writes: ‘Colossal, sitting, and

reposing statues of Buddha cut out of the solid rock, at which

the bricks are of pre-Christian date or the first century

AUD OSC:

At the sedent Buddha a well-preserved wall enables one to

measure a large number of bricks easily. Eight widths were

9in., 9in., 9 in., 9 in., 94 in., 104 in., 11 in., 114 in., averaging

9°81 in. ; eight lengths were 54 in., 54 in., 6 in., 6 in., 6 in.,

64 in., 64 in., 64 in., averaging 6:06 in.

The average thickness of 30 bricks was 2} in. Bt. thus

is 15°15, and average cubic contents 148-62. On referring to

Mr. Parker’s Table of Measured Bricks} I find that their size

would render these bricks liable to be included in those

of 800-1350 a.p.

There is no brickwork near the recumbent Buddha which

yields such sure results, and I only succeeded in finding two

fragments worth measuring: these were respectively 24 in.

* «« Ancient Ceylon,” pp. 244, 245. + Loc. cit., p. 673.

86 JOURNAL, R/A.S. (CEYLON). [Von XXII.

by 84 in. by (?) and 24 in. by 9 in. by (2). It is possible that

they were brought in recent times from the dagaba to serve as

stands for joss sticks, and in any case their evidence is not

enough to go upon.

I have given these measurements at somewhat tedious

length, because they are part of my foundations for a disbelief.

They are not the whole of the foundations, for I have measured

bricks before, and generally only to find that their variation

rendered them insecure evidence upon which to found theories.

With all respect to an accomplished archeologist, I venture

to predict that Mr. Parker’s “ Table of Measured Bricks ”—

what is ordinarily called Mr. Parker’s “ brick theory ’—will

never supply a really reliable criterion of the antiquity of ruins.

The measurements given above show how two independent

people could obtain quite different results from the same

material, and I believe that in many other places we should

find as great a divergence. Beyond the fact that old bricks

are large and newer bricks smaller, I do not believe the

ancient Sinhalese had so standardized their brick-making

that any measurements based upon the assumption of such a

standard are reliable in giving a date even approximately ;

though as secondary and corroborative evidence such measure-

ments may be valuable. |

One other observation in the neighbourhood of Tantri-malai

bears upon the same brick theory, though in itself ‘it is

epigraphical in nature. ;

On page 211 of “Ancient Ceylon” Mr. Parker, in giving

a list of the data from which his brick theory was, built up,

says: “‘ The list of structures of various periods will probably

be accepted as belonging to the dates here assigned.” But

to one of these I am unable to agree. No. 8 is given as an

inscription in a cave at Milléwa-gala Viharé near Tantri-

malai, “in letters of the first or second century a.p.” which

Mr. Parker ascribes to Ila-Naga or one of the earlier Nagas

of the second century. The same inscription was copied by

Mr. Bell in 1896, and by me in 1909 ; all three readings are

the same, and there is no question of identity. The name in

the inscription is Na ka ra ja. The writing is identical with

that used in Maha Séna’s inscriptions of the end of the third

No. 63.—1910.] TANTRI-MALAL. 87

and beginning of the fourth century A.p., and in these he is

variously called Senanaka and Naka. So, if my view of this

can be accepted, we get third-fourth for first-second century.

In other caves at Billéwa* there are inscriptions of various

dates. They can only be judged by the form of the script;

but two appear to belong to a period at least as early

as the first century B.c. So we have in one place lithic records

covering a period of about 400 years. If I am correct in this

it must greatly detract from the value of the bricks as data.

We have no means of judging to which part of this 400

years they belong, save by their own intrinsic characteristics ;

but as they are given as data this would be mere moving in

a circle.

It is with reluctance that I disbelieve a theory so well

calculated to solve many of Ceylon’s archeological puzzles ;

but I am convinced that brick measurements as criteria of

dates must be accepted with the greatest caution. Tf

APPENDIX A.

PAINTINGS FOUND IN CAVES.

Plate I.—A: Group consisting of the sun and three figures,

two human and the third doubtful, from the roof of a small cave

at Tantri-malai. B: Group of animals or birds and two human

figures, apparently of an adult and a child, from a large cave at

Tantri-malai.

Plate IJ.—Group from the same cave. The central figure is a

leopard with red and black spots; the figure standing behind it is

* Mr. Bell (Archl. Report, 1896) calls it Billéwa, and so it sounded to

me; Mr. Parker calls it Milléwa; but we all mean the same place.

+ Mr. Still’s view is supported by the Archzological Commissioner.

After many years’ examination of brick ruins of all ages, mostly in the

North-Central Province, Mr. Bell has had reluctantly to abandon ‘the

brick theory,” except to the very limited degree of the broad generali-

zation, arrived at by Mr. Still independently, that «old bricks are large

and newer bricks smaller.” All bricks of 18 in. in length and upwards

indubitably belong, with extremely rare exceptions, to an early period. —

B., Hd. Sec.

88 JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XXII.

a man wearing red armlets. The right hand figure appears to be

a man standing by some animal, perhaps a bear. The small

figure at the bottom is painted in red.

Plate III.—A: Bow and arrow, from a large cave at Tantri-

malai. B: Talagoya (?), froma large cave at Tantri-malai. Cand

D: Human figures, from a large cave at Tantri-malai. E: Human

figure and the moon, from a large cave at Tantri-malai. F:

Apparently two human figures in a etelse: from a large cave at

Tantri-malai.

Plate [V.—Figures from the same cave. Two human, the rest

doubtful.

Plate V.—Curious diagrams from a cave adjoining the last.

One might represent a human being standing in the mouth of a

cave.

Plate VI.—In the same cave. Further diagrams: Two armed

figures carrying bows; large bow and arrow. This is the clan

* mark of the local Wanni people, and is branded upon their cattle.

Plate VII.—A: A man with bow and arrow, from Andiya-gala.

B: Sun, from Andiya- gala. C: Talagoya (?), from Andiyé-gala.

D: Two human figures in a house, from Billéwa. E: Human

figure, from Billéwa.

Plate VIII.—Group of figures from Billéwa. Sambhur on the

right ; in the centre a peacock, with something above it ; human

figure low down on the left. The other diagram is unintelligible.

JOHN STILL.

APPENDIX B.

INSCRIPTIONS AT ‘TANTRI-MALAI.

Wits all due deference I find myself unable to accept Mr. Still’s

reading of the three inscriptions, quoted in his Paper.

Inscription (1).

** Ba ra ta pi da ha ti sa te ra ha.”’

Mr. Still says :—‘‘ Baratapida.may be a name; in which case

the record would read ‘ (that which) belongs to Baratapida and the

monk Tisa’ ; or Barata may be a name, and pida perhaps derived

from pudanava, to offer.”

This is hardly correct. Evidently che difference between the

hard d (@) and the soft d(¢) did not occur to Mr. Still, or he

would not have derived pida (8) from pudanava (qe). 2

Pida is from ‘ pinda,” a lump, and pudanavd from puj, to

worship.

My rendering of the inscription is: “ belongs to the monk

Tissa of (the family of) Baratapida.”’

* Yet chada in Inscription (3) i isheld to be chada. Confusion of dentals

and cerebrals is not unknown in ancient inscriptions. —B., Hd. Sec.

Plate Vill,

BILLEWA.

1Ze.

th actual s

eae

: = ; 1 yf 0 ai

a 2 t « - ~

_ : ¢ : ;

om, 1 e = : -_ |

foe's | 7 = ‘ : iy , . '

2 <i . : 7 = ‘ i a . :

a a " - .

& * 1 ‘ i :

- ; x . |

7 ee ae: 3 Sh i

6: ace ra 4 a ae " ’ : : |

i _ > : ;

. 7 e a ° . 5 ci ; : - .

. a a " 7 iy ’ ‘ °

7 : : o ae 2 : es Fi E Fi

Co ae — ” Pe .

et ee ast | : | —

‘ . 7 — ° A 1 4@ oe 7 : : ; .

a a ‘ id 7 é 2 <

=! : | |

® es = Pa ; : . ;

7 r ee ; : . . |

= at ee 2 |

: ; . i fa -

; : ; : ; : . ed

P : :

Bia’ = es a - | | 7

a es te 7 b * a :

‘ ~ ; .

a i a o. ' ; . | |

ae oe? . .

* ay 7 , | |

a 7 a ‘ : |

7 a ~ i :

we . - 7 wa

” oe a. . * = : |

_ | | . ;

a 7 re |

5 : : ri ; | |

: *

7 ® a . 7 ; |

“je > ca 4 - .

c : : . . |

: ‘ t a

’ :

TANTRI-MALAI.

CAVE PAINTINGS.

ith actual size.

Plate II.

TANTRI-MALAI. Plate Il.

; CAVE PAINTINGS.

ith actual size.

TANTRI-MALAI.

CAVE PAINTINGS,

ith actual size.

Plate V.

‘ezIs yengoe yye

‘SONILNIVG BAVA

"AL 81d “IVIVW-IYLNVL

‘OZIS [BNQoOR WYP

"SONILNIVG BAVO

DAS id “IVIVW-ITYLINVL

ANDIYA-GALA. Plate VII.

BILLEWA.

CAVE PAINTINGS,

ith actual size.

TANTRI-MALAI.

Cave PAINTINGS.

ith actual size.

No. 63.—1910.| TANTRI-MALAL 89

Inscription (2).

“A tiaji ri ya ba ti ya ma ta u pa si ka na ga ya.”

With regard to this inscription Mr. Still says :—‘“‘ The earlier part

of it is beyond me, but from the latter half it is plain that the cave

was once the abode of a lady named Naga. who had devoted herself

to religion.”

This interpretation cannot be maintained, as the term “ wpdsika”’

is not applied to a devotee living in a cave ora forest. Such a

person is called “‘ tapas.”’

I would read the inscription as: ‘‘ a gift of the Upasika Naga,

the mother of Bati (Bhati), the master of elephants.”’

Inscription (3).

** Ba ta su ma na ha ta la cha da.”’

Of this, Mr. Still says :—‘* Bata Sumana may be taken equally to

mean ‘ Brother Sumana,’ or to be a single name; but what his

talachada may’ have been I am not able to explain; tala could

possibly be read talé, which means the blade of any sharp

instrument, and the record may be simply that Bata Sumana cut

his name.”’

This explanation seems rather far fetched. The inscription, in

my opinion, simply means: ‘“‘the shelter of Batasumana.”’

Lala means ‘‘ place”’ and chada (from chad) ‘‘ shelter,’’ ‘‘ cover,”

‘‘shade,” &c.

March 8, 1910. SIMON DE SILVA.

[In order to render Mr. Still’s Paper as full and interesting as

possible, Mr. H. C. P. Bell, Archzological Commissioner, has

furnished copies of entries recorded by successive Government

officials in their Diaries after visiting Tantri-malai.*

Supplementary notes made by Mr. Bell,t with illustrations

from photographs taken by himself in 1896, and drawings of the

** Pot-gula”’ and Cave Shrine, are also added.}

APPENDIX C.

