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A I IS

JOURNAL

OF THE

CEYLON BRANCH

OF THE

ROYAL ASLATIC SOCIETY. .

1881-82.

VOLUME VII.

EDITED~ BY THE HONORARY SECRETARY.

“THE DESIGN OF THE SOCIETY IS TO INSTITUTE AND PROMOTE. INQUIRIES INTO THE HISTORY

RELIGICN, LITERATURE, ARTS, AND SOCIAL CONDITION OF THE PRESENT AND FORMER

INHABITANTS OF THE ISLAND, WITH ITS GEOLOGY, MINERALOGY, ITS CLIMATE

AND METEOROLOGY, ITS BOTANY AND ZOOLOGY.”

COLOMBO.

THE ‘‘ TIMES OF CEYLON” PRESS.

1884.

CONTENTS.

Now 25:

1881.

ene PAGE

Hindi Astronomy, as compared with the European

Science.—By 8. Mervin, Hsq., ... abe iL

Sculptures at Horana.—By J.G. SmiTHER, Bsa. py RaleBudcy (ad

Gold in Ceylon.—By A. ©. Dixon, Esq., B. Sc. (Honor.)

London ... : 12

Specimens of Shalede Pr byes pe eee Dr

Zoysa, Eisq., Maha-Mudaliyar ... neh 15

Ceylon Bee-culture—By 8S. J ae ico.

Mudaliyar ... : We i eye M LT

‘A short account of the pr ecipal Reloion Careinonies

observed by the Kandyans of ome C. J.

R. Le Musurter, Esq., c.c.s, He eat ed

Valentyn’s Account of Adam’s Peak.—By A. i oanan

Moss, Esqa., P.w.p. ae Lee il na) 49

‘No. 24.

1881. |

PAGE

The Ancient Emporium of Kalah, &c., with notes on

Fa-Hian’s account of Ceylon—By Huan

NEVILL, HsqQ., 0.0.8. aye ‘ 5

The Sinhalese observance of the Kea a Lows

“New, Hsq., ve ro i Ke Me ao)

Note on the origin of the Veddas, ith specimens of

their Songs and Charms. 3, L. Dr Zoysa, Esg.,

Maha-Mudaliyar _... oe Leann Ss)

A Huniyam image.—By Louis ee Bes eae zea torl alG)

Note on the Mira Kantiri Festival of the Muham-

~ madans. —By A. T. SHAMs-uUD DIN a ee OS

Sericulture in Ceylon.—By J. L. VANDERSTRAATEN,

SQ.) MCD. ae We se Be Bee av es) (|

Sinhalese Omens.—By 8S. JAyaTILAKA, Hsq., Muda-

liyar’ eeoe oee@ oeo eoee eoe eee 147

No. 25

1882.

Nirwana.—By Professor M. M. Kunrr ne :

Two Sinhalese Inseriptions.—By B. GuNASEKARA, Esq.

Government Translator ... ca

Folk-lore in Ceylon— By W. Gunatinaka, Esq.,

Buddhas Sermon on Omens.— By Louis DE Zoysa, Hsq.,

Maha-Mudaliyar

Notes on the Microseopical Characteristics of Feathers,

and their present analogy with a probable abori-

ginal form.—By F. Lewis, Hsq.,

Sinhalese Folk-lore eG W. KvyiIcHT

JAMES, Hsq.,

Ruins at Veheragala —By P. Tee fee Chor

The connection of the Sinhalese with the Modern

Aryan Vernaculars of India. W. P. Rana-

SINHA, Hsq., ae we

Extra No.

1882.

Ibn Batuta in the Maldives and Ceylon (Translated

~ from the French of M. M. Defrémery and San-

guinetti).— By ALBERT Gray, Hsq.., M.B.A.S.

Proceedings, 1881 ek ies i

Do. 1882 a :

}

1—60

poe; y

Ala

a ret

ony ’

¢ eat

JOURNAL

CEYLON BRANCH

OF THE

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,

sisiens

VOE. Vil. PART I,

No. 23.

“The design of the Society is to institute and promote enquiries into the History,

Religion, Literature, Arts, and Sociai Condition of the present and former

Inhabitants of the Island, with its Geology, Mineralogy, its Climate

and Meteorology, its Botany and Zoology,”

: COLOMBO:

GEORGE J. A. SKEEN, GOVERNMENT PRINTER, CEYLON.

JOURNAL

OF THE

CEYLON BRANCH

OF THE

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,

1 8 8 i @ je TOCA an

aha Mild oS»

4 :

Cd H igor ts

t £

‘

VOL. VII. PART I.

No. 28.

EDITED BY

THE HONORARY SECRETARY.

COLOMBO:

GEORGE J. A. SKEEN, GOVERNMENT PRINTER, CEYLON.

Psst.

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

CEYLON BRANCH.

HINDU ASTRONOMY:

AS COMPARED WITH THE EUROPEAN SCIENCE.*

By 8. Mervin.

(Read April 7th, 1881.)

AstTRoNOoMY was discovered and cultivated in the early period

of the world. It spread from one country to another, and seems

to have come from Chaldea to India and China.

The Rey. H. Hoisington, of the American Mission at Jaffna, in

his work entitled The Oriental Astronomer, says :—“ Chaldea

may be considered as the cradle of astronomy, A series of

observations was made at. Babylon during a period of 1,903

years preceding the capture of that city by Alexander. This

would carry back the origin of astronomy in Chaldea to at least

2,234 years before Christ.”

*“ The Chinese possess the oldest authentic records of astro-

nomical observations. They invented their cycle of 60 years

as early as 2,900 years B.C., and they were able to predict (or

calculate) the eclipses as early as 2,128 years B.C.”

“The early part of Hindu astronomy is involved in great

obscurity. The lunar mansions, or Nadchattirams, are the

most ancient part of Hindu astronomy found on record. They

date somewhere between the years 1528 and 1371 B.C.”

* The Society. decline to be responsible for the statements of {the author,

The Paper is printed (in résumé) having been read at a General Meeting.

2 JOURNAL, R. A. S. (CEYLON). [ Vol. VII., Pt. I.

True Hindu astronomy is very different from Hindu mytho-

logy. Some Wuropeans seem to think that the mythology and

the astronomy of the Hindus are identical.

Hindu mythology is mingled with legends and exaggera-

tions of poetry, which are utterly fantastic and absurdly false.

But the true science of astronomy is found in other works which

are really scientific, such as :——

Brahma Siddhantam. Viyasa Siddhantam.

Surya Siddhantam. Posa Siddhantam.

Sdma Siddhantam. Varaha Siddhantam.

Vashda Siddhantam. A'riya Siddhantam

Romaka Siddhantam. Siddhanta Siromani.

There are several other works among the Hindus on astro-

nomy, but these are the important ones.

I do not pretend to say that I have read all these books. I

have read only two of them, from which I will give quotations

and authorities, to prove that many of the doctrines of the

Hindu science, do perfectly correspond with those of the Huro-

pean science.

The 59th verse of the Ist chapter of Suriya Sidahantam

reads as follows :—

“Twice 800 ydjanas are the dipaneke of the earth; the

square root of ten times the square of that is the earth’s

circumference.”’

Here it is plainly said that the earth’s diameter is 1,600

yéjanas, which at 5 miles each* will give 8,000 miles,

* The measurement of the ydjana is not exactly settled. According to

some authorities, it is equal to 16,000 yards; according to others, to

8,000 yards. The Chinese traveller Hieuen Thsang, who visited India in

the middle of the 7th century, reports that in India, according to ancient

tradition, a ydjana equalled 40 li (a d being about 550 yards). According

to the customary use of the Indian kingdoms, it is 30 li. But the ydjana

mentioned in the sacred books contains only 16 li; which smallest ydjana

is equal to 5 English miles. |

No. 23.—1881.] HINDU ASTRONOMY. 3

and its circumference 25,298 miles. According to Huropean

science the diameter is 7,917 miles, and the circumference

24,856 miles, shewing a very close proximity to the Hindu

calculation. 3

Again, the 52nd verse of the 3rd chapter of Siddhanta

Siromani reads thus :—

“The circumference of the earth has been pronounced to be

4,967 yojanas, and the diameter of the same has been declared

to be 15815 yojanas.”’

According to this, the diameter is 7,905 miles, and

the circumference 24,835 miles, which figures are very much

nearer to the European than those given in Siriya Siddhdanta,

the difference being very insignificant.

IJ.—According to Hindu mythology, the earth is a cir-

cular, flat body, supported by the serpent “A’tichédan,”’

&c.; but the 32nd verse of the 12th chapter of Suriya Siddhan-

tam says that the earth is a globe and a self-supporting

body. |

The same description is given in the 2nd verse of the 3rd

chapter of Siddhanta Sirémant:—-

“This globe of the earth is perfectly round, and encom-

passed by the orbits of the Moon, Mercary, Venus, the Sun,

Mars, Jupiter and Saturn, and by the constellations. It has no

(material) supporter, but stands firmly in the expanse of

heaven by its own inherent force,” &c.

The 4th verse demonstrates the self-support of the earth:—

“Tf the earth were supported by any material substance or

living creature, then that would require a second supporter ;

and for that second, a third would be required. Here, we have

the absurdity of an interminable series. If the last of the

Series be supposed-to remain firm by its own inherent power,

then why may not the same power be supposed to exist in the

first—that is, in the earth?”

4 JOURNAL, R. A. 8. (cEYLON). [ Vol. VIL. Pt. I.

III.—According to Hindu mythology, the earth is said to be

motionless, and the day and night are caused by the sun moving

round the earth; but A’riya Siddhantam says that the earth

moves round on itsaxis, and that thereby the day and night are

caused. This verse of A’riya Siddhantam is quoted by Professor

Colebrook in his Essays, Vol. II., page 392.

IV.—The mythology states that the sun is nearer the earth

than the moon; but the 2nd verse of the 3rd chapter of Siddhanta

Sirémani, read before, says that the earth is encompassed by

the orbits of the Moon, Mercury, Venus, the Sun, Mars, Jupiter

and Saturn. By the order of the planets, as given here, it will be

seen that the moon is nearer than the sun. The order is the

very same as that given in the European science, except that

the sun and the earth have been transposed.

Besides, the 5th verse of the 10th chapter of the same work

says that the distance of the moon from the earth is 51,566

yéjanas, and that of the sun 689,377, shewing that the moon

is much nearer to the earth than the sun.

V.—The diameter of the moon’s disc is said in the Ist verse

of the 4th chapter of Suriya Siddhantam to be 480 yéjanas or

2,400 miles, whereas according to Huropean science it is

2,162 miles, shewing only a slight difference.

V1.—The common idea of the people and the poetical ex- -

pression in almost all the Tamil epic poems are that the clouds

go to the sea, drink its water, and then pour the rain on the

earth. But a verse in Raku Vamsam says: “The sun

evaporates the waters and moisture of the earth, and then

gives it back”’—z. ¢., it rains.

European science is the same. 2

VII.—According to the European science, a year is caused

by the earth revolving once round the sun in 365 days, 5 hours,

48 minutes, and 48 seconds; and according to the Hindu science,

No, 23.—1881. | HINDU ASTRONOMY. 5

itis caused by the sun going once through the twelve (12) signs of

the zodiac in 365 days, 6 hours, 12 minutes, and 29 seconds.

Whatever may be the difference in the theory, the result is

almost alike in determining the length of a year, the difference

being only about 24 minutes.

VIII.—The 2nd verse of the 4th chapter of Srddhanta

Siromani says: “The atmosphere extends to the height of

12 yojanas from the earth; within this limit are the clouds,

lightning, &c.”’ ‘{welve yéjanas are equal to 60 miles.

Huropean science also says that the atmosphere surrounds

the earth to the height of 50 or 60 miles.

IX.—The cause of the motion of the planets is explained in

the first five verses of the 2nd chapter of Suriya Siddhantam.

(Verse 1.) “ Forms of time, of invisible shape, stationed in

the zodiac (bhagana ), called the conjunction ( sighréchcha ), apsis

(mandochcha ), and node (pata), are causes of the motion of the

planets.”

(2.) “‘ The planets, attached to these beings ky cords of air, are

drawn away by them with the right and left hand, forward or

backward according to nearness, toward their own place.”

(3.) “ A wind, moreover, called pravaha impels them towards

their own apices (wchcha); being drawn away forward and

backward, they proceed by a varying motion.”

(4.) “The so-called apex (uchcha ), when in the half orbit in

front of the planet, draws the planet forward; in like manner,

when in the half orbit behind the planet, it draws it backward.”

(5,) “When theplanets drawn away by their apices (uchcha )

move forward in their orbits, the amount of the motion so

caused is called their excess (dhana) ; when they move back-

ward, it is called their deficiency (rina. )”

There is some sort of agreement between European and

Hindu sciences in this intricate and abstruse part of astronomy.

Huropean science says that the planets take their circular

6 JOURNAL, R. A. S. (CEYLON). [ Vol, VII., Pt. I.

orbits from the combined effect of their centrifugal and centri-

petal forces.

In the verses referred to just now the following descrip-

tion is given:—‘‘ The so-called apex, when in the half

orbit in front of the planet, draws the planet forward ; in like

manner, when in the half orbit behind the planet it draws it

backward. Being drawn away, forward and backward, they

proceed by a varying motion.”

The accelerated motion and retarded motion are conveyed

by the terms “ sighréchcham” and ‘ mandéchcham,” which

mean respectively “ swiftness” and “slowness.”

Thus, it will be seen that the European and Hindu sciences,

although the expressions are different, agree as to the causes

of the motion of planets in circular or oval orbits.

X.--Though the motions of planets and the figure of

their orbits had been determined by Copernicus and other

astronomers, yet the cause, or power, which carries them in

their orbits, was unknown at that time. The discovery of this

cause was made by Sir Isaac Newton.

The principle on which the planetary revolution is founded is

gravitation, The lawsof gravitation were known to the Hindus

long before Sir Isaac Newton’s time. Thus, the 6th, 7th, and

Sth verses of the 3rd chapter of Siddianta Siromani state :—

(6th.) “The property of attraction is inherent in the earth. —

By this property the earth attracts any unsupported heavy

thing towards it. The thing appears falling, but it is ina

state of being drawn tothe earth. ‘The ethereal expanse being

equally outspread all around, where can the earth fall?”

(7th.) ‘“ Observing the revolution of the constellations, the

Buddhas thought that the earth had no support; and as no

heavy body is seen stationary in the air, they asserted that the

earth goes eternally downwards in space. ”

(9th.) “Observing, as you do, O Buddha, that every heavy

No. 23.—1881.] HINDU ASTRONOMY. 7

body projected into the air comes back again to, and overtakes,

the earth, how can you idly maintain that the earth is falling

down in space? If true, the earth being the heavier body,

would perpetually gain on the higher projectile, and never

be overtaken.”

Baskara-asariyar, the author of this work, was born in the

year 10386 of Saliwahana era, and composed it in the year 1072,

corresponding with the year 1150 of the Christian era, or about

500 years before Sir Isaac Newton made the discovery of

gravitation.

XI.—Now, lastly, about the Solar and Lunar Eclipses. The

doctrine is the same in the Huropean and Hindu sciences, though

in Hindu mythology itis said that two serpents, called Raku and

Kétu, are hiding the sun and moon, and are causing the eclipses,

Of all the phenomena of the heavens, it is the eclipses of the

sun and moon that attract the attention of man more than any

other. In early ages of antiquity eclipses were regarded as

alarming prognostications of public calamities and tokens

of divine displeasure.

In Mexico, during the times of eclipses, the natives fast and

afflict themselves, thinking that the great spirit is in deep

_sufferance.

Some of the Indian tribes of North America imagine that

the moon has been wounded in a war.

The prevailing notion among the Hindus, which they derived

- from the mythological legends of poetry, is that certain serpents

swallow the sun and moon, sometimes partially, and sometimes

entirely. But the true Hindu science accounts for the eclipses

just in the same way as Kuropean science does.

Suriya Siddhantam, 4th chapter, 9th verse :—‘‘The moon is

the eclipser of the sun, coming tostand underneath it like a

cloud; the moon moving eastward enters the earth’s shadow,

and the latter (7. e., the shadow) becomes its eclipser.”’

8 JOURNAL, R. A. S.(CEYLON). [ Vol. VIL, Pt. L.

This doctrine is in perfect accordance with the Huropean.

It has been"shewn that in many respects there is a perfect

accordance between the Hindu and European astronomy.

There are discrepancies in the theory and principles as regards

some points, as inculcated in the Hindu science, but in

almost all cases the result of the calculations as regards the

several phenomena is the same as that of European astronomy,

such as the lunar and solar eclipses, the position of planets,

the retrogradation in planetary motions, &c.

It is not known what instruments were used by the ancient

Hindus, but it is an undoubted fact that they had the use of

some sort of instruments, without which it would not be

possible to make the several calculations.

The 11th chapter of Siddhanta Sirémani speaks of the use of

certain instruments, such as armillary sphere, nodi valaya,

yashti, chanka, ghati, circle, semi-circle, quadrant, swayam vaha

yantra, syphon, &c.

To once more quote Mr. Hoisington :

“The Egyptians, Chaldeans, ‘Indians, and Chinese early

possessed many astronomical facts, many observations of im-

portant phenomena, and many rules and methods of astrono-

mical calculations; and it has been supposed that they had the

ruins of a great system of astronomical science, which in the |

earliest ages of the world had been carried to a great degree

of perfection, and that while the principles and explanations

of the phenomena were lost, and isolated, unconnected facts,

rules of calculation, and phenomena themselves remained.”

No. 23.—1881.] SCULPTURES AT HORANA. 9

SCULPTURES AT HORANA.

By Jamus G. Suirugr, F.R.1.B.A.

(Read April 7th, 1881.)

Havine recently had occasion to visit Horana, a place distant

akout twelve miles inland from Panaduré, I took the opportunity

of inspecting some sculptured stones, which, with a few

mouldings and some other fragments of an ancient building, lie

half concealed by high grass and weeds behind the Gvuvern-

ment rest-house. There is nothing remarkable about the

mouldings, but the sculptures are, I think, of sufficient interest

to warrant my forwarding to the Society the following short

description of them.

The sculptured stones form the vertical face of the stylobate

or raised platform, on which, doubtless, formerly stood a

structure, of which all vestiges have entirely disappeared.

The platform (only 35 feet square) was originally about three

feet high above the paved open court round about it, and was

approached by a single flight of steps at the end towards the

east. The court or enclosure measures 58 feet from north to

south, and 56 feet from east to west. It was surrounded by a

stone wall, now broken down, and was entered at the east end

opposite the above mentioned flight of steps leading up to the

platform. The wall of the stylobate consisted of a moulded

base, a sculptured die 14 inches high, and a moulded cornice,

the latter nowhere now in position. Most of the stones forming

the die have been removed quite away from the spot, but the

sculptures upon the few which remain differ entirely from any

in the same position which have hitherto come under my notice,

and are particularly interesting.

10 JOURNAL, R.A. 8. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIL, Pt. L.

The subject represented is a procession, in honor probably,

of some august personage who most‘likely figured in part of it.

The occasion must have been an important and joyous one,

judging from the great length of the procession, (which, with

figures under a foot high and closely following one another, must

have extended more than 100 feet,) and the wild demonstrations

of delight in which all who are taking part in it are indulging.

Upon one stone, which measures 10 feet 6 inches in length,

are nine male figures and two animals. This series commences

with four dancing figures with musical instruments, followed

by one who appears to be running in and out of the

procession. Then comes a man leading a horse—probably a

led horse of the honored personage—and holding an umbrella

over the head of the animal; then a walking figure immediately

followed by an elephant; and behind the elephant two men

fencing with swords, each furnished with a shield.

On another stone measuring 4 feet 6 inches in length are five

figures, all in the wildest dancing attitudes ; one holds his left

leg over his head with his right hand, and another flourishes a

sword.

One stone, 3 feet 4 inches long, exhibits three dancing figures;

and another, 3 feet long, two figures, one performing with a

sword or stick which he holds with both hands.

A stone measuring 6 feet 4 inches in length differs from those

above described, aud must, I think, have formed one of the angle

stones of the course. At one end of the stone is a narrow panel,

and near the other end a similar panel, each containing a seated

lion, the interval between the panels being occupied by three

running nondescript horned animals somewhat resembling goats.

In the small space left at the extreme end of the stone beyond the

small panel stands a man blowing a horn, with his face turned

away from the panel and in the direction of the advancing

procession, which doubtless commenced on the next stone. The

No. 23.—1881.| SCULPTURES AT HORANA. 1]

three horned animals occur again on another stone, and are most

likely part of a similar composition to that above described.

Unfortunately the whole of the sculptures are so much weather-

worn and defaced, that itis very difficult to make out what some

of them are intended to represent, and the details of dress,

musical instruments, &., are scarcely distinguishable. The

absence of the stones which would complete the subject is much

to be deplored, as well as the lamentable condition of those

which remain; but the latter, even in their present state, are of

so much interest, that they should certainly be preserved if

possible, and the best means of doing so is to deposit them in

the Colombo Museum.

The ruins at Horana have evidently been used as a quarry for

some time past, and I observed that a fine carved stone doorway

and other ornamental stones, which must have formed part of

some ancient structure, (probably that under notice,) have been

built into the walls of a Buddhist Temple, a most unsightly

edifice, which has been very recently erected within 50 yards of

the ruins.

12 JOURNAL, R. A. 8. (CEYLON). [ Vol. VIL, Pt. ¥.

GOLD.

By Auex. C. Dixon, B. Sc. (Hoxors), Lonpon.

(Read April Téh, 1881.)

Tue Island of Ceylon is referred to by Ptolemy as containing

gold, and Solinus, a noted historian, makes mention of it in his

works, A.D. 238. The early inhabitants of Ceylon were not

ignorant of its presence. It is referred to in the Mahawanso,

while during the founding of the Ruwanveli Dagoba at

Anurddhapura there was a sudden appearance of sprouts of

gold above and below the ground, and of silver in the vicinity

of Adam’s Peak.

It is also referred to in the Sinhalese works entitled Kada-

yimpot, as being found in several localities ; and the names of

many places either have reference to its occurrence or to their

glistening appearance resembling gold, such as Ruwanvella,

Ramboda (formerly Rangbodz).

The Sinhalese name for gold is ran; for gold ore the term

amuran, signifying not ripe or unextracted gold; while ratran

refers to melted gold.

In 1854 it was found in the Maha-oya and at Nuwara Eliya,

and still later again at Nuwara Eliya.

There is a great similarity between the hill regions of —

Ceylon and the South-Hast Wynaad district at the North-

West base of the Neilgherries, which has recently become so

prominent on account of its auriferous reefs. As to the probable

age of these districts we are uncertain, but there can be no

doubt that the two regions are contemporaneous, consisting of

granitoid schists or gneissoid rocks, that they are highly meta-

morphosed, and that quartz reefs form a conspicuous feature.

The reefs are often white, occasionally somewhat brecciated,

and not unfrequently bound together by hematite or limonite.

No. 23.—1881.] GOLD. 13

Although the strike of the rock is peculiar in the Neilgherries

.N.E., yet the auriferous reefs run N.N.W., corresponding

with the gneiss a little further to the North. The general run

of the rocks here is N. to N.W.

As on the Wynaad, we have an absence of intrusive rock-——no

dykes, porphyritic masses, or basalts. It has been observed

that the auriferous belts are richest where micaceous and

ehloritic rocks occur. Strange to say, in the cuttings of the

railway into our hill district, and the various cuttings on the

public roads, no prominent reefs have been crossed. Probably

one or more may be met with on the extension of the railway

from Nawalapitiya to Nanu-oya. In several parts the country

is traversed by large persistent reefs of quartz, with numerous

narrow seams and veins diverging from them and often trace-

able into decomposed lithomargic earth. Some good examples

of these are to be found in the Balangoda, Pusselldwa,

Ramboda, and Dolosbagé districts.

The character of the vegetation in prospecting for gold is of

great assistance in Australia, where each formation is charac-

terized by distinct forms of vegetation, but in Ceylon we have

no guidance, as the mountainous zone is but one formation.

Gold occurs in three chief forms :—

1.—As scattered grains or nuggets in alluvial deposits,

having been set free by natural causes from its matrix.

_ 2.—In grains and leaves in numerous veins, chiefly quartz,

still in the matrix, but not with other metals. This is called

free gold.

3.—Associated (but not chemically combined) with numerous

other metallic compounds, such as arsenides, sulphides, &c.,

generally classed under the term pyrites, found in veins of quartz

and other rock.

In the first form, I have met with it in the alluvium of the

Deduru-oya beyond Kurunégala. The particles were exceed-

ingly small, and other metallic matters were not uncommon.

14 JOURNAL, R. A. 8S. (CEYLON). [Vol. Vile

This must have come from some quartz reefs further up in

the hills. Its occurrence in this river is referred to in the

Kadayim-pota.

A second instance of its occurrence in this form was in the

Galle District, where asmall nugget was taken from thealluvium

accumulated in one of the ravines; it weighed over 6 grains,

and was associated with fragments of gems, such as sapphire,

garnet, chrysoberyl, tourmaline, zircon, as wellas of sulphides

of some rare metals. This deposit was due to disintegration

from the matrix in which they occurred originally. I followed

up the ravine to its head with the expectation of finding a

quartz reef from which the gold must have been dislodged, and

found two small reefs crossing it. I took specimens from

these and found traces of gold, but not in sufficient quantity to

warrant its being worked. I have had further specimens from

this reef of a much better character.

In the second form it occursinthe Ramboda district, Central

Province, where several remarkable reefs strike across the

valleys. In one of my tours [ gathered numerous specimens

of quartz of various hues, chloritic and micaceous rocks.

On breaking them up and examining, I found in the quartz traces

of gold, a specimen of which is on the table. I am unable to

give the precise locality.

In the third form it occurs in the pyrites of the gem-pits in

the Ratnapura—Rakwana districts, but only in very small

quantity.

From the little I have seen, it is my opinion that considerable

quantities will yet be brought to light.

Specimens exhibited.

1. Nugget of gold.—Galle District.

2. Associated Minerals of ditto.

3, Gold in quartz.—Central Province,

No. 23.—1881.]

SINHALESE PROVERBS.

SPECIMENS OF SINHALESE PROVERBS. —

By Louis Dr Zoysa,

Mana-MupbDALiv&r.

Continued from No. 17, Vol. V. (1871-72), p. 32.

(Read April 7th, 1881.)

167. gamed &s one

GOB.

168. @S5) GsnGomGe

DO GMNGEEHO Qi®1.

169. ema EnHadsyo

O50,

170. &h) AES On

QVEDOD).

171. e860 Hans,

aSores) 037-0 OS.

172. goose 959 aid!

O83 @EsI Ond8.

(173. egsessy aos

167. The water in an un-

filled pot makes a noise,

A litt’e learning is a dan-

gerous thingy.”

168. One cannot (expect

to) move the mouth without

moving the hands.

One cannot obtain a living

without warking for it.

169. Do not give your

hand, and then grin.

Do not give a man an un-

due advantage and afterwards

repent of it.

170. After looking at the

hand (he) looks at the face.

The allusion is to the practice

of receiving presents, or bribes,

especially bymen in authority.

171. Sweet cakes are bit-

ter, but sweet are misfortunes.

Adversity is more enjoyable

than prosperity.

172. What one has not

in one’s hands may as well be

looked for beyond the seas.

“A bird in the hand is

worth two in the bush.”

178, It is said the mote in

DH GHeEGOIdnw SoGaj another’s eye appears like a

GEG MNHE, H@QsIoss F

63s DH FAO o5 ds

HoT GBEMN0e.

174.

BoIY.

175. agsloss qu does)

mes.

176. @®@o eos wiste

JOURNAL, R. A. S. (CEYLON).

HBG OHMEO

EG5s3 OoGJ MEGS Gtsd

[Vol. VIL, Pt. 1.

rice-pounder: that in one’s

own eye like a mustard flower

pistil.

174. Come on the wedding

day of another to show my

love (to you).

Liberality at the expense of

others. Like the English proverb,

“Cocks are free of horse-corn.”’

175. Even the headache of

another is good.

176. Will the child starve,

HEGNHINO E6159 DHGas if the mother has the spoon in

Gs QE0,8?

177. &QOE

eQ GNMOS, SDE OM

6S) 5B OMS ASI.

178. AB@ocl Ed10550

8a eosinsion mee?

179. Qo gO) EeOQ~@

QNHe Wdsila» ow.

180. wmeGemdRO10 8s

VE GVES AIO 5159.

181. dH Hood gisd

B® EH qiongQea mee

VaHe.

GDS Ls}

her hand?

177. Those who have sown

amu (fine grain) will reap amu,

and those who have sown v2

(paddy) will reap vé.

Men are rewarded accord-

ang to their deserts.

178. Who teaches (needs

to teach) the alligator’s young

to swim?

“Teach your grandmother to

suck eggs.”

179. Like using small bait

and killing large fish. |

180. What does it signify

to be called Kusalhdmi, if one

cannot procure a single meal.

“ Kusal-hami”’ means ‘ the for-

éunate one.’

181. When one eye is

pricked, tears flow from the

other eye also.