AccoUNTS OF TANTRI-MALAI.

The rocks, or rather series of bare granite hills, at Tantri-malai

are well worth inspection. The naked granite lies in a black mass

of undulating hills of solid rock, with plots of shallow grass in the

depressions of the undulations, the whole rock mass covering

about a square mile.

* Appendix C. + Appendix D.

90 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XXII.

On the highest point of the rock are the remains of a dagaba

with a bé-tree planted in earth brought up from the jungle below ;

and on opposite sides of the rock on which the dagaba stands are

two enormous rock statues of Buddha.

One is in the sitting posture, nearly 6 ft. high, with two

women, one on each side, fanning the deity with “ yak tail ”’ fans ;

on each side of the statue is a woman with one of these fans,

below that a lion on each side, and below that again a dragon on

each side. The statue is cut more than 2 ft. into the living

rock, and the face of the carving bears traces of the cement on

which the colours of paint were laid on the statues, as at Anu-

radhapura.

Opposite this statue are a flight of steps cut in the rock, and

between the statue and steps the remains of temple.

On the other side of this stone hill is the other statue, in the

usual “ nirwana’’ attitude, but of enormous proportion. It is

45 ft. long by nearly 15 ft. deep across the arms and chest, and

the whole is cut 5 or 6 ft. deep into the solid rock. The nose has

been broken off and lies beside the statue. It is about 18 in. long,

and it was with difficulty I could lift it in both hands. The

tradition amongst the people is that the wild bees incessantly

make their combs in the nostrils, and that the Veddas in the

neighbourhood as incessantly eat the honey.

Both statues are still very perfect.

On a smaller stone hill near the one described above stands a

small square stone temple made of rectangular stone, with only

5 or 6 cubic feet space inside and with a small door facing the east.

The appearance of the upheaved mass of undulating rock cover-

ing nearly a square mile is very striking.—Dviary, July 15, 1883.

S. HavuGHToN,

Assistant Government Agent,

Mannar.

ise

At Tantri-malai there are a series of huge granite rocks. On

one of the highest there is a trig station. Mihintalé and other

Anuradhapura hills are plainly visible—also another trig station

on Mullamalai, and one overlooks low-country all round as far

as the eye can reach, except on the south-west, which is higher

ground.

There is here a@ well-cut and preserved reclining figure of

Buddha, which I made out to be 38 ft. long, cut in the face of the

eranite rock, which seems to have been split for the purpose of

giving a flat perpendicular surface.

On the top of a rock further off is a bé-tree, I think—a ficus at

any rate—and below it another figure of Buddha in a sitting

posture cut in the face of the rock. Stone pillars, some standing,

No. 63.—1910.] TANTRI-MALAI. 91

others fallen, once supported a roof over the path leading to the

figure. The sitting figure is cut in a recess hewn out of the rock.

On either side of the sage are figures of gods or demi-gods fanning

him. There are cut figures on either side of the recess, and stone

steps leading up to the b6é-tree.

On another, almost inaccessible, rock at a little distance, is a

square building of cut stone, and in the base of the rock is an

artificial cave in which a priest has lately been spending a ‘‘ retreat”’

of three months. The cave is now uninhabited except by bats,

and I wonder how the priest could have stood the stench.—Diary,

April 20, 1886.

W.J.S. BOAKE,

Assistant Government Agent,

Mannar.

TEE.

To Tantri-malai and back to Olukkulama, 16 miles. I went to

this place in order to make a few measurements, as requested by

a marginal note on my Diary of April 20, and also to make a few

sketches ; but was rather put out of conceit with the expedition

on hearing from Mr. levers that a Capt. Hogg had already been

there and taken photographs, which he had sent to the Governor,

who had passed them on to the Asiatic Society.* However, I

am glad I went, and it may be that I have noted some little thing

which has escaped previous observers.

I have been trying to fix the position of the place on Ferguson’s

map, which is the only one I have with me; but I cannot find any

place on the map nearer to itthan Olukkulama, which is somewhere

about the 38th mile on the Mannar road.

It lies in a south-westerly direction from Olukkulama, and one

passes by Kappachi of the Vavuiniya district across the Aruvi-ar

through the Vedda village of Nochchikulama of the North-Central

Province, and by the base of the Mullamallai rocks.

At Tantri-malai went first to the cave below the rock. The cave

was cleaned out and there were some mats and chatties, but the

priest was said to have gone to Anuraédhapura. The cave I did

not measure the dimensions of; but the entrance is blocked up

by a mud wall leaving just room for a man to squeeze in. Within,

it is about 10 ft. by 6 ft., and there is standing room. It is cut

about half way up the rock, and the distance from the base of the

cave to the top of the building on the rock is 34 ft. measured over

the surface of the rock.

Opposite to the entrance to the cave, which was formerly of

cut stone and having a porch, there is another rock of much

greater dimensions, and on the slope of it is constructed a raised

* Capt. Hogg, R. E., photographed the sedent and prone Buddhas

Nos. 23, 24, 25), in the seventies.—B., Hd. Sec.

92 JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XXII.

platform paved with slabs of rock, some of which measured

10 ft. 10 in. by 3 ft. 3 in. thick—some of them in situ. The

platform is about 20 ft. square.

I then went to the sitting Buddha, which is excavated out of

the solid rock near the top of the highest rock in the place. The

sitting portion of the figure is obscured by bricks and stones. I

took a sketch from the steps leading to the dagaba on the top of

the rock.

What the height of this rock is I do not know, but I should

judge it to be from 150 to 200 ft. to the top from the level out

of which it rises.

The dagaba is a small one, and the bé-tree seems to be growing

in it.

The full length figure is exactly 40 ft. long, and I regret to say

that the right arm is broken off. The nose, of which the nostrils

are fully carved, came off some years ago.—Diary, August 23,

1886. }

W.J.S. BOAKE,

Assistant Government Agent,

Mannar.

LV,

I went to Kappachi in the morning, and, after inspecting the

village and tank, on to Tantri-malai in the Anuradhapura District.

Here there are some very interesting ruins ; two Buddhas carved

in high relief out of the solid rock, and a curious little stone house

on the top of a rock very similar, though on a smaller scale, to

one at Dondra in the Southern Province.*—Diary, September 23,

1886.

G. M. Fow Ler,

Assistant Government Agent,

Vavuniya.

Went to inspect the ruins at Tantri-malai. They consist of a

group of rocks covering a space of about 60 acres as far as I can

see. Fine grassy glades separate some of the larger rocks. The

place must have been the abode of Buddhist priests, for ruins of

pansalas are to be found.

There is a most picturesque little square block-house on the top

of a conical rock about 30 ft. high. The little house is built of cut

stones laid one on top of the other, one stone running the whole

* The Dondra ruin, built on high ground, differs. It was once the

penetrale, or inner shrine, of a Hindu Dévalé.—B., Ed. Sec.

No. 63.—1910.] _ TANTRI-MALAT, 93

length of the building. The roof is flat, and is similarly made of

cut stones. Cornices of carved stone project on the outside edge.

There is a tradition that ancient manuscripts were kept in this

‘“‘ book house ”’ (S. Pot-gé), and a copy of a portion of the Mahd-

wansa is said to have been found in it about a hundred years ago.

At the base of the rock and immediately below the ‘‘ book house ”’

is an oblong chamber, 114 ft. long, cut into the solid rock to a

depth of 7} ft. It is not a chamber built up on the slope of a

rock, as is usually found, but is cut square into solid rock. The

front must have been closed in by cut stones, part of which still

remain in position.

The remains of an old palace [s¢c] similar to those at Anurddha-

pura are to be found on the rock on the opposite side to this

chamber.

On the slope of another rock is the recumbent figure of Buddha

carved out of the solid rock, standing out slightly ; and scattered

about are pillars, &c. There is also an old bé-tree surrounded by

a very old dry stone wall.

I had to give up further exploration on account of heavy rain.

Four holes in rock above chamber to let beams in, pillars, &c.,

showing that there was a room in front of the chamber. The size

of the book house is, height 5 ft., 5 ft. broad, and 5 ft. long, by

rough measurement.

_ A Buddhist priest from the Seven Koralés, Kurunégala District,

came and asked for permission to occupy and improve Tantri-

malai, as pilgrims were in the habit of going there, and that he

wished to restore the piace with the aid of alms and contribution.

He said he had a book in his village containing a full description

of Tantri-malai. He described it as an old history of the place.

It stated that the stone chamber on top of the rock was a ‘‘ book

house,” and that it was rifled of its contents during the time of

the Dutch.

Asked the priest to produce the history, and said that I would

recommend to Government the granting of the rocks to him,

provided he gave some guarantee that he would restore the

place.—Diary, December 18. 1889.

C. A. Murray,

Government. Agent,

North-Central Province.

(a eee,

VI.

The Tantri-malai ruins have been described by Mr. Haughton

in his Diary of July, 1883, but his description of the sitting Buddha

and surrounding figures is not quite right.

The “guardians ”’ on each side of the central figure are on a level

with its shoulders, and underneath each of them is a makara

(mythical animal composed out of a crocodile, an elephant,

94 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoLt. XXII.

and a peacock) ; underneath each makara is a lion rampant with

face turned away from the figure. Mr. Haughton puts the

‘* draggons ’’ under the lions.

The figure is cut in a recess in the face of the rock, and as the

face slopes away towards the top the recess is much deeper at the

bottom than at the top. It is about 5 ft. deep at the bottom and

about afoot orsoatthetop. Itis about 9 ft. long by 8 ft. in height.

The figures being protected in this way from the weather are in

an excellent state of preservation—as good as new, in fact. The

head of Buddha is surrounded at the back by a cobra’s hood.*

There are pillars in front of the recess, and holes in the rock

where the beams of the roof evidently rested, showing that

originally there was a temple built up against the rock, with the

face of the rock containing the recess to form its back wall.

On the right of the recess, 7.e., on the right hand side of the

figure, are two similar figures of Buddha [sic] about half the

size, also cut in the rock, but not recessed. One of these is so

obliterated by exposure to weather as to be hardly distinguishable

as a Buddha.t Mr. Haughton does not mention these figures.

Over the recess are three lines cut in the rock, to carry away the

rain water I suppose.

In the side of the large rock surmounted by the small house

(described by Mr. Fowler in his Diary of September 23, 1886)

there is a rectangular chamber cut out of the rock (about 8 ft.

long by 6 deep and 6 high, as well as I remember). This I found

occupied by a Buddhist priest and his servant, a deaf and dumb

man, who have lately established themselves here.—Dviary,

November 22, 1890.

J. P. Lewrs,

Assistant Government Agent,

Vavuniya.

VIT.

Got to Tantri-malai in the evening and had a look round the

ruins.

There is very little forest of any value on the country between

the Arippu road and this. One forest about three miles long on

each side of Tambiyawa has satin and palu, but to no great

extent. The country was excessively dry until we reached

Tantri-malai, where it had rained recently and rock holes were full

of good water.

*In reality a plain circular nimbus, similar to that behind the

head of the sedent Buddha in the Cave Shrine at ‘‘Gal Viharé,”’

Polonnaruwa.—B., Ed. Sec.

+ The figures are not Buddhas, and are cut in panelled recesses.—

B., Hd. See.

No. 63.—1910.] TANTRI-MALAT. 95

Mr. Ridout and I visited the ruins, some of which he measured. *

They have several times been described. I had never been here

before, and I must confess to disappointment.—Diary, September

24, 1891.

R. W. LevERs,

Government Agent, North-Central

Province.

VITT.

The ruins at Tantri-malai are well worth visiting. The sedent

Buddha with a guardian on either side and lions below are a beauti-

ful piece of carving, and should be photographed. The recumbent

Buddha has been much damaged about the face and right arm.

The nice little square stone room on top of the rock, said to

be a ‘‘ Pot-gula,”’ is very curious, and in good preservation. I

have never seen a similar one. It looks modern from a distance.

I have ordered the bund of the tank to be restored, and then

there will be water at Tantri-malai, whlch will be a boon to

travellers.—Letter, July 24, 1896.

E. M. Byrpe,

Government Agent, North-Central

Province,

IX.

At Tantri-malai.t North-east monsoon breaks: heavy rain every

afternoon. Engaged during the fine mornings in excavating the

lower part and sinhdsana of the sedent Buddha (ot-pilomaya),

clearing the colossal prone image (seta pilimaya), both rock carved.

Took measurements, notes, and photographs.

Tantri-malai is an enormous reach of flattish rock, stretching

far and wide. Near the edge of a gal-wala is a single line inscrip-

tion—the only record yet discovered here. The stone-carved

images recall, and may be contemporary with, the “‘ Gal Viharé ”

at Polonnaruwa.

The main points of interest are :—

(i.) ‘* Pot-gula’’ (so-called), and Cave beneath.

(ii.) Sedent image on ornamented dsanaya with makara torana

behind, all rock carved.

(i11.) Dagaba.

iv.) Recumbent image of Buddha, hewn from the rock.

* Mr. Ridout’s drawing of the ‘‘ Pot-gula”’ is reproduced on Plate

A.—B., Hd. Sec.

+ Notices of Tantri-malai occur in the Official Diaries of Messrs.

S. Haughton (1883); W. J. 8S. Boake (1886); G. W. Fowler (1886) ;

C. A. Murray (1889); J. P. Lewis (1890); R. W. TIevers (1891).

96 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoLt. XXII.

(i.) ‘* Pot-gula.””

Mr. C. A. Murray’s description is concise :—

‘¢ A most picturesque little square block-house on the top of a

conical rock about 30 ft. high. The little house is built of cut

stones laid one on top of the other. The roof is flat, and is

similarly made of cut stone. Cornices of carved stone project

on the outside edge.”’ It has one entrance.

There is a tradition that ancient manuscripts were kept in the

house, hence its name ‘* Pot-gula.”’

Below the ‘‘ Pot-gula”’ (6 ft. 2in. by 5 ft. 4in. high)* is an oblong

chamber cut into the solid rock (measuring 12 ft. 6 in. by 7 ft. _

6 in. by 6 ft. in height)* with remains of dressed stones, which

closed in the front. This might have been the true “ Library,”

the campanile on the crest of the rock being intended for some

other purpose. Owing to its confined inner space (3 ft. 2 in. by

4 ft. 10 in.)* it could admit only one person seated.

Opposite the ‘‘ Pot-gula”’ on a larger rock is the square basement

of some building formed of large dressed slabs.

(ii.) Sedent Buddha.

The image with its moulded sinhdsana (throne with dado of

lions) is cut in high “sunk relief ’’ from the steep side of the rock

undulation. The figure is 8 ft. in height; its dsana 3 ft. 3 in. high

by 9 ft. in length, and 5 ft. 6 in. in depth.* At the back is con-

ventionally represented part of a well conceived makara torana, with

rampant lion supporters, facing outwards on either side ; and,

above, a couple of chamara bearers.

The execution of the whole falls short of the finish and magni-

tude of the not dissimilar of-pilimaya at the “Gal Viharé,”’

Polonnaruwa.

(ii1.) Dagaba. .

On the highest point of the Tantri-malai rocks is a small dagaba

dwarfed by its surroundings.

(iv.) Recumbent Buddha.

Beyond the dagaba (which stands between it and the sedent

Buddha) is carved a colossal full length figure. The image

measures 38 ft. from head to feet.* It has scaled badly from

exposure to the elements. The right arm and nose are broken ;

and altogether the figure is in a sorry condition as compared with

the seta pilima of Polonnaruwa, which is exceptionally perfect.

No rock record is known fixing the name and age of the Tantri-

malai ruins, but they manifestly belong to much the same period

of lithic sculptured art as the fine examples at Polonnaruwa.—

Diary, September 30 to October 5.7

. H. C. PP. BELL,

Archeological Commissioner.

* For revised measurements see Appendix D.—B., Ed. Sec.

+ Archeological Survey, Annual Report, 1896, pp. 7, 8.

No. 63.—1910.] TANTRI-MALAI. 97

APPENDIX D.

ADDITIONAL ARCHAOLOGICAL NOTES.

TANTRI-MALAI,

1.—‘ Pot-gula.’’ *

Tuts box-like campanile—probably a ‘* meditation cell ’’—

constructed, sides and roof, of eight courses of clean-hewn granite

slabs, stands on the summit of a bowl-shaped nea of the

Tantri-malai rock outcrop.

Its stones are dry laid and plain dressed, except at the four

corners, which are cantoned by simple narrow pilasters with

bracket heads.

The vertical walls are crowned by a heavy (1 ft. 6 in.) pro-

jecting cornice of double cyma and rectangular moulding, finished

by a straight blocking course (5 ft. 9 in. square). Roof slabs

horizontally trabeated. Within, the walls slide into the flat roof

by a chamfer and fillet.

Measurements :—Plan, dimensions 6 ft. 2 in. square (outside),

3 ft. 2 in. (inside) ; height, 5 ft. 2 in. to 5 ft. Sian (outside) according

to level of rock base, 3 ft. 7 in. to 4 ft. (inside) ; entrance, 2 ft. 4 in.

wide.

2.—Cave Shrine.j

Cut into the bottom of the rounded rock, upon which the

** Pot-gula ”’ was erected.

Measurements :—Inside, 12 ft. 10 in. broad by 8 ft. 6 in. deep

at present floor level (silted up), but 6 ft. 10 in. at horizontal roof ;

height, 6 ft. 2 in. at entrance, 6 ft. 10 in. within.

A gal-dsanaya, or stone seat, at the back of the cave, is barely

visible above the accumulation of bats’ deposit which has

eradually buried it.

The entrance (3 ft. 9 in. in width), on the north, is at the

middle of the front wall of cut stone (1 ft. 6 in. thick), which

stretched 7 ft. to either side of the doorway. This wall is now

only 4 ft. in height.

Above the brow of the cave, below a katdré, or drip line, are cut

four mortices, which once took the ends of roof beams.

Outside the wall a single complete pillar (with semi-octagonal

‘shaft) and one or two stumps show that a vestibule formerly

preceded the cave.

3.—Sedent Buddha.t

The Archeological Commissioner, in October, 1896, found the

small brick-walled shrine in front of the sculptured image and its

accessories choked with débris, which hid everything up to the

Buddha’s waist. The shrine itself was freed of brick and earth ;

but time and weather did not then permit of thorough excavation

of the walls outside and along the base of the rock to left and right,

or of other desirable digging at Tantri-malai.

* See Plates Aand C. j{ See Plates Band C. {+ See Plates D and E,

H 36-10

98 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vout. XXII.

The ot-pilomaya, or seated image, its dsanaya, and ‘‘ supporters’

are all carved from the rock matrix in a sharp-sided recess (11 ft.

5 in. high by 9 ft. 3 in. broad, with a depth of 6 ft. at the bottom,

and only 2 ft.°10 in. at top) cut into a northern shelving face of

the rock plateau at one of its steeper, but not very deep,

undulations.

As the top edge of the dsanaya touches the rock’s sloping surface,

only its front is shown, no space having been left on either hand to

carry the carving round so as to exhibit its sides. In breadth

9 ft. 3 in., it rises 3 ft. 3 in. above the rock floor.

The lines of the moulding are the familiar ogee plinth, block

between fillets, and cyma coping. The central dado (1 ft. deep)

is divided into five panels by four pilasters having spreading base

and capital. Conventional lions of the homely “ china-dog with

frilled-mane’’ type, seated cat-like fronting (sejant guardant),

occupy the three middle panels, and a profile lion, turned outward

(passant guardant), each of those at the end.

The Buddha, sculptured in three quarter round, is seated well

back (2 ft.) on his throne. The figure is represented in the

posture almost universally adopted in Ceylon—the dhyana midra,

or attitude of meditation—crossed-legged (the right foot and ankle

above the left, soles upwards), and hands with open palms laid on

the lap similarly. The robe (safgala sivura) droops from the left

shoulder, hiding the left arm, but exposing the right breast

and. arm.

An oval face, thick fleshy lips, pendent ears (no longer weighted

with the rings of royalty), and sleepy half-closed eyes give to

the countenance a sleek expressionless look.

A strespota, or “ glory,” crowns the ushnishika (skull pro-

tuberance) above the stiff hair curls of the head, which is backed

by a plain raised circular bhamandala or halo.

The intention was doubtless to cut behind the figure a torana

of uprights and cross bars like that at the Cave Shrine of “ Gal

Viharé,”’ Polonnaruwa; but, beyond the completion of the pair of

makara heads (with trunks coiled) which would have terminated

the ends of the uppermost transons, none of the carving of the arch

was executed.

At the “‘Gal Viharé”’ the sedent Buddha is not only flanked (as

at Tantri-malai) by a pair of rampant lions, but “supported” on

either side by an attendant bearing a chadmara, or fly whisk, with

two gods (Brahma and Vishnu) of the Hindi Trimurti above the

torana and sésata overhead. Here exigences of space forced the

sculptors to compress the four anthropomorphic figures into two,

supplanting the déviyé by the chourz holders (coiffured in turbans

instead of mukuta head gear) and to forego the chatra altogether.

Measurements :—Buddha, height (exclusive of the svrespoia,

8 in.) from ushnishika to thighs, 7 ft. 6 in.; from knees to rock at

back, 3 ft. 9 in.; across shoulders, 4 ft. 4 in.; waist, 2 ft. 1 in.;

elbow to elbow, 4 ft. 9 in.; across knees, 7 ft. 7 in.; head, 8 ft. 8 in.

by 1 ft. 6 in.; ears, 1 ft. 4 in. long; hand, 2 ft. 1 in.; foot, 2 ft. 2 in.