Spoken of the sympathy

existing between the members of

one family or community.

No. 23.—1881.]

182. 2mSO GES GES)

GENO & DEW DOSIAE,

183. BMS Bwe8 gems

BOO HY.

184. 85) Hd6HMO God

71 SISNO, EO BDSOHAO OG Jump into a well

ALHO Aide.

185. Yee Sud oong

ae Ge? |

186. FYodisdO Gnd

233 VES) 22 2 Haw.

187. @NDEO Sro.Qs ©8590

Qxdon 82, amed Aoi

D@® gqacad,

188. seo BOas Hs,

MSs RSI 65d.

189. NSM eHgQmD wo

ME Hon.

190. mde Bmsne MEI

Hos,

191. snBcn@QGdslosrss

SINHALESE PROVERBS.

182. When one blow fol-

lows another, even the grind-

ing-stone will begin to move.

183. You must say ‘one’

before you (can) say ‘ two.’

“Rome was not built inaday.”

184. They say that if you

on one

provocation, even ten provo-

cations will not enable you

to get out of it.

Difficulties increase with

anger.

185. Although the bridge

be washed away, will the ferry

go too ?

All hope is never lost.

186. Though acat be taken

to Hurope, it will cry fdaw-

fiaw (mew-mew ).*

187. When it(good fortune)

comes, it comes along a wire;

when it goes, it breaks even

ropes of hemp.

In prosperity slight efforts

succeed; in adversity even the

highest fail.

188. The cobra will bite

(you) whether (you) call (it)

Naya (cobra) or Naythami.

(Sir Cobra).

189. Like a fowl caught

by a jackal.

190. Like the jackal that

imitated the roar of a lion.

191. The old man does not

1, Fie HQ o@sions die, nor is the bed -available

BID.

(for others).

* Celum, non animum, mutant qui trans mare currunt.

i8 JOURNAL, R. A. 8. (CEYLON), [Vol. VII, Pt. I.

192. Heol wOaeds) 192. Even a headache is

QHOGES} OMESE. good, they say, if (only it can

be had) gratis.

193. 8218 &Ha0906c3. 193. Like aclawless cheta.

194. gO O15 SHond 194. They say aman of too

SeMmedss od Aide. much caution cannot cross an

édanda.*

195. HQoI AHBES emO 195. One mustlook to one's

S6Asoss. own interests before regard-

ing those of others.

“Charity begins at home.”

196. & BdOmaS AEGe. 196. Cats give (true) evi-

dence in favour of curds, ’tis

said. |

Used when interested parties

speak well of their friends.

197. &m 8860 owiSa0. 197. Héyya (Hurrah !) for

the winning side.

Spoken of time-servers, men

who swim with the current.

198. esadm® Ad G 198. Poverty is lighter

esde0S maides. even than silk-cotton.

199, 9 G18} WSO 199, Like the bull that

DIO QidiDHoG, has grass but cannot eat.

200. DBAM M6 Ges 200. When will a single

mode? tree become a grove ?

201. DO® H@Qesl wme8, 201. Anger (in a man)

WOs) e—nsd Dos. ruins himself; wisdom (cun-

ning ) others.

202. a~siest osimdss 202. Other people’s gold!

Oseos} ©sassi. Why should I take it? (or)

j What shall I do with it?

It is not right to covet the

riches of others.

* A log of wood placed across a stream, toserve as a bridge.

No, 23.—1881. | SINHALESE PROVERBS. 19

263. ° eaQsO MEGd HQ 203. What you have done

sO seed. to others will bear fruit on

yourself.

204. FQ BMoade es 204. Why burn = your

sedmuosioss of? fingers when you have the

pincers ?

205. €2256190 BQ61Hie 205. Like clutching Hin-

eiGed) Hee, guruwela (a thorny creeper)

when in trouble.

206. &9 49 18) 60 206. What is the use of

iS 9 relations who do not help you

pe 0) Bene: when your dam is broken ?

207. E9eMsI 21G6 61 207. Itis reported that the

Gans OidojBa omecS jackal said, that although the

| os yield for an amuna®* is but<a

Bo N6a Hig. neliya,{ it is better to plough

on the (sea) beach.

This proverb is often in the

mouth of people living on the sea

coast to show their preference

for ut ta tuterior districts.

208. e9gS wmedades mz 208. Will the dog that has

QEerd he Mes) cosse? eaten a ship-load of dung,

notice a little bad smell ?

209. Dxrasoonss Dyao ¢ 209. The gift of a eiit-is

— EDO S71Do. the best gift.

210. Mb5umHO0 OBsnme 210. Ifthe blacksmith does

Amnd Ood AG@OH Hen. not need the bellows, my dog

even will not care for it.

Much less do I care.

211. Moms Osos 211. The A’ndit are of

69 GH) 5)O 6A6 GOs) one tribe, but each has a

GOH, separate Kokhdnanpayiya.§

* The “amuna” equals about six bushels.

+ The “neliya” equals ~ of a bushel.

{ A tribe of Muhammadan fakirs who are professional beggars,

§ A bag in which a beggar puts his things.

20 - | JOUBNAL, B.'s. (CnyLON). | Vol- Villers

212. @@snuSon05 H@e, 212. It is said that a man

5 300 wes >» e who has no wife hasa timba

ae ae cae Re. (fourmeasures )of vé (unhusked

a if =? rice); the é¢mba gives him one

BAGH VS 'He. nélya of hal (husked rice) ;

this neliya of hal gives him

one nébiliya* of bat (boiled

rice), which gives him one

mouthful.

This is intended to shew the

domestic value of a wife to her

husband. The bachelor, or the

widower, is robbed by every one

whom he deals with.

213. GHEE SMO OHEO 213. Are the five fingers

6618? of the same length?

All men have not equal

advantayes.

214, ©6509 ©9EGS,G 214. Murderis better than

CH 909 Bd6eD&, defamation.

215. @iQosw0e BSHGS 215. The infant must cry,

sos. they say, for milk to rise in the

| mother’s breast.

216. G1&iEgSsdHi60 Ga 216. Itissaidthatsomeone

OSaide Boo DNSHS oH) asked whether tom-toms were

Sy beaten at the Ehela Perahera.

FAS: (J uly-Augustfestivalin Kandy)

The beating of tom-toms

forms a prominent part of this

festival, 2

217. e2Q@OQo 665305) 217. Like the crab’s sport

(in the pot) till the water is

OOS) 26 GH eOHon, Peated.

Jt is the practice to boil

crabs alive, The proverb is

applied to any short-lived en-

joyment, to be succeeded by

much suffering, especially to the

enjoyment of sensual pleasures.

* Neéebiliya, an earthen dish in which rice is served.

ae ee a

No. 23.—1881.] SINHALESE PROVERBS. 21

218. MO sus s2S 218. If not for his mouth

Aadoes eneiasi, (loquaciousness) jackals and

dogs would carry him off.

Spoken ofa poor and helpless

man, but who is full of bluster.

The idea is that the man

appeared so weak and helpless

- that if he did not speak people

would take him for a carcase.

219. MOP WHHOG SVS}. 919, They say, that those

who have the mouth(braggarts)

have also the country for

themselves,

220. BO GasdeiGOHSI 220. Although the mouth

E® GQIS1THANGS) 511. may (intend to) speak a lie, the

tongue will not utter it.

Spoken ofa man who unin-

tentzonally speuks the truth.

221. MOGOsI MUO wed 221. If a thorn be not

HNH3n oneoidacass removed by a thorn, can it be

9 extracted by a rice-pounder ?

ego ONDE | A delicate matter requires

delicate treatment.

222. Mgeeecl mG5 222. Like the bit of gold

QiDdiIE SBSsISm Oooo). _ tied to the neck of the lizard.

Applied toan upstart proud

of the position he has acquired.

* « He that has but impudence,

To all things has a fair pretence ;

And put among his wants but shame,

To all the world may lay his claim.”

Hudibras, Part I1., “ Epistle to Sidrophel.”

t+ The following story has given rise to the above.—A certain king going

to his pleasure garden observed a lizard nodding towards him, seated on the

top of the gate-way. He enquired of the prime minister what the lizard

meant. The minister replied that the lizard wished to pay obeisance to his

majesty. ‘I'he king, pleased, caused a bit of gold to be tied to its neck. A

few days afterwards, the king passing through the same gateway saw the

lizard seated as before, but it took no notice of the king. The king again

enquired of the minister why the lizard did not salute him as before. The

minister replied that the lizard thought that he was now on a par with the

king, as he himself wore a gold ornament, and that he was not therefore

bound to pay homage.

22 JOURNAL, R. A. S, (CEYLON). [Vol. VIL, Pt. I.

223, 600 ©MCD) ®, ss 223. Juike the dumb man

ED68. saluting the blind man,

224. MGI OMSSSIWMD 294. Like pointing out the

Hoc. way to a blind man.

225. MEMO EM6OSG 225. Like the description

015 Bani nen, of Dé kiri (curds) which (a

certain man) gave toa blind

man.*

226, SASSO A156 Oe 226. Like (the man who)

ess aheoHOS Dec), said of the flower he was un—

2S = ae able to pluck: “‘ Let it go as an

offering to Buddha.”

Compare the story of the

Sox and the sour grapes.

227 «ESS yO m3 G 227. Those who (formerly)

ES) 5.2). eat pingo-loads (of presents)

(have now to)eat pingo-sticks.

Commonly said of men in

authority losing their emolu-

ments when once out of office.

228. Gye OdmssO GE 228. Like the crane who

Hoenass essndow. waited to pick fish till the

sea dried up.

229. BOmMSO PRneco 229. Like the gift of the

: ] 4 e

9), 8eE ms oy Hoes. horse to Kaluhami. {

——

* A blind man asked a friend whzt sort of a thing Di kirt was. The

other replied that it was ‘white as a chank.” ‘ What sort of a thing is the

chank ?” wasthe nextenquiry. The friend closed his hand, and held it out

to the biind man, saying that the chank was “like his fist.” The blind man. -

felt it, and exclaimed : ‘Oh! how difficult it must be to swallow curds, if

like this ?”

+ The story alluded to is as follows :—A man who had been much

emaciated by sickness went to a house to beg. The mistress of the house,

struck with his appearance, enquired of him, ‘ What is the matter with

you?” The man replied, “I have returned from the other world’—a

common expression amongst the Sinhalese, meaning that one has been very

ill and narrowly escaped death. ‘hen saidthe old woman, ‘“ You ‘must

have met my daughter Kalubami.” The man, perceiving that the old woman

was a simpleton, said, ‘“‘O yes, I am now married to her.” ‘The woman then

collected all the jewellery which belonged to her deceased daughter, and,

tying it in a bundle, handed it over to the man, saying, “ Give this to your

No. 23.—-1881. | SINHALESE PROVERBS. 23

230, moO QdeGwed 230. Of what useisatorch

@QI0E ? to a blind man?

231. msenmne OE eis 231. Like opening up aroad

a to a mountain to bury an ele-

eee ON eel phant, which died at the foot.

Yee Adopting an absurd of” im-

proper course, or beating about

| the bush.

232. msieO AGE: Adi 232. Will the mountain

Oo mae SSeHe? grow smaller because the dog

barked at it?

233. MUHACCS aso Gd 233. ’Tis said there is no

Be iO Mcomnes stench when the Kapurdla’s son

Gq oe if eases himself in the Dévdla.

Sue.

234. 2gd1en5: KOO ab) 234. What is the good of

OE OO HEANHMONS, calling a man Kapuruhami if

his mouth (breath) stinks ?

* Kapuruhami”—a very com-

mon name amongst Kandyans—

literally means ‘“ Master Cam-

phor.”

235, 82361, EdD6OhoN. 235. Like the boa-constric-

tor’s lighting upon a prey.

A mere chance—a god-send.

The Sinhalese believe that the

boa constrictor does not search

for prey, but trusts to accident

to procure it.

236. EAH ©) ©DeEows8. 236. The boa constrictor

has seized me! *

wife.” On her husband’s return home, she told him what had happened.

The man, vexed at his wife’s simplicity, mounted his h:rse and pursued tke

vagrant, who, seeing that he was followed, climbed atree. The man left

his horse at the foot of the tree, and climbed it to seize the thief, who,

dexterously dropping down on the horse’s back, rode off. Thereupon the

old man shouted to the galloping rascal: ‘Don't forget to tell Kalubami,

that it was I who gave you the horse!”

* The following story has given rise to the proverb,—A woman was in the

habit of crying out, “ The boa constrictor has seized me! The boa con-

strictor has seized me!” whenever she went to the well to draw water.

Many a time ber neighbours ran to her rescue, but, finding she only mocked

them,. ceased to notice her cries.. One day she was actually seized by a

boa constrictor, and, no one coming to her assistance, strangled in its folds,

Compare “ Wolf! Wolf!”

237. mSsl GanxXdsos

DSO CHEN B19.

JOURNAL, R. A. S. (CEYLON).

[Voh: Val eet. as

237, “Jack-garden” by

name, he has not (even) a

tender fruit to eat!

238. 6deO SYH 51M 238. Heart-less asa Padda.

Do.

239. ®6ES) MEeGG gi0 239. ’Tis the bone ofa wild

oS (buffalo), dead though (he) be,

Although fallen, a great

man should nut be despised.

240. sainonidgsOee 240. Do not (trouble to)

0530 os. put stakes in the way of leap-

ing stags.

A mischievous man will come

to grief without the interference

of others.

241. oideassl SSunS. 241. Fiveand twenty (of

the one) and twenty-five (of

the other).

242, BMOBSMNAHMSIOa , 242. One’s good luck can-

not be kicked off.

243. gMdiodsiaim BA 2438. Like the saying:

de Ba d:0e0. ‘ There may be alligators even

244, sBmsne gia2e

GI BG) SI.

245. 6 zE8H AGAE) GQd

6&6 GaAs Sy Doc).

246. AND SNEQO Fi

GSNGHE ESISNDGG).

247.

&oece?

AG EQ S85 Wo

248. MOG OH HigGHS) -

QW OBIDGODOI9H NE O69

DOO Moss 51530.

e °, 2

jn a jug of water.

244. Where there is honey,

there is no lack of ants.

245. Like drinking muddy

water whilst looking at clear

water.”

246. Like refraining from

washing the body, to make the

river feel.

247. Will the sight of (a)

river quench (one’s) thirst ?

248. If you strike (your)

head against a rock, (you) may

break your head, but not the

rock,

* Video meliora proboque deteriora sequor,

No. 23.—1881.] SINHALESE PROVERBS. 25

249. mm G2 SS ame 249. ’Tis said (he) licked

* | his finger, seeing a bee-hive on

e¥1Sde 6COD10. s ice )

250. mos’ MIO Ee@md 250. Youneed not sharpen

wd De. the tree’s thorns.

251. BAHGsonde G8 251. “Tis the same whether

amped vQosi e1doneds (you) dip a firebrand in hot, or

HQOS EmDows. colds awatet:

252, 8a mod ooo! mae 252. The hare that has

eos. escaped had eight legs.

253. 8H MM6d0 snasy 253. Cry not for the

ost, Som as LKanogenresjaggery (you have) lost; take

care of the jaggery(you) have.

254. Qoisi SMD HHS1 254. ‘They say that (one)

msos aide. cannot even eat jaggery with-

i out a teacher.

255. OMA @EWMD O67, 255. Like upsetting boats

S5SEsIs» Do, whilst remaining on land.

Spoken of men who pretend

to take part in the ventures of

others, while avoiding risk

Sor themselves.

256. Gemma DOs} eye 256. Like yoking together

&» Dow. bull and buffalo.

257. @@GD EQ Best 257. Like thedumb man’s

Hoos. dream.

258. oEss3s) GEQHSess 258. The quarrel between

OG} sslg® ASHiGS SIGH husband and wife lasts only

= till the rice-pot is boiled,

eo 2506. Conjugal quarrels are of

short duration.

*Of. Hudibras, Part II., Canto III., 923-4 :—

“To swallow gudgeons ere they’re catch’d,

And count their chickens ere they’re hatch’d.

26 JOURNAL, R. A. 8. (cEYLoN). [Vol. VIL, Pt. I.

259. Hors amaso 8 259. One individual can

Gis) 78. ruin a whole community.

260. 6D Odi6e83 GO 260. Ifyoudie, the country

Gimsyo wos. will go to the elephants.

That is, “ You speak so much

of yourself that one would think

on your death the human race

will become extinct, and the coun-

try will be left to wild beasts.” )

261. SwQiD eooss H 261. re drinking water

P= from a Padda’s umpkin when |

DENTE) CSIR! Gale) Oy the Tisadwewa Gaukg is before

SANDOG. (one).

262. GSNIOMQGO eEost 262. What is the use of

BO GO:0€ AMA1SN®. being born at Totagamuwa, if

| you are not versed in Bana

(Buddhist scriptures) | ?

Totagamuwa* was the birth-

place of Sri Rahula Sthavira,

the well-known author of

Kavyasekhara, &c.

2638. © on os) Qo 263. Tiny boats (even)

As Ode 3s9O3 | venture on the sea where large

= f i ships sail.

264. QEdsiMsIO Simei 264. Why have one place

6GH:SASO Simmel ai? to sleep, and another to groan?

265. Ga6109 Mayes Bz, 265. A lie is short-lived.

266. GAGSSIND®ZOiGe 266. Howcanthe necklesa

e@slos GanGen©e? wear a neck-lace ? 2

* This village, situated twelve miles from Galle on the high road to

Colombo (Gangaboda-pattu), obtained a few years back so unenviable a

notoriety for cattle stealing, burglaries, and highway robberies, that the

proverb was commonly quoted in the district: ‘“‘Totagamuwé upannata

motada horakama berinam”—“ What's the use of being born at Totagamuwa,

if you know not (the art of) stealing !”

No. 23.—1881.] BEE CULTURE. ad

CEYLON BEE CULTURE,

By Samuen JayatTinaka, MuDALIYAR.

(Read April 7th, 1881.)

I have been interested in the culture of the honey bee of

Ceylon for about the last 25 years, from accidentally observing

at first the mode of bee-keeping by bee-hunters and others in

the Wanni, a remote part of this district (North-Western

Province.) I set myself to work at once in trying to improve the

system. By the courtesy of Mr. Ferguson, the senior Hditor

of the “Ceylon Observer,” I was enabled to secure works on

practical bee-keeping, and by carefully reading these I endea-

voured to improve the primitive means adopted by the native

apiarists, but without success. My thanks are also due to

H. T. Sharpe, Hsq., and R. Morris, Esq., who encouraged me

much in the pursuit of my experiments by getting out for me

Hnglish bee-hives and apparatus for working them.

There are four species of honey-bees in Ceylon :—

1.—Mi—©: Apis Indica;

2.—Danduwel—eQ%21d: Apis Florea ;

3.—Bambara—Q®&: Apis Vorsata; and

4.—Kana Veyiyia—Meno08 09: Trigone.

The 1 Messaé (Apis Indica) is the common honey-bee of

Ceylon, and the only species kept by natives. Ihave had a few

- colonies of these from the very beginning, and in the way of

improvement I have transferred them to pots of quite a

different shape from the ordinary narrow-mouthed pitchers

used by natives, which required the destruction of the pot to

get at the honey, thereby causing considerable destruction to

bee-life. The pots I substituted are in two sections: the first

section or entrance narrow-mouthed and oblong, which fits

28 JOURNAL, R. A. 8S. (CEYLON). [ Vol. VIL, Pé. 1

into the second, which is flat and deep. When the first section, or

mouth-piece with an opening of about 10 in. across, is taken up,

the honey-combs are easily removed without any injury to the

combs or to the bees, eaving the brood combs intact within it.

Directly the honey-combs are removed the mouth-piece is

again replaced, tied fast, and placed in its proper position, when

all the bees return to it and begin to work as if they were never

disturbed. At this critical stage, however, they are fed for a

few days with jaggery and water, which is made into a thin

light syrup, and placed close to the mouth of the pot in a flat

vessel. In this manner I have always had a supply of honey

for house use, and occasionally to spare for my friends. With

regard to the English bee-hives, I have made little or no progress

with them, The bees take to them easily, but it is an effort to

keep them in long, as they shew a disposition to get out. By

continual feeding they may be regularly established in them,

and when once established they keep on and build their combs

and fill the stock hive; but I have never been successful in

inducing them to take to supers, which may be attributed to my

want of ingenuity and experience to adapt the frames to their

mode of comb-building, or to the bees preferring pots, which are

I believe cooler than the boxes.

The bees are easily moved about in combs in frame boxes, and

hence it is my impression that they can be by competent persons

easily reared according to the European system, and with

profit and advantage.

The native system of bee-keeping is very simple indeed.

They invariably sweeten the pot intended to be used as a hive

by fumigating it with resin, and place it in a cool elevated

position, smearing the mouth of the pot with a little honey

during the swarming season. The wild bees take to them

without the least trouble and begin building their combs, and

filling them. When the proper season comes round they break

the pots, blow into them to drive the bees aside, and abstract

a é

a a Se

No. 23.—1881. | BEE CULTURE. PS

all the honey as well as the brood combs; the former they

retain, and the latter are thrown away, a great waste of material

and reckless destruction of bee-life. When the next swarming

season comes round, which is between March and April, a

fresh pot is fumigated with resin, is placed in the same position

for the next supply of honey, which is obtained in July or

August, The largest supply the natives so obtain is about three

or four bottles of liquid honey. With regard to the wild bees

they always build iz the crevices and hollows of rocks and trees,

and, if not removed by bee-hunters in proper season, they them-

selves consume the produce of their labour, and abandon the

empty combs and betake themselves to the woods; and it is

firmly believed by the natives, that when the swarming season

comes round they return to their old haunts and set to work

again.

2nd.—Danduwel (Apis Florea) is an unprofitable bee, pro-

ducing very little honey. It attaches its solitary semi-circular

combs 9 in. by 5 in. to the branch of a tree, Its honey is

esteemed by the natives as being cool and nice, but this species

is not at all adapted for rearing purposes, as its produce is very

scanty. .

3rd.— Bambard (Apis Dorsata) is a large bee prettily marked

with yellow and black, and makes a large quantity of honey

varying from two to three gallons. It constructs its hive,alarge

thick comb about 33 ft. by 24 ft. in a peculiar shape, attaching

it to the branches of very lofty forest trees, or securing it to the

ledges of high rocks with its two ends fastened up, and having a

narrow opening in the middle. It is with great difficulty got

at by bee-hunters, and only by those used to such kind of work.

At the proper season three or four experienced men start on

the expedition armed with knives and ropes and a quantity

of straw and other-materials (for smoking and burning the bees).

Having reached the woods where the bees are located the

hunters commence operations on acalmday. First they smoke

30 JOURNAL, R. A. S. (cHEYLON). [ Vol, VII, Pt. I.

out the bees by a heavy fire of straw, when the bees fly high in

the.air in a straight line ; meanwhile one of the hunters cuts

the hive, and lowers it down by means of a rope attached to a

basket, and hastens down in time to avoid being stung ; his

companions, who preceded him, throw the hive into the fire

directly it comes down, in order to burn all the straggling bees

in the comb, and remove away the hive at once, for the Bambara

when provoked are very persistent in stinging, and the poison

is as virulent as that of a wasp. People are known to have

been stung to death by swarms of these. This is not to be

wondered at, considering that they go to work without any

protection to their naked bodies. It is believed—and my ex-

perience corroborates the belief—that they do not rebuild their

hives in the same place unless a portion of the comb 1s left

behind with the queen bee uninjured. ‘The honey of this bee is

very rich in flavour and highly esteemed, and is considered an

uncommon luxury among the natives. Itis not however so thick

as the common beehoney. I have never heard of any attempts

being made by natives to domesticate them like the common

honey bee of Ceylon ; and it is my impression that any amount

of exertion to domesticate them will prove fruitless. One of the

peculiar characteristics of this species is that, unlike the common

bees, they go about gathering materials for the construction of

their hives only during the evening twilight, and myriads of

them are seen at that hour in the Mora, Kon, and other flowering

forest trees during the season.

4th.—Kana Veyiya (a tiny bee belonging to the Trigone),

produces a small quantity of honey which it makes in the

hollows of rotten trees and crevices of rocks and dilapidated

buildings. I have seen and examined a great many of these

combs, which are irregular in shape; they never yield more than

a tea-cupful of honey, which hasa rather acid taste, and is only

used for medicinal purposes. Their combs are generally about

four or five inches in circumference, and the cells partially filled

Dg aS

4 ey ee .

No. 23.—1881.] BEE CULTURE. 31

with honey and the rest with their brood, like other honey bees,

and kept separate. When interfered with or disturbed, they

would buzz about one’s ears and nostrils, but in other respects

they are perfectly harmlessand may be easily handled.

Since writing the above I have been taken by surprise by Mr.

Benton, a good authority on Bee Culture. His visit to Kuru-

négala is for the purpose of hunting up the Bambara (Apis

Dorsata). A narration of his valuable experience has afforded

me much information, and I indulge in the hope that

this will enable me to compete with my difficulties more

successfully in the future.

A person of Mr. Benton’s acknowledged ability and ex-

perience would do much for Ceylon in opening up a branch of

industry so easily conducted and yielding so large a return,

but of which the natives are so lamentably ignorant.

32 JOURNAL, R. A. 8.(cEYLON). [Vol. VIL, Pt. 1.

A SHORT ACCOUNT OF THE PRINCIPAL RELIGIOUS

CEREMONIES OBSERVED BY THE KANDYANS

OF CEYLON.

By C. J. R. LeMesurier, C.C.S8.

(Read May 7th, 1881.)

1.—Tur religious ceremonies of the Kandyans begin with

that of New Year— the Awurudu Mangaliya. This commences

at a lucky hour, fixed by the astrologers, on the 11th of April.

During the short interval that precedes it, while the old year

is passing away, no food is eaten save that which has been

prepared before that interval; and the people do not wash, work,

spend money, or give alms. At the lucky hour (the Nekata)

a gun is fired from a parapet on the walls of the temple con-

taining the Sacred Tooth at Kandy, and the New Year begins.

The customary daily ceremonies are then observed, but with

more show than usual. The tom-toms are more vigorously

beaten, the tenants of the temple and the priests put on their

best clothes; and the services are more sumptuously performed.

Milk is boiled in the main entrance to the temple, and is after-

wards sprinkled over the floors. During the days of the

kingdom, the king himself used to attend the opening services;

but now the Diyawadana Nilamé and other influential Bud-

dhists take his place.

The offerings are much better than usual, and more neatly and

extravagantly prepared. If the lucky hour is in the morning,rice

and curry and sweetmeats are offered; the curry being of thirty,

and the sweetmeats of thirty-two kinds. If the lucky hour

falls in the evening, drinkables are presented. Besides these, it

is usual for the wealthy to offer robes, fans, cloths, and other

articles of value to the priesthood. At the beginniny of the

No. 23.—1881.] KANDYAN CEREMONIES. 33

year all Buddhists wash, and confine themselves to certain .

victuals prescribed by the astrologers. All work is abandoned

for a certain specified time; and after the usual religious rites

have been performed, the people engage in games of various

descriptions. ‘These they break off and resume at stated

periods. During the intervals they pray, or have the scriptures

read to them by their priests, or visit their friends, according

as their fancies or opportunities dictate. The priests confine

themselves for the most part to their religious duties: or they

keep away from the busy world and meditate ; it being con-

sidered that the New Year isa peculiarly fitting time for the

exercise of this duty.

2.—The next in importance is the Perahera Mangalyaya, the

great processional festival of the Kandyans. This festival is

begun at Alutnuwara in the Badulla district on the first day

after the full moon in May; and is repeated at different times

in different parts of the Kandyan province. The forms in all

cases are the same, though of course the magnificence of the

ritual varies with the place and the means of those who engage

init. The most magnificent and complete is that at Kandy,

which begins at a lucky hour on the first day after the new

moon in the month of Esala (July-August). A jack tree, the

stem of which is three spans in circumference, is selected

beforehand foreach of the four déwdla—the Kataragama, Nata,

Saman, and Pattini; and the spot where it stands is decorated

and perfumed with sandal-wood, frankincense, and burnt raisins,

and a lighted lamp with nine wicks is placed at the foot of the

tree. At the lucky hour a procession of elephants, tom-tom

beaters, and dancers proceeds to the spot; the tree is cut down

by one of the tenants (the wattérurdla) with an axe, and it is

trimmed, and its end is pointed by another with anadze. It is

then carried away in procession, and placed in a small hole in

a square of slab rock, buried in the ground or raised on a plat-

form in the small room at the back of the déwalé. It is then

34 JOURNAL, R. A. 8. (CEYLON), [Vol. VIL’, Pt. 1. |

covered with a white cloth. During the five following days

the procession is augmented by as many elephants, attendants,

dancers, tom-tom beaters and flags as possible; and it makes

the circuit of the temple at stated periods. The processions of

the several temples are then joined by one from the Dalad4

Maligawa (the temple of the Sacred Tooth), and together they

march round the main streets of Kandy at fixed hours during

the five days next ensuing. On the sixth day, and for five days

more, four palanquins—one for each déwalé—are added to the

procession, containing the arms and dresses of the gods; and

on the last day the bow] of water (presently to be explained)

of the previous year, andthe poles cut down on the first day of

the ceremony. On the night of the fifteenth and lastday, the

Perahera is enlarged to the fullest limits which the means of

the several temples will permit, and at a fixed hour, after its

usual round, it starts for a ford in the river near Kandy, about

three miles distant from the temple of the Sacred Tooth. The

procession from the Maligawa, however, stops at a place called

the A’dahana Maluwa in Trincomalee-street, and there awaits the

return of the others. ‘The ford is reached towards dawn, and

here the procession waits until the lucky hour (generally about

5 A.M.) approaches. A few minutes before its arrival the

chiefs of the four temples, accompanied by a band of attendants,

walk down in Indian file under a canopy of linen and over

cloths spread on the ground to the waterside. They enter a

boat and are punted up the river close to the bank fur some thirty

yards. Then at a given signal (2. ¢., at the advent of the lucky

hour) the four jack poles are thrown into the river by the men on

shore, while each of the four chiefs, with an ornamental silver

sword, cuts a circle in the water; at the same time one attend-

ant takes up a bowl of water from the circle, and another

throws away last year’s supply. The boat then returns to the

shore, the procession goes back to Kandy, the bowls of water

are placed reverently in the several déwdla, to remain there

aby 0 ae) BA eg are ie,

No. 23.—1881.] KANDYAN CEREMONIFS. 30

until the following year; and the Perahera is at an end. The

next day, however, there is a grand winding up procession in

the afternoon, after which the chiefs all pay their respects to

the Government Agent of Kandy as the representative of the

(Jueen.