The rampant sinhayo (3 ft. 9 in. high) of the Indian ydlz, or

horned variety, are represented in profile, addorsed, facing to

No. 63.—1910.] TANTRI-MALAI. 99

right and left, and half bearing on their own the makara heads.

They stand 9 in. above the dsanaya.

Each chémara kéraya (2 ft. 11 in. in height) is heavily, but

differently, adorned with a variety of ornaments ; both wear the

upavita, or Brahmanical cord.

Some 6 ft. on either side of the recess containing the Buddha

are incised—more or less shallowly—four oblong panels from 3

to 4 ft. in size. The three outer panels on the right are merely

outlined; as are the two towards the left end. But in the first

and second panels respectively the carving of a figure in relief

has been begun, though it is barely “ boasted out.” The first

panel on the left alone holds a figure, roughly finished, seated

cross-legged, with hands in lap like the Buddha, but differentiated

by its mukuta, or tall-peaked head dress.

Perhaps the intention was to delineate eight Bodhisatray6.

From the one, central, entrance to the shrine of the Buddha (no

longer roofed) there is gradual ascent by acouple of steps succeeded

by two flights of nine, separated by short landings—all of easy

going, with lowrisers and very broad tread. These stairs, 8 ft. 6 in.

in breadth, are cut crisply in the galpota, or rock outcrop, and

lead up towards the dagaba situated on its summit. Sockets atthe

half-way landing betoken a former pillared and roofed portico.

4.—Recumbent Buddha.*

The gigantic seta pilumaya is sculptured at a brow of the

plateau below the dagaba, also facing north. It represents the

Mahaparimbbana of Gautama Buddha, and was manifestly

intended to be a close replica of the colossal recumbent image of

the “ Gal Viharé,” Polonnaruwa.

The carving of the head, forearm, and bolster which underlies

them, was never quite finished. Further, the head and left bent

forearm have been deliberately damaged, and the features of the

face are now indistinguishable.

The whole length of the recess in which the figure lies is 40 ft.

8 in.; but the image itself, finished with a strespota,t would not

measure more than 38 ft. 4 in., or simply from the ushnishika

to the soles of the feet only 36 ft.

' The figure is shown in the orthodox pose. It lies on its right

side, with head supported upon the right hand, both resting on a

bolster. The left arm and hand, with extended fingers, lie flat

along the side, whilst the feet are stiffly placed one upon the other.

All but the right breast and hand is covered by the upper robe ;

the under robe (andana sivura) is just seen exposed at the ankles.

Measurements :—Head, 5 ft. 2 in. across; ear, 3 ft. 10 in. by 10

in.; height, left shoulder to right forearm, 10 ft. 10 in.; height at

thigh, 7 ft. 3 in.; left arm, 13 ft. 3 in.; hand, 5 ft. 3 in. by 1 ft. 6 in;

foot, 2 ft. 8 in. broad.

a ee

—. * See Plate F. |

+ Capt. Hogg’s photograph (No. 25) shows the sirespota or flame pro-

cess. It is now virtually obliterated.

H 2

100 JOURNAL, RB.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoLt. XXII.

That monarch’s inscription and the testimony of the Mahdwansa

prove that the images of the “‘ Gal Viharé ’’ at Polonnaruwa were

undoubtedly executed by Paraékrama Bahu the Great (a.D.

1164-1197).

The rock-sculptured figures at Tantri-malai were also almost

certainly carved, if not by the same ruler, at least by Nissanka

Malla (A.D. 1198-1207), his only worthy successor prior to the

subjugation of the Island by the Southern Indian invaders under

Magha, which followed within a few years.

That sudden inroad, and the chaos that ensued, probably pre-

vented the completion of the images, &c., and brought about the

final abandonment of Tantri-malai as a Buddhist monastery.

iC: PAB Eiie

Archeological Commissioner.

8. The Ven. the Archdeacon, Messrs. B. Horsburgh, P. E.

Morgappah, and Rev. Suriyagoda Sumangala took part in the

discussion which followed the reading of the Paper.

9. Mr. B. Horspurex said :—Having had the advantage of a

visit to Tantri-malai in the company of Mr. Still, I can testify to

the fidelity and carefulness of his description of that most

interesting place; and, so far as my knowledge goes, I would also

subscribe to the general correctness of the conclusions he has

drawn from the silent eloquence of the rocks.

The evidence of some sudden and overwhelming disaster falling

upon the little community while it was engaged in beautifying the

settlement by the rock carvings of the two Buddhas and the flight

of steps to the dagaba is most direct and impressive.

I make no pretensions whatever to archeological knowledge,

but it seems to me that in the name itself there is some confirm-

ation of Mr. Still’s theory, that the disaster was due to a raid of

Tamil invaders. The name appears to be partly Sinhalese and

partly Tamil. The “malai” can, I think, only be the Tamil

word meaning “ hill,’’ while the “ Tantri”’ is distinctly Sinhalese

in form, and is found in the existing gé name of Tantrigé or

Tantrigamagé. I know of no Tamil word at all like it.

About 24 miles E.N.E. of Tantri-malai is a small group of rocky

hills, much higher than Tantri-malai, which bears the name of

Mulli-malai, an entirely Tamil name. We had not time to explore

this Mulli-malai further than by climbing to one of its highest

points, but we saw no signs of general religious occupation, such

as are so much in evidence at Tantri-malai.

Tantri-malai was, therefore, the chief settlement, and the

invaders would probably know its Sinhalese name, whereas they

had to invent one for Mulli-malai.

We approached Tantri-malai from the east, crossing the Mal-

watu-oya to Mulli-malai, and then taking a compass line through

the forest to Tantri-malai, a route probably followed by no other

white man, and it was interesting, in view of what Mr. Still

Plate en

TAN TRIEMAL AL

“pOT-GULA

PLAN.

Scale 4 Feet to am Inch

“ee

Plate B

“TANT RI=EMAL Ak

CAY E

be em a nn enemas 1 2 o

fa G

Nit}

(/ (lay

AON es eae

CROSS SECTION.

g V7

Mas

Zp Wa

PLAN.

- Seale,8 Feet to an Inch,

Lith: $.G.9.N°s24" October t910. - WM. Fernando del:

No. 63.—1910.] PROCEEDINGS. 101

says regarding the position of Tantri-malai between Mannar and

Anuradhapura, to find in traversing a gorge between two spurs

of Mulli-malai distinct traces of a paved road, which may

well be a portion of the ancient track.

Mr. Still’s notes on the “ Wanni minissu,”’ who are, of course,

Veddas, are very interesting. I have seen the drawings he

describes, but can offer no explanation of them. They are such

as might have been made by a hunting party held up in the caves

for a few days in idleness owing-to heavy rain, or—and the fact

that their descendants deny all knowledge of them is significant—

they may have some religious or ceremonial meaning, because,

when visiting the nearest village of these people to Tantri-malai,

we observed some cattle in the field branded with the identical

bow and arrow that is drawn in the caves. I am, however, quite

incompetent to say if totemism has anything to do with it.

10. The Ven. the ARCHDEACON proposed a vote of thanks to

Mr. Still for his interesting Paper.

Mr. HorsBpuRGH seconded.—Carried.

11. The CHarrmMan said he was sorry Mr. Still was not there

that night, but that he would be very pleased to convey to him

the vote of thanks which had been proposed. They were much

obliged to Mr. Horsburgh for his suggestive remarks.

12. With a vote of thanks to the Chairman, proposed by Sir

J. T. Hutchinson, the Meeting terminated.

GENERAL MEETING.

Colombo Museum, September 29, 1910.

Present :

The Hon. Mr. H. L. Crawford, C.M.G., in the Chair.

The Hon. Mr. P. Arunachalam, M.A., C.C.S., Vice-President.

Mr. B. C. Cooray. | Mr. F. Lewis, F.L.S.

Mr. E. 8. Dasanaika, B.A. Mr. M. A. C. Mohamed.

Mr. D. Devapuraratna. Mr. A. E. Murrell.

Mr. C. A. Galpin. Mr. P. E. Morgappah.

Mr. A. H. Gomes. Rev. M. Sri Nanissara.

Mr. T. Gracie. = fCM: | Dr: A. Nell, M.R.CS.

Dr. 8.C. A. Hevawitarana,M.B., | Mr. R. C. Proctor.

Mr. E. W. Jayawardene. Mr. J. E. Rode.

Mr. C. H. Jolliffe. Mr. W. A. Samarasingha.

Mr. T. E. Karunatilaka. Mr. J. M. Senaviratna.

Mr. A. Lewis. Mr. A. R. Slater, B.A., C.C.S.

Mr. G. A. Joseph, Honorary Secretary and Treasurer.

Visitors : seven ladies and fifteen gentlemen.

102 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vox. XXII.

Business.

1. Read and confirmed Minutes of last General Meeting held

on August 3, 1910.

2. Announced the election of the following Members since the

last General Meeting :—

(1) J. G. Fernando : recommended by We W. Perera.

C. Batuwantudawe.

Lafiay (A. Nell.

(2) J. C. Kerkham : recommended by 1G. A. Joseph.

(3) L. G. O. Woodhouse: recom- j J. Still.

| mended by (G. A. Joseph.

(4) E. A. Copleston, Bishop of Colombo: ( F. H. de Winton.

recommended by LC. W. Horsfall.

J A.D di

(5) C. Hartley : recommended by io. AS ra

(6) C. T. Symons: recommended by va gay

: (G. A. Joseph.

(7) E. L. Perera : recommended by aa art

(8) C. be Amaratunga : recommended ( E. W. Perera.

CC. Batuwantudawe.

(9) w. o, Macready: recommended j J. A. Daniel.

by (G. A. Joseph.

(10) W. A. Cave : recommended by Pe: me pee

(11) D. P. Kodituwakku : recommended ( G. A. Joseph. |

by | ‘5. P. de Pinto.

3. The Hon. Mr. P. runee bela read the eon Paper

entitled “ Kandyan Provinces ”’

No. 63.—1910.] | KANDYAN PROVINCES. *"), 408

KANDYAN PROVINCES.

By the Hon. Mr. P. ARuNACHALAM, M.A.CanTaB., C.C.S., M.L.C.

Vice-President, R. A. S. (C. B.).

Tue Ordinance No. 12 of 1840 was an enactment made

(as stated in the preamble) for the prevention of encroachment

on Crown lands by persons without any probable claim or

pretence of title. Section 6, which is the most important

section of the Ordinance, has been the cause of much litigation

between Crown and subject, of heated discussion by lawyers

and politicians, and of frequent judicial interpretation. It

provides that—

(1) All forest, waste, unoccupied, or uncultivated lands are

presumed to be the property of the Crown until the contrary

is proved ; :

(2) All chenas and lands, which can only be cultivated after

intervals of several years—

(a) If sttwated in the districts formerly comprised in the

Kandyan Provinces, are deemed to belong to the

Crown and not to be the property of any person

claiming the same against the Crown, except only

on proof by such person—

(i.) Of a sannas or grant for the same, together

with satisfactory evidence as to the limits

and boundaries thereof ; or

(ii.) Of such customary taxes, dues, or services

having been rendered within twenty

years for the same as have been rendered

within such period for similar lands being

the property of private proprietors in the

same districts ; and

(b) If situated elsewhere in the Island, are deemed to be

forest or waste land within the meaning of sub-

section (1).

104. JOURNAL, R.A.S. (OHYLON). [Vor. XXII.

A distinction is thus created between lands situated in the

districts formerly comprised in the Kandyan Provinces, and

lands situated elsewhere. _ A special mode of proof is prescribed

in order to rebut the presumption in favour of the Crown in

the former case. But the expression “ the districts formerly

comprised in the Kandyan Provinces ” has not been explained

in the Ordinance. What is the precise meaning of the expres-

sion is not clear, and has not been authoritatively decided.

Owing to the lapse of time and the research now necessary

among ancient documents, the question is a difficult and

complicated one. It raises points of historical and political

as well as legal interest as to the constitution of the ancient

Kandyan Kingdom, the changes introduced therein from

time to time under British rule, and the territorial limits

within which the system of law called the Kandyan Law

prevails.

II.

In Robertson’s Case, 1886, 8 8. C. C. 36, and in Wijésinha

v. Wijesinha, 1891, 98. C. C. 199, the Supreme Court referred

to the Proclamation of February 11, 1815, which was issued

upon the annexation of the Kandyan Provinces, in illustration

of the expression. In Robertson’s Case, Burnside, C.J., said :—

‘The Kandyan Provinces, denominated in the Proclamation

of February 11, 1815, ‘The Four Korales,’ ‘The Safiragam

Korale,’ and ‘The Three Korales,’ were by that Proclama-

tion declared to be integral parts of the British possessions in

the Island of Ceylon, and from thenceforth were received under

the sovereignty and protection of His Majesty the King of

Great Britain ; since which time they have continued to be

and form a part of, and have been absorbed into, this Colony

of Ceylon. * * * Moreover, the old divisions which

defined the original Kandyan Provinces, at the time of the

cession, and separated them from the other Provinces, have

long since disappeared, and the Kandyan Provinces, as

Provinces apart from others, no longer exist, and it would not,

I take it, at the present day, be possible to define any particular

area of this Colony as the Kandyan Provinces. True it is,

that there may be found throughout the Ordinances, refer-

ences to the ‘Kandyan Provinces’ eo nomine, but this is

No. 63,—1910.] KANDYAN PROVINCES. 105

undoubtedly a loose mode of expression, rendered con-

spicuously so by the interpretation clause of the Marriage

Ordinance, No. 3 of 1870, which defines ‘Kandyan Provinces’

to mean the ‘ Provinces mentioned in Schedule B,’ and

Schedule B enumerates only one entire Province, the Central,

with parts of the Eastern, Western, North-Western, Southern,

and Northern Provinces—an area widely different from that

mentioned in the Proclamation. The expression ‘ Kandyan

Provinces’ has, therefore, no legal significance as defining

any particular area, distinct and apart from the topographical

division of the Island into the several Provinces, Northern,

Southern, Kastern, Western, North-Western, Central, North-

Central, and very lately, Uva. These together comprise

the whole territory of the Colony, but the subdivisions,

whether for administrative, judicial, or revenual purposes, are

ever changing at the will of the executive or legislative

authority, and if there were any such thing as a provincial

domicile, it would necessarily be subject to the ever varying

changes of provincial boundaries, which to-day might fix the

domicile in one Province, and to-morrow transfer it to another,

without any actual change of residence.”

In the same case Clarence, J., said :-—

“It is impossible to speak precisely as to any territorial

limits of this application of Kandyan Law, since we are

entirely without any definition precising any area over which

it may be supposed to extend”; and Dias, J., said: ‘“‘ The

best definition which I can give of the Kandyan Provinces is,

that it is so much of the Island as is not included in the

Maritime Provinces. With regard to the exact limits of the

Kandyan Provinces we have no precise information, and

probably when the whole Island became a British possession

it became unnecessary to ascertain and define the exact limits

of the two Provinces, Kandyan and Maritime. The first, and,

so far as I know, the only official paper which deals with the

subject is the Proclamation of February 11, 1815. The

- definition there given is too general, and wholly insufficient to

fix the identity of the old Kandyan Provinces. In Wajésixha

v. Wijésinha, Clarence, J., repeated: “It isa matter of much

106 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XXII.

difficulty to ascertain within what territorial limits the so-

called Kandyan Law is to be considered prevailing.” In a

recent case (Kapuruhami v. Medapola Appuhami, 1910, C. RB.

Kurunegala, 17,990, Wood-Renton, J., referred to Wijésinha

v. Wijésinha as a binding authority.

The Supreme Court was mistaken in supposing that the

only official document dealing with the subject was the

Proclamation of February, 1815, or that it set forth the

whole of the Kandyan Provinces. That Proclamation, after

describing the armies of His Majesty the King of Great

Britain as having occupied and entered into complete pos-

session of “the Kandyan Provinces, denominated the Four

Korles, the Suffragam Korle, and the Three Korles,”’ and that

the Chiefs and people of those Provinces had fully and

freely surrendered themselves to His Majesty the King of

Great Britain, declares the same to be integral parts of the

British Possessions of the Island of Ceylon, and adds that

“many other provinces of the Kandyan Kingdom have been

entered and are partially occupied by the British forces.”

(Legislative Acts of the Ceylon Government, 1853, vol. L.,

pts.)

According to Sir John D’Oyly (“ A Sketch of the Constitu-

tion of the Kandyan Kingdom,” 1818*), the Kandyan

Kingdom consisted of twenty-one grand divisions, of which

the twelve principal were called dissdvani (counties) and the

majority of the rest rata (districts). |

The dissdévanis were each placed under the order of a Chief

or Governor called Dissdwa. They were the Four Koralés,

* Prepared by him when administering that Territory (1815-1824),

and published (in part) in the ‘‘ Transactions of the Royal Asiatic

Society of Great Britain and Ireland ”’ (1833), vol. 3, pp. 191 e¢ seg., at

the instance of the Vice-President Sir Alexander Johnstone, who was

Chief Justice of Ceylon, 1811-1820; reprinted in the Sessional Papers,

1891, pp. 107 e¢ seg. Complete copies exist only in manuscript. There

is one in the Colombo Museum. The whole of this interesting work

deserves publication after collation of all existing manuscripts by a

competent editor. Sir John D’Oyly was a very distinguished member

of the Ceylon Civil Service. After a creditable career at Cambridge,

where he was 2nd Chancellor’s Medallist in Classics and a Senior Optime,

he entered the Ceylon service in 1802, rose to be Resident and First

Commissioner of the Government in the Kandyan Provinces, and was

created a Baronet in 1821 for his services in conducting the negotiations in

connection with the Kandyan Convention. He died at Kandy in 1824.

No. 63.—1910.] KANDYAN PROVINCES. 107

the Seven Koralés, Uva, Matalé, Sabaragamuwa, the Three

Koralés, Walapané, Udapalata, Nuwarakalawiya, Wellassa,

Bintenna, and Tamankaduwa. The other nine districts were

respectively under the authority of Chiefs who, except the last

two, were distinguished by the name of Ratémahatmayas.

They were Udunuwara, Yatinuwara, Tumpané, Harispattuwa,

Dumbara, Héwaheta, Kotmalé, Uda Bulatgama, and Pata

Bulatgama (p. 17).

IIL.

The term Kandyan Provinces, as distinct from Maritime

Provinces, was used by the British Government to designate

the Provinces of the Kandyan Kingdom. See, e.g., Order in

Council of April 12, 1832, published at p. 371 of vol. I. of the

Legislative Acts of the Ceylon Government, 1853, where the

terms Maritime Provinces and Kandyan Provinces are con-

_ trasted.

The boundary between the Maritime districts acquired by

the British at the capitulation of Colombo in 1796, and the

Dominions of the Sinhalese Monarchy ceded to the King of

Great Britain by the Convention of 1815, had been clearly

defined by a Treaty between the Sinhalese Government and

the Dutch East India Company in the Saka year 1688,

equivalent to 1766 A.D.

The material portions of that Treaty* are as follows :—

‘« Second Article.—The illustrious Lord Emperor, and the

illustrious the principal members of His Majesty’s Great

Council of Ministers ...... recognize | the = Jy): States

General of the United Provinces and the Company of

Hollanders (in the East) as the rightful and independent over-

lord (09g ,2s38) of the several districts of this Island of

Lanka, which had been held by the Company before the war

now concluded, to wit, Yapa Pattanama, the districts thereto

belonging, Hettikula Pattuwa, Mannarama, with the places

* The Treaty in the original Sinhalese appears in vol. 16 of the

Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Ceylon (p. 62 et seq.), with a

translation by Mr. H. C. P. Bell, first published in the Orientalist,

my a e 115. The translation given above differs slightly from

r. Bell’s.

108 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XXII.

appertaining thereto, the country from there, (that is to say)

Kalpitiya and the places appertaining thereto; Kolamba

Disava, Galu Korale, Matara Disava, Puliyanduva, Triku-

namale, with the places appertaining thereto. ......

‘““Third Article—Moreover, all the sea board round the

Island not held by the Company before the war ...... is to be

given over to the above-named ...... Company ivi.) to

wit, on the West from Kammala to the furthest limit of the

Yapa Pattanama Government, on the east from Yapa

Pattanama to the Walagiya-ganga {; this coast line thus given

up is a distance of one Sinhalese gawwa, more or less, inland,

provided (however) that the demarcation (of the boundary)

may be suitably carried out according to the rivers and

mountains that fall (into line).

‘¢ Fifth Article-—On the other hand, the ...... Company

recognizes the Supreme Government (of His Majesty) as the

Sovereign and independent Lord Paramount of the other

districts of this Island of Lanka.”

In accordance with the above Treaty the boundary of the

seaboard mentioned in the third article appears to have been

defined by a surveying compass, and the Compass road then

opened on the west coast still exists under the name Kompas-

para from Kammala northwards, marking the line of separa-

tion between the districts governed by the Roman-Dutch Law

and those where the Kandyan Law prevails.

IV.

The Proclamation of February 11, 1815, it will be seen,

mentions by name only a part of the Kandyan Provinces,

equivalent in the main to the modern districts of Ratnapura

* Yapapattanama Jaffinapatam, or Jaffna.

Hettikulapattuwa = Chettikulam.

Mannarama — Mannar.

Kolamba Disawa — Colombo.

Galu Korale = Galle.

Puliyanduwa = Puliyantivu, or Batticaloa.

Trikunamale = Trincomalee.

+ This is very probably the Karadi Aru of the Trincomalee District.