3.—The Was Mangalyaya. On the day after the full moon

in July, the elders of the village visit their village priest,

or any other priest they may have selected, and ask him

to stay with, and minister to, them for three months. They

promise to give hima place of residence, to feed him and

render him any service he may require during that period. The

request is complied with, and a procession is organized to

conduct him to the place prepared. Here he remains for the

stated period. He cannot leave except under certain ceremo-

nies ; and at no time can he be absent for more than seven days.

On a fixed day in October, determined on beforehand by the

elders of the village and communicated to the priest, he is

requested to invite a certain number of his brotherhood to the

last ceremony. The number varies according to the means and

generosity of the villagers. On the day named, these priests

assemble and are sumptuously fed in the morning by the vil-

lagers. After the meal is over a sheet of white cloth, twenty

cubits in length, is presented tothe priests, who thereupon divide

it into fifteen rectangular pieces, and these they join together

again into the shape of a priest’s robe—a large rectangle, five

cubits long, and four and a-halfcubits broad. The object of this

division and re-joining being to destroy the value of the cloth,

and to carry out therule that no priest may weara robe of one

piece. Itis then taken by the dhoby of the village under a

canopy to a neighbouring stream, and publicly washed ; tom-

toms and trumpets being sounded in the meanwhile. When

washed, it is brought back to the hall where the priests are

assembled, and placed in a small vessel containing the proper

yellow dye. After it has remained in this a sufficient time, it

36 JOURNAL, R. A. 8, (CEYLON). [ Vol. VIL, Pt. I.

is taken out and presented by the chief elder of the village as

a common offering to the priesthood. The chief of the assem-

bled priests thereupon puts the question, “ Who here requires

a robe ?” to which all but the Was priest reply, ‘‘ We have robes

already.”’ Then another priest says: ‘They have kept the

Was priest so long here; let us giveit to him.” ‘This is agreed

to, and two other priests at once rise and chant the refrain :—

“A robe has been presented to the priesthood, and we have

agreed to present it to [naming the Was priest. |” Oneof them

accordingly takes the robe, hands it round to each priest in

turn, so that all may touch it, and then gives it to the Was.

priest. He puts it on, wet as it is, over his shoulder, makes

a mark in a corner, repeats a stanza of Bana (the sacred

scriptures), presses it over his other robes, and then hangs it

up to dry in view of all. He is obliged to carry this robe,

either on his body or in a bundle, for three months before it

can be washed; and he always looks upon it with a certain

degree of pride. A second robe is, however, usually presented

afterwards to him; the first being considered as an offering to

the priesthood in general, the second as a present to the

individual priest.

4,.— Next in order is the Ket: Mangalyaya : so called because

on this day the full moon and the Keti Nekata (the lucky

hour) come together. It takes place on the full-moon day

immediately after the termination of the previous —2.e., the Was

festival. On this day all the temples are brilliantly illumi-

minated. This is done by means of small oil lamps, placed

close together all round the buildings. During the night a

procession of elephants, flags, tom-toms, etc., and a large

number of torches, is kept up for many hours; the effect in

Kandy, in conjunction with the illuminated temples, being very

striking. It is customary also at this festival to make offerings

of fans, robes, begging bowls, cloths, etc., to the recent Was

priests.

No. 23.—1&81. | KANDYAN CEREMONIES. 37

5.—The Alutsal Mangalyaya, or festival of the new rice. This

festival takes place on the full-moon day in January. At the

appointed hour, a large procession consisting of certain officers

and the representatives of certain temples, with their attend-

ants, elephants, etc., proceeds to the village of Gurudeniya in

Lower Héwaheta, and there receives a fixed share of the new

rice and of the rice of the previous year; the villagers of

Gurudeniya having originally obtained their lands from the

king of Kandy on condition of devoting a certain portion of

their harvests to this purpose. A fixed quantity is given to

_each; but as this in many cases is very small, it is seldom that

all the temples and officers are represented. I however annex .

an interesting list (wde Appendix) shewing how the rice should

be distributed, and during the time of the kings all the persons

to whom rice was due were compelled to be present. The dis-

tribution takes place at the déwalé at Gurudeniya; and in the

case of temples the rice is taken home in procession and cooked

on the following morning. It is then offered at the shrine, and

afterwards distributed to the different priests and officers.

6.—Nanumura Mangalyaya: the ceremony of purification.

This is performed every Wednesday morning in every temple

erected by the Kandyan kings, as follows. Some lime juice is

made before the daily rice is offered, and is mixed with cuscus,

sandal, and other fragrant herbs and bark. The officiating

priest takes a looking-glass, and, holding it in front of the

‘shrine, anoints the reflected image with the preparation. A

vessel is held under to catch the liquor as it drops, to prevent

it from falling to the ground. The liquor is then thrown away

and the daily offerings are made.

f 7.—The reading of Bana, or the sacred scriptures. This is

- done for the most part on the “ péya”’ days of the month—i.e.,

the four phases of the moon. The officiating priest, being seated

on an elevated seat made for the purpose, recites passages from

the Buddhist scriptures, generally from some portion of a

38 JOURNAL, R. A. S. (CEYLON). [Vol VR

Pitaka* and then explains the meaning to his audience. For

this service he is lodged and fed during the time of his ministry

and is afterwards presented with robes, white cloths, handker-

chiefs, etc., and sometimes money.

8.—FPirit, a ceremony to ward off evil. This is generally

performed on the occasion of some epidemic, or in the case of

serious illness. A large hall, called a Bana Maduwa, is pre-

pared and decorated, and as many priests as possible are invited

to take part in it, the number never being less than thirty.

The floor of the hall is covered with mats, over which white

cloths are spread. Cushions are placed all round for the _

_ priests, two for each, one to sit upon and the other to lean

against. A low platform is erected in the middle, on which a

table is placed, with two chairs on one side. This table is

covered with a cloth, and the Pirit book is put uponit. A

relic in the usual bell-shaped casket, called a karanduwa, is

placed on a seccnd table close by, and a bowl of water, taken

from a newly-dug well in the vicinity, is put on a bench beside

it. A piece of string is attached to the karanduwa and to the

Pirit book, and is then carried up to a ring in the ceiling and

thence down to the ground. It is of sufficient length to be held

by allthe priests when they are assembled, and sitting round the

room; and during the ceremony they all hold it. On the

appointed day the priests are brought in procession to the hall;

their feet are washed at the entrance, and they are escorted to”

their places along stretched-out cloths. The place is conse-

crated and the deity is invoked, while the hall is perfumed with

incense and tom-toms are beaten. An elder of the village then

steps forward, and requests the priests assembled to open the

Pirit, and to continue it for seven days. ‘The priests assent,

and thereupon dedicate the hall to that purpose. They then

* The records of the teachings of Buddha are contained in the three

Pitakas—i.e., the Sutra, Vinaya, and Abhidharma Pitaka,

No, 23.—1881.] KANDYAN CEREMONIES. 39

return for the night to the place prepared for them. At day-

break next morning they re-assemble, and begin the Pirit.

This is done by two of their number seating themselves at the

table, and reciting the opening service of the Pirit-book ; the

other priests in the meantime holding their fans in front of

them, and the string above described over their’knees. When

the invocation and one Sdttra* have been read, the two seat

themselves by the others, and all joining in chorus recite

three particular Satras : the Mangala (of festivals), the Ratana

(of the means of warding off disease), and the Karaniya-

metta (of the methods whereby dangers may be avoided and

prosperity obtained by gods and men). When these are ended

two other priests come forward, seat themselves at the table,

and go on with the next Sutras, while the others all re-

tire. Every two hours the readers are relieved ; and three

times a day all re-assemble, and repeat in chorus the three

Sutras before mentioned. There is no break in the continuity,

as this would mar the whole effect; and the reading continues

_ for seven days. On the sixth night the last. seven Sutras in

the book are read over and over again, either by twos or fours ;

if the latter, two more chairs are brought in and placed at the

table opposite the first two. On the morning of the seventh day

after the early meal, one of the priests reads the vihara Asne,

the list of the names of the ancient temples in Ceylon and

elsewhere; and then the assembled priests, with the exception

of those who are reading the Pirit—for the reading still goes

on—compose the Déwdla Patraya. This is a letter written

on an ola, and addressed to the presiding deity of a neighbour-

ing temple. It sets out the name of the déwalé, and invokes the

deity to attend the Pirit with the other gods. This is taken

in procession to the temple—or, if there is no déwalé in the

* The Sititras are a collection of the counsels of Buddha and form a

portion of the three Pitakas.

40 JoURNAL, R.A. 8. (CEYLON)... [Vol. VIL, Pio.

neighbourhood, to a bdé-tree, where a god is supposed to

reside, and carried by a villager, dressed to represent an angel,

in many-coloured cloths and a Kandyan hat. The priests,

except those who are reading, accompany the procession if

desired. A portion of the water from the bowl in the hall is

taken too; and this is sprinkled over any sick persons that

may be met with along the way. On arrival at the déwéale,

the letter is presented, and is hung upon the wall. The pro=

cession returns; and the “angel” reports at the dvor of the

hall that he has presented the letter, and that the gods have

come. One of the priests blesses the gods, and the Mangala

Sutra is read over once, after which the A’tadnatiya Cutra is

read over and over again by fours till dawn. The ceremony is

then at an end; and the priests are conducted back to their

residence. :

9.— Gédéna Mangalyaya: the ceremony performed for the

very aged, or those who are about to die. The relations of the

dying man are assembled, and offerings of different kinds are

collected. These consist sometimes of cattle, sometimes of

furniture, such as the bed of the sick man, sometimes of his

implements of agriculture or of his trade, but more often they

are merely cloths, robes, fans, etc.

The priest of the neighbouring pansala (residence of the

priesthood), and any others that may be selected, are summoned

and entertained; and the offerings are made to them. They

read a portion of the scriptures suitable to the occasion, and

bless the sick man; after which, escorted by the assembled

company, they depart with their presents.

10.—Mataka Dana: the ceremony of conferring merit on

the dead.

On the seventh day after death the priest of the neighbouring

pansala is invited back, and is entertained as before. Bana is

read till midnight, when he retires. Inthe morning after the

early meal a cloth is presented to him, and he is escorted by

No. 23.—1881.] KANDYAN CEREMONIES. Al

the friends and relations of the deceased to a prepared spot

near the house. Here the plate and cup that had been used

by the dead man are deposited; and cake and rice are put into

the plate, and water is poured into the cup. A lightis set up

by their side, and incense is burnt; while the priest invokes

the deceased in the following words: ‘Take this rice, water,

cake, light and fragrance, and release thyself from the condi-

tion of an evil spirit.” At the same time he takes the cup of

water and pours it on the ground. The plate and cup are

washed; and the priest carries them off to his residence. The

object of the ceremony is to confer merit on the departed, in

whatever condition he may have been re-born.

10.—Awa Mangalyaya. A day is fixed,a month, forty-five

days, or three months after the Gédana; of which due notice

isgiven. A number of priests are invited, through the priest

of the neighbouring Pansala, the number varying with the

means of the family; and rice, cakes, fruit, etc., are collected.

The priests are brought in procession to the house, where

they read the scriptures for several hours. After this, robes,

begging-bowls, cups, handkerchiefs, etc., are presented to

them; and a common offering, consisting of a load of vege-

tables, cakes, an adze, a mamoty, an axe, an arecanut-cutter,

a chunam-box, and (if the deceased was an old man), a

betel-pounder, is placed before them, A cloth not less than

16 cubits in length, and held at one end by the relations of the

deceased, is then tied to the load, a priest holding it meanwhile

‘near the other end. Another priest takes his seat close by ;

and, holding his fan in front of him, recites the following

words, the people repeating them after him :—“ These offer-

ings, which have been procured by just means by us and the

dead man, we offer to you, the descendants of the great

Buddha, in order that we may obtain merit in the name of the

deceased.” The clothis then rolled up and placed on the

offering, and the eldest priest intones the stanza: “As the

420 JOURNAL, R. A. S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VII., Pt. I.

rain from the sky falls on hills and mountains, rolls down the

valleys, and thence to the rivers, which carry the waters to

the ocean; so may the merits of this great act descend on the

dead man.” Upon this the remainder chime in with the

prayer: ‘If there be anything you wish to obtain by these

offerings, may you be blest with it as with the full moon.”

Bana is then read for about an hour; and after it a priest closes

the ceremony with the words :—“ By these virtuous acts may

you all obtain prosperity here and in the next world, andattain

N irwana at last.”

I was going to add a short account.of the ordination and

confession ceremonies of the priesthood; but my paper has run

out to too great a length already, An exhaustive account of

these will, however, be found in two papers contributed to the

Royal Asiatic Society by Mr. J. F. Dickson in 1873 and 1875,

and I need do no more here than merely refer to them.

Kandy, 2nd April, 1881.

APPENDIX.

The new rice (Alutsal) is distributed as follows :— __ Half

Measures. -

To the Dalada Maligawa, the temple of the Sacred Tooth ... 10

Gangarama Viharé, a temple in Kandy esetua

Kundasale Viharé, a few miles from Kandy in Lower Dumbara 2

Degaldoruwa Viharé, do. do. 2

Nata Déwalé, in Kandy : 4

Maha Déwalé do. el:

Pattini Déwalé do. cee

Kataragam Déwale do. eS.

Ganadewi Kowila, a Hindu temple near thie Post Office, ee 1

Se)

Diwa Nilame, the lay officer in charge of the Tooth Temple

No. 23.—1881. ] APPENDIX. 43

Half

Measures.

The four Basnayaka Nilames, the lay officers in charge of the

Nata, Maha, Pattini, and Kataragama Déwala 32

The four Kapuralla, the lay officiating officers of the same 4

The ‘Tambérukaray4, the officer who beats the drum (tambéruwa)

on all Péya days, on Wednesdays, and on the four festival days,

(the Awurudu, Perahera, Katti, and Aluts4l) meee

The Gurudeniya Vidané, the officer who supervises the cultiva-

tion of the Maligawa muttettu fields (2. e. the fields that are

cultivated for the benefit of the temple only), the gathering of

the crop and the storing in the granary (atuwa) 6

The Gurudeniya Lékama, the officer who keeps the account of

the annuai yield of the temple fielus and of the new rice

distributed 6

The Gurudeniya Gammahé, an assistant to the Vidané Ses

The Gurudeniya Manarala, the officer who measures the crop of

every temple field when it is gathered, and the receipts and

issues of the granary. He also measures the new rice 5

The Gurudeniya Kapurala, the lay ee officer of the

Gurudeniya Déwaleé ... sc es

The six Nilakarayo of Gurudeniya, the villagers who cultivate

the temple fields an! who prepare the new rice woe ik

The tom-tom beaters of Gurudeniya 12

The Astrologer of the Tooth temple 6

The Kariyakaranarala, the officer in charge of the minor pro-

perty of the Tooth Temple, who has the general supervision

of the temple affairs ... ti 5

The Geparala, the officer who carries the ae water vessel used

for officiating purposes, who cleans and lights the lamps of the

upper story of the Tooth Temple, who has to take care of and

account for all the offerings delivered to him by the Wattéru-

rala (see below) eae , 5

The Three Mohottall4. They are the Udam4lé (of the upper

story ), the Gabadawé (of the store) and the Walawuwé (of the

_ Diwa Nilamé’s house. The first has to keep an account of all

44 JOURNAL, R. A. §8.(cEYLON). [ Vol. VIL, Pt. I.

Half

Measures.

things (not being food or drink) offered or received at the

Tooth Temple; the second of all eatables and drinkables; and

the third of the income and expenditure of the establishment...

The Wattérurala : Has to keep the keys of the upper story, to

assist the two officiating priests, to open the doors of the tem-

ple every day, and to clear the offering table of flowers, &c.,

thrice a day Sb6 nied

The Kankanarala: Holds the keys of the store and issues pro-

visions - . ee

The tour Kattiyanaralla: Sie the new rice an Gurudeniya in

decorated loads to the temple, fill the golden bowls with it, and

deliver these bowls to the officiating priests

The Paliémalerdala, the officer in charge of the lower story of i

temple with the same duties as the Wattorurala

The three officiating priests at the Tooth ue two for ihe

upper, one for the lower story '

The Kiribatpattara, large bowls which are filled with ie

allotted quantity ofrice, and boiled by the Nilakaray6 (z.e. the

cultivators of the temple fields) of the ten N Wie

below) .

[ When boiled, the rice is offered at the Tooth tangle and after-

wards distributed amongst these Nilakaray6.] _

The dancers of the Maligawa ee ae

The Baddé Vidéné: Has to give six large chatties to the six

Nilakaray6 of Gurudeniya, to boil the paddy for the Alutsal, to

_ present a load of chatties at Gurudeniya on the Alutsal day, and

once a month to the Malig4wa, and two at the end ofthe year—

ene for the Diwa Nilamé and the other for the Kariyakarana-

rala

The Hakgedikara Weeie: the officers a ios the cones ne

clear away the rubbish from the temple... ute

The A’lattiyé. [Iam not quite sure what the functions of this

officer are |

' The Horay-dkaraya, the el nipetbe of the ‘sonia

ae ee ee _

No, 23.—1881. | APPENDIX. 45

Half

: Measures.

The Librarian of the Oriental Library 5

‘lhe watchers at the temple 4

The head watcher at the temple ae 2

The dhoby at the temple 600 5

The Singarakkara Muhandirama, the officer who provides and

appoints the tom-tom beaters of the Maligawa aren 0)

The four Panikkiy6, the four principal tom-tom beaters : Of 1,

Thala Dolospattu; 2, Pahala Dolospattu; 3, Matalé; 4, Dum-

bara bab ie 12

The man who fires the festival cannon at fe Maligawa Sree

The two Vihara, the Malwatta and Asgiriya temples in Kandy... 70

The two Mahanayaka, the chief priests of these qe a RD

The two Anunayaka, the second chief priests of these CaO

The ten Nindagam: z.e. villages to which there are temple fields,

1, Kalugomuwa in Udapalata; 2, Piligalla in Four Kéralés; 3,

Alapala in Yatinuwara; 4, Radagoda in Yatinuwara; 5,

E'danduwawa in Udunuwara; 6, Munwatugoda in Yati-

nuwara; 7, Angoda in Harispattu; 8, Aludeniya in Udu-

nuwara; 9, Pitigoda in Uda Dumbara; 10, Kitulpé in

Uda Héwaheta 20

The Vidané of Gandahaye, the officer who supervises the cultiva-

tion in these villages... -.- 20

The dhoby at Gurudeniya see coo

The watcher at the granary at @unddenivd a

The tailor who has to prepare the elephants’ trappings, the ae

canopies, &c., for the different festivals .-.. 2

The constable (a private constable who accompanies the proces-

sion and keeps guard over the Maligawa). Soo. 4

The two Kattiyanaralla at Gurudeniya on duty during the Alutsal

(vide above) BS site co «= 4

Vhe two Mulutenralla, who prepare the rice, cakes, &c., that are

offered = 8) ere slate -- 4

The Mulutengé Murakaraya, who cleans the chatties and other

kitchen utensils, sweeps the kitchen, &c. l

46 JOURNAL, R. A. S. (CEYLON). [ Vol, VIL, Pt. 1.

Half

Measures.

The two Ranketta, the drawers of the sweet toddy offered morn-

ing and evening at the Maligawa 00 eats |

The Vidane of Holumbuwa in Four Kéralés nares

The Vidané of Nelundeniya do. ane vse 2

The Vidané of Mutugala in Seven Koralés... Se ee

‘The Vidané of Dambadeniya do. ane 2

The dhoby of Munwatugoda in Yatinuwara, who washes the

clothes, &c., of the Maligawa, spreads the cloth over which

the Diwa Nilamé walks, ties the cloths over the place where the

elephants are dec rated, where processions stop, &¢. ore 2

The Nilakaray6é of Holumbuwa Fe en ea

The Nilakarayo of Nelundeniya eee bet 2

The above shews the distribution of the new rice. There is in

addition a distribution of the rice of the previous year, called the old

rice (Hamba) as follows :—

(a.)--As Wages for taking part in the ceremony.

To the Nilakaray6 (2.e. the cultivators of the temple fields) of—

Half

Measures,

1. The Dalada Maligawa, the temple of the Sacred Tooth in

Kandy «se 20

2: » Gangarama Viharé, a temple in Kandy meyer

3. ,, Kundasdlé Vihdré,in Dumbara «.. som cil

4. ,, Degaldoruwa Viharé dO, Lied 2

5. ,, Alutwiharé, a temple in the Asgiriya monastery in

Kandy ove saree Nite

6. ,, Paranawiharé, do, do. sitietsr ince

7. ,, N&ta Déwalé in Kandy _ sista 2

8. ,, Kataragam Déwalé in Kandy ... ageer. 1 2

9. 4, Maha Déwalé do. ese 2

10, —,,_~=« Pattini Déwalé do. 500 seth Liana

No. 23.—1881.] APPENDIX. 47

(b.)—In consideration of office.

To the Nilakarayé of—

Rice, Paddy.

11. The Dalad4 Malig4wa (see above) aie 15) «(15

12. ,, Gangarama Vibaré do. 9 9

13, ,, Kundasalé Viharé do. : a if

14, ,, Degaldoruwa Vih4ré do. eee i) 5.

15. ,, Alutwiharé do. side 5 5

16. ,,. Parana Vibaré i AG. eee 4 4

17. ,, Gedige Viharé, atemple in Kandy ne 1 l

18. ,, Nata Déwalé Pilimagé (a small room in

the Déwalé in which the image of Bud-

dha is placed) ] 1

19. Maha Déwalé, a temple in Kandy 1 1

20, Kataragama Déwalé, do. ase 1 1

21. Pattini Déwalé, do. a ] 1

22. Huduhumpola Viharé in Yatinuwara in Kandy 2 1

23. Nittawela Viharé, a temple in Yatinuwara_ .-. I 1

24. Gonawatta Viharé in Lower Héwdheta 566 1 1

25. Lankatilaka Déwalé in Udunuwara nee 1 I

26. Gadaladeniya Déwalé do. ae 1 l

27. Embekké Pilimagé do. ine 1 1

28, Morapé Pilimagé in Kotmalé 500 1 1

29. Uduwela Viharé in Lower Héwaheta ore 3 2

30. Ampitiya Viharé do. ae 3 2

31. Sagama Viharé in Upper Héwaheta awe 2 if

32. Nata Déwalé in Kandy 000 3 3

383. Maha Déwalé do. 500 4 4

34. Kataragama Déwaléin Kandy 655 3 3

35. Do. Pallédéwale in Kandy one 1 l

36. Pattini Déwalé do. : 3 3

37. Ganadewi Kowila do. eae 2 2

_ 38. Alutnuwara Déwalé in Yatinuwara 2 1

_ 89. Hanguranketa Maha Dewalé in Uda

Héwaheta 2 2

40. Hanguranketa Pattini Déwalé do. 2 2

4], Pasgama Nata Déwalé do. ose 2 2

42.

43,

44.

45.

46.

47,

48.

49,

30),

ol,

2D,

53.

o4.

59,

JOURNAL, R. A. 8. (CEYLON).

Embekké Déwalée in Udunuwara

Do. _Pallédéwaleé do.

Dodanwala DéwAlé do.

Do. Pattini Déwale do.

Lankatilaka Déwalé in Udunuwara

Gadaladeniya Déwalé do.

Do. Pallé Déwalé do.

Weviriya Déwalé do.

Alawatugoda Déwalé in Four Kéraleés

Ganégoda Déwalé in Udapalata

Do. Pallé Déwalé do.

Wallahagoda Déwalé do.

Morapé Déwalé in Kotmalé

Gurudeniya Déwalé in Lower Héwaheta

[Vol. VIL, Pt. 1.

Rice. Paddy. ~

bh po — Ww — Pb

Do mo So K ww WH

]

}

]

No, 23.—1881:] VALENTYN ON ADAM’S PEAK, 49

“VALENTYN’S* ACCOUNT OF ADAM’S PHAK.”

By A. SPENCE Moss, P.W.D.

(Read 7th May, 1881.)

AFTER treating at some length the history of the Island, he

proceeds to give a sort of review of the mode of Government

under ‘* Vimala Dharma Striya Ada” (whom he calls Don Juan)

anda description of the Court, from which I extract as fol-

lows :—

This Emperor, from fear of his own subjects, confines himself now

(1604) to the mountain city of Diyatilaka, where he is surrounded by a

large force of soldiers under the nobles, and by his higher officers of

state; but he relies chiefly for his personal safety upon a special body

guurd of Moors, who keep watch continually at his chamber-door.

Besides these he has many other guards, whom he selects from the

best families, and who are the bravest and smartest young fellows in

the country. ‘They have long straight hair, go always bareheaded,

and are generally about him wherever he goes.

His revenues are very great. Thrice a year must his subjects pay

him tribute. The first he draws in March, at the time of their New

Year ; the second is taken from the first-fruits ; and the third froma

sort of offering which they make in November to the honour of

their god.

In addition to these taxes every one is bound to provide for the

Emperor whatever he may further require for use in his palace ; and

the nobles take advantage of this prerogative to practise extortion

in his name wherever they think it is worth while.

All tribute and presents are covered with white cloth as a mark of

respect, and are brought first to the Emperor after he has washe his

* Valentyn (F.) Ond en Nieuw Oost Indien, 1724-26.

50 JOURNAL, R. A. 8. (CEYLON). [ Vol. VII., Pt, I.

head and bathed at the New Year; when he shews himself publicly

to the whole army assembled together for this purpose, and to the

nobles also, under a salute from the whole of his artillery. After

this the nobles and people come, in order, and offer him their presents

of gold, silver, precious stones, arms, silk, stuffs, and cloth, besides

the tribute proper, of which they then have to pay the first instalment

in gold, palm wine (? arrack), oil, rice, honey, wax, iron, elephants’

teeth, tobacco, or in other kind ; and they then have often to remain

avery long time about the Court before their gifts are accepted by

the Emperor or his servants, in consequence of which great crowds

are collected and commotions arise.

Besides these revenues, which are fixed, he has many others which

are uncertain or adventitious ; as when, for instance, a man dies leaving

cattle behind him, he (the Einperor) takes therefrom according to the

law of the land and his own prerogative, one ox, one cow, and a pair

of buffaloes, which are punctually claimed by certain officers appointed

for the purpose.

At the time of the harvest in each year every one must pay to the

Emperor a certain measure of corn, or rice, according to the extent of

his land, which is sometimes commuted for all time by payment of

a sum of money, though this latter custom is now no longer followed.

The estates of soldiers however who die in battle are free from this

tax, but not otherwise.

All farmers also of the land, in addition to the prescribed grain

tythe, must pay a certain sum of money; but, on the other hand, those

lands are not liable which have been given to a priest or to a charity.

In olden times he had also the tolls at Kottiyar or Trincomalee,

Port des Galles, and Portaloon, &c., &c., &c. :

After describing the religion of the Sinhalese he alludes to—

Trincomalee, which means either the hill of the three Pagodas, or of

the world-famed Pagoda called the Pagoda of “three stories.” . .

One of these (three temples) was appropriated to the use of the

pilgrims who came thither by thousands to practise their idolatry, and

of whom some in the fervour of devotion precipitated themselves

No. 23.—1881.] VALENTYN ON ADAM’S PEAK. 51

from the rock into the sea and were drowned, firmly believing that

this was the straigh'est and shortest way to come at heaven, and that

the waters wherein they found their end had little less sanctity than

those of the Ganges.