Both names mean the Bear River. .

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No. 63.—1910.] KANDYAN PROVINCES. 109

and Kégalla. Another Proclamation was issued on March 2,

1815, after the capture of the Kandyan King, and as a result

of a Convention held with the chiefs of the Kandyan Pro-

vinces. This Proclamation declares the dominion of the

Kandyan Provinces to be vested in the Sovereign of the

British Empire, and that the administration of civil and

criminal justice and police over the Kandyan inhabitants of

the said Province is to be exercised according to established

forms and by the ordinary authorities, but does rot specify

the names or limits of those Provinces. (Legislative Acts of

the Ceylon Government, 1853, vol. I., p. 179.)

The Constitution and administration remained unaltered,

except that a resident on behalf of the King of Britain was

placed at the head, viz., Mr. (afterwards Sir) John D’Oyly,

assisted by Mr. Simon Sawers as First Assistant to the Resident

and Agent of Government at Badulla, and by Mr. Henry

Wright as Second Assistant and Agent of Government at

Kandy.

Under the Minute of April 28, 1815, the Kandyan Pro-

vinces were divided into five divisions and placed under the

administration of a Board consisting of a President, a Judicial

Commissioner, and a Revenue Commissioner, with the Com-

manding Officer of the Troops in the interior. This Board,

with the Adigars and principal chiefs, formed the Great

Court of Justice, from whose sentence there was no appeal,

except to the Governor. The civil authority was exercised

as before by the native Dissawas.

IT have not been able to trace this Minute, which I quote

from levers’ Manual, North-Central Province, p.62. Itisnot

to be found either in the Kandy Kachcheri or in the Colonial

Secretary’s Office. The Acting Government Agent of Kandy,

Mr. Hellings, has kindly supplied me with a copy of a warrant or

commission dated September 30, 1816, establishing the Board

and prescribing its duties. The warrant is printed in the

Appendix. The Board, it will be seen, does not include the

Commanding Officer of the Troops, but only the Resident

(John D’Oyly), the Accredited Agent in charge of Judicial

business (James Gay), and Accredited Agent in charge of

110 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XXII.

Revenue business, &c. (Simon Sawers). The Commanding

Officer apparently did not join the Board till 1819.*

The Government Almanacs of 1817 and 1818 (pp. 65-69)

enumerate the following Kandyan Provinces :—

Four Kéralés, Seven Kéralés, Uva, MAtalé, Sabaragamuwa,

Three Koralés, Walapané, Udapalata, Nuwarakaldwiya,

Wellassa, Tamankaduwa, Bintenna, Udunuwara, Yati-

nuwara, Tumpané, Harispattu, Dumbara, Héwaheta,

Kotmalé and Upper Bulatgama, Minnéri and Lower Bulat-

gama.

* The following is a list of the members who, as far as can be ascer-

tained, composed the Board :—

1816.

John D’Oyly, Resident and First Commissioner.

James Gay, Second Commissioner, and in charge of the Judicial

Department.

Simon Sawers, T

hird Commissioner, and in charge of the Revenue

Department.

1819.

John D’Oyly, Resident.

Teut.-Col. Kelly, Commanding the Troops.

Edward Tolfrey, Judicial Commissioner.

Simon Sawers, Revenue Commissioner.

1821.

Sir John D’Oyly, Resident.

Colonel H. Tolley, Commanding the Troops.

Simon Sawers, Judicial Commissioner.

Henry Wright, Revenue Commissioner.

1822.

Sir John D’Oyly, Resident.

Lieut.-Col. H. Sullivan, Commanding the Troops.

Simon Sawers, Judicial Commissioner.

. Henry Wright, Revenue Commissioner.

1824.

Lieut.-Col. Greenwell, Commanding the Troops.

Simon Sawers, Judicial Commissioner,

Henry Wright, Revenue Commissioner.

The office of Resident was abolished in 1824, upon the death of Sir

John D’Oyly.

1825.

Lieut.-Col. C. Cother, Commanding the Troops.

Simon Sawers, Judicial Commissioner.

John Downing, Revenue Commissioner.

No. 63.—1910.] KANDYAN PROVINCES. 111

On November 21, 1818, a Proclamation was issued (Legis-

lative Acts, 1853, vol. I., p. 223) after the suppression of the

Kandyan insurrection, delegating the general executive and

judicial authority in the Kandyan Provinces to the Board of

Commissioners, and under their superintendence to Resident

Agents of Government in the Dissavanis, with the Kandyan

chiefs under them. Sections 53 to 55 of this Proclamation

fix the jurisdiction of these officers for Administrative and

Judicial purposes, and enumerate the divisions in the Kandyan

Provinces.

(1) Four Koralés

(2) Matalé

(3) Udapalata, including

Upper Bulatgama Which were assigned to the

Board of Commissioners, with

SUEEEREEN aimeeeeimeaenmmmedt

S ES pea ial an samy of Government at

(6) Tumpané ey ain) thes) Hour

(7) Harasiyapattu Korales, : and another at

(8) Darnarar | Nalanda in Mataleé.

(9) Héwaheta |

(10) Kotmaleé J

1827.

Lieut.-Col. C. Cother, Commanding. the Troops.

John Downing, Judicial Commissioner.

Henry Pennell, Revenue Commissioner.

1829.

Lieut.-Col. Martin Lindsay, Commanding the Troops.

John Downing, Judicial Commissioner.

George Turnour, Revenue Commissioner.

1830.

Lieut.-Col. Martin Lindsay, Commanding the Troops.

Henry Wright, Judicial Commissioner.

George Turnour, Revenue Commissioner.

1832.

Colonel Clifford, Commanding the Troops.

. Others as above.

The Board was abolished in 1833 and replaced by Government

Agents of Provinces under the Preclamation of October 1, 1833.

Mr. George Turnour, Revenue Commissioner of the Kandyan Prope

vinces, was afterwards Treasurer of the Island from 1841 to 1843, and

is now best remembered by his scholarly translation of the M ahdwansa

from the Péli, and by the prize established in his name at the Colombo

Academy (now Royal College).

* Minnéri of the previous list was merged in Dumbara.

112 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XXII.

(11) The part of Walapané

lying west of the

Kuda and Uma-oya

(12) Hurulu, Tamarawewa,

Maminiya, and Ulu-

galla pattus of

Nuwarakalawiya* J .

(13) Uva

(14) Wellassa

(15) Bintenna Assigned to the Agent of

(16) Wiyaluwa Government resident in Uva.

(17) Royal village of Ma- |

dulla

ae Seven Koralés | Assigned to the Agent of

(19) Northern and western “Government resident in the

Mer ey Nuwara- | seven Kordles.

aldwiya

Which were assigned to the

same Board of Commissioners.

{ Assigned to an Agent of

(20) Sabaragamuwa Government resident there.

( Assigned to an Agent of

(21) Three Koralés Government resident there.

(22) Tamankaduwa

Assigned to the Collector of

| Trincomalee.

A Census was taken of the population of the Kandyan

Provinces in the year 1821. From the records that have

been preserved in the Colombo Museum, the Registrar-

General’s Office, and the Government Record Office, the

Kandyan Provinces of which the Census was taken were :—

(1) Yatinuwara, consisting of the town and suburbs of

Kandy and “ villages within the rivers and districts beyond

the rivers.”’

* The assignment of jurisdiction in Nuwarakalawiya by this

Proclamation having been found ‘‘ too indefinite and productive of

inconvenience,” the Minute of the Governor of September 18, 1819,

assigned Kiralowa, Matombuwa, Undurawa, Kalagamuwa, Hurulu,

Mahapotana, and Maminia’ pattus to the Board of Commissioners and

under them the Agents of Government in Matale; and Parawaha,

Kahalla, Negampaha, Kalagam, Eppawala, Ulugalla, and Nuwaragam

pattus to the Agent of Government in the Seven Korales,

No. 63.—1910.] KANDYAN PROVINCES. 113

(2) Udunuwara.

(3) Udapalata..

(4) Uda Bulatgama.

(5) Kotmale.

(6) Harasiyapattu.

(7) Tumpane.

(8) Dumbara.

(9) Héwaheta.

(10) Walapané.

(11) Uva (upper and middle divisions).

(12) Uva (lower division).

(13) Wellassa.

(14) Bintenna.

(15) Sabaragamuwa.

(16) Three Koralés and Lower Bulatgama.

(17) Four Koralés.

(18) Seven Koralés (upper and lower divisions).

(19) Mataleé.

(20) Nuwarakalawiya (western and eastern half).

(21) Tamankaduwa.

Another Census appears to have been taken in the year 1832,

and the following Kandyan Provinces, as distinct from Mari-

time Provinces, are shown in the record of the Census results

in the Government Almanac of 1834. Apparently the Census

did not embrace all the Kandyan Provinces, but only—

(1) Udarata.

(2) Four Kéralés.

(3) Three Koralés.

(4) Seven Koraleés.

(5) Matale.

(6) Sabaragamuwa.

(7) Tamankaduwa.

The Government Almanac of 1832 (pp. 91-92) gives the

districts of the Kandyan Provinces as follows for the purposes

of jurisdiction under the Proclamation of November 21,

1818 :—

(1) Uva and Bintenna.

(2) Sabaragamuwa.

I 36-10

114 JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XXII.

(3) Seven Koralés and north part of Nuwarakalawiya.

Three Koralés.

Tamankaduwa. ean

Harasiyapattu and Tumpané.

Héwaheta south of Maha-oya and Walapané.

)

’ :

) Matalé and east part of Nuwarakalawiya.

)

) Lower Uva and Wellassa.

Lieutenant-Colonel Colebrooke, one of His Majesty’s

Commissioners of Inquiry on the Administration of the

Government of Ceylon, in his report of December 24, 1831,

to the Secretary of State, says :—

“The Kandyan Provinces, which had betn first oe arined

by the British Government in 1815, were settled on. their

present footing after the rebellion in 1818, and have been

separately administered by the Governor, without the assist-

ance of his Council. These Provinces were placed under

the immediate superintendence of a Board of Commissioners,

which Board is now composed of the Commandant of the

Troops in Kandy and two Civil Servants, having charge

respectively of the Judicial and Revenue Departments. The

Kandyan territory is divided into eleven provinces or districts,

of which five, situated above the hills around Kandy—(1)

Udaratte, (2) Four Korales, (3) Matale and east part of

Nuwarakalawa, (4) Harasipattoo and Tumpane, (5) Hewa-

hette and Walapane—are placed under the immediate superin-

tendence of the Board of Commissioners, to whom the

Government Agents resident in those districts directly refer.

The districts situated more remotely from Kandy, and below

the hills, are also placed under Government Agents, who

are intrusted with the same authority which is exercised

by the Collectors in the Maritime Provinces. In one district

(Seven Korales), a separate agent for part of the judicial

affairs has been appointed, but the Government Agents in

that and all the other districts are charged with the civil and

judicial duties and with those of police. With the exception of

No. 63.—1910.] KANDYAN PROVINCES. 115

the Government Agencies in the three Provinces of Saffragam,

Seven Korales, and Tamankaduwe, which are held by Civil

Servants, these offices have been filled by officers of the

regiments stationed in the Island.

“The separate administration of the Kandyan Provinces

is maintained under the Convention which was concluded in

the name of His Majesty with the Kandyan chiefs in 1815,*

and modified in some of its provisions by a Proclamation of the

Governor,} issued after the rebellion in 1818, by which the

authority of the chiefs was curtailed. By the 4th clause of

the Convention of 1815, the dominion of the Kandyan Pro-

vinces was. vested in His Majesty, subject to the condition of

maintaining the laws, institutions, and customs of the country ;

and by the 5th clause the religion of Bhood was declared

inviolable, and its rights, members, and places of worship

were to be maintained and protected.” (‘‘ Ramandthan’s

Reports,” 1820-33, p. 204.)

Lieutenant-Colonel Colebrooke added (ibid, p. 216): “* The

maintenance of separate and independent establishments in

the Maritime and the Kandyan Provinces has been impolitic,

in the check it has opposed to the assimilation which it is

on every account desirable to promote between the various

classes of whom the population is composed. By maintaining

a separate Government at Kandy the influence of the chiefs has

been upheld, to the prejudice, in some instances, of the people.

The Kandyan districts which are situated below the mountain

have a nearer and more natural connection with those of the

coast, with which they maintain a trading intercourse.”

As the result of this report, a Proclamation was issued on

October 1, 1833, by which the distinction between the

Kandyan and Maritime Provinces was abolished, and the

whole Island was divided into five Provinces—the Northern,

the Southern, the Eastern, the Western, and the Central,

which were declared to consist of the following districts. I

have italicized the names of the Kandyan Provinces and

districts under the previous constitution.

* See Convention dated March 2, 1815.

+ See Proclamation dated November 21, 1818.

116 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XXII.

“The Northern Province shall consist of the country

hitherto known as the districts of Jaffna, Mannar, and the

Wanny ; as the Dessavony of Nuwarakalawiya ; and as the

Island of Delft.

‘* ‘The Southern Province shall consist of the country hitherto

known as the districts of Galle, Tangalle, Matura, and Ham-

bantotte ; as the Dessavony of Saffragam, and as the Province

of Lower Uva and Welasse.

“The Eastern Province shall consist of the country hitherto

known as the districts of Trincomalie and Batticaloa; and as

the Provinces of Tamankadewe and Bintenne.

«The Western Province shall consist of the country hitherto

known as the districts of Colombo, Chilaw, and Putlam; as

the Dessavonies of Seven Korales, Four Korales, and Three

Korales ; and as the Province of Lower Bulatgama.

‘The Central Province shall consist of the country hitherto

known as the districts of Kandy, Yattinuwara, Udunuwara,

and Harasiapatioo, Tumpane, Dumbara, Hewahette, Kotmale,

Upper Bulatgamme, and Weyeloowa ; and as the Dessavonies

of Uva, Matelle, Udapalata, and Wallapana.”’ |

VI.

The expression in the Ordinance No. 12 of 1840, section 6,

‘“* Districts formerly comprised in the Kandyan Provinces,”

therefore, emphasises the fact that since the Proclamation

of October 1, 1833, there were no longer in law any provinces

that could be called the Kandyan Provinces, and means the

territory covered by the Dissavanis and Ratas enumerated

by Sir John D’Oyly (pp. 106-7 supra), and the divisions set

out in the Proclamation of November 21, 1818 (pp. 111-12),

the western boundary between the Kandyan and Maritime

Provinces being the Kompas-para referred to at p. 107.

The conclusion I have arrived at I have since found to be

supported by an old map of Ceylon in the possession of the ~

Surveyor-General. It was prepared in 1822 by the then

Surveyor-General, Capt. Schneider, and was a few years ago

No. 63.—1910.] | KANDYAN PROVINCES. | 117

discovered in turning out some old records in the loft.* In

this map the Kandyan Provinces are indicated as consisting

of the divisions I have mentioned. A copy of the map is

attached to this Paper.

As to the history of the Kandyan Provinces subsequent

to 1833 :—

In 1837 Bintenna was transferred from the Eastern to the

Central Province, and in 1845 the district of Alupota, which

consisted of Lower Uva and Wellassa, was added from the

Southern Province. The Central Province, so constituted,

remained till 1886, when Bintenna east of the Mahaweli-ganga,

Wellassa, and Uva were formed into a separate Province

called the Province of Uva.

In 1839 the district of Alupota was subdivided and distri-

buted among Hambantota, Batticaloa, and Uva districts

(‘‘ Ceylon Manual,” 1910, p. 308).

In 1845, by Proclamation of October 1, 1845, the Seven

Koralés were, with Chilaw and Puttalam districts, taken from

- the Western Province and formed into a separate Province

* No record exists in the Surveyor-General’s office relating to Captain

Schneider’s map. Captain Schneider was a Military Engineer in the

service of the Dutch Government, who served under the British Govern-

ment until his death about 1849 or 1850. From a note on page 259 of

the «‘ Ceylon Manual ”’ for 1909, he appears to have been employed exten -

sively on the irrigation works of all the maritime parts of the Island ;

and he also acted as Civil Engineer and Surveyor-General between

1812 and 1816. It is presumed that the map which he drew in 1822

and published in 1826 was compiled from the surveys which he had to

undertake while making his reports on irrigation, and from the docu-

ments available in the Department at the time, and that he presented

the map to the office. The Surveyor-General referred me to the Govern-

ment Archivist, who, however, had no information regarding Captain

Schneider’s map. :

The first map of the Island of Ceylon prepared after the British

occupation was, the Government Archivist believes, one issued from the

office of the Surveyor-General of the Madras Presidency in 1813. This

is said to have been prepared in response to a private communication

from Sir Robert Brownrigg to General Abercrombie, and a copy was

furnished to the Ceylon Government. The Archivist is not aware if

this map is extant anywhere. On reference to the Surveyor-General

as to this map of 1813, he states: ‘‘ This is the first time I have heard

of it. I have no copy of it in my possession. There are, I believe,

some old maps in the Museum, of which it may be one.”” The Museum

authorities, who were consulted, say that the map is not in the

Museum.

118 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CHYLON). [Vov. XXII.

called the North-Western Province, the headquarters remain-

ing at Puttalam till 1856, when they were transferred to

Kurunégala.

In 1873, by the Proclamation of September 6, 1873, Demala

hatpattu of the Puttalam district was attached to the newly

created North-Central Province, but was re-transferred to the

North-Western Province in 1875 by Proclamation of January

1, 1875, and is still treated as a Kandyan district for the

purposes of the Kandyan Marriage Ordinance, No. 3 of 1870,

schedule B.

In 1845, by the Proclamation of October 1, 1845, the

Dissavani of Saffragam was transferred from the Southern

Province to the Western Province, except the Yakawala

Hatara Bage, which still remains in the Southern Province

and is treated as a Kandyan district under the Ordinance

No. 3 of 1870, schedule B.

In 1889 Saffragam (with that exception) and the Four

Koralés and Three Koralés and Lower Bulatgama (assigned in

1833 to the Western Province) were formed into one Province

called the Province of Sabaragamuwa.

In 1873, by the Proclamation of September 6, Nuwarakala-

wiya (which had been assigned in 1833 to the Northern

Province) and Tamankaduwa (which had been assigned to the

Eastern Province) were formed with the Demala hatpattu of

the North-Western Province into a Province called the North-

Central Province. Demala hatpattu was restored to the

North-Western Province by Proclamation of January 1, 1875.

In 1886 (by the Proclamation of February 1 of that year)

the present Province of Uva was created, as stated above.

The Provinces created in 1833, therefore, differed from

those of the present time as follows: the Western Province

of 1833 embraced in addition to its present area the modern

North-Western Province and the district of Kégalla; the

Central Province embraced besides its present area the greater

part of Uva Province; the Southern Province in addition to

its present area included the Ratnapura district and lower

Uva and Wellassa of Badulla district ; the Northern Province

included Nuwarakalawiya of the North-Central Province;

No, 638.—1910.] KANDYAN PROVINCES. | 119

while the Eastern Province included Tamankaduwa of the

North-Central Province and Bintenna of the Badulla district.

For the purposes of the registration of Kandyan marriages

under the Ordinance No. 3 of 1870, the following Provinces are

(by section 4) declared to be meant by the term “ Kandyan

Provinces ”? :—

The Central Province.

Seven Koralés North-Western

Demala Pattu of Puttalam } Province.

The Uda, Palle, and Radda Palatas

of Bintenna; the Vannames of Nadene,

Nadukadu, and Akkaraipattu; the

Sinhalese villages in the division of

Panawa—all in the Batticaloa district ; Kastern Province.

Tamankaduwa; the Sinhalese villages

in the Kaddukulam pattu, in the

district of Trincomalee

Sabaragamuwa.

Four and Three Koralés and Lower

Bulatgama

Yakawala in the Southern Province.

Nuwarakalawiya in the Northern Province.*

The Ordinance No. 9 of 1870 has added to this list “ all

Sinhalese villages in the Mannar District.”

; Western Province

APPENDIX.

(Note to page 109.)

By His Excellency Lieutenant-General Sir Robert Brownrigg,

Baronet and Knight Grand Cross of the Most Honourable Military

Order of the Bath, Governor and Commander-in-Chief in and over

the British Settlements and Territories in the Island of Ceylon in

the Indian Seas, with the Dependencies thereof.

Rost. BROWNRIGG.

To the Hon. John D’Oyly, Esq., Principal Accredited Agent

for the Kandyan Provinces, called Resident ; James Gay, Esq.,

Accredited Agent with the immediate charge of Judicial

Business; Simon Sawers, Esq., Accredited Agent in the

immediate charge of the Revenue and of Public Services,

* Now in the North-Central Province.

120 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). VoL. XXII.

Whereas it appears to Us, the said Governor, that, besides the.

separation of the Judicial and Revenue business from the imme-

diate charge of the Resident, it is expedient that he should be

further aided and relieved by the formation of a Board of Com-

missioners (at which he will ,preside), as well to collect and

report such matters of information as are desired by Government

as to take order for the performance of His Majesty’s general

service in the administration of the Kandyan Provinces. And

further, that a Secretary should be appointed to the Residency,

to be duly sworn to the faithful discharge of his duties in that

capacity, and particularly that he will be secret and not disclose

the business of the Residency otherwise than in the due course of

his office :

We therefore direct that from the First day of October next,

all heads of reference, minutes, and letters, whether from Us, the

said Governor, or the Secretary for the Kandyan Provinces,

heretofore transmitted to the Resident, with the inclosures and

documents of reference belonging to the same, and also all such

as shall hereafter be addressed to the Resident, shall be considered

as addressed to the Board of Commissioners and be kept in an

office under charge of the Secretary, or in particular cases under

the joint keys of the Commissioners, excepting such as the

Resident shall in the first instance and from time to time deem fit

to be reserved for his own separate disposal, as secret and political,

of which he will in the first instance transmit a list and afterwards

from time to time notify to the Secretary for the Kandyan

Provinces all such papers as shall be so reserved.