There is a tradition, which the writer will endeavour to

obtain in its correct form, still extant in Trincomalee, that an

European soldier entered aud defiled by his presence the old

temple on the rock, and that. this soldier may now be seen by

the faithful, down under the sea in the ruins of the old temple,

when the priest after sacrificing holds his torch over the edge

of the precipice when it is dusk or nearly dark.

Of Adam’s Peak, Valentyn goes on to give the following

remarkable description, figuring Arangala or Nalanda Peak by

way of illustration. From enquiries of the old priest at Aluwi-

hare, the writer has not been able to find any tradition of

sanctity attaching to Arangala, so that Valentyn’s mistake is

the more remarkable : —

This mountain was esteemed most sacred not only by the Sinhalese»

but also by all the Gentiles and heathen of India, and even by many

Mahometans as their chief sanctuary. On the top of this mountain

stands a beautiful Pagoda, concerning which the Sinhalese have

many traditions, and where they say Buddha [whom he calls through-

out “ Budhum” ], a disciple of the Apostle Thomas, dwelt. They say

that he stood with one foot on this, and the other foot on a moun”

tain near Tuticorin, and that he made so much water that thereby

the Island of Ceylon was divided from the coast.

From the same tradition they proceed to say of him that he was

26 cubitsin stature . .. ,

Of the same kind and size footprints of Buddha are found here and

there upon the rocks in Ceylon, and also whole figures hewn out, from

which many of them hold that Adam lived there ; but most of them

hold firmly to this, that Buddha went up to heaven from this hill

(Adam’s Peak), taking this account from. the ascension of Christ,

whereof they have obtained the tradition either through the St.

Thomas’ Christians or through the Portuguese.

oe JOURNAL, Rv A. S. (CEYLON). [Vol Vil. Pte,

Up the Peak or Mount of Adam one has to climb by an iron chain,

serving for the pilgrims and travellers who wish to make the ascent.

This chain is made with shackles, by the help of which one can

climb as if by the rungs of a ladder.

On the top of the mountain is a plain, 150 paces long and 110

broad, in the middle of which lies a stone nine palms high from the

ground and twenty-two long, whereon they say the footprint is ;

although others testify, on the contrary, that they found there nothing

but a dirty depression be-oiled by t!:e lamps which the pilgrims leave

there, who as they go down always take a little of the earth, which

they consider sacred. Although many Sinhalese ascribe it [the foot-

print] to Buddha, Herr Baldaens states that not only they, but also

the people of Siam, are in the habit of talking about Adam, and to this

day shew his footprint impressed upon a stone on the summit of a

mountain (of which we have spoken before), being 13 ell long, 2 ell

broad, and the sole of the foot going + ell down in the stone. It is

set round the edge with silver, and there is an elegant temple built

near, around which, many Siamese priests and other people of the

country dweil. ‘Lhese priests shewed a party of our people in March,

1654. . . . .agold plate representing the length and breadth

of the foot, on which were various figures which they said were to be

seen formerly in the footprint itself, but that after the priests allowed

them to be engraved on the gold they disappeared from the stone.

These figures were 68 in number, and may be seen figured by Baldaens

in his description of Coromandel, Vol. 154, with several other matters

relating thereto.

Compare the Sri Pada stones engraved in Fergusson’s

“ History of Hastern Architecture.” Valentyn then describes

in great detail two galleries of rock-cut chambers containing

figures of Buddha (“Adam”), and minutely specifies the

dimensions of eyes, nose, mouth, head, hands, arms, fingers,

nails, &c. In the lower gallery were two chambers hewn out of

the cliff, and each containing one colossal figure in the usual

Nirwana attitude, with various smaller erect and sitting figures.

In the upper gallery were four chambers, the largest called

No. 23.—1881.] VALENTYN ON ADAM’S PEAK. 53

Raja Maha wihdre. Then he describes a detached rock-chamber

on the other side of the mountain :—

wherein lies a figure 9 ft. 10 in. in length, called after a

certain Sighalese woman, (‘Diegoda Mahage’) who caused it to be

made. .

Then again :—

On the top of this mountain [which he now ealls “ Mokeregalla”

otherwise called ‘‘ Adam’s Peak’’] stands a white tower, which is

44 feet 3 in. in circumference, and 16 feet high, ‘This mountain is

fiat on the top, and planted with several trees, and was at times sown

with kurakkan. The sea can also be seen from its summit, although

it is several miles distant.

It is worthy of remark, with regard to the large and small figures

of the Sinhalese, that they shew the same attitudes reclining, standing,

or sitting, and also the same expression, with their hands uplifted or

olded and upraised fingers, as the idols of the Siamese.

The following letter from Mr. Helmont to H. HE. Governor

Symons gives us further light on this subject :—

Noble, Honourable, &c., &c., Sir,—In conformity with Your Excel-

lency’s command, I reply thereto with all respect that Adam’s Peak,

as far as I remember, lies two days’ journey from Matara, and close by

the Company’s estate of Markatta, At the foot there is a large hewn

ehamber divided by a wall into two portions ; in the one lies a huge

naked figure with a yellowish body, brown eyebrows, red lips, and

long ears, with the hand under the head, and the legs one above the

other, called Adam by the Sinhalese ; in the other a corresponding

figure, of similar shape, a woman, called Eva ; and I remember well

that the nose of the former was measured out of curiosity in my pre-

sence, in the year 1690, by the Rev. Predicant Feico Wylsma, and

found to be over a foot in length. From this cave you proceed by a

- flight of freestone steps, built dry without lime, up above where, on

account of its steepness, you cannot go round the mountain. There is

little space to walk and only to follow your guide. There are two

smaller chambers: in the one Adam, with the Patriarchs, dressed as

: Baljadoors’ of a heathen Pagoda, painted on the wall, and in the

54 JOURNAL, R.A. S. (CEYLON). [Vol Wil, Pt.

next one Eva, with her legs crossed under her body, on a stone shelf

like an altar, and an erect snake going up behind her back and over

her head as if pickivg her brains, in the midst of her sons, of whom

the eldest is discerned by his size, being the same as his mother life-

size hewn out of stone. Outside there is a square shelf of which the

border is inscribed with characters which no one ean read, but which

were explained. Near one of these small chambers one climbs

up by means of a great iron chain soldered into the mountain [ proba-

bly on standards, for which the sockets were seen by the writer on hig

recent ascent] and hewn steps, to near the top, which is reached by

an ugly crevice in the following manner, Five, or six, or more blacks

go up on their bellies climbing over, each, other the lower one holding

the upper by the legs. ‘lhe topmost reaches out his hand, grasps the

handle at the end of the chain, and so pulls up to the top, where there

is nothing but a sham Pagoda and Devil’s tree, the leaves of which are

like the points of pikes. This tree shoots through a cleft in the rock

an ever-flourishing root, whose sap iscaught drop by drop in a chatty

set near, and is considered of great value for many purposes, and held

in great esteem as a cure for impotence.

He then describes the truly miraculous effect ofa few drops

upon women, but adds that he has not had an opportunity of

observing its effect upon their virtue. It would be extremely

interesting to know, whether these caves really exist, either on

Adam’s Peak itself or in some of the hills of the Peak range,

Perhaps, if some of the gentlemen connected with the Revenue

Service, of whom several are members of this Society, were to

enquire from priests and headmen, some tradition would be

discovered which would lead to their identification. The writer

has been informed by the old priest of Aluwihare that there

are rock-cut shrines at the base or half-way up Adam’s Peak,

that the approaches are now overgrown with jungle, and that

no one dare make the ascent ; that they lie on the west side.

Possibly the priest has framed his answer in accordance with

what he saw was the anxiously-expected answer, regardless of

strict truth.

No. 23.—1881.] VALENTYN ON ADAM’S PEAK. 55

It would appear that the caves, or rock-hewn chambers, now

used as shrines in Ceylon are not of any great antiquity as

shrines from the following considerations :—

(1) The principal figure is in all cases the Buddha in Nirwana.

(2) The figure is of colossal size.

(3) Itis not of hewn stone, but of composition, and is painted

and plastered.

(4) The erect or sitting figures where found are mere

accessories.

(5) That the caves are immensely older than the figures in

them is evident from the figures uot being hewn 7 sitw, but built

up of chunam and brick, &c. _

(6) That the caves are of recent use as Buddhist shrines may

be inferred from the character of the facades by which they are

closed in. These are plain to meanness, devoid of all attempt

at decoration, being generally sun-dried brick laid in mud,

rubble stone dry or in lime, or even plain mud walls.

But the writer is of opinion that these caves are of great

antiquity, and have been used in past ages as refuges from

floods and wild animals in the low-country, and from wild

animals and hostile tribes in the hill-country. By mere diffi-

culty of access as at Adam’s Peak, Dambulla, Aluwih4re and _

Dunumadalakanda, &c., they are eminently fitted as places of

refuge; and from the commanding view which they in all cases

give of the country round by which the smoke of the fire of any

pursuing party by day, and the flame by night, could be readily

detected, they would serve as natural forts in a primitive age.

At the caves of Aluwihare, near Matalé, may be seen a stone

exactly similar to one discovered among some cave-dwellings

in the Rhone valley, and figured by Mons. Louis Figuier in

his “ L’ Homme Primitif” as a polishing stone used for polish

ing flint weapons.

When by gradual civilization the forest aborigines learned

to make huts without the help of Nature, and to fortify their

56 JOURNAL, RB A. S. (cRYLON). [Vol. VII., Pt. I.

hamlets in a rude way, these refuge places would naturally

be adopted with the first uprising of any primitive form of

natural religion as places pre-eminently fitted for the performance

of worship. It has struck the writer when, in travelling in the

Northern forests for miles under overarching trees, he has come

upon some bald black rock, and, ascending its summit, has

found a scooped-out water tank, a ruined dégoba, and a lovely

view of nature, that the tank which has outlived the flimsy dry

brick dagoba was in existence centuries before the religion was

revealed to which the dagoba was dedicated,—that the hill is

the holy place of some primitive worship, probably of fire, and

has been adopted by a later faith ina manner common through-

out the world.

[ADVERTISEMENT.]

PRELIMINARY NOTICE.

Dali Gert Society.

— 0)

COMMITTEE OF MANAGEMENT.

Hon. Treasurer—W. W. HUNTER, KEsq., C.I.E., L.L.D.

Hon. Secretary—U. B. BRODRIBB, Esq., B.A., 3 Brick Court, Temple, E.C.

PROFESSOR FAUSBOLL.

DR. OLDENBERG,

DR, MORRIS.

M. EMILE SENART.

T. W. RHYS DAVIDS.

(With power to add workers to their number.)

Bankers.

LONDON JOINT STOCK BANK, Prince’s Street, E.C.

i is esac to start a PAui Text Society on the model

of the Harly English Text Society, in order to render

accessible to students the rich stores of the earliest Buddhist

literature now lying unedited and practically unused in the

various MSS. scattered throughout the Public and Univer-

sity Libraries of Europe.

The Society looks forward to publishing, within a no

very distant period, the whole of the texts of the Pali

Pitakas. Professor Fausbéll having completed the Dham-

mapada, is already far advanced with his edition of the

Jataka Book, the longest of the texts of the Sutta Pitaka;

and Dr. Oldenberg has the Vinaya Pitaka well in hand.

The remaining texts of the Sutta and Abhidhamma Pitakas

lend themselves easily to distribution among various editors.

The project has been most heartily welcomed by scholars

throughout Europe; and Professor Fausbéll and Dr. Olden-

berg (when their present undertakings are completed),

Dr. Morris, Dr. Trenckner, Dr, Thiessen, Dr. Frankfurter,

Dr. Hultsch, Professor Ernst Kuhn, Professor Pischel,

Dr. Edward Miller, Professor H. Jacobi, M. Léon Feer,

M. Senart, Professor Kern, and Mr. Rhys Davids, have

already pledged themselves to take part in the undertaking.

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OE eS CPE SE Ae FON ETI No LT ee

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sours

= GBYLON BRANCH

OF THE

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,

VOL. VII.—PART II.

No. 24.

EDITED BY THE HONORARY SECRETARY.

** The design of the Society is to institute and promote enquiries into the History,

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es _ FRANK LUKER, ACTING GOVERNMENT PRINTER, CEYLON.

eg Tae creat delay in the issue of the present Number of —

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| = : | HH. Gee: BELG) 3

September, 1881. | co Hon. See.

JOURNAL

OF THE

CEYLON BRANCH

OF THE

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

LOS L.

VOL. VilI.— PART II.

No. 24.

“The design of the Society is to institute and promote enquiries into the History ,

Religion, Literature, Arts, and Social Condition of the present and former

Inhabitants of the Island, with its Geology, Mineralogy, its Climate

and Meteorology, its Botany and Zoology.”

COLOMBO:

FRANK LUKER, ACTING GOVERNMENT PRINTER, CEYLON.

1882.

CONTENTS.

PAGE.

The Ancient Emporium of Kalah, &c., with Notes on Fa-

Hian’s Account of Ceylon.—By H. Nevit1, ¢.c.s. ... 57

The Sinhalese Observance of the Kaldwa.—By L. NELL ... 85

Note on the Origin of the Veddas, with Specimens of their

Songs and Charms.—By L. Dr Zoysa, Maha Mudaliyar... 93

A Hiniyam Image.—By L. Neti Ree aos 116

Note on the Mird Kantirz Festival of the Muhammadans.

—By A. T, SHAMs-UD-DI'N Aue w. 125

Sericulture in Ceylon.—By J. L. VANDERSTRAATEN, M.D. .. 137

Sinhalese Omens.—By S. JayatinaKka, Mudaliyar ae Lg

ROS A ate

seal

ERG

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

CEYLON BRANCH.

THE ANCIENT EMPORIUM OF KALAH IN THE

EMPIRE OF ZABEDJ,

AS A CEYLON PORT, AND THE EARLY COLONIZATION OF THE

ISLAND, SUBSEQUENT TO THE WAR OF RAMA AND

| RAWANA 3 WITH

SOME NOTES ON FA HIAN’S ACCOUNT OF CEYLON.

By H. Nevitt, Esga., C.C.8.

In the very complete compilation of ancient accounts of

Ceylon, which Sir E. Tennent gives in the first Volume of his

work on the Island, he proceeds (after giving most interesting

notices of the emporium in Taprobane, or Serendib, through

which the luxuries of Eastern Asia were gathered for the

markets of the West) to adduce reasons, which appeared to him

plausible, as to the identification of the ancient Kalah with

the modern Galle.

He first clearly shows the errors into which Bertolacci and

other authors had fallen, and then suggests the fresh site, in

which, as I now hope to prove, he was deceived by a mere

similarity of sound.

In the first place, we at once fail to trace on our S.W. coast

the numerous Islands lining the shore, which form so striking

a portion of the description of the earlier writers.

58 JOURNAL R. A. S. (cEYLON). [Vol. VII. Pt. IT.

Again, the cramped and rocky creek known as Galle Har-

bour can scarcely be identified with the capacious ‘ dimen’ or

lagoon, and tranquil inland water, which is often spoken of in

connection with the emporium of Kalah.

Further, we have every reason to regard the Galle neigh-

bourhood as of comparatively recent civilization, and possessing

few ancient historical traditions, and no ancient historical

remains. Neitherin the extreme corner of the kingdom ever

guarded for its legitimate Sovereigns by the loyal, brave, and

independent mountaineers of Ruhuna, can we trace the half

Tanul district of Kalah, which owned the sway of the Maha-

réjas of Zabedj, the Sultans of the Isles, who, as Cosmas in

A. D. 550, (supported by Abou Zeyd in A. D. 900,) tells us were

‘évavriot addi Awe’ ‘opposed to, or independent of, each other,’ when

spoken of in conjunction with the King who had the Hyacinth.

It may be well to remark here that the recurring expression

‘the King who has the Hyacinth,’* scarcely refers to the great

gem that was mounted on the pinnacle of a lofty dagoba, and

is celebrated by the travellers to the royal city ; or yet to the

blue statue of Buddha described by Fa Hian, but rather means

‘the King who had the country where the Hyacinth was

found, 27 e¢. Sabaragamuwa and the adjacent Highlands,

anciently included in Ruhuna.

Further, as we are told by Abou Zeyd, between the kingdom ©

with the emporium and the Hyacinth country lies the pepper

country—a remark positively not applying to Galle, but at

once understood, if we admit, as I hope hereafter to show is the

case, that Kalah is the N.W. coast between the Arippu river

(the ancient Kadamba) and the Deduru-oya ; when the expres-

sion may be amplified into, between Puttalam District and

the Adam’s Peak District lies the plain of the Kelani river and

* 6 gig éywy roy bdxwOov"” (Cosmas Indicopleustes)—Tennent, Ceylon,

Vol, 1. p, 591.

No. 24.—1881.] ANCIENT KALAH, ETC. 59

the Mahd-oya, which through all tradition has been and still

is, the ‘ pepper country’; or, in still conciser terms, between

Kalah and Ruhuna is the Mayd-rata,

Many other arguments might here be adduced, and some

will be alluded to further on, but I think itis even already

sufficiently shown that Galle was not the ancient centre of

Kalah, the Tarshish of Solomon’s fleets, and the rendezvous of

Arabs, Persians, Indians, Syrians and Chinese.

We will now proceed to consider a number of facts, which,

when aggregated, render it probable, or even certain, that the

district alluded to on the N.W. coast was the great emporium

of the Hastern trade—the Kalah kingdom. In A.D. 50, when

Claudius was Emperor at Rome, a ship sent to collect the

revenues of Arabia was caught by the winds and borne to

Hippuros, the bold point still known as Kutiraimala: or ‘ Horse

Hill,’ and which has from the dimmest dawn of tradition been,

what it still is, the landmark of sailors, and a sacred spot at

which they to this day make suitable offerings to appease

winds and waters.

Here the mariners were hospitably received, and after a

short stay returned to Rome with an embassy from the King

of that district, which, as Pliny tells us, consisted of four per-

sons, the highest bearing the name of Aachia.

Casie Chetty (Jour. A.S., Ceylon, 1848, p. 78.) has proved that

Rachia is a corruption of A’rachchiya, and not as Sir E. Tennent

fancied, a form of Raja, since that title was never used for

persons of the rank selected for such missions.

Now in this very remarkable embassy to Rome from a point

of N.W. Ceylon, we have the most extraordinary confirmation

of my views regarding the site of the ancient trade.

For though Pliny gives us a full account and minute descrip-

tion of the Ambassadors, and the details they gave of their

country, yet he never even gives a hint that Hippuros was an

out of the way and unknown port, but on the contrary we

60 JOURNAL R. A. 8. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIL. Pt. IL.

are naturally left to believe that once there, the mariners

recognised the country, knew their way home, and ran no

further risk. :

Also had there not been regular intereourse between that

port and the Red Sea, how would the Romans have found

their way home ? and is it hkely an embassy would have been

sent had it not been recognised that there was no difficulty in

the relations of the two countries? On the contrary, once

arrived, having recruited their strength, the sailors start off

home as if on a beaten track, and without comment on their

safe return, bring an embassy and presents. Further, from

Pliny’s silence, there can be no doubt the embassy went home,

and was not condemned to a perpetual exile at Rome ; and in

consequence doubtless of its safe return with presents, we find

another arriving in Rome, when Julian was Emperor.

Fifty years later still, in A. D. 110, Ptolemy gives his

wonderful map taken down from the narratives of sailors,

which clearly shows how well our N.W. coast was known even

in its minutest details, and the course of its rivers inland.

In A.D. 410 Palladius writes, on the faith of a Theban mer-

chant, that in the neighbourhood are a thousand islands,

one group called Maniole, and five large rivers.

Now, in the boundaries assumed for Kalah we have a chain

of islands recently joined and forming the Akkara-pattu of

Kalpitiya, the long island of Karativu (mo doubt then a group

of detached islets), and various others scattered from Puttalam

to Kutiraimalai, while on the North are Manndr, Ramessaram,

and the adjacent group, parts of which are now connected

by sandbanks, and form Adam’s bridge; doubtless the Ma-

niole. Beyond these again are the islands of Jaffna,Delft and

many others.

By this hypothesis the untenable supposition of Sir E. Ten-

nent and M. Landresse, that the far distant Maldives were

referred to, 1s at once avoided.

No. 24.—1881. ] ANCIENT KALAH, ETC. 61

The five rivers accurately answer to the Arippu or Kadamba

river, the Kalaé-oya, the Morachchikatti river near Kutiraimalai,

the Mi-oya and the Deduru-oya.

In A. D. 550 Cosmas, writing the travels of Sopater, tells

how on that trader’s arrival at the emporium he learned that

the Hyacinth was found beyond the pepper country. This, the

ancient Maya-rata, the Mahawansa tells us was bounded on the

Northand South respectively by the Deduru-oya and the Kelani-

ganga, accurately enclosing and dividing the ‘pepper’ from the

‘gem’ districts and the district in which was the emporium.

Again, he says around it are a multitude of small islands

containing fresh water and thickly covered with palms pro-

ducing the Indian and the aromatic nuts.

In the islands now forming the Akkara-pattu as far as

Kalpitiya are abundant proofs of ancient groves of cocoanut

and palmyra palms, and the latter from which palm-sugar,

and a sweet paste called punatu, is prepared, was perhaps the

aromatic nut, and not the areka, which is a hill-growing species

and not likely to have been valued by the Western traders. It

is also of course possible the aromatic nut was not grown

but imported for export, and Cosmas’ informers mistaken in

their statement.

With regard to the special notice of the abundance of fresh

water even at this day, all visitors are surprised to find that

excellent water may be got in all the islands, and the Akkara-

pattu, at a foot or so in depth, while on the mainland water is

extremely scarce, only obtained by deep wells and ancient tanks.

Sopater was presented to the King of the district in which

was the emporium, who was independent of, or opposed to, the

King that had the Hyacinth.

In A. D: 850 Soleyman, a trader who had made many

voyages, described Adain’s Peak and the district around as that

which produced the gems, thus identifying the Hyacinth

country of Cosmas with that part of Ruhuna.

62 JOURNALIR. A. s. (CEYEON), [Volo Vil eer,

The Island was then (A. D. 850) still subject to its two

Kings, he tells us. When in his continuation of this work

Abou Zeyd describes Ibn Wahab’s. voyages (Tennent’s Ceylon,

Vol. I, p. 587) the still water lagoons in which he so delighted,

and where he spent months in coasting about, could only have

been one of the lagoons either of Jaffna, Kalpitiya, or Batti-

caloa, “and it is evident from the narratives of Soleymanand Iba

Wahab, that ships availing themselves of the monsoons to cross

the Indian Ocean, crept along the shore to Cape Comorin, and

passed close by Adam’s Bridge to reach their destined ports.”

At page 591 of the same work it is said :—“ The assertion of

Abou 4eyd as to the sovereignty of the Maharaja of Zabedj

at Kalah, is consistent with the statement of Soleyman, that

‘the Island was in subjection to two monarchs.’ ”’

In this we find still another strong support for our argument,

since the whole N.W. coast and Jaffna has from the most

ancient times been peopled by Tamils and Moors, thus account-

ing for the district being under the Mahdrajd4s of Zabedj, who

from B.C. 100 to A. D. 700 extended their empire and ruled

the Malay Islands, Kalah, and Travancore ; and it satisfactorily

accounts for the silence preserved by the priestly annalists of

the Kings who possessed the Hyacinth, as to the commercial

wealth of their rivals who governed the territory in which was _

the great emporium.

Sir E. Tennent also quotes the “ Garsharsp-Namah” of about

the 10th century, in which the Maharajé having requested

Persian aid against the “Shah of Serendib,” one Baku, a fleet is

sent, which lands at Kalah and obtains a signal victory over

Baku ; and this seems authentic, as the empire of Zabedj was

then breaking up, and the Kalah Viceroy likely to seek aid

from Persia, whose merchants profited so largely by its trade,

and indirectly proving the old enmity between Ruhuna and

Kalah, a feud at once understood as between the Tamil port

and the Sinhalese capital, but not applicable to Galle.

ee ee ee

No. 24.—1881. ] ANCIENT KALAH, ETC. 63

This Baku may have been only a General, or he may have

been the Parakrama Pandi or Bahu, who in 1059 was*Viceroy

of Ruhuna according to the Mahawansa, which also refers to

the Solian conquest and frequent irruption of foreigners

during the end of the 10th century.

Baku in either case is no doubt a corrupt spelling of Bahu.

Still later in 1347 Ibn Batuta visited the district where the

traders went for cinnamon, and landing at a place called ‘ Bat-

tala’ (either Puttalam or some port nearer the Battala-oya)

whence he crossed a river (the Deduru-oya) and reached the

port of ‘Salawat,’ still called in Sinhalese by that name, a

little on the Battala side of which the infidel King’s territory

ceased, thence turning inland he reached ‘ Kankav’ (? Ganga

sripura), either Gampola or one of the Sabaragamuwa towns on

the Kelani-eanga, and ascending Adam’s Peak he descended

to ‘Dinaur’ (Den-nuwara, Devundara), or Anglice Dondra,

whence he returned by ‘Kali’ and‘ Kolambu,’ then a flourishing

port, to ‘ Battala.’*

This route would have been from Dondra, by the ancient

port of Weligam and the village of Hinidum, through the

Walallawiti-kéralé to Kalutara, and not Galle; and ‘ Kali,’

doubtless is a corruption of the word Kalu-ganga-tara=— Kalu-

tara, i. e. the ferry over the black (Aalw) river.

I would here invite special attention to the expression “ the

infidel King” used by Ibn Batuta, when contrasting the

| King of the district in which was the port with the Buddhist

King who ruled the rest of Ceylon. Its use by the Arabian

in this contect shows the King of Kalah was not a Buddhist,

but of a religion hostile to that of the priestly annalists, who

drew up the chronicles of the Kings of Anurddhapura and

Polonnaruwa, and accounts for their silence upon the flourishing

port and busy commerce settled in the maritime state of

*Lee’s “ Travels of Ibn Batuta,”’ 1829, pp. 183—191,

64 JOURNAL R. A. 8. (CEYLON). [ Vol. VIL, Pt. FI.

Kalah, the point d’appui as it were of the hated . Tamils, so

hostile fo their religion.

Having pointed out how well the site I have given corres-

ponds with ancient descriptions, I will adduce analogies to its

ancient name of Kalah, far surpassing that of ‘ Kal’ (Kalutara)

and Galle; for though a more fallacious ground could not be

selected as the base of an argument, yet it may be a corrobo-

rative proof of value when taken in connection with other and

more direct proofs.

In the district between the Arippu-river and Deduru-oya the

principal river is the Kald-oya, or ‘ Kalah-river’—the port of

Kalpitiya is still called by the natives Kalputti, 7. e. ‘the Kala

sandbanks’—the opposite point on the mainland is Karativu,

r & J being mutable, and the name signifying ‘ Kalah Island.’

In the commencement of this paper I have alluded to the

absence of ancient historical remains, and traditions in the

neighbourhood of Galle; let us see how far the proposed site is

supported by such corroboration.

When Wijaya landed and founded the historical dynasty of

Ceylon, he arrived near the mouth of the Mi-oya at the present

Puttalam, B. C. 543.

He thence proceeded a short distance inland, where, after

marrying the daughter of one of the Native Chiefs, he gradu-_

ally extended his power, till from his capital of Tammanna,

Nuwara he acquired possession of the greater part of the

Island, and ultimately became so strengthened by bands of

adventurers from the coast, that he repudiated his wife and

native allies, reducing many to the rank of slaves.

Although the annalists of the Mahawansa confine the narra-

tive to the conquerors, and have only sneers for the aborigines,

the so-called Yakkhos and Nagas, yet it is clear the assertion of

their previous utter barbarity is quite unfounded, and we have

abundant proofs that they had attained considerable civiliza-

tion, although inferior to that of their Aryan invaders. Thus

No. 24,—1881. | ANCIENT KALAH, ETC. 65

we are told that one of their towns was called Lankdpura, and

was the capital of the kingdom ; hence they had a King and

Chiefs under him, they had gathered into towns and were not

mere savages or (as one popular idea supposes) the same as

the present Rock Veddas ;* also they understood jewellers’

craft, since a “throne of gems” was an object of strife.

Where Wijaya first landed, the Princess whom he married

was met near the tank, though this tank was doubtless used

merely as a reservoir of water and not for irrigation ; while

—most important—here the Princess or Chieftain’s daughter

distributed rice to his followers, which was obtained from the

shipwrecked boats of mariners. Now, had there not been

considerable commerce on the shore of the lagoon, it is clear

rice would not have so occurred, not from one special wreck,

but from the wrecked boats, as if such were of frequent occur-

rence. This, too, is supported by the tradition extant (Pien-i-

tien, Book LXVI.) when the Chinese travellers Hiouen-Thsang

and Fa-Hian heard that Wijaya had come as a merchant to the

district, and there, by his tact gradually acquired royal power.

I think we must deduce that the emporium of Ceylon existed

as a trading station long prior to his advent.

It may be well at some length to notice the tradition as

recorded by these ancient Chinese authors. Hiouen-Thsang, who

—unlike the simple matter-of-fact F'a-Hian—has always a ready

ear for, and pen to record, the romantic, says the tradition was

that a South Indian Princess on her way to be married, with

her retinue, was waylaid by a King of the lions, and carried

off captive to his mountain home, where she bore him a son and

daughter. When the son attained puberty, he consulted with

his mother and arranged to escape with her and his sister to

her people. With this object he carefully explored the moun-

tain paths, and at last succeeded in his plan and escaped with

* 8. Wdoes, veddd.

66 JOURNAL R. A. S. (CEYLON). [ Vol. VII., Pt. 1,

his mother and sister. The mother, however, having warned

him his parentage would disgrace him in the eyes of her

countrymen, they concealed the real nature of his father.

Meanwhile the King-lion ravaging the neighbouring lands in

search of his family, the King of the land to which the lion-

son had gone was in extreme peril from him, on which the

lion-son treacherously killed his own father with a dagger—

the father dying with forgiving love to his son.

On the eclaircissement that ensued, the King deciding he

must not break his pledge of reward, and also refusing to

allow the parricide to remain in his territory, equipped two

vessels, and in one sent off the lion-son with a retinue of men

to seek his fortune, and in the other sent off a retinue of women.

The history is here silent, but as the ships were sent off in this

manner, each on its own course, it is only natural to suppose the

lion-son’s sister and mother were banished in that with a female

retinue, which is said to have gone towards Persia. That

which contained the lion-son and his male retinue reached “the

isle of jewels,” and as many valuable articles of merchandize

were procurable there, they settled, and after killing some of

the chief merchants already settled there, married their widows

and established a kingdom, calling it “the Lion-kingdom.”’

We have only here to understand by lion, not the quadruped

but a Gangetic hill chieftain, with the title of Sinha (not un-

common), and the tradition is a highly probable partial account

of the origin of the Tamil coast race (which I assume to be

the Yakkhos of ancient accounts) as settled in N.W. and E.

Ceylon, in the country of the Nagas or aboriginal snake

worshippers,

This is again supported by a passage in Upham’s Rajawalt

(p. 168) not hitherto connected with the above tradition. In

this second legend the Rajawali says that the Yakkhos came to

Ceylon when the country was lying devastated and depopulated

by the wars between Rama and Rawana.

No. 24.—1881. | ANCIENT KALAH, ETC. 67

In combination we have from these traditions a very consis-

tent story, that when the aboriginal (Naga) race of Ceylon was

weakened by the Indo-Aryan invasion perpetuated in the Rama-

yana, a subsequent Tamil colony came from the South of

India, established itself as Yakkhos, and was organised by an

out-cast Prince of mixed Gangetic and South Indian blood,

who landed at a port frequented by merchants already settled

there, attracted by productions affording a lucrative trade.

This we may call the pre-Wijayan era, and accounts for the

Gangetic and Bréhman Wijaya arriving at its port when the

Island was inhabited by tworaces— Nagas (snake worshippers)*

and Yakkhos (probably a form of Saivites).

Hiouen-Thsang goes on to relate that 500 demon

women, who lived in one of the towns, seduced a party of

merchants who had arrived to trade, and each bore a son to

her paramour, Their Queen, who seduced the chief merchant,

bore a son who, after his father, whose name was Seng-kia

(Sinha) was called Seng-kia-lo.

The legend goes on to tell how Seng-kia-lo secretly deserted

his wife after her lavish kindness : how she followed him to a

neighbouring kingdom and implored him to return to her, and

upbraided him with his ingratitude : how he replied she was of

demon origin, justifying his repudiation: and how on her

appealing to the King, he, struck with her beauty and moved

with pity, took her to wife and protected her : how during the

night all the inmates of the palace were murdered and muti-

lated, and on the next morning the refugee announced to the

people that his wife was a devil, and in the night had flown to

Ceylon, and fetched a party of other devils, who had killed

and eaten the inmates of the palace and the King who had

just married her. On this he was elected King, and proceeded

at once to form an army and return to Ceylon, where he

entirely conquered the Island, exterminating many of its

* Note (1).

68 JOURNAL R. A. 8. (cEYLON). [Vol. VII., Pt. I.

inhabitants, and driving away the others to a neighbouring

Island, and then, having destroyed their town, established a

kingdom in his name “ Seng-hia-lo” (Sinhala) to which people

rapidly collected from other countries. Let us treat this as a

true tradition, merely garnished by the persons who gave it to

Hiouen-Thsang with the false representation that the unhappy

wife was really a devil, as it suited her betrayer to represent

when he effected the murder of the King, who had taken her

part against him, together with the inmates of the palace.

It is scarcely surprising the Buddhist annalists omitted

to record in their chronicles this horrible crime and the

successful conspiracy that brought Seng-kia-lo back from India

again, to the land of his birth, as a conqueror of the whole

land ; nor, priding themselves on their pure Gangetic race,

would the Kings descended from Wijaya care to see it re-

corded that Wijaya was the son of a Gangetic Chief and a

Yakkho Princess. On the other hand, there was absolutely

no inducement for Hiouen-Thsang to invent the story, had it not

been the current oral tradition.

I should also here refer to the extract from the Pradi-

ptkawa, given by Alwis at page xxv of the Introduction to

his Sidat Sangardwa, in which Gurulugémi* quotes from the

lost Atuwas (original Sinhalese commentaries on the Pali |

Scripture) compiled B.C. 92. |

He says: “ ‘Since King Sinhabahu took the Sinha (lion)

captive, he was (called) Sinhala, and his descendants were (thence

also called) Sinhala,’ so the name Sinhala is derived from the

circumstance of the lion being taken captive by Sinhabahu,

* Gurulugémi, the learned Thero of Aluviharé (Matalé District), says the

lesend, wrote Amawatura at his sister’s request for the instruction of his

nephew. Said the mother :—“ Brother, the dictionis not good; my son’s

style needs improving.” ‘Then he wrote Pradipikawa; and yet the student

of Sinhalese prose ‘ undefiled” (Klu) may perhaps best study Gurulu-

gdmi’s earlier work.—H. C. P. B., Hon. Sec,

No. 24.—1881.] ANCIENT KALAH, ETC. 69

who was begotten by a lion and was conceived in the womb of

a Royal Princess, the daughter of Kalinga Chakrawarti.” I

give Alwis’s translation, but he should have translated it,

‘daughter of the King of Kalinga, King of Kings ;’ as Chakra-

mart, (O2j0235}) is a King to whom other Kings are vassals.

Gurulugémi goes on to quote Sanyut Sangiya: “ So likewise

both King Wijaya, the son of the Sinhala [this we must bear

in mind is grandson of Sinha] who having subdued the Yaksha,

took Lakdiva [ Laika}, also his younger brother King Sumit,

who reigned in Sinhapura, also his son Panduwas Déva, who

having left Sinhapura became King of Lakdiva, and his sons

and grandsons, were Sinbala.” This passage I have translated

afresh as Alwis’s version fails to convey the original correctly.

It indicates that Wijaya,* grandson of Sinha, leaving his

* It may be well here to append an amended table of the successors of

Wijaya, which I suggest as probably correct :—

Dévananpiyatissa, B. C, 241, is a well-established date, and may be taken

as the starting point. B.C.

- Devananpiyatissa i A56 ole 241

Mutasiva BAe sag Bes 600 271

Pandukabhaya oak apn oes 306

A’bhaya and Gunatissa ... oes sop 343

Panduwasa a hal wie sie 373

Upatissa Acct sete we a 374

Wijaya nile ie ate aes 412

I quite agree with Turnour in regarding the reigns of Mutasiva and

Pandukabhaya (60 and 70) as preposterously long, and it will be seen by

halving these we get a reduction of 65 years, which sum has proved to be

an introduction fraudulently inserted to carry back the Wijayan era.

I have followed the Mahdwansa in allowing 37 years between Panduwasa

and Pandukabhaya, though this interval is open to doubt, and I shall per-

haps elsewhere be able to elucidate it. With reference to the reign of

Wijaya, I follow the Mahdwansa in giving it as 38 years. May we not

suppose the Sulu Raja Ratndkara gives it as 30 years, because the former

dates his reign from his accession on his father Sinhabahu’s death, and the

latter from his return from India at the head of an army to conquer the

Island? The new light thrown upon the subject by the Chinese accounts

renders this explanation highly probable.

70 JOURNAL R. A. 8. (CEYLON). [Vol. VII., Pt. U.

younger brother Sumit to rule the paternal kingdom Sinha-

pura, established the kingdom of Lakdiva (Lanka), but was

succeeded by his nephew (Panduwas Déva), son of Sumit who

left Sinhapura to ascend the throne of Lakdiva.

I think I can scarcely leave this part of my subject without

alluding to another legend of the Rdjawal: that is also

unnecessarily regarded as an idle falsehood. This is the story

- that during the life of Gautama Buddha he caused a, fire to

break out in Ceylon which drove away the Yakkhos who had

subsequently to the Rima era taken possession of the part of

Ceylon, where Buddha foresaw his religion would be greatly

cherished. This fire, we are told, drove the Yakkhos to the

sea and to the Island of Yakgiridiwayina, and by depopula-

ting the land of these Yakkhos prepared the way for its

settlement by the race destined to introduce the Buddhist

cult.*

Let us merely suppose that Mahinda and his disciples

learned when building their temples at Anurédhapura, that a

former city had existed on that spot, the inhabitants of which

were driven from the country by an excessive period of heat

and drought, during the life-time of Buddha himself. Can we

wonder that such enthusiastic missionaries should seize the

tradition, and by saying the drought and heat was a fire sent .

by Buddha, and not accidentally happening during his life,

thus obtain a hold upon the faith of the newly-converted

people and a special halo of sanctity upon their own mission,?

Nor in this connection must we forget the Abhayagiri monas-

tery was itself founded on the site of an ancient temple of

the former religion ; and that in days before the large irriga-

tion works were constructed there is nothing whatever forced

or improbable in the tradition of such a drought.

* Upham, “Sacred and Historical Books of Ceylon,” Vol. II., pp. 169-70.

No. 24.—1881. | ANCIENT KALAH, ETC. 71

I think then these legends, thus connected, are all consis-

tent, and show that after the wars of Rama a second race, —

the Yakkhos, intruded in Ceylon from South India, drove out

the enfeebled Nagas from the Anuradhapura district, as they

spread in from the N.W. coast and the trading ports, and

were again driven back to the Coast and Islands by excessive

heat and incessant drought, but subsequently, and about the -

Wijayan era, an Aryan race spread back again to the interior,

where Wijaya’s descendants formed again the city to which

their Gangetic kinsmen came to preach the law of Buddha.

Fa-Hian naively tells us :—“ This kingdom was originally

uninhabited by man ; only demons, genii[ Yakkhos] and dragons

[| Nagas] dwelt there. Nevertheless, merchants of other countries

trafficked with them. When the season for the traffic came, the

genii and demons appeared not, but set forward their previous

commodities marked with the exact price; if these suited

the merchants, they paid the price and took the goods. As

these traders went, and came, and sojourned, the inhabitants

of other kingdoms learned that this country was very beauti-

ful; these also came, and eventually established a great

kingdom.”’*

Fa-Hian who went to Anuradhapura about A.D. 410 direct

from To-mo-li-ti in the Ganges (the Tamalitti of the Maha-

wansa and almost on the site of Calcutta) says that he sailed

thence by a trade wind to Ceylon in fourteen days and nights,

(a surprisingly short time which accounts for the frequent

intercourse between Ceylon and the Ganges). He took pas-

sage in one of some large vessels going on a merchant voyage

to this Island. He proceeds to say that, arrived at Ceylon,

“to the right and to the left there are small islets to the

number of a htindred ; their distance from each other is in

* Laidlay’s “ Pilorimage of Fa-Hian,” translated from the Foe hkoue ki of

MM, Remusat, Klaproth, and Landresse, 1848, pp. 332-3.

72 JOURNAL R. A. 8. (cEYLon). [Vol. VII., Pt. Il.

some cases 10 Zi, in others from 20 to 200 Zi; allare dependent

upon the great Island.’’*

These islets answer perfectly to the islands of Jaffna, Delft,

Iranaitivu, &c., on the one side of the Straits of Mannar, and

on the other to Mannar and the connected islands with Kara-

tivu, Ipantivu, Dutch Bay, and the long peninsula of the

Akkara-pattu of recent geclogical formation, and very likely a

line of islands in A.D. 400, and the small islets of the Puttalam

lagoon, and the present peninsulas opposite Negombo and

Chilaw. Fa-Hian goes on to say of the islands, “ Many

precious things and pearls are procured there.”

He further says :—‘‘ There is a district which produces the

jewel mo-ni [a red gem probably, by the context, ruby] and

which may be about 10 2: square. The King sends people

thither to protect it, and when they have gathered the jewels

he takes three pieces out of every ten.”

Ten i would be three miles,* and this district of red gems

was possibly Nuwara Eliya, and not Sabaragamuwa.

This independent testimony of a Chinese pilgrim to Anura-

dhapura, in A.D. 410, is surely convincing proof that ‘‘ the large

ships” then traded with the North-Western coast of Ceylon as

the emporium, and his account identifies the islands of the

Arabian voyagers, and the King who had the hyacinth, as

already quoted from their narratives.

It was not until A.D. 850, when Soleyman visited it, that

we hear of any traveller actually visiting and identifying the

gem district, no doubt jealously guarded as a secret monopoly

by the Kings of Anurddhapura.

The fact that former writers overlooked our islands North

and South of the Straits of Mannar is not surprising,—-they are

* Laidlay’s “ Pilgrimage of Fa-Hian,”’ translated from the Foe houe ki of

MM. Remuzat, Klaproth, and Landresse, p 330.

* « Cing dé (1643 mét,) font un peu plus d’un mille anglais (1609 mét.)”

(Stanislas Julien).— Hon. Sec.

No. 24.—1881.] ANCIENT KALAH, ETC. re.

so very small upon a map, although as I know myself, having

boated amongst all of them, after actual inspection, they leave

no mean impression upon one’s mind, and Fa-Hian expressly

tells us they are quite small.

Fa-Hian, I may add, returned from Ceylon to China in a

trading boat which held 200 men, and halted for six months

in Java, and thence he proceeded in a similar trading vessel

direct to China.*

In this connection we must not lose sight of the disputed

narrative professing to be Philo’s translation of Sanchoniathon,t}

—a narrative which to me seems beyond a doubt genuine—if not

genuine as Sanchoniathon’s, at least as that of some ancient

traveller. The stress laid on Sanchoniathon styling Ceylon

“‘the island of Rachius”’ as an evident plagiarism from Pliny is

to méa false argument, and the whole of his treatise on Ceylon

is literally a correct account of an ancient journey from the

Puttalam coast to a town near the modern Kurunégala, one of

the most ancient districts of former civilization. Philo’s

island of Rachius may clearly be ‘the R‘ja’s Island,’ while

Pliny’s Rachia is ‘ A’rachchiya,’ an approximation at once

perceptible. All throughout the N.W. coast of Ceylon, and

as far in the interior as Anuradhapura and Kurunégala, the

whole country is one continuous scene of ancient settlements.

The extensive ruins of Tammanndé Nuwara near Puttalam, and

the adjacent town and tank of Mahda-tabuwa are known, and a

constant succession of reservoirs and hewn stones mark the

site of old villages and towns.

These reservoirs are principally tanks made solely to preserve

water, and not like the historical ones of the Buddhist annals

as sources for irrigation.

* Note (2).

} Tennent, “ Ceylon,” Vol, I, pp. 571-7.

T°: JOURNAL R, A. 8. (CEXEON), [| Vol. VIL, Pt ie

We can scarcely expect, however, the trading ports of the

coast to afford ruins, such as are seen on the site of the Bud-

dhist cities of the interior, for the trading cities on the coast

are said to have been singularly tolerant of all religions, and

hence it is probable none were very dominant, while the King

being only a Viceroy his palace would bea modest one. Now,

except temples and palaces, it is well known no other buildings

were built in a permanent way in ancient times, and so we

must not be surprised that the trade which swept our coasts

has left no very elaborate traces of its progress.

Again, perhaps I may notice as singularly illustrative of the

hereditary nature of many qualities, that the villagers in the

Tamil Wanni and Demala-pattu preserve to this day their

characteristic hatred of any intrusion and their love of retire-

ment. Just as in the days of the merchant sailors of Kalah

the Yakkhos are described as hiding from sight, and leaving

their merchandise on the shore for exchange: so we still find

them withdrawing their houses from the busy high roads that

now connect Puttalam with Kurunéeala and Anurddhapura,

and altogether abstaining from mixing in the commerce

around them or the colonies of settlers that have come among

them.

I must also notice that at Kalaputti, or Kalpitiya, during -

various excavations, large quantities of coins, gold and copper,

have been brought to hght, and of the latter the commonest

bear the name of Séhasa Mallawa, who reigned over Ceylon in

A.D. 1202, though the Mahawansa tells us that he was deposed

after two years,—two facts apparently at variance with each

other and requiring explanation ; others are of Teel wats and

Dharmasoka Déwa.

From the vast amount of treasure buried through some miles

of the country shortly after A.D. 1202, it is clear theremust have

been at that time some great and unexpected calamity and

No. 24.—1881.] ANCIENT KALAH, ETC. 75

invasion, so that it is probable that when the rule of the

Mahdarajas of Zabedj finally collapsed and their wide domains

fell under different sway, the protection withdrawn from Kalah

was the cause of successful forays and inroads from the oppo-

site coast of India or the Sinhalese capital, and that the

wealthy community was then broken up and its trade

abandoned.

From the absence of buried hoards of any extent before or

after this date, there is no doubt no such previous invasion took

place, and never since, for probably never again did it recover

from the blow received.

Within four square miles inthe memory of the older people,

there has been found near Kalpitiya probably as much as a

thousand pounds’ worth of hidden treasure, gold coins and

copper being the principal, but even a gold statue having been

dug up by the father of the present Tamil Mudaliydr of the

district.

To conclude, I have endeavoured to show that the emporium

of Taprobane or Serendib, from B.C, 500 until a comparatively

recent time, was not Galle, but the coast from Mannir to the

Deduru-oya (the Northern limit of the Mayd-rata): that it was

separated from the capital of the Sinhalese by jealousies that

account for the silence of the Sinhalese chronicles: and that it

forms the Kalah so often referred to.

As to which point on its coast we are to regard as the

emporium, I cannot on the data yet known decide. I incline to

think however, that the coast around, and opposite to, Kalpitiya

formed the centre of trade, and that the emporium was not

one defined spot, but @ cluster of petty ports all bartering the

luxuries of the Far Hast for silver, and the wares of Hurope,

Persia, and Ethiopia ; while the site of Tammanna Nuwara with

the adjacent ruins of Maha-tabuwa was the Capital of the ruler

who governed under the Sultans of Zabedj.

76 JOURNAL R. A. 8. (CEYLON). [ Vol. VII., Pt. IL

There remains only one further matter in relation to my subject

to which I need still refer in recapitulation, and that is the bear-

ing on it of the ancient accounts of the inhabitants of Ceylon

before the Aryan immigration under and subsequent to Wijaya.

They are described as of two classes, Yakkhos and Nagas. I

think it is now universally accepted that Nagas were an abori-

ginal tribe of snake worshippers, and formed, with an infusion

of Aryan blood, the bulk of our present Sinhalese. What

then were the Yakkhos? Have I not succeeded in showing there

was from the Islands of Adam’s Bridge on the North, down to

the Deduru-oya near Chilaw on the South, an ancient trading

district forming an emporium for the East and West, and under

a separate ruler of its own, opposed to the Chief King of the

Nagas at Lankapura and the Kings who succeeded Wijaya?

What more natural than that the people of this colony of the

empire of Zabedj should be the Yakkhos, or demon worshippers

(? Saivites), as opposed to the Nagas, or snake worshippers, who

were the aborigines of the rest of the Island ; and what more

probable than that as the Sinhalese of to-day represent the

race of Nagas, so the Tamils of the Jaffoa Wanni, Hastern

Province, and the Puttalam District represent the Yakkhos who

held the country in which was the port, and who were opposed

to the Nagas who held the rest of the Island.

NOTES.

(1)

I think the references here made to the Ceylon Nagas, as snake

worshippers, perhaps justify the following note:—

In the Ceylon Museum will be found the pottery image of a coiled

cobra and also what looks like alamp. These are of a peculiar and

heavy pottery different to any I have yet seen from Ceylon. They

were the only relics found under a crumbling heap of ‘brickwork

excavated on a little quoin rovk in Bintenna, and are, as far as I know,

No. 24.— 1881. ] ANCIENT KALAH, ETC. a7

the only such recorded relics of the Ophid, or Naga, cult in Ceylon.

I was for a long while struck with surprise that the Ophid, or

Naga, image should have been enclosed in a mound of brick like a

Buddhist relic, but on reading the notes ia Fa-Hian’s account of the

combination of the Buddhist with the ancient Ophid cult at Samkassa

(chapter xvii of Laidlay’s translation) in this connection, I unex-

pectedly found Cunningham describing the ruins of the Ophid shrine

as follows: ‘‘It is a small mound of ruined bricks dedicated to the

worship of the Naga. Nothing whatever is erected there; but

whenever rain is desired the people proceed to the spot and pray for

it. The period of annual worship however is the month of Bysakh,

[? Sinhalese, Wesak, s€e23] just before the commencement of the

seasonal rains, when the village women go there in procession and

make offerings of milk, which they pour out on the spot. This is no

doubt the identical dragon (Naga) which Fa-Hian mentions as

appearing ‘ once every year,’ from whose favour the people of Seng-

kia-shi [this is Samkassa] obtained propitious rains and abundant

harvests.”

I shall be excused for here further quoting the text of Fa-Hian

(A.D. 400) to show the conclusive grounds for believing the Ophid

cult actually witnessed by Capiain Cunningham was practically

identical with that witnessed by Fa-Hian. ‘“ Their stay being ended,

the dragon assumes the form of a little serpent with two ears

bordered with white. When the ecclesiastics perceive him, they

present him with cream in a copper vessel...... He comes out once

every year.” And again ante: * It is he who confers fertility and abun-

dance on the country by causing gentle showers to fall upon the

fields, and securing them against all calamities.”

I italicise two points in these accounts as worthy of attention : the

one is the ascendancy of ‘* women” in the Ophid ceremony, and the

other is the expression “twoears bordered with white.” With reference

to the former I draw attention to the ascendancy of woman as quite

antagonistic to the usual Indo-Aryan customs, and suggest an addi-

tional deduction from it, that the Ophid cult was not of origin among

an Indo-Aryan race ; as to the snake, local knowledge enables me to

18 JOURNAL R. A. 8. (CEYLON). _[ Vol. VIL., Pt. IT.

point out that there is a peculiar word always for the hood, or pené,*

of the cobra, which would have no Chinese equivalent, and which it

would be difficult for Fa-Hian to translate or express without a very

long explanation. No doubt Fa-Hian when he says “white ears”

means ‘ white sides to the hood’ ; and it is well known that in India

and Ceylon this albino, or partially albino, cobra is not very uncommon,

and regarded with special veneration.

It is generally known that if enquiry be made from any intelligent

old Sinhalese villager as to the habits of the cobra, he states that it

has a special passion for new milk, and can always be enticed from

its lurking place by a bowl of this delicacy. Are we to regard this

belief as arising from fact, and originating milk as the offering made

to the Naga ? or has a tradition that milk is the offering made given

rise to the popular belief ?

This is a most interesting question, and it is much to be wished

one of our Members would experiment and report on the attraction

milk or cream may, or may not, possess for the cobra.

In this connection I have asked my friend Mr. Haly, Director of the

Ceylon Museum, if possible, to exhibit the Naga and lamp presented

by me to the Museum at the reading of this Paper, and also to

exhibit for me two especially fine and ancient masks of the mythical

King and Queen of the Nagas procured by me in the interior of the

Southern Province, and still in my collection. I think it is possible

what appears to be a lamp (found just in front of the soe is in

reality the dish for the offering of milk. |

(2)

‘This Paper is so largely mixed up with matter extracted from

Fa THian’s travels, that the following notes on his account of Ceylon

may be here appended :— :

G.) Firstly, observe the hitherto (as far as I know) neglected

passage in which he, a devout Buddhist Priest, says the tradition in

A.D. 400 was that the sacred Bo tree was grown at Anurddhapura

* §. asasd, ‘the cobra’s hood,’ and osanama, penagoba, ‘the inside

of the extended hood.’—Hon. Sec.

No. 24.—1881.] ANCIENT KALA, ETC. 79

from “ seeds” specially fetched from the Gangetic District. Fa-Hian’s

careful account of it throws much doubt on the otherwise miraculous, —

and to a horticulturist improbable, story, that the tree was a cutting

from the original. No doubt, I think, the Sinhalese chronicles

have been tampered with, and the origin of the tree embellished

since Fa-Hian wrote,

Gi.) “ The Mountain without Fear’ is correctly identified in the

notes to Laidlay’s edition (p. 342) as the Abhayagiri Viharé.

(iii.) With regard to the chapel ‘ Po-thi,” should we not read this

‘Bodhi’? The Samanean’s name we may safely read as “ Dharma-

Joni,’ fer Tha-mo-hin-ti as it is written in Chinese—a language

unfitted to express Sanscrit more preciscly. The “ stone house” in

which Dharmajoti lived with his rats and snakes is no doubt the

literal rendering of ‘cave,’ still called by the Sinhalese gal-gé, Goa,

* stone house.’ ,

(iv.) Who were “the merchants Sa-pho” ? I think this is worth

enquiring, but, as far as I can see, the word must be a Chinese sub-

stitute for the original.

(v.) As to the statue at the Abhayagiri Viharé made of “ blue

jasper” and over 18 feet high, of what was the lustrous image really

made ? It is not conceivable so large a block of lapis lazuli could

“have found its way to Ceylon from North Asia, nor have turquoise

or sapphire ever been heard of of such size.

The only approximate artificial product then known was the rare

and beautiful blue glass used for the celebrated Portland vase, and

the Theban pottery coated with a brilliant blue enamel like turquoise,

of which small gods and amulets form the exquisite speciality of

Egyptian antiquity. Is it possible this statue was made in Egypt

for sale in Ceylon ? Or that an ancient Egyptian god was brought to

Ceylon for sale after its worship had died out in Egypt.

Any fragment with blue enamel on it found among the débris near

the Abhayagiri Viharé should be carefully preserved, as its origin

could at once be decided if Egyptian, and by encouraging a further

search of the débris might lead to the partial recovery of an unique

antiquity.

80 JOURNAL R. A. S. (CEYLON). [ Vol. VII, Pt. IL.

(vi.) It is also desirable to note the tradition that the “ great

tower 40 chang* high” (? the Brazen Palace) was built over a

footstep of Buddha.

(vii.) The visit of the King to the Treasury of the Priesthood

where the coveted “ Mo-ni” (? ruby) was kept, will be found

described in the Sinhalese chronicles, which, if my memory can be

trusted, say the treasure chamber was under a Dégoba to which they

had access by a secret passage.

(viii.) Fa-Hian describes the Dalad& temple at Anuradhapura in

A.D. 410, as decorated “ with the seven precious things.” It may

not be out of place to draw attention to the Chinese interpretation

of these. (See Fa-Hian, Laidlay’s edition, chapter xiii, and note

(4) by Klaproth.)

Two series are here given from the Chinese Buddhist writings, but

I think they are scarcely in each case rightly translated, and propose

the following corrections :—

First series.

1.— Sou-fa-lo—(suvarna’—gold.

2.—A-lou-pa—(ripiya)=silver,

3.— Lieou-li—in the Kouan-hing-sou called Fei-licou-li-ye which

signifies “not far.” This is explained as identical with Vaidurya |

(Sanserit)—the mountain Vidura on which Vaidurya was found

being “not far” (2. e., “ Vidura”) from Benares. Burnouf translated

Vaidurya as “lapis lazuli.” This I think is wrong. The hardness,

the colour (green or blue), and the locality, all point to Oriental

turquoise as the mineral here denoted, and there can be little doubt

Lieou-li must be read * turquoise” and not “ lapis lazuli.” I doubt

the identification with Vaidéirya, which I have always elsewhere

construed as corundum or sapphire.

4,—Pho-li, or Se-pho-ti-kia (sphatika)=rock crystal.

5.—Mcou-pho-lo-kie-la-pho. This is star sapphire or asteria, not

fossil, ammonite as somewhat wildly conjectured ; the rays of the

* « A chang is a measure of 10 Chinese feet, and the Chinese foot is 8

lines shorter than ours.”

No. 24.—1881. | ANCIENT KALAH, ETC. 81

star form the spokes of the wheel. May we not recognise in the

wheel formed by the star ona round gem of asteria, the sacred

~ symbol of the wheel, which accounts for the present belief among

some Oriental races that there is a god in the asteria, although they

have forgotten the reason for their superstition, and substitute the

god for the symbol ?

6.—Mo-lo-kia-li=agate.

7.—Po-mo-lo-kia (padmaraga)—=ruby.

We must here notice this ancient origin of the still existing Ceylon

superstition, that the finest rubies lie in the head of cobras. This

extraordinary myth seems to have been an accepted matter when the

Chinese authors wrote.

May we not now translate this myth as simply the exaggerated

form that arose when the Indo-A’ryan races began to confuse the

Nagas (ophid cult) and Yakkhos (perhaps an early form of Saivites)

with actual snakes and demons, in which secondary sense the original

name of the races evidently came after a time to be used by the

A’‘ryaninvaders?* It might then simply mean, the Nagas with whom

rubies are found in a secret and jealously guarded place, instead of

the rubies hidden in the head of the cobras and jealously guarded, as

we have recently been too literally interpreting it.

Second Series. 3

1 —Po-lo-so=(prabala) coral. Here I ask your attention to

the Chinese account, that it was found on an Island to the S.W. [of

the Gangetic countries or ? of China] and dredged by iron nets from

submerged rocks [evidently at a great depth, or divers would have

_* & Naglok (snake land) was at an early period a Hindt name for hell.

But the Nagas were not real snakes—in that case they might have fared

better—but an aboriginal tribe in Ceylon, believed by the Hindus to be of

serpent origin, — Néga being an epithet for ‘native.’ The term is now used

very vaguely. Mr. Talboys Wheeler, speaking of the ‘Scythic Nagas’

(History of India, Vol. I. p. 147), says :—‘ In process of time these Nagas

became identified with serpents, and the result has been a strange confusion

between serpents and human beings.’ In the *‘ Padma Purana’ we read of

‘serpent-like men.’ ‘The dreaded powers were from another tribe desig-

nated Yakkhos ‘demons,””°—Conway, “Demonology and Devil-lore,”

Vol.I, p. 151.—Hon. Sec.

82 JOURNAL R. A. §. (CEYLON). © [ Vol, VIT., Pt. IT.

been employed]. This account agrees with fact. On the S.W. coast

of Ceylon at Balapitiya, a considerable quantity of small pieces of

valuable red coral, much water-worn, are annually washed up during

the S.W. monsoon. ‘The site on which it grows is no longer known,

possibly it may come from a great distance 5.W. of our coast, though

I am inclined to think not from such a distance as the Maldives.

I have asked Mr. Haly to exhibit some coral picked up by me as

above described. |

— 2.—A-chy-ma-kie-pho (? asmagarbha), This is I think wrongly

identified as amber. This transparent red substance should be

translated carbuncle or garnet. It was in earbuncle that ancient

Indian intaglios were cut, the translucency of the stone when cut

thin giving great effect to the workmanship.

3.—Ma-ni or mo-ni=pearl.

4.—Chin-shou-kia—a gem like the flower of the kimsuka tree

(Butea frondosa) [see First Book, Indian Botany, Olliver], that is of

an orange red colour. ‘This unidentified substance should be trans-

lated Oriental topaz (yellow, pink or orange corundum), one variety of

which satisfactorily answers to the description.

5.— Shy-kia-pi-ling-kia — not translated. This may he read

diamond. ‘The word ‘ pi-ling-kia” is evidently of common origin

from Sanskrit, with the modern Sinhalese palingu (~&@), which is

used for crystal, ,

6.—Mo-lo-kia-pho—translated marakata, or emerald. I would

suggest another interpretation of chrysoberyl, or cat’s-eye.

The Indian cat’s-eye (quartz) is of remarkable softness, and is cut

even by a pen-knife. The two forms of cat’s-eye may have been

confused. Has the Chinese form es Mo-lo-kia” any origin in the

Indo-A’ryan word “soft” (S. molok, OSI) ? Iam not myself

scholar enough to say whether this word was then used in the Gan-

getic District in the sense of softness—easy to cut. The same. word

occurs above possibly in Mo-lo-kia-li (agate), from which we learn

vases were cut. I recalla passage in some old Oriental book—I

forget which, but think itis in the Ummagga Jataka—in which this

word moloka is used in reference to the softness of a thigh asa

pillow. Perhaps one of our Members may be able to rectify my

No. 24.—1881.] ANCIENT KALAH, ETC. 83

ignorance by stating whether such a word for ‘ soft? was in Indo-A/ryan

usage in above sense of ‘easy to cut.’

7.-~-Pa-che-lo.—This is translated vajra, or diamond, and is

clearly erroneous. The colour, we are told, is like that of an amethyst

and the stone is used for engraving others. It must be translated

sapphire or corundum.

We have in these (what the learned annotators of course could

‘not see with the imperfect light then thrown on the minerals) a

parallel series in colour, thus :—

eh |S aan topaz? sun=— ? life.

silver—pearl=? moon==? death,

| ¢ Crystal==-diamond=? ether.

| Asteria—(emerald or) cat’s-eye=? air.

Five elements { Turquoise—sapphire=? water.

| Kuby==carbuncle=? fire.

| Agate—cora]—? earth.

Both gold and silver have in the ancient books one four-fold attribute,

of which ‘‘ changeless,” “ indestructible,” “ incorruptible,” and “ omni-

potent” would be the euphonious transcription.

‘The seven precious things’ might thus symbolise the five ele-

ments :— ether which is supported by (? generating) air, air supported

by (& generating) fire resting on water, and water supported by (gen-

erating) earth, all adorned by the attributes of gold and silver : that

is changeless, indestructible, incorruptible, and omnipotent, in one

sense, and combined with light— 2. e., sun and moon—in another.

- This is a well-known ancient symbol of the elements. ;

A, ether—B, air—C, fire—D, water—and E, earth—which, by

adoption among Buddhists give rise to the present Dagobas,

originally no doubt erected over his remains, and sym-

-bolically used to show the return of Gautama Buddha

to the five primitive and indestructible elements. We

should thus have the shape of the Dagoba borrowed from

[eae the symbol of creation of an older cult by the Buddhists,

and further illustration of it by the seven precious ornaments.

In addition, then, to the question of the colours probably symbol-

ising the five elements with neither beginning nor end, I would suggest

Bae JOURNAL R. A. 8. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIL, Pt. IL.

the study amongst our Members of the question, whether in our

ancient records there is any account showing that the five colours

were applied separately to the different parts of the Stupa or Da-

goba, which I suggest they may symbolise. Thus, whether the

rectangular case was painted red, the dome was painted blue, &e.

It is quite possible the colouring of a Stipa may have been so

arranged and a record preserved thereof.

To recapitulate. I suggest these “seven precious ieee are the

symbol of a cult which taught that the five elements combined with

light (sun and moon) are the origin of all things and source of creation.

In detail we may read the symbol that by action of (light causing)

fire (heat) on water resting on earth proceeds air penetrated by the

apex of the triangle of fire (heat), above which rests ether from which

the triangle fire radiates but into which it does not enter ; thus giving

us in ether, or the firmament above our atmosphere, combined with.

sun and moon, or light, the creative power which shaped the earth

into its four other distinct elements. Bearing this in mind, a special

interest will follow the work of local students, who will take the

trouble to record the exact shape of the various Stupas or Dago-

bas still existent, or adequately described in ancient records, as they

gradually diverged from the primitive type. .

My view of the original Buddhist symbolised theory of creation,

here suggested, accounts for the early Buddhist writers classing

the theory of creation of the contemporary sect they call “ strong-

mouth” as an heresy. This sect, existing in and established

before the lifetime of Gautama Buddha, taught that ether begat air,

air begat fire—fire, heat—heat, water—water, ice—and the ice solidi-

fied begat earth—and earth begat five kinds of grain, which produce

life, which when ended returns to ether. |

It will be seen then “the heresy” would consist in the interpola-

tion of a glacial period in the earth’s stage of development. into dry

land, and the mediation of vegetation derived from land; thus the

meaning veiled in the seven precious things of early Buddhism is

closely akin—but brings in the action of sun and moon, and omits -

glacial and vegetable influence on creation. — :

No. 24.—1881.] siNwaLusE KALAWA. 85

ON THE SINHALESE OBSERVANCE OF THE

KALA’WA.

By L. Newt, Esq.

| Some time ago my attention was drawn to the belief of the

common people amongst the Sinhalese in the haldwa (Q@0®).

This, according to the impression left on my mind, was some

moveable principle or predisposition, moving in a certain

course in the human body in accordance with the lunar calendar.

The believers in the kalawa assert, that when it. is in position

on the crown of the head, the scratch of a pin on that part

would be sufficient to cause death ; so, on the day of this

-haldwa, women in some parts of the interior of the Island

will decline to carry loads of firewood on the head. In like

manner, on the new moon day labourers will not go into the

jungle to clear it, on account of the risk of injuries to the toe

of the foot. On the 6th day of the first half, and the 10th

day of the second half, of the lunar month, it is considered

dangerous to take a purgative medicine, the seat of the kaldwa

being then supposed to be in the belly. Onthe 7th day leeches

should not be applied to the region of the chest.

In the case of a man, the kalawa rises, with the moon, from

the big toe of the right foot, from part to part, till, on the

15th day of the moon, it reaches the crown of the head. It

then descends in corresponding parts on the left side, till, on

the 30th day, it reaches the big toe of the left foot, ready again

to ascend on the right side. In the case of a woman, the

movement is reversed, since it asceuds on the left side and

descends on the right, the positions being otherwise the same :

that is, the Aaldwa ascends from the lett great toe upwards

to the crown of the head, then descends by the same degrees

to the right toe. This corresponds to a principle in native

86 JOURNAL R. A. 8. (CEYLON). [ Vol. VIL, Pt. I.

palmistry, according to which the fortune of a male is told

from the lines on his right hand, of ae from those on the

left hand.

I found subsequently that Tables of the halawa had been

published in a Sheet Almanac, printed in a native vernacular

press in Galle,—in a Sinhalese Ephemeris for the year, printed

in a pamphlet of 54 pages,—and ina Sheet Almanac published

by the press of the Lakrivikirana newspaper. Though this

led to theidea that the subject was well known, I was surprised

to find discrepancies when the Tables were translated. This

led me to make personal enquiries during a short visit to the

Bentota District, where I questioned the learned priest, Koho-

mala Indusara, and a native Vedarala or medical practitioner.

I was surprised to find that the latter had little or no know-

ledge of a subject so important, apparently, in native medical

science.

In the discussion ah the priest, a difficulty arose eal

his division of the Junar month into sixteen kalé; namely,

(1) Amdwaka, 9.2), the day on which the moon does not

appear; (2) Pélaviya, 67@5D, the day on which the moon

first appears ; (3) Diyawaka, @@O*), the second day ; (4)

Tiyawaka, SeOs, the third day; (5) Jalaraka, SEZ,

fourth ; (6) Wiséniya, 568 S30, fifth; (7) Satawaka, BODH);

(8) Satawaka, 80) ; (9) Atawaka, POOH ; (10) Namawaka,

Mele; (11) Dasawaka, 6808; (12) Lkaloswaka, Oe-

@E28 D4) ; (13) Doloswaka, SE40629”% 9 ; (14) Teleswaka,Gs)

GEWOHE); (15) Tuduswaka, HEeOD; and (16) Pasaloswaka,

SO E9WOS). ,

This, of course, omitting the day on which the moon does

not appear, is the lunar calendar—the full. moon with the

common people being known as the pahaloswaka-piya (EAGE9

wos) 63508) or ‘pdya of the 15th lunar day.’ The counting —

of the alé on which the moon does not appear introduces a —

No. 24.—1881.] | SINHALESE KALAWA. 87

_ difficulty, since the kalawa can ordinarily be only counted with

30 lunar days. ‘The sixteen kala, enumerated by the priest,

therefore refer to the intervals between these “days,” and

correspond to the 16th part of the disc of the moon, which

will be referred to in a definition to be here quoted. -

In the month during which I was making these enquiries,

the new moon had risen on Wednesday, the 30th of March,

at 3°52 p.m.: the first quarter, on Wednesday, the 6th of April,

at 9°14 p.m. : the full moon on the next Thursday, at 5:9 P.M. :

and the last quarter moon on Thursday, the 28th of April, at

3°44 p.m. So that, even taking the particulars given in an

English Almanac, it must be a matter of difficulty for ordinary

‘natives to fix the exact time of the commencement and close

of each faldwa, granting that it corresponds with a particular

lunar day. This probably led to the neglect of this part of the

native science in the empirical practice of the Vedardlas. It

will also appear that even with the assistance of the native

Tables (translations of which are appended), the science will

be of difficult application till the lmits of each faldwa are

more accurately limited. The duration of a particular haldwa

may, of course, be roughly recognized during some part of a

lunar day, and the most ignorant native is usually aware of

the principal phases of the moon from the practice of faithfully

observing the pdya days.

L. De Zoyza, Mahdé-Mudaliyar, after kindly making en-

quiries at my request, wrote :—“‘ I have received the explanation

of two of the best Vedardlas here about the kalawa; but they

are somewhat contradictory, and I cannot make much sense

of them. The truth is that their ideas of the matter are

very vague.”

Under these circumstances the derivation of the term is

calculated to throw some light on the subject. According to

the priest, already referred to, the term fala may be Sanskrit,

88 JOURNAL R. A. 8. (cEYLON). [Vol. VIL, Pt. II.

Pali, or Elu, and means ‘ashare.’ De Zoyza, Maha-Mudaliyar,

pronounces it a Sanskrit, or Pali word, to which the following

meanings have been given in the Dictionaries :—(i) ‘a part’ ;

(ii) ‘afraction’; (iii) ‘the 16th part of the Moon’s disc’; (iv) ‘a

mechanical act;’ (v) ‘a division of time.’ The &aléd, @», or

Kaldna, @22, in Sinhalese, of which we are now treating,

he} renders as ‘the sixteenth part, or digit, of the moon’s

disc, which in some mysterious way ascends and descends in

the human body.’ As it is always difficult to apply a term of

one language to translate a term of another accurately, each

in its native use being associated with ideas foreign to the

other, we must modify this definition. I think my original

conception will consist with taking kalawa as a derivative

from kala, and the idea obtained will therefore be, that of

“some moving principle, or local predisposition, following a

course in the human body in relation to the course of the moon

in her increase and decrease. |

In the examination of the calendar of the kalawa, many

discrepancies occur in the various versions received by me. I

propose to add translations of the two published versions, as

they are probably more generally accepted on account of their

publication. The principal discrepancies in the various

accounts are in the fourth kalawa, described as ‘ the calf” or

“the knee-cap”; the eleventh described as “ the lip,” “the

lower lip,” “‘the cheek.” This second discrepancy may spring

from the general application of the term tola ©Sn@ to the

region of the fore-teeth, the lips, cheek, and chin.

But besides these discrepancies in details, I found that my

original information, distinguishing the Mul-kalawa, 9 EM eID

from the Amrita-kalawa, @2anHe22 (erroneously called

Mruta-kaléwa, ©aD~e2) was altogether wrong. It

appears that in Sinhalese popular medical works the Amrita-

kalawa means literally ‘the ambrosia!’ or ‘ good’ kaldwa. The

No. 24.—1881.] SINHALESE KALAWA. 89

Visa-halawa, S6A@ 2, I would translate as ‘the baneful

(literally, ‘ poisonous’) kaldwa.’ It will be seen in the Table

taken from the Lakrivikirana Sheet Almanac that the Visa-

kalawa is said to ascend on the left side in males, and on the

right in females. This Table and that from the Lita or

Hphemeris for the year give both the Visa-kaléwa and Amrita-

kalawa, which | have not obtained from other sources. There

can be no doubt that the Mui-kaléwa, commonly spoken of, is

the same as the Amrita-kalawa. The Sinhalese Lita (page

50) advises thatif the Amrita-kalawa locates itself in any part

of the body, care should be taken of it, as “ life” then chiefly

exists in it. In the case of Visa-kalawa it is asserted that

any wound or hurt to the part where it is located will bring

calamity or death. The distinction of effect is not very clear,

except that a hurt in the latter case appears to be considered

as more directly baneful. The only explanations remaining to

be made are: first, that when the faldwa is in the arm-

pit or shoulder, the whole arm and hand are involved; and

secondly, that the Amrita-kaldwa moves at a certain distance

from the Visa-kalawa.

90 JOURNAL R, Av S, CHYLON. | Vol V Wien. tie

KALA WA TABLES.

Tue Kaldwa Vable appearing in the Sheet Almanac of the Lakri-

vikirana is as follows :—

Ascending Visa-kalawa. Ascending Amrita-kalawa.

BSD SSned. SEND GQasywerg.

i Toe -. G9508EGaE 1 Toe (bottom) Oe®GGeGed

2 Instep .. UAQoe 2 Toe (back) QOaoBwseogew

3 Calf a ODO 3 Heel Seoe

4 Knee-cap ... eagowd 4 Calf w. QAIDMOGE)

5 Voniye wee GIA 5 Knee-cap ... eagoed

6 Middleof belly @Qeig 6 Hip, waist,

or loins ... oMadacd

7 Pap w. HST 7 Near VYoniya caoisaca

8 Arm-pit 22 BBG 8 Yoniyé ... ealBad

9 Neck we OBES 9 Abdomen ... cd@oaa

10 Chin w. =GHIGE) 10 Palm ofhand e.ngedeG

11 Lip oe OASOE il Pap o. ood

12 Rootof tooth eage 12 Shoulders... 6a&

18 Upon eye 1 080 13 Neck -. BEG

14 Forehead ... mere 14 Lip ws ODITG

15 Crown of head gugaqosd 15 Crown of head ax@eeaod

Descending Visa-halawa. Descending Amrita-kaldwa.

ASA Gamera. aia eQamacsd.

16 Crown of head gaQaasd 16 Forehead... aesc

(right) (eq)

17 Forehead... meee 17 Ear want

18 Eye eros 18 Neck 1. AOE

19 Lip os ODICIE 19 Shoulder... 655

20 Root of teeth eaQe 20 Pap Bo SIGS.

21 On the chin ceed 21 Back of hand Segoe

No. 24.—1881.]

22 Neck

23 Arm-pit

24 Pap

26 VYoniyé

27 Knee-cap ...

28 Calf

29 Instep

30 Toe

SINHALESE KALAWA.

CAGE

BOGGS

DSI

25 Middle stomach QW#O.e

Od sacs

ERODE

QA)S\<H03)

SDIE

QIsoBs eae

22 Palm of hand gacreéee

23 Stomach ...

24 Back

25 Knee-cap...

26 Instep’ ..

27 Heel

28 Sole

29 Belo

30 Back of toe

@) DE)

ES5QaS

@oe

of foot

w toe

SANOCM

SOE

Jee)

CLOTSIONONG:

QasoKBearag «xv

eHBIBGEE 62

Sen@) gorwSsded 68a sOdndssle: wGasd eqarasa.

“ Visa-kalawa commences from the fefé side in males: from the

right side in females.”

The following Tables, taken from the Lita or Ephemeris published

at Galle by one Philip De Silva, an Astrologer, must explain them-

selves Oss

| Moon

Fwaxing.

Pwo ba Sao Oo

The

The manner in which the Visa-kaldmwa

In Males.

Of ree

Left ear

5 mouth

»» nose

eye

eyebrow

head

Right head

,, eyebrow

» eye

59 NOSE

5, mouth

5) car

» neck

9) pap

5, heart

Moves up.

In Females.

Right ear

», Mouth

», nose

d9 eye

» eyebrows

» head

Left head

eye

nose

mouth

ear

neck

99 pap

», heart

eyebrow}

Om~FIDaR WY =

; he

§ Moon

| waning.

In Males,

Left neck |Right neck

37 pap

»» heart

., belly

» linguva

», knee

,, aukle

,, sole -

., toe

Right toe

», sole

», ankle

4, Knee

5, rahasé

5 belly

Moves down.

In Females. |

5» pap

», heart

»» belly

9» YOne

»» knee

» ankle

», sole

Ay WOE

Left toe

5» sole

, ankle

,, knee

,, rahaseé

5» belly

* Abbreviation of Amdwaka (@@394)) 7. ¢, no moon or visible disk.

92 JOURNAL R. A. 8. CEYLON. [ Vol: Vids ware

The manner in which the Amrita-kalawa

Ascends from the first appearance Descends after the Full

of the Moon. ea Moon.

The prom the toe of|From the toe off The From the left |From the right

waxing.| of Males. of Females. | waning. Males. Females.

15 |Right head |Left head 1 |Left head |Right head

14 ,, forehead| ,, foreheadj 2 », forehead) ,, forehead

13 eye iG NAS 143 , VE 3 CVE

12 », nose »» nose 4 5, hose », nose

1} », cheek », cheek 5 » cheek 5, cheek

10 » ear 5) ear 6 » ear ») Car

©) », neck », neck (i », neck »» heck

8 » pap 5» pap 8 » pap » pap

7 », heart ,, heart 9 », heart », heart

6 », navel », navel > navel », navel

5 ,», linguva | ,, yout », linguva| ,, yone

4 » calf 5, Call », calf > Calf

3 ,, ankle ,, ankle ,, ankle ,, ankle

2 », sole » sole », sole » sole

1 >, toot », toe », toe ,, toe

No. 24.—1881.] ORIGIN OF THE VEDDAS. 93

NOTE ON THE ORIGIN OF THE VEDDA'S,

WITH A FEW SPECIMENS OF THEIR

SONGS AND CHARMS.

By Louis De Zoysa, Maha-Mudaliyar.

(Read July 6th, 1881.)

In submitting the following Note to the Society, it is not

my intention to enter upon the vexed question of the origin of

the Veddas, but simply to call attention to an important pas-

sage in the Mahdwanso relating thereto, the true meaning of

which has been long hidden from the readers of that work by

an erroneous rendering in Mr. Turnour’s translation.

The 6th chapter of the Mahdawanso gives an account of the

arrival of Vijayo, the first monarch of the Sinhalese dynasty,

B.C. 543. The 7th chapter relates his encounter with an-

aboriginal Princess named Kuvénz, how he married her, and how

he conquered the Island by her means.

When she had borne him two children, a son named Jiva-

hatto and a daughter named Jisd/a, the King wished to divorce

her and marry a Princess from Southern Madura. For this

purpose he sent ambassadors to King Pandavo of Madura,

soliciting his daughter in marriage, and duly obtained his con-

gent. On the arrival of the Princess from India, Vijayo ‘“‘thus

explained himself to Kuwéni: ‘A daughter of royalty is a

timid being ; on that account, leaving the children with me,

depart from my house.’ Shereplied: ‘On my account, having

murdered Yakkhos, I dread these Yakkhos ; now I amdiscarded

ts It is due to Mr. De Zoysa to record that he had no opportunity of

perusing the Papers on the Veddas—only very recently received from

England—of Messrs. J. Bailey (Trans. Ethnological Soc., Vol. IL. n.s., Art.

xxvi., 1863), and B. F. Hartshorne (Fortnightly Review, Art v, March,

1876), prior to writing the ‘ Note” now printed. Mr. De Zoysa’s Paper has

been delayed, whilst in the press, to enable the Honorary Secretary to add

(necessarily as Notes) some extracts bearing thereon.

94 JOURNAL R.A. 8, CHYEON. ~ [| Vol VIE, mini,

by both parties, whither can I betake myself? ‘ Within

my dominions,’ said he, ‘to any place thou pleasest, which is

unconnected with Yakkhos; and I will maintain thee with a

thousand bali offerings.’ She who had been thus interdicted

(from re-uniting herself with the Yakkhos) with clamorous

lamentation, taking her children with her, in the character of

an inhuman being, wandered to that very city (Lankapura)

of inhuman inhabitants. She left her children outside the

Yakkha city. A Yakkho who detested her, recognising her

in her search for a dwelling, went up to her. Thereupon

another fierce Yakkho, among the enraged Yakkhos, asked: |

‘Is it for the purpose of again and again spying out the peace

we enjoy that she is come?’ In his fury he killed the

Yakkhini with a blow of his open hand. Her uncle (a Yakkho

named Kumaro) happening to proceed out of the Yakkha

city, seeing these children outside the town—‘ Whose children

are ye?’ said he. Being informed ‘ Kuwéni’s,’ he said: ‘ Your

mother is murdered: if ye should be seen here, they would

murder you also—fly quickly.’ Instantly departing thence,

they repaired to the (neighbourhood of the) Sumanta moun-

tain. The elder having grown up, married his sister, and

settled there. Becoming numerous by their sons and daugh-

ters, under the protection of the King they resided in that

Malaya district, This person (Jiwahatto) retained the attri-

butes of the Yakkhos.”’* : |

Now, I submit that the rendering of the words “®o@ao

HES W083 BOSS” | Hso pulindanan hi sambhavo| by “this

person (Jiwahatto) retained the attributes of the Yakkhos,” is

erroneous, and that the words should be rendered “ This is the

origin of the Pulinda”’—1. e., the Veddas.}

* Turnour’s « Mahawanso,’ Vol. 1., p. 52: Cotta, 1837. Followed by

Forbes’ “Eleven Years in Ceylon,” Vol. LI., p.81; Pridham’s “Ceylon, &e.,”

Vol. L., p. 27; and Tennent’s “ Ceylon,” Vol. I, p. 371.— Hon. Sec.

No. 24.—1881.| orIGIN OF THE VEDDAS. | 95

In the first place, the word “SG335” | Pulinda] which Mr.

Turnour renders by ‘‘ Yakkhos” (who are supposed to be

supernatural beings), is never applied to Yakkhos, but means

Veddas. The following is the meaning given by Professor H.

H. Wilson in his Dictionary of the Sanskrit language, p. 545:

“8. V. Pulinda, a barbarian ; a mléchch’ha; a savage or

mountaineer ; one who uses an uncultivated and unintelligible

dialect, &c.”? The Sinhalese vocabulary, the Namavaliya,

gives “ Pulindu’ as one of the synonyms for Veddas,

Qf O6, GGe, Onad (mG Orde O),*

[Vedi, mal, pulindu, vanasara (nam veddanta). |

Strangely, this word does not occur in the Pali language.

It is not found in the Adjidhdnappadipika, the only author-

ized vocabulary of the Pal language, nor in Childers’ Pali

Dictionary, nor in any other Pali work I have seen. But. this

need not excite much surprise, as Sanskrit words, not found in

the Pali vocabulary, are sometimes found in Pali writings;

é. g., in this very chapter of the Mahdawanso the word

“ea5,0WM0” | surunga|, which is pure Sanskrit and not found

in the Pali vocabulary, is used for a “subterraneous abode.”

In the second place, “#wnees” | sambhavo|, which Mr.

Turnour translates “attributes,” means, according to Childers’

Paéli Dictionary (p. 431), ‘production, birth, origin, cause,

union, &e., &ec.”’

The demonstrative adjective “O@e«s” | éso| (mom. sing.

m.) Mr. Turnour refers to Jimahatto understood, but the more

* Alwis’ Namadvaliya, p. 59, v. 225. Colombo, 1858. Ag also the Nava-

namavaliya, p. 14, v. 109 :-—

NIEDY...wS, WE, gG|e, Dad, OEESi (¢)

Veddanta ... Sabara, vedi, pudindu, vanasara, maladaru (da)

Milindu, levi (mé nam sata vedihata nami da).

Note by Hon. Sec.

96 JOURNAL RB, A 8. CEYLON. -{ Vol. VIL, Pt. Uf,

natural construction, I think, 1s to connect it with the noun

sambhavo (nom. sing. m.) “origin.”

I discovered this erroneous rendering many years ago, but

for obvious reasons I have refrained from calling public atten-

tion to it. The truth is, | was extremely reluctant to do so

from fear that I might unwittingly lead others to think that

Turnour’s translation of the Mahawanso is generally incorrect.

Such is not my opinion. The few mistakes found in this great

work are mere “spots on the sun,” and I do not think there is

a better translation of a historical work in the Hast. It is not

too much to- say that this “ gifted Englishman’ has, by his

writings and researches, undoubtedly done more for the develop-

ment of the Aistorical literature of India and Ceylon than all

his predecessors and successors, both Huropean and native.

My beliefis, that Mr. Turnour’s Kandyan Pandits, not know-

ing the meaning of this unusual word “@@2”’| Pulinda| which,

as I stated above, is not found in the Pali vocabulary, erro-

neously interpreted it to mean “ Yakkho”’ instead of ‘‘Vedda.”’

I may here add that I have had the satisfaction of discover-

ing that my reading is confirmed by the Commentary on the

Mahdwanso, which has the following gloss on the passage in

question :—

KeaBOS 50H SOGHIS IDBHENGH SIMs awo

GS HESED. Meyda HM OS® OB. Hn. dod

SEBS Do HEM HONGO) PYG Soamro0wm Hoewo

BS eGo.” :

“< Pulindanan hi sambhavoti. Etthahikaro karanatthe. Yasma te

Pulindanan adi purisa hutva tattha vasinsu. Tasmé ettha Pulindénan

eso sambhavo ayuppattiti vififieyyo ahosi ti attho.”

“<¢ Pulindanan hi sambhavoti.—Here the letter ‘ hi? signifies

‘cause’ or ‘reason.’ On what account did they, becoming the pro-

genitors (ddi purisd) of the Pulindd, reside here (Malaya Division),

on that account it should be known that this is the origin, first

existence, of the Pulinda.”

No, 24.—1881. | ORIGIN OF THE VEDDAS. 97

It will be seen from the above exegesis that they (Ku-

véni’s children, Jiwahatto and Disdla) are spoken of by the

commentator as “the progenitors” [A’di purisa|, of the

Pulindds (Veddas).

Iam, moreover, in a position to add that the tradition that

the Veddas are the descendants of Kuvéni’s children by

Vijayo, is still current in some parts of the Kandyan country.

In 1879, when I visited the Ratnapura and U’va Districts to

inspect Temple Libraries, I made it a point to collect informa-

tion about the Veddas, whenever an opportunity occurred.

When at Pelmadulla Viharé, I enquired from the incumbent,

Induruwé Piyadassi Unnansé, whether he knew anything about

the origin of the Veddas, and, to my surprise, he said at once

that the tradition is that they are descendants of Kuvéni’s

children by Vijayo. On my enquiry, whether he had read the

passage in the Mahawanso which forms the subject of this

note, he replied he had never seen it, but that his information

was derived from a Sinhalese work on the Veddas, which he had

seen long ago in the possession of a native. He added that,

according to that work, the Veddas first settled in Sabara-

gamuwa, and hence the name for the district from Saébara

‘a Vedda,’ and gamuwa ‘a Village,’ in strict conformity with

the tradition,-recorded in the Mah4wanso, that Kuvéni’s chil-

dren settled themselves in the country near Samantakita

mountain (Adam’s Peak), and became ‘‘numerous by their sons

and daughters.’’? I made every possible endeavour, both at

-Ratnapura and Badulla, to trace the work referred to, but

unfortunately without success.

When at Badulla, a low-country Sinhalese man, who had

travelled much in Bintenna, and from whom I collected intor-

mation about the Veddas, their songs, charms, &c., also stated

the tradition current in Bintenna is. ‘ that the Veddas are

descendants of Kuvéni’s children.’ He further informed me

that the Veddas themselves claim to be descendants of royalty,

98 JOURNAL R. A. 8. CEYLON. [ Vol. VIL., Pt. Il.

and considered the Sinhalese, whom they call ‘Hingalu,’ to be an

inferior race.4 !

VEDDA’ SONGS.*

: No. 1.

C® mwosd O@ &8 > - Uda kadané mal pipi

Edo Maassd DSst Pallé kad4néta vetin

ecod MAaass OG &E _ Pallé kad4né mal pipi

C® Manas DSows Uda kadanéta vetigo

C® MSsiasy nO 82 Uda na vinné na mal pip

EeGo@ mdstind DSoat Pallé n4 vinnata vetigd

eGodg mdsosy 10g 88 Pallé na vinné n4 mal pipi

GW THWSDHO BSoad Uda na vinnata vetigo

Flowers blossom in the upper thicket,

They fall into the lower thicket :

Flowers blossom in the lower thicket,

They fall into the upper thicket.

Nat flowers blossom in the upper vd forest,

They fall into the lower nd forest:

Na flowers blossom in the lower nd forest,

They fall into the upper v4 forest.

; No. 2. |

QS OE O15 oEdan - Mamini mamini ma deyya

OGM OIG <i Os occas Mamini mamini ma deyya

MOAT HAG aad OO o®8 Kaben pabala yak gama vé

MODS MAE cat OOD oF Kaben pabala yak gama vé

22) OE Sted | Yamu denna

69) O¢steds ~ Yamu denna.

VOOS osiod oahGBB ASHO Bimen yannata bolpini berinam

2s GOD CQ acasd Vadana mim4 lanu bendagan

SO) BOOsT a9 ocstan Mimé piten yamu denna

—OOIDS AMEE oF agate Gébindu kelé yamu denna

O@sa GHB AQ ogsian Géy4 puchch4 kamu denn4

OOS OO!) GHOs DI ogateds G6 tombu puchch4 kamu denna

OOF ADS BHO) MI ogoven G6 kura puchcha kamu denna

O01 HVE SM MO ocaere, © G6 badavel tika tata defifia

O@S E~Q@) Sa Oo Mace, G6 akumé tika man kana

* Each line of the songs should bé repeated twice, and the vowels lengthened or

shortened in pronunciation according to the exigencies of the metre.

t Sm» [nd ].—TIronwood tree (Mesua ferrea, L.)

No. 24.—1881,]

DiSom@a UC EVD NHAH

Asas ODeEnE Hno@Aodi

ATdos ODCOE MBE Hodis

ed NQ® HID Hao

GiQS OASSE MDasi

Cid m1QD® navess

dG estonss Hass

OH|e Os|E TiGst Hdoes

B50) GCODBE odaoos

omnes onoaw® g@sast

DCD mda MN

GONHO Hs OE agcoas

Do HESNAS HESNA SS

Mo MESNAST HESI@ST

VEDDA SONGS. 99

Velkobba vela dunna namagana

Enné Olagala Ma Lokuvé

Enné Olagala Ma Lokuvo

Angara netum natana nangita

Ribara berapada gachapd

Rabara netum natapo

Val atten natépo

Chonda chonda netun natapo

Apatat vettila bedap6

Gollat boséma indinnan

Vallat karaka natapan

Mettata ava bola deyyo

Tan tadinané tadinané

O great man! O great god ! *

O great man! O great god !

x * * %

* *

x |)

Let us two go.

If we cannot walk over the ground on account of the mist

Tie Vadana, the buffalo, with a string ;}

(lit. dew),

Let us two ride on the back of the buffalo.

Let us two go into the iguana-abounding jungle.

Let us two roast and eat the iguana :5

Let us two roast and eat the iguana’s tail:

Let us two roast and eat the iguana’s legs (lz. hoofs) :

I will give thee the iguana’s entrails :

I will eat the iguana’s liver.

- It is Ma Lokuw6 of Olagala who is coming,

Bending a velkobbd creeper into a bow !6

Play fine tunes on the tom-tom,

For the sister who dances graceful dances.

Dance choice dances :

Dance with the bundle of leaves:

Dance fine, fine dances.

_ Give us also betel§ leaves.

Lo! many people around !

Dance twirling the bunch of leaves !

Fellow ! The gods have come hither !

Tan tadindné tadindné

‘Tan tadindné tadindné.

UT aE OT MOIETY EC aah

* ©38.<o [madmini] Bailey translates “my gem.”

T I can offer no reasonable translation of these lines.

t D9 SO [vadand mimd].—Perhaps “the coming buffalo.”

§ @DstHeE [vettila]—This is the only Tami] word I have found in these

songs, &c.

100

“JOURNAL R. A. §. CEYLON. [ Vol. VIL, Pt. IL.

No. 3

OGM HOH Oodcas

OSH OG Oo) OGG

MAO amioaBoas

MADE omoaAGoas

DOSre ~QSre Masklosy

ZOO zPQOre ROSIN

HVax Oar DOA ION

mM BAR mB MDNasds

mB omsB monass

M4mini mamini ma deyya

Mamini mamini ma deyva

Taravelpita kébeyiy6

Taravelpita kobeyiy6

Kuturuy kuturun kiyannan

Kuturuy kuturuy kiyannan

Humbé humbé humbé humbé.

Tanini tanini tanané

O great man! O great god !

O great man ! O great god!

The wood pigeons of Téravelpita,

The wood pigeons of Taravelpita,

Sing huturun, kuturun !

Sing kuturun, kuturun !

Humbé,—humbé,—humbé,—humbe.

Tanini tanini tandne,

7 i? ° ° , ° ° iy ’

Tanint tanini tandne.

ING. 44 5

OFS QOGEH’ Oo HEN

HGH’ Od OQ) Edo

QOD oe AAs eM QDOD®

ONMNe OOIMAG RSonasd

BOO Ran AVdaty aTodd

SCod AE@IOD Has

COsy MoaesyY Ost 21 snacstd

DB GVTOAIAD 6® QAaIRWs

OME Miasd

Mamini mamini ma deyya

M4mini m4mini ma deyya

Mam chonda baduvak deka:

[ gattem

Mokade mokade kirinéné

E’mma kiyana baduvak névey

Pallé talavé tibba

Matat kiy4pan ran kuru néné

Nangi dum bona dum kudikkiya

[bola néné

O great man! O great god !

“TY have found a fine prize !”

“What is it, what is it, (my) milk (dear) cousin?”

‘It is not a thing so easy to tell,

““Tt was found on the lower plain ! Ne

“Tell me too, my golden little cousin.”

“O dear cousin, it is the smoking pipe of my sister !”

* Originally published by Mr. De Zoysa in the “ Ceylon Observer” (October 16th,

1875), to refute the supposition that the Veddds never smoke.—Hon. Sec.

No. 24.—1881. | VEDDA SONGS, 101

: No. 5.

HS HOGS Oo OCH Hd Mamini mamini maé deyya

OG OG Oi OE ce Mamini m4mini m4 deyya

OCOOSD APoG Ar1kE Fond Dematan vallé bendi viyanay

DM ONE VEO De Sand v4 kola vallé bendi viyanay

ods OME DEoG WE Sand B6 kola vallé bendi viyanay

DeBO aey OC Baad Nangita bendapu mal viyanay

DBO VEG YS Band Nangita bendapu mal viyanay

HBO Vige oe Dad Nangita bendapu mal viyané

OES Mis DOT Malut kada vetenna

MISOIEES aaonoOg Taravelpita yakgammal

gs0st Baed Hnosod Apatat kiydlay natanné

OHTA OMNOO 0853 DHNOY Mamiya koté peti kanavé

| a WDIOS €8 HO ‘Kota kantay api ave

OODDEDIOST OMEMDOS Tendindné tendinané

ODN DENOR omeniass Tendinané tendinané.

_ O great man! O great god! O great man! O great god!

_ A canopy hung with bundles of demata* flowers :

A canopy hung with bunches of na@ leaves :

A canopy hung with bunches of Bd* leaves :

A eanopy stretched for the sister :

A canopy stretched for the sister.

See! from the flower-canopy raised to the sister flowers break

and fall.

The devil-dancers of Taraévelpita !

Tell us too before dancing;

To take kanavet (bee) hives in the mamiya stump we e have come.

Tendinané tendinané,

Tendindné tendinaneé.

No. 6.

DiCoOmMVAs AC EN DO@® & Velkobba vela dunna namaga na

OM 5as3 OMDVa! 2S OBGH0s Moriyan kechchak kara vaturagana

WG gom&a 200 «2a 2 Vel ichakeyiya pitata damaga na

ogi ODE @206 6H os Doni kellak ichchara karaga na

25300 OOO gH BSA, | oo Endalu mage puta kiri bé na

Bending a velkobba creeper into a bow,

Hanging an arrow on the shoulder,

Letting the creeper-like hair fall on the back,

Leading in front a little girl of a daughter,

You are told to come, my son, my milk (dear) nephew.

* @EOO [demata].—A plant with yellow flowers (Gmelina Asiatica, L).

@23 [b6].—Ficus religiosa.

T MANOO [kanavé].—A species of Ceylon bee.

JOURNAL R. A. S. CEYLON. [Vol Vil, Pe.

SONGS OF THE VEDDA‘S OF SORABORAVEVA.

No. 7.

O1SORIS VOD OS OMe OO OHOSD e7

B21 OHCBDHNOO OmM| ome Eos &

ZQOANSOI HEMOE@) CS) OG

QO wad ADI ADHO OO sy

Sorabora vevé sonda sonda olu nelum e

Miwa nelannata sonda sonda liyé e

Kalu karal4 hudu karala uy4 de

Olu s4lé bat kannata malu ne

Fine, fine water-lilies and lotuses grow in Sorabora tank!

These to gather come fine, fine women.

They make them into black and white curries;

To eat the water-lily-seed rice there are no curries.

tana SDD

eed

No. 8.

QAI QALY @A @ENdaaIO Das (OST

EO. EGLO ODEON oot

ES OSHBACE MA OHOWMIEawM O05

BE OF BHD Es OMEM O93 ant

Obat obat oba Sorabora veva 7 DO

Anda diya duvana Maveliganga né

Diya nosindeyi oba Maveliganga né

Nil mal bisav diya kelina veva 7 no

Yonder, yonder spreads the Sorabora tank !

O! Maveliganga whose waters cry as they run !

O! Maveliganga thy waters never fail ! |

QO! tank in whose waters sports the queen of blue flowers !

VEDDA’ CHARMS.

| No. 1.

eGo. For an Elephant.’

@DOO DEES Ichchata vallay

SD00 DECA Pachchata vallay

grG OCICS Déla devallay

&Q ¢vas &Q. Situ appa situ

A hanging member in front—(trunk)

A hanging member behind—(tail) |

On two sides two hanging members—(the two ears)

Stay, beast, stay!

No. 24.—1881. | VEDDA SONGS, ETO. 103

No, 2

O@IIQ0. For a wild Buffalo8

@5 OGHSDOSS @QasOo Tri deyyanné okma

ag agdasiasl Qajoo Sanda deyyanné okm4

sod AGH QayOr Pasé Budunné okm&

89 @zi® ag) Situ okma situ

Okma of the Sun-god!

Okméa of the Moon-god !

Okma of the Pasé Budu !

Stay, Okmd, stay !

No. 3.

OGKH OSM Os eda Mamini mamini ma deyya

OGM HOGA OD occas Mamini mamini m4 dey ya

O16) SDD) Oi aH , Goya puchch4 ké tenadi

aeaad sos Chulangak vanné

Heow DHoss Chulangak vanné

GSOsiem gos 2x ane Miminna puchch4, ké tenadi

Aeow dsost Chulangak vanné

O03) GOO. 1 WHE Gona puchcha ké tenadi

QEeoasat IDsjass Chulangak vanné

gd EG@nds¢eeieaHaod@ Adi alld nadi alla pana ralld

O great man! O great god! O great man! O great god !

Where the iguana was roasted and eaten, a wind blew! a

wind blew!

Where the moose-deer* was roasted and eaten, a wind blew !

Where the elk was roasted and eaten, a wind blew !

Adi alld nadi alla pana ralla.

No. 4.

Ba omoad Hwad® B’ka kodé chaniyam

@6 QOdaG QHD Ira madalé chtniyam

DAD AES Hwad Etana belimi chiniyam

DODD SiH _RHa® Etanat neta chuniyam

Ba oma HAxaO E‘ka kodé chiniyam

De QODaG HRHa Chanda madalé chiniyam

DAD AED HHad® Etana belimi chaniyam

DADS 1M HBs® Etanat neta chiniyam

(8a omead P8a® K’ka kodé chiniyam

ESOOS QE HBod Liggedi mula chiniyam

DOD RET H2a® Ktana belimi chaniyam

Dana MH HPAaoe . Etanat neta chuniyam

* Moschus meminna.

104 JOURNAL R. A. S. CEYLON, [Vol. VIL, Pt. Il.

Where is the huniyam 2*

Is it in the orb of the Sun ?

I have looked for it there;

It is not there.

Where is the huniyam ?

Is it in the orb of the Moon ?

I have looked for it ners:

It is not there.

Where is the haniyam ?

Is it at the fire-place ?

T have looked for it there;

It is not. there.

No. 5:

@NNOOS DaigQoe YBOdo® east OFO odo® Ssjdsd onnnas

DOIMOd DOM SHOT Herod QD D60CE gest on? O© owes

2009 ESOS. a

ADSNODS Dd Dao OS EIAIOS HBO 3o@ HDA mast

DOME DD ONE ND OMITaszs HVS DiE OHa9 9 Dide, omO

Ade mud dide 63gqQ ode omod3aa Ade, Edood Ade,

OEOOEG Dde FEaanad Wig ErQooEG Ada, WOE Bde «,

OOBWUOOE Wc, DBQHOG de, OHISDAE109 Wdig, GHDQOOG

Dee, SHoBInaos Nie WdEenaS Wile, EMNoMEW¢e, GOOAIE

DESt HMWOD Dide, OB On DEGdMdoa TS OORB HAS ost

EHADOEO ESA COME CHAI CIME FIEECME SHCGEMDE OOOTIDS

WE OTODASME CBHOMESME EaOMEGaODE FAGHIDNOWME oar

Oa CHa Goat &@ SSa NO gest OOD MiSs MO OEGN SOTTSM

DDS) O4¢CEE BEASE EVSESOM HAS Satglmaogd oHs

QatawmId 2d OED OO MDI DVHNS MOQWIOANHD VST. QHDE

ase ASE Ves.

O’n namé chat mide edéché inut epita déché ranvan pokuné

vachattané karana ranvan andagé bada varaleyi adat t6 mé gejja

kittama bandinné.

O’n namé ekara edéché Mallavadéché manilmal vilé vachattané

karannava nava kela nava kétiyak Kadavara Vedi chénava Kalu

Vedd&é Golu Vedd& Kapulu Vedda Randunu Vedda Ketérigat

Veddi Laggalé Vedda Loggalé Vedda I’riyagalé Vedda U'rdgalé

Vedda Marangala Vedd& D4heyiydgalé Vedd4 Kumbuhugalé

Vedda Bopattalawé Vedda Ununugalé Vedda Pantérugalé Vedda

* DHo® [chiniyam] (S. 3c30@ [suniyam])—‘ spell’ or ‘incantation.’

No. 24.—1881.| VEDDA SONGS, ETC. 105

Bavuddagalé Vedd4é Atukola Vedda Pitakola Vedd& Rinu Magama

Vedd& meki noki Vedi chénavagen meki Aturapandach kandéta

durabelumakadi langa belumakadi ellakadi pichillakadi mach-

mandiyakadi Jémandiyakadi ratikeliyakadi diyakeliyakadi anda-

edéchavakadi dura belmak langa belmak eld chitiy4 nam adat mama

kepa kara dena ran mini kukula dola pida bili kepadi dishti aragana

atura paudach kandeta chanipa chantdcha kara denna meki Kadavara

hetahatara kattuvagen varami. Gunachil banda banda échcha.

O'm! namo! Thou tiest to-day, this gejjakuttama,* in the fins of

the golden eel who lives in the golden pond in the country beyond

the seven seas, and in the country even beyond it !

O'm! namé! A host-of Kadavara Veddaés in number nine mil-

lions, and vine millions who reside in the water-lily pond, in the

country of Mallava, in the country beyond the sea! Also black

Vedd4, dumb Vedda, Kapulu Vedda, Vedda of the golden bow,

Vedda armed with an axe, Vedda of Laggala, Vedda of Loggala,

Vedda of I'riyagala, Vedda of U'ragala, Vedda of Marangala, Vedda

of Daheyiyagala, Vedda of Kumbuhugala, Vedda of Bépattalava,

Vedda of Ununugala, Vedda of Pantérugala, Vedd4 of Bavuddagala,

Atukola Vedda, Pitakola Vedda, Vedda of Runa and Magama !

If this host of Veddas, named and unnamed, had cast a distant or

near look on the body of the patient, from a distant or near point

of view, at a stream, at a waterfall, at a place of flesh, at the sham-

bles, whilst sporting in love, whilst sporting in water, at a place of

noisy tumult,—it is the wish of the sixty-four legions of Kadavara

_ (Veddas) that you should accept this excellent fowl (dié. golden gem

fowl), which I dedicate to you as an offering and victim, and restore

the patient to health and joy. Gunachil banda banda échcha.9

VEDDA’ LULLABIES,

Nos che»

COS OMMOT GEE Uyan kolé puna —s_ (1

SH EHONST DD) E '- Pana atten vacha 1a

DECr PEE OD1° Vanduru kulal kavala .

BE MOdaT EI = Nidi varen puta la

Having lulled (thee) to rest on the wyan leaf,

Having covered (thee) with a branch of pana (leaves),

Having fed (thee) on monkey’s flesh (det. neck),

Come arid sleep (my) son !

* eNSSQOOO [gejjukittama]. A pair of small tinkling ornaments worn

by dancers,

106 JOURNAL R. A. §/ CEYLON. ~ [ Vol. VI Rt,

Noe 2:

DEG OD ED Eage od & Vandura gacha uda liyadalu kad di

DES OD 9G MEG OSSd E& Vendirigacha mula kandulu perad di

Has E6109) OMOG NO @ E’gé daruvé kolé natad di

CXIR mows) God OVG2 Udakki kanpotu diyé obad di

What time the male monkey eats the tender leaves on the tree,

What time the female monkey sheds tears at the foot of the tree,

While her young ones dance on the leaves,

And dip their wdakki-shaped ears in the water.

“The following is a literal translation of the same passage,

in the copy of the Mahdwanso, in the Asgiri Vibara in Kandy -—

‘ They repaired to the rock Samanta kita ; and, being permitted by

King Vijayo to dwell there, they became man and wife, and had

children and grandchildren. Thus, a wansaya (race) sprung up»

called Pulinda.’”—J. B.

No. 2.

“ Vide note at page 185 of Wilson’s Vishnu Purana. ‘ Pulindais

applied to any wild or barbarous tribe; and they are met with in

the deserts along the Indus, the mountains and forests across Central.

India” ”—J. B.

INO; 32

‘‘T have made careful inquiries, both in these [Rayigam and

- Pasdun] Kéralés and the district of Saffragam, and though traces of

their former existence there are evident and numerous, there is every

reason to believe that many centuries have passed since they were

there. Fields, villages, and families yet retain the name of Veddas,

as Vedi-pangu, Vedde-kumbura, Vedde-watta, Vedde-ela, Vedde-

gala, Vedde-gé, &c., in the district of Saffragam, which is the

country at the foot of Adam’s Peak, and in the Rayigam Korale.

No. 24.— 1881. ] VEDDA SONGS, ETC. 107

Indeed, Saffragam or Habaragamuwa means ‘ the district of Veddas’

or ‘barbarous people’; and in this form of the word the former

existence of Veddas can again be traced as Habara-goda, Habara-

haduwa, &e. It is traditional throughout Saffragam that once

Veddas predominated over Sinhalese in that district, and that, as the

latter gained ground, the former withdrew towards Bintenna and

Wellassa. But Mr. Macready, of the Civil Service, has given me

very important proof of the existence of Veddas near the Samanta

mountains. He has given me the translation of some stanzas from

a Sinhalese poem, written about 400 years ago, called the Paravi-

sandésaya, or ‘the Dove’s message.’* The poem treats of a message

sent, by means of a dove, from Kotté (near Colombo) to Vishnu at

Dondra, at the extreme south of the Island. The dove takes its

course exactly over the districts lying below Adam’s Peak. The

poet addresses the dove, and tells her she will see [at Potupitiya]

‘ the daughters of the Veddas’ clothed in ri¢c} bark, their hair adorned

with peacock’s plumes. So wild are they that the poet describes the

herds of deer as being startled at the sight of them.”—J. B.

[ The following are the stanzas referred to, with a translation :—

a © EQo 16 33 e3Q& a Ker | B

S @ od€s3 ekKSo0C BCD gz

OD & 06g BREE am OG BH

OPI) BOND AG VERsg DID os 3

® dH Hdd oasd cai GT5R Yo

OC2 BD SladBsSs DANWM CIM D

OOH side nswan 5% Sa

ODS D HAMWD OnoOesd DdEa

“‘ See the lovely daughters of the Veddis (Malakidu) passing to

and fro through the forest tracts, constantly clothed with rié bark

beaten out and prepared (Jit. disentagled), gay (Jit. shining) with

yellow ¢ilaka (mark) on their foreheads, entwining their hair with

peacock plumes and clusters of flowers.

§ 5 8 §

* Paravi-sandésaya [edSaazean]. Stanzas 55, 56, Colombo, 1873.

+ Riti [85]. Antiuris innozia or A. saccadora.

108 JOURNAL R. A. S. CEYLON. [Vol. VII., Pt. If.

‘The herd of deer, startled at the sight of the crowd of Veddas

(Sabara sen) in that forest, seem to eat the blood-like tender buds in

anger as resembling their (Veddas’) lips; the female swan enters

the forest tank o’ercome by their (speed of) movement ; the pea-hen

seems to ery (as if complaining that) their locks are blue.”*—H. C.

P. B., Hon. Sec. |

No. 4.

“The bare assertion by a naked savage in the rudest state of

barbarism, that he is the descendant of Kings, seemnis, at first, a sheer

a' surdity, though it naturally suggests the inquiry how the claim

to so ambitious an origin could have arisen, and, having arisen, how

it should be so pertinaciously adhered to by tribes unknown to each

other.

‘“The custom which sanctions such revolting marriages [| between

brothers and younger sisters] seems, at first sight, simply a proof of

the extreme depth of barbarism to which the race has sunk. But

when we consider the tradition in connection with the fact that the

Sinhalese invariably admit the Veddas to be of the highest caste,

while they in turn affect to look down upon the Sinhalese; and

when we regard the custom in connection with the story of the

marriage of the son and daughter of Vijayo, himself the offspring of

a similar connection ; when we read the legend of their flight from

both father’s and mother’s kindred to the forests, where, resuming

the wild life of their maternal ancestors, they founded a wild race; .

when we find even yet the district which tradition gives as their

refuge, still called by a name indicative of their former existence in it,

and still abounding with traces of them—though not a Vedda can be

remembered there ; and when we can trace among the Veddas of the

present day the remains of Brahmanism—Vijayo’s creed—inter-

mingled with the N&t worship, practised by Kuvéni’s nation ; and

when there are still in use among them names of Sanskrit affinity,

common in India, though, rare among themselves, unknown in Ceylon ; °

* T. e., that she has been robbed of the blueness of her own ae es by

the peacock’s feathers tied up with their hair.

No. 24,.—1881. | VEDDA SONGS, ETC. 109

it is impossible to resist the conclusion that the wild tribes of the

_ Veddas are not the mere remnants of the untamed aborigines, but the

descendants of the ill-fated Kuvéni and the faithless Vijayo ; that

they are indeed, as they profess themselves, ‘the descendants of

Kings.” "— J, B. |

** The Kandyans universally agree that they [ Veddas | all belong to

the royal caste, and it is said that they used to address the king by

the now obsolete title ‘ Hurd,’ or ‘cousin,’ the term which they

applied to myself in conversation.”*—B. F. H,

No. 5.

“ The Veddas eat the flesh of elk, deer, monkeys, pigs, iguano,

and pangolin—all flesh indeed but that of oxen, elephants, bears,

leopards, and jackals ; and all birds, except the wild or domestic

fowl. They will not touch lizards, bats or snakes. The most choice

food in their estimation is, of land animals, the fiesh of the pangolin,

or of the zguano.”—J. B.

No. 6.

“ They principally use [for their bows] the wood of dunumadala

(Sterospermum chelonoides), the kekala (Cyathocalyx Zeylanicus),

and a creeper called hodbd vel, or-the pandéro tree. The strings,

which are exceedingly strong, are twisted chiefly of the fibre of the

niyada (Sanseviera Zeylanica), and the bark of a creeper called

aralu-vel.’—J. B.

No. 7.

‘They have a great dread of meeting elephants at night, and

have charms to protect them from them—not only to turn them from

their path, but to render innoxious the bear, the leopard, and the wild

boar.”—J, B,

No. 8.

“In their charms the sun and moon are frequently invoked,

although in their daily life neither luminary is respected.”—J. B.

* Hurd massing [qh OesK Hos | is still a common familiar expression among

the Sinhalese.— fon. Sec.

110 JOURNAL R. A. 8S. CEYLON. [ Vol. VII., Pt. II.

There is a similar charm used even by the low-country Sinhalese in

cases of tooth-ache. It is as follows :——

Qo OGSasosy & 1099

BES OC SH6ADOS $1080

Soe HEsasy 1080

Tri deyiyanné éya

Sanda deyiyanné éya

Pasé Budunné éya

Daté nositu dat éya

Worm of the sun-god !

Worm of the moon-god !

Worm of the Pasé Budu !

Stay not in the tooth, O tooth-worm !—L. De Z.

| This charm (No. 2) and the almost identical one known to the

Sinhalese are given by Mr. Bailey :—

“Tt not only invokes the sun and moon, but Pasé Budu—the

only single allusion to Buddhism among them ; but the very meaning

of this and other charms is unknown to the Veddas. ‘They are

repeated by rote ; they do not pause to understand them, and could

notif they would. Itis enough for them, as for most Oriental people,

that a particular formula is to serve a particular purpose. These

[charms] are identical ; yet the Veddas and the Sinhalese certainly

do not associate su closely as to borrow one another’s charms. Have

they descended in each race since the time they were one? ‘The

term okmd I can get no satisfactory explanation of. It is not Sinha-

lese certainly. I assume it means ‘wild boar,’ as this is the charm

to arrest a boar in the path; but it is not the term used by the

Veddas for a boar in ordinary conversation. The allusion to the

Pasé, or Paché, Buddha, is curious as occurring in both; the one

people being anything but Buddhists, while Buddhism is the religion

of the others. As Gautama Buddha visited Ceylon long anterior to

the final establishment of Buddhism in Ceylon, and descended in

Bintenna, may not this solitary allusion to the religion have been

handed down in this form among the Veddas from a period even

before the invasion by Vijayo? Inthe form of a charm which is

repeated by rote, such an allusion would be most naturally retained.

No. 24.—1881.] VEDDA SONGS, ETC. 111

So far as having any Buddhist tendencies, they do not even show

the slightest outward respect in the presence of a Buddhist priest.

‘The other Vedd& charms are, I believe, quite unlike those of the

Sinhalese.” Hon. Sec. |

No. 9.

I have found this mantra or charm in a collection of Vedda

songs and charms I procured at Badulla. ‘The use in it, however,

of a Hindu-religious term, and the corrupted form of a Buddhist

metaphysical term, may raise a doubt whether this charm be a

genuine Vedda production or not.

The Hindu term alluded to is O’m namé !—‘ Salutation to the

triune deity!’ The following is the explanation given of this term

by Wilson in his Sanskrit Dictionary :-—

‘ O'm’.—The mystic name of the deity, prefacing all the prayers

and most of the writings of the Hindus: A.,a name of Vishnu, U.,

of Siva,and M.of Brahma. It therefore implies the Indian ¢riad, and

expresses the three in one. The Buddhist term is Soegdastoe

[ chhandachkande], which isa corruption of the Sinhalese word saeed

wsoe [| pandaskande |, which again is corrupted from the Sanskrit or

Sinhalese word saedaed | patchaskandha], ‘the five constituent

parts of the human body.’ These terms may have been interpolated

by the village Veddas, or more probably by their neighbours, the

Kandyan Sinhalese, but the contents of the charm are peculiarly

Vedic—if I may use the term—and the interesting information it

gives of the seats or localities of the various Vedda demons or

chieftains throughout the Island is unique, and is not now procurable

from any other source.

The mantra also seems to afford information which may possibly

enable us to settle a long-disputed point in the early history of

Ceylon, namely, as to whence the aborigines (Yakkhos or demons of

the Mahd4wanso, who are doubtless the ancestors of the Veddas)

came to Ceylon.

Tt will be seen that the Vedd& demons are called here m®56

18 eda18 | Kadavara Vedi chéndva]. I cannot find the meaning of

the word Kadavara, but the expression shows that they are identical

112 JOURNAL R. A. 8. CEYLON. [Vol. VIL, Pt. IL.

with the Veddas (Veddé). It is well known that there is a tribe of

demons called Kadavara Yakku, “ Kadavara demons,” to whom

offerings are made in some parts of the Kandyan country. If the

songs and prayers (yddini or kannalav), used by the Kadavara devil-

dancers, are examined (which I have no means of doing at present),

I have no doubt they will throw light on the early history of the

Yakkhos, or Veddas, and probably lead to very important ethnological

results. Again, “nine millions, nine millions’ (a vast number) of

these Kadavara or Vedi demons are said to reside in a “ far distant

land beyond the seas,” in a country called Mallava désa, possibly a

corruption of Malaya désa, the‘ hilly country.’ :

Does not this show that the Veddas of Ceylon have a faint tradi-

tion that their fatherland is the “ hill country” of India ?

I may here mention a curious legend related in the Rajdvali and

Kuvéni Asna (a little work on the history of Kuvéni, in Sinhalese

blank verse), which seems to have some connection with the history

of the Veddas. Panduvasa (B. C. 504), nephew of Vijayo, and

third in succession to him, became ill with a combination of diseases,

“cough, asthma, fever, burning, rheumatism, &c.,” the result

of perjury committed by his uncle, Vijayo, who swore that he

would not renounce Kuvéni, the aboriginal Princess whom he first

married, but afterwards violated his oath, by repudiating her and

marrying a princess from Southern India. When the King was

afflicted with this disease, Sakra, King of the gods, (Indra of the

Hindi mythology) ordered the Rahu, the Asura (the ascending node) .

to assume the form of a wild boar, in size like a huge mountain, and —

devastate the pleasure garden of the King of Malaya (the hill-country

in India), who was versed in all the arts of necromancy. When

King Malaya saw the destruction of his pleasure garden, he pursued

the boar with bow and arrow, accompanied by his three brothers and

a retinue of archers or Veddas, through the continent of India. The

boar crossed over the sea near Tuticorin and made the circuit of the

Island, followed by the King, and when it reached the vicinity of

Anuradhapura, the boar was turned into a mountain! The King of

gods then appeared to Malaya Raja, and conducting him to King

No. 24.—1881. | VEDDA SONGS, ETC. 113

Panduvas, got him to perform certain demon ceremonies, and

restored the king to his wonted health.—Z. De Z.

[Since writing the above I have seen some of the songs used by

the Kadavara devil dancers, which not only confirm the identity of

the Kadavara demons and the Veddas, but also in a remarkable

manner strengthen the opinion I have ventured to express, that the

legend of the Malaya Raja is connected with the history of the

Veddas. It is stated in these songs that Malaya Raja on his visit to

Ceylon was accompanied by 2,000 Veddas, and when he performed

the devil ceremonies for the King, 86 Veddas stood around him

assisting at the ceremonies.—L,. De Z.]

“The result of the most patient enquiry is, that the Veddas have

a vague belief in a host of undefined spirits, whose influence is

rather for good than for evil. Still, vague as this belief is, not even

the wildest Vedd4s are without ‘an instinct of worship.’ They believe

that the air is peopled by spirits, that every rock and every tree,

every forest and every hill—in short, every feature of nature—has its

genius loci, but these seem little else than mere nameless phantoms,

whom they regard rather with mysterious awe than actual dread.

But besides this vague spirit-worship, they have a more definite

superstition, in which there is more of system. ‘This is the belief in

the guardianship of the spirits of the dead. Every near relative

becomes a spirit after death, who watches over the welfare of those

who are left behind. These, which include their ancestors and their

children, they term their néhiya yakun, ‘kindred spirits. They

describe them as ‘ ever watchful, coming to them in sickness, visit-

ing them in dreams, giving them flesh when hunting.’ In short, in

every calamity, in every want, they call on them for aid, and it is

curious that the shades of their departed children, bilindu yakun, or

‘infant spirits,’ as they call them, are those which they appear most

frequently to invoke.

<‘Ttis a pretty belief, and contrasts favourably with the superstitions

of the Kandyans, who have spirits enough in their system, but almost

all thoroughly malignant, and needing constant propitiation. But

the Vedda spirit-world is singularly free from evil. I can find only

one absolutely malignant spirit in it, whom they really fear, though,

114 JOURNAL R. A. s. ceYLon. [Vol. VII., Pt. II.

like all savages, they have an undefined awe of the nameless spirits

whom they believe to haunt the darkness. The shades of their

ancestors and of their children seem to be purely benevolent. The

ceremonies with which they invoke them are few as they are simple.

The most common is the following. An arrow is fixed upright in

the ground, and the Vedd& dances slowly round it, chanting this

invocation, which is almost musical in its rhythm :—

“ Ma miya ma miya ma déyé

Topang koyiheti mitigan yanda.”’

‘My departed one, my departed one, my God!

Where art thou wandering ?”

“The spirit of the dead is here simply called upon, without even

the object for which it is invoked being mentioned. And this

invocation appears to be used on all occasions when the interven-

tion of the guardian spirits is required,—in sickness, preparatory to

hunting, &e.

“‘ Sometimes, in the latter case, a portion of the flesh of the game

is promised as a votive offering in the event of the chase being

successful, and they believe that the spirits will appear to them in

dreams, and tell them where to hunt.

“‘ Sometimes they cook food and place it in the dry bed of a river, or

_ some other secluded spot, and then call on their deceased ancestors

by name: ‘Come, and partake of this! Give us maintenance as

you did when living ! Come, wheresoever you may be; on a tree, ?

on a rock, in the forest, come !’ And they dance round the food,

half chanting, half shouting, the invocation.........

‘“‘ They have no system of medicine, though they will accept medi-

cine when given. In cases of sickness, they sprinkle water on the

patient, invoking their deceased ancestors to heal him. Sometimes

they simply utter the names of spirits as they dance round the sick

man. Sometimes a garland of flowers is offered to the spirit who has

afflicted him.

“They invoke the Gal-yakd, ‘spirit of the rock’; Vedi-yakd,

‘ spirit of the chase’ ; U’napdna-yakd, of whom I have no knowledge;

No. 24.—1881.] VEDDA SONGS, ETC. 115

and the shade of their grandmother. They also propitiate Mahd-

yakinni, who appears rather an evil personage. _It is to her that

they offer a garland of flowers. ‘They describe her as a ‘ foreigner’ |

and say that they know nothing about her, but acquired their awe of

her from the Sinhalese. —

“The Vedi-yaka is known to the Sinhalese ; hunters offer

flowers, blood, and burnt meat to this spirit, before hunting, to

secure their success. U’napdna-yakd is known to the Sinhalese of

the Vedirata, but I do not think he is generally known to the

- Sinhalese.

** They believe in the efficacy of what are called devil-dancers, but

are ignorant of the art of a Kattddiya, or devil-dancer.”—J. B.

116 JOURNAL R. A. 8. CEYLON. [Vol. VIL, Pt. I.

A HUNIYAM IMAGE.

By L. Neu, Esa.

(Read July 6th, 1881.)

Lone residence amongst the native Sinhalese and careful

observation of their superstitious practices and expressions of

superstitious ideas lead to the conclusion that, amongst the

lower castes, who have also hitherto been the most ignorant,

Buddhism has not existed as areligion. The tom-tom beaters,

the toddy-drawers, the jaggery-makers, have only lately at-

tempted to build Buddhist temples of theirown. The Amara-

pura sect of Buddhists is a modern importation to satisfy the

social ambition of the Mahabaddé people, candidates of whose

- community for priestly ordination would have been refused by

the previously existing Siamese sect. The latter, though

heterodox in this exclusiveness, had confined the right of

ordination to pupils drawn from the Goyigama caste.

‘The liberal and orthodox principle of the Amarapura sect

extended in time from the Mahabaddé and Karawé to lower

castes. As an instance, the jaggery people (Vahumpura) near

Galle have built a temple, and their pupil-priests in yellow

robes and with begging-bowls in their hands are now seen -

obtaining the food of mendicants from the hands of their own

friends. The profound meditative air of the young mendicants,

and the evident pride with which their friends give alms and

honor the new priesthood are very striking. This is quite a

reform, and Buddhism, perhaps for the first time, is subverting

what other missions have not hitherto observed as a likely. field

of conversion. Before this reform the priests of the very low

castes have been the Yakadurds, commonly called Kattadiyas,

belonging to the tom-tom beater and Oliya castes. Kapurdlas

belong to all castes, and Pattinis also belong to all castes,

No. 24.—1881. | HU NIYAM IMAGE. 117

These remarks apply to the practice of Kapuralas. The

priests undergo a training—which, if they have a good memory,

is of not long duration—namely, the committing to memory of

certain charms, invocations, and songs to be accompanied on

the tom-tom, drum, and by violent dances. One must live in

the neighbourhood of these devil-worshippers to appreciate the

form of nuisance known as a ‘devil-ceremony.’ The tom-tom

is beaten violently to accompany the discordant song, and the

noises are very violent during the intervals of dancing. The

family having the ceremony keep it up from sunset till past

dawn the next morning. If any remonstrance is used with

respect to such practices, they will excuse themselves on the

ground that it is their “religion” or “‘faith.”” But the Yaka-

durds are in no way respected for being priests, and their

remuneration is very little.

Besides the performance of these devil-dances the Yakaduras

practise Aitniyam charms,* by which harm—such as disease—

is inflicted on one’s fellow-creatures. To counteract Huniyam

charms counter-charms{ are muttered over a cup of oil or

a thread, and three limes are cut with an arecanut-cutter

whilst charms are muttered.{ The failure of such counter-

charms strengthens the belief in the potency of the Hunwam.

In most of these Huniyam charms a small image, made of wax

or wood or drawn on a leaf, is necessary. Nails made of five

metals§ (usually gold, silver, copper, tin, and lead) are driven

*“ Kodivina [O45] or Hiiniyam [92309] is the name given to

evils of whatever kind inflicted by the agency of charms...... There are said

to be 84,000 [Huniyam charms] of every degree of malignity, most of which

more or less contribute to bring to an untimely death the person affected

by this influence, though that event may be deferred for many years.

(C. A. S. Jour. 1865-6, p. 68.)—Hon. Sec.

+ Hiuniyam kepima [2302 282].

tC. A. 8. Jour. 1865-6, pp, 70-1.

§ Pas lo [68 OCs].

118 JOURNAL R. A. 8. CEYLON. [Vol. VIL, Pt. II.

into the image at important parts of the body, such as the

head or heart. These images, after the process of charming,

are buried under a stile so that the intended victim may pass

over it* and be thus affected. This “passing over” of the buried

image is generally indispensable. After the charms have

taken effect, the image is otherwise secreted,”

The image I now send was found in the trunk of a Rukattana

tree.f An oblong hole corresponding in shape to the tin box

holding the image had been neatly cut into the trunk of the

tree in a direction §.8.W., and about two feet high from the

ground.. The box containing the image had been inserted

inside this hole and a tin plate, covering the hole, neatly nailed

over with copper nails.{ It is of course absurd to suppose

that this contrivance could have had any effect, but should the

intended victim have met with an accident or stroke of disease,

there would have been another instance of the potency of the

LTiniyam.

In the Society’s Journal for 1865-66 will be found an

exhaustive treatise on “Sinhalese Demonology” by Dandris

De Silva, Mudaliyar. This short introductory sketch is only

intended to introduce the Huniyam image now sent, which is

interesting as a specimen of one which had been actually

uttered with malicious intent. When discovered it had

evidently been long imbedded in the tree, and unless the —

particular Yakadurad who performed the devil-ceremony in

this instance will volunteer a confession, no further light will

be thrown upon the subject. |

* Pannavanava [SSIHV2]. C. A.S. Jour. 1865-6, p. 71.

{ Alstonia scholaris, R. Br.

j The annexed plate gives an exact size photograph of the image by the

side of its tin “coffin.” Nails pierce the head, heart, right side, chest, and

feet, and threads are wound round the body from the neck downward.—

Hon. Sec.

(Journ. i A. S. Ceylon, Vol. VEL, Pt. £1.

]

NIYAM IMAGE.

A HU’

(To face p.118.)

No. 24.—1881. | HU/NIYAM IMAGE, 119

It may be noted that the natives of the Maldives, though

they have been converted to the Muhammadan faith, still

continue to practise the same class of incantations as the lower

classes of the Sinhalese. This Hiniyam image may therefore

possibly have been made by a native of the Maldives, many of

whom live near the neighbourhood where the image was

discovered, though this is unlikely. This is one of the many

points of resemblance between the low-country Sinhalese and

Maldivians.*

NOTE.

[ The MAldive Islanders—particularly those living on the Southern-

most Atols, Huvada (Suvadiva) and Addi, which have been least

affected by foreign influence—retain to this day the character of

being “great necromancers,”} as old Duarte Barbosa (A. D. 1501-17)

described them three and a half centuries ago, and as the captive

Frenchman Pyrard found them a century later (A. D. 1602-7).}

The difficulty all the world over of eradicating long-established

customs and deeply-rooted beliefs—more especially when these enter

into the exigencies of every-day life—is an accepted fact, confirmed

by the experience of ages.

* At Mr, Nell’s request a brief note is added with the intention of

partially illustrating the similarity between the superstitious practices of

the Sinhalese and Maldivians. The subject may be more fully dealt with

- hereafter.—H. C. P. B., Hon. Sec.

7 “ As gentes dellas nao tem armas, e sao homens fracos, mas muito

engenhosos, e sobre tudo grandes encantadores.’— Noticias das Nagoes

Ultramarinas, Tomo. IIL., p. 352, Lisboa, 1812.

t “ Les Mathematiques y sont enseignées, et ils en font aussi grand estat,

notamment de 1’ Astrologie, & laquelle plusieurs persones estudient, d’autant

qu’a tout propos on consulte les Astrologes : il n’y en a pas vn qui voulust

rien entreprende sans leur en auoir demandé aduis.” — Voyage de F. Pyrard,

p: 135, Paris, 1679.”

120 JOURNAL R. A, 8. CEYLON. [ Vol. VIL, Pt. II.

It need not, therefore, be a matter of surprise to find the rigorous

monotheistic faith of Islam existing to this day side by side on the

MAldive group with “the relics of idolatrous superstition,” —nay,

more, to see the sacred Kuran itself prostituted to the unholy objects

of devil worship.

The pilgrimage to Mekka and “ the silly and ridiculous” ceremonies

which have ever formed a necessary part of it, were but original

threads of Arab idolatry, which expediency prompted the Prophet to

interweave with his fabric of a purer religion.*

Nearly all orthodox Muhammadans have an implicit belief in what

is termed ‘Divine magic” (Ar-Rahmdni), “the sublime science”

employed only for good purposes, but sternly denounce the practice

of enchantment (As-Sahr) and of “Satanic” (Shaitdnz) and “ Natural

magic” (As-Simiyd) in general. All forms alike are supposed to

derive greater efficacy from interlarding the usual mysterious words,

numbers, diagrams, &c., of charms, with names of the Deity and

passages from the Kuran.f |

The two following philtres or love charmst come under the Sanskrit

category of Stambhana or of Vibhishana—those intended to procure

illicit sexual intercourse and effect discord.§ ‘The appropriate demons

invoked by the Sinhalese are Madana Yaksaniyéd, ‘the She-Demons

of Lust.’ ‘‘These demons, when worked upon by certain charms, and

propitiated with certain offerings and ceremonials, are supposed to use

their power of seducing the affections of a man or a womanin sucha

manner that the person so influenced is said to find the power perfectly

irresistible. ‘There are hundreds of ways in which it is pretended

this can be done.”'|| |

* See Sale’s Koran, Preliminary Discourse, p. 94 (‘Chandos Classics”

Edition), London.

f Lane’s ‘Arabian Nights,” Vol. L, pp. 58-9, London, 1877.

{ The transcript in Roman characters of the Maldive (Addt Atol) charms

and the rough glossary, given below, will further enable Sinhalese scholars

to trace the philological connection between the two languages. Adda

orthography differs considerably from the M4lé (Sultan’s Island) standard,

§ Dandris De Silva Gunaratna, Mudaliy4r, in Jour. C. A. 8., 1865-6,

pp. 53-4, || Jdem, p. 31.

No, 24.—1881.] HU’NIYAM IMAGE. 121

MALpiveE MaAntras.*

No. 1.

Gada istiri vari tura’ kurékan haivakaru abaku de mihunge rifa

kurahai hadduru harruli nuva giht badili elagodi abu gahani.

Translation.

“To completely estrange a desirable woman (from her husband)—

make a teak nail (and) an image of both persons, (mutter) ‘hadduru

harrult nuva giht badil: elagodi, } and drive in the nail.”

Glossary.

Abaku, abu, ‘nail.’ Cf. Malay paku.

Istiri, ‘woman,’ ‘ wife’: S. 3&3 [siré.]

Kurahai, lit. ‘having made,’ = kurafd (Malé), p. part. of kuran:S. ander

[Rarald]. 3

Kurdkhan—See turw hurdkan.

Gada, lit. ‘health’: not improbably =S8. g¢@<¢ [agada] (e, negative, DES

disease. ) ;

Tura’ (kurdkan) ‘to disunite’: 8. HOA SHH [turan haranda}.

De, ‘two,’ ‘both: 8. @¢ [de].

Mihunge, gen. pl. of mthd; 8. SBgatocd [minisungé], gen. pl. of

GAos [miniha] ‘man,’

Rifa, ‘image’: 8. 61s [répa].

Vari, ? adv. ‘ greatly’: S. 216 [vera] ; but vari kuran ‘to divorce’ (Malé).

Haivakaru, ‘teak,’ (Tectona grandis, L.). Cf. Hind. sdgaun.

No. 2.

Gada istiriye’ liame karhi male’ fari nuvanis kad4gen au valie’

hanulaigen mi malu effurhu Al Kadr Stra lie ane’ furhumati

Vajahatu lie mi malu rifa kuraha vahaka vara olun lie Al Rahman

Sara huswaden lie’ va’ rénu’ fas tan bede rakas bode’ katildeige lein

* “Sorcery” is with the Maldivians fadita—S. sia [pandita],—‘ the

learned (science.)’

{ The mantra or incantation proper; unintelligible. All else is “a sort of

rubric,” as with Sinhalese charms(vide C.A.S. Journ., 1865-6, p. 57), in which

the object is stated, and directions given for the jiwama, or “ winding up.”

122 JOURNAL BR. A. 8. ChYLON, [Vol WE et. i.

kaliko’ dumarhi bAvvai hikkai tin duvas vim4éi nagaigen gos mudu

alani kaké fenu eli nama balai fonuvani falu fenu eli nama audei.

Translation.

“Write (the name of) a desirable woman; pluck an unopened

bud of the screw-pine flower ; sharpen a new knife ; on one side of

this flower write Al Kadr Sura :* on the other side write Vajahatu ;¢

make an image out of this flower ; write particulars of the horoscope ;

write Al Rahmdn Surat from beginning to end ; tie (the image) in

five places with left-hand-(twisted) coir ;§ cut the throat of a blood-

sucker (lizard) ;|| smear its blood (on the image) ; place it on a loft ;

dry (it) for three days; (then) take it and enter the sea—if (you) go

in knee-deep (she) will send a message; if (you) go in to the waist (she)

will come.”

* «Verily we sent down the Kordn in the night of Al Kadr. And what

shall make thee understand how excellent the night of Al Kadris? The

night of Al Kadr is better than a thousand months. Therein do the Angels

descend, and the spirit Gabriel also, by the permission of their Lord, with

his decrees concerning every matter, It is peace until the rising of the

morn.”’—Sale’s Koran, Chap. xevii, p. 451.

7 The Vajahatu is always recited by Muslims before commencing prayers,

It forms part of Al Bakr (“Cattle”) Sira:—“I direct my face unto him

who hath created the heavens and the earth; I am orthodox, and not one

of the idolaters ..... . Say, Verily my prayers, and my worship, and my life,

and my death, are dedicated unto God, the Lord of all creatures; He hath

nocompanion. This have I been commanded: I am the first Moslem.” —

Sale’s Koran, Chap. vi, pp. 96, 104.

t The Stra entitled ‘“‘ The Merciful,” containing 78 verses. It somewhat

resembles Psalm cvii, but is vitiated by including adoration for blessings

of a sensuous paradise assured to ‘the faithful.’—‘“ Which, therefore, of

your Lord’s benefits will ye ungratefully deny?’’ See Sale’s Koran,

Chap. lv, pp. 394-6.

§ Va, vai or vatu rénu, is coir twisted by the left hand upon the right:

as opposed to right-hand-twisted coir called kandi or handtu rénu.

| A blood-sucker or a chameleon plays a part in the Sinhalese hiniyam

charm called Lé kdma bandhanaya [o@ a1 AD].

No. 24.—1881. ] HU’NIYAM IMAGE. 123

Glossary.

Au, ‘new’: 8S. edad [alut].

Audet, ‘(will) come.’ At M4lé dde is imp., ‘come.’ Cf. §. 8&8 [évi].

Ane, ‘other’: 5S. ewatv [anit].

Alani, ‘enter’: perhaps contracted from atofani, = 8, ameodDa2

[etulvenava ].

Eiffurhu, ‘(on) one side’ = eke’ + furhu: 8S. && SoS [eka pite] ;

Surhumati. Of. S O&O [matupita].

Eli, pret. of alan (?) ‘ to enter.’

Olun.? The phrase vahaka vara olun (translated, ‘ particulars of the

horoscope,’) apparently means the day and hour of birth, and the auspicious

or inauspicious position of the moon and planets, as affecting the victim,

deducible from (her} horoscope. Compare the Sighalese use (C. A. 8. Journ.

1865-6, pp. 71-2).

Kaku, ‘knee’: 8 ax2p@ [kakula] ‘leg’; kaki fenu, ‘knee-deep water.’

Kadagen, pres. part of kadan, ‘to pluck,’ ‘break’: 8. nasa [kaddgana].

Katilaeige (? katilaigen), pres. part. ‘cutting the throat,’

Karhi, = kharhikeyo, Pandanus odoratissimus, L., ‘screw-pine’: 8. 2:0

@mdoss [velakeyiya].

Kaliko, ‘hav. smeared,’ Cf. 8. a3@ [gala].

Gos, ‘hav. gone,’ p. part. of dén ‘to go’: S. oaved [gos].

Tan, pl. of tana, ‘place,’ S. e789 [tena].

Tin, ‘ three’: 8. 23 [tun].

Dumarhi, ‘(on) a loft’: S. ¢@ [duma].

Duvas, ‘days’: 8. 6de [davas].

Nama, ‘if’: 8. 22 [nam].

Nagaigen, pres. part. of nagan ‘to take.’ Cr. S. ¢6n— [aragana}.

Nuvanis, ‘unopened.’ Cf. 8. HD® [navam], 8y4QS [nevum] ‘new.’

Fart, ‘bud’: S. e® [palu].

Fas, ‘five’: 8. ee [pas].

Furhumati. See above effurhu.

Filu, ‘ navel,’ ‘ waist’; flu fenu, ‘waist-deep water.’ Cf. 8. O@@ [valaga],

‘ waist.’

Fenu, ‘water: 8 6723 [pen].

- Fonuvani, * (will) send.’ Cf. S. Dads [evanava].

Balai, ‘message,’ ‘messenger.’ Cf. Pali, balattho; but also 8. Ai@os

[belayda], ‘ hireling.’

Bavvui, p. part. ‘hav. placed’: S. QDs [bavale].

Bede, p. part. ‘ hav. tied’: 8. Me [benda].

Bode (rakas bode), ‘blood-sucker’ (lizard, calotes): S. OQIoez) [ho-.

hondu]| ‘chameleon,’

124 JOURNAL R. A. 8. CEYLON. [Vol. VIL, Pt. IT.

Mi, ‘this’: S. oS [me]. -

Male, malu, ‘flower’: 8. O@ [mala].

Midu, ‘sea’: 8S. QE [muda].

Rakas, forms compound with bode (q. v.): probably = 8. 6aped [rakus],

‘demon.’

Ronu, ‘ coir’: 8S. a [rena], ‘ string,’ ‘ cord,’

Liame, lie, ‘hav. written, p. part. of liyan,—correct form liyd, liyafa

(MAlé)—S. Gees [liyd]; me (in liyame) perhaps =S. @ [ma], intensive aflix.

Lein, ‘with blood’: 8. o@&sd [leyin].

Varad, ? See above, olun.

Valie, ‘knife.’ Cf. Malay pisau valt.

Vihaka, ‘words’—vdhaka-dakkan (Malé) ‘to talk.’ Cf. S. Dayz [odkya].

See above, olun.

Va, ‘left-hand’: 8S. 5© [vama]. At Maliku (Minakai) written vdi or vdtu,

Vimdi, lit. ‘there having been (3 days).’ Cf. use of 5. OD@p [veld].

Hanulaigen, pres. part. ‘sharpening’: 8S. o< [hana], ‘whet-stone,’ Qa

[ldganu], ‘placing; moa [gdgana], ‘rubbing,’ used instead.

Hikkai,‘ hav. dried, p. part. of hikan ‘to dry.’ Cf. Pali sukka.

Huswdden, adv. ‘from beginning to end. Cf. 8. Bea [hisva], ‘ empty.’*]

* Many words occurring in these mantras differ entirely from their

equivalents given by Christopher in his “ Vocabulary of the Maldivian

Language” (J. R. A.S., Vol. VI. 0. 8., pp. 42-76), probably compiled at

M4lé. The dialect of Huvadi aud Addu Atols approaches Sighalese more

closely than that of the rest of the group lying to the North.

No. 24.—1881.] mi’RA KANTIRI FESTIVAL. 125

NOTE ON THE “MI'RA’ KANTIRI” FESTIVAL OF

THE MUHAMMADANS.

By A. T. SHAMS-UD-DI'/N,

(Read October 6th, 1881.)

Tuis feast is annually held in Colombo at the Maradana

Mosque during Jamdad-ul-adkhir, the sixth month of the Muham-

madan year, in memory of the saint Mira Sahib, whose miracles

are well known to the Muhammadans, and whom they esteem

asagreat Wali.* His sepulchre is at Nagur, near Nagapatam.

The festivalf commences on the evening the new moon

becomes visible in the month of Jamad-ul-akhir, and lasts till

the tenth of the lunar month. [ive or six days previous to

the new moon they erect a flag-staff, and in the evening of the

new moon day the sacred banners are conveyed in solemn

procession, attended by a ceremonious display of music, artificial

trees, &c. After having perambulated the town in great pomp

and state, the procession returns to the place where the flag-

staff is erected. There the Fathihah or opening chapter of the

Kuran is recited in the name of the saint, and the sacred flag

is hoisted.

In other parts of the Muhammadan world also, as at N&gur,

those Musalmans who venerate this saint set up a flagstaff and

annually repeat the Fathihah in hisname. Onthe night of the

10th a great feast is held on account of its being the day that

the saint departed this life. The Mosque is illuminated and

all kinds of sports take place, which attract crowds of people

* « The favourite of heaven.”

{ Regarding these annual festivals (1/6lids) held in commemoration of

the birth of Muslim Saints, see Lane’s Arabian Nights, Vol., I., Chap. iii.,

Note 63, p. 216,—Hon. Sec. |

126 JOURNAL R. A. 8. CHYLON. [ Vol. VII, Pt. If.

tothe spot. In short, the whole town is awake that night, and

presents a scene of bustle and confusion. The slow murmur

of human voices rising at times like the waves of the ocean,

and mingling with the clear voices of the ubiquitous sherbert

vendor and roasted gram seller—the invariable concomitants

of a Ceylon crowd—renders the scene