The acts and proceedings of His Majesty’s Civil Servants in

the public business shall be noted in the minutes of the Board

summarily and by heads only, without detail or entry of papers,

and all papers having reference to such acts and proceedings are

to be compiled in a regular and orderly manner and specified in

the minutes by distinct references.

These entries are to be made by the Secretary of the Residency

from memoranda furnished at a sitting or otherwise by the

several members of the Board according to their respective duties,

namely, by the Resident concerning all that may relate to his

general and superintending powers and concerning all that relates

to business not appropriated to the immediate charge of the

other Commissioners ; by the Judicial Agent and Revenue Agent

concerning their particular Departments and such other matters

as may come under their charge or management or to their

knowledge. }

The sittings of the Board will be held from time to time, after

the expiration of the present month, at appointed times, not less

than thrice a week. The days and hours of such meetings shall

be communicated by the Resident or Senior Commissioner present

to the Secretary, and by him notified to the other Commissioners

or Commissioner, and it will be the duty of the Secretary to

procure and communicate such appointment at least 24 hours

before the hour of sitting,

No. 63.—1910.] ‘KANDYAN PROVINCES. 191

A sitting may be held at the time and: place appointed by any

two ‘members: (the whole having been duly'warned), and their

proceedings will be noted in the usual manner, but all’ practical

measures’ proposed or resolved at any such sitting are referred’ to

the provisions hereinafter contained under the ‘head of taking

order for the public affairs.

‘In'matter of information it will be the duty of the Board ‘and

of-its several'members from time to time'to procure and deliver

in for transmission to'the Kandyan office, for the information of

Government, all such documents, facts, and particulars of informa-

‘tion' as may come to their possession and knowledge concerning—

1st.—The rights, privileges, and powers saved to the Chiefs and

Headmen by the 4th clause of the Convention ;

2nd.—The civil rights and immunities secured to the people by

the same clause ;

3rd.—The laws, institutions, and customs in the same clause.

mentioned ;

4th.—The customary maintenance and protection promised by

the 5th clause to the religion of Boodhoo, its rites, ministers, and

places of worship ;

dth.—The established forms and ordinary authorities for the

administering justice confirmed by the 8th clause ;

_ 6th.—The Royal dues, both of Service and Revenue, appro-

‘priated to His Majesty’s use by the 11th clause ;

7th.—The constitution and interior economy of all officers’ and

departments, with regard to which ‘the statements promised by

all the Chiefs to His' Excellency at his last visit to Kandy’ but only

‘furnished in’ part and by a few of the Chiefs, are to be demanded

and transmitted to Colombo ;

8th.—The ‘charges and modifications of these institutions by

the effect of the new Government and 'their wilful perversion from

corrupt or tyrannical motives, errors in judgment, or neglect ;' and

9th.—The remedies expedient to be applied to all such’ defects.

_ And with ‘respect ‘to ‘taking ‘order for public affairs We do

‘hereby suthorize the Board at any sitting to be appointed and

‘held ‘as aforesaid to consider, deliberate, and resolve con¢éerning

all matters whatsoever of the general administration of the

Kandyan Provinces 6n the motion of any one of the Commissioners,

excepting such matters as the Resident shall in the ‘first instance

or from time to ‘time reserve to himself as sécret and political.

Provided, however, that no resolution of the Board be acted on or

any iméasure carried itito effect until the same shall have recéived

the assent of the Resident, or in his absence from the Residency

the Senior Commissioner present. Hereby reserving in the

fullest: manner to the Principal Accredited Agent or Resident, and

in his absence from the Residency granting to the Senior Com-

missioner present, all political, superinténding, and controlling

powers which have at any time heretofére been lawfully exércised

‘by the Principal Accredited Agent called Resident, and saving

the laws, institutions, and customs of the Kandyan Provinces.

‘Confirming also the Convention as explained and modified by Our

K 36-10

122 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). , [VoL. XXII.

Proclamation dated the 3lst day of May, 1816, and retaining all

Our public acts and other orders in their full force, and calling the

attention of the Board to all minutes and other documents of

general instruction, and particularly to the matters of an address

made by Us, the said Governor, to the assembled Chiefs at Kandy

For all which purposes and such others as shall from time to

time be signified by instruction from Us, the said Governor, or

by Our order, We do hereby appoint you Commissioners and to

form a Board as before mentioned.

Colombo, the Thirtieth day of September, One thousand Hight

hundred and Sixteen.

By order of His Excellency the Governor,

JAMES SUTHERLAND,

Secretary, Kandyan Provinces.

4. A discussion followed, in which Messrs. F. Lewis, R. C.

Proctor, and the writer of the Paper took part.

Mr. Proctor: Will the difficulty which is met in defining the

limits of “‘ Kandyan Provinces ”’ under our law be lightened by

a strict interpretation of the word “ formerly ”’ in the phrase “in

the districts formerly comprised in the Kandyan Provinces”’ ?

What limit of time was intended by our legislators to be fixed by

the word. “‘formerly ”’ ?

Jf the times when the Dutch ceded their territories to the

British were intended, then the definition of Mr. Justice Dias

may be accepted for practical purposes, 7.e., ““so much of the Island

as is not included in the Maritime Provinces.” At the same time

there were divisions that were neither under the Dutch nor under

the dominion of Kandy, e.g., the Wanni district. This was not

subjugated by the Dutch, and often served asa buffer. Kandyan

law did not apply to this division. |

Can the word “ formerly ”’ refer to times anterior to the occupa-

tion of the Dutch ?

The Portuguese documents extant are misleading and unreli-

able in the matter of defining limits of what then comprised the

Kandyan Provinces. The Kandyan King was often addressed

by them as Lord of Jaffna, Batticaloa, and of the Pearl Fisheries,

when in fact he was not. |

The political constitution of the Kandyan Provinces should

_ throw some light on the subject. Even before the invasion of

Ceylon by the European powers, the Kandyan Provinces did not

represent a well-defined area. The village (Sin. gama) was not only

a geographical, but also a social, ecclesiastical, and political unit.

An association of several villages formed a Koralé, two or more

Koralés formed a Hatpattuwa, an association of Hatpattu formed

No. 63.—1910.] KANDYAN PROVINCES. 123

a Dissavony. These Dissavonies formed the Kandyan Provinces—

a Commonwealth—the head of which was the Kandyan King.

It was not uncommon for some Hatpattu or Dissavonies to break

loose from the Commonwealth and set up independent principali-

ties, so that the Kandyan Provinces expanded and contracted as

the association of villages joined the confederacy or cut themselves

away, according to events. The looseness of the tie between the

villages and Dissavonies and the constitution will account perhaps

for the difficulty of fixing the limits of the Kandyan Provinces at

this date.

One fact is however clear, viz., that the distinction created by

our law in the modes of proof prescribed in order to rebut the

presumption in favour of the Crown between lands situated in

Kandyan Provinces and elsewhere, is based on historical actuali-

ties. In Provinces which had come under the influence of

European powers possession of lands was individualistic, while .

“in the Kandyan Provinces it was socialistic. Hence the distinc-

tion.

What limit of time is intended to be fixed by the word

** formerly ” ?

The Hon. Mr. ARunAcHALAM: I take “formerly”? to mean

before the Proclamation of October 1, 1833.

5. <A vote of thanks to the Hon. Mr. Arunachalam for his Paper

was accorded, on the motion of Dr. A. Nell, and seconded by

Mr. F. Lewis.

6. The proceedings of the Meeting terminated with a vote of

thanks to the Chair, proposed by the Hon. Mr. P. Arunachalam

and carried unanimously.

COUNCIL MEETING.

Colombo Museum, November 17, 1910.

Present :

Mr. P. Freudenberg, J.P., Vice-President, in the Chair.

The Hon. Mr. P. Arunachalam, M.A., C.C.S., Vice-President,

Mr. 8. de Silva, Gate Mudaliyar. | Mr. R. C. Kailasapillai, Muda-

Mr. A. M. Gunasekera, Muda- liyar.

liyar.

Mr. G. A. Joseph, Honorary Secretary and Treasurer.

(124 JOURNAL, RiA.S. (CEYLON). ‘[Vox. XXII.

Business.

1. Read ‘and confirmed Minutes of last CouncilMeeting.

2. Resolved,—That the following gentlemen be elected

Members of the Society :—

(1) B.S. Cooray : recommended by Ne i iatieen Ae

«(2). J. “Pearson, ‘D.Se., &e., Director,’) 4,

: 1. Evans.

ugg Museum :! reeommended G. A. Joseph.

(3) °F. i Baker, Assistant Superin- in

tendent of Surveys.: recom-» a nae 1,

mended: by iomiiarsigy stil

: J. Still.

(4) J. A. D. Senarat : recommended by i G. A. Joseph

(5) A.'H. Pertwee : recommended by Gleaner

(6) O. A. A. Jayasekera, Proctor : recom- R. A. Mirando.

‘mended by A. Nell.

3. Considered the question of the cost of printing the Paper

(with illustrations) ‘entitled ‘‘ Mulgiri-gala,” by Mr. Donald

Ferguson. :

Resolved,—That Mr. P..E. Pieris be kindly: asked to edit ‘the

Paper on the lines indicated -by him, and that he do specify the

illustrations which he would recommend should be reproduced.

4, Laid on thetable Circular No. 143 of June.11. 1910, contain-

ing the opinions of Messrs. P. EK. Pieris and Mudaliyar A. Mendis

Gunasekera on a Paper entitled “‘ Kavyasékara, Chapter.I.,”’ by

_Mr. A. O. Jayawardana.

Resolved,—That Mr. Jayawardana be thanked for sending the

Paper to the Society, but informed that the Council regret they

are unable to accept it.

5. Laid on the table a Paper entitled ‘“‘ Rebellion of Ederille

Rala, 1594-1596,” by Mr. P. E. Pieris, C.C.S.

Resolved,—That the Paper be referred to Messrs. F. H. de Vos

and Simon de Silva, Mudaliyar.

6. Laid on the table a letter from Mr. H. C. P. Bell regarding

the translation of Professor’ Geiger’s Papers on the Maldives.

Resolved,—That this Society cannot afford to pay for the

translation of these valuable studies of the Maldives, but that

the Council do recommend the matter for the favourable con

sideration of Government.

7. Readia letter from Dr. A. Willey thanking the Society for

electing him an Honorary Member.

8. Resolved,— That, if possible, a General Meeting be held in

January next, and that the business be left in the hands of the

Secretaries.

PRINTED BY H. C. COTTLE, GOVERNMENT PRINTER, COLOMBO, CEYLON.

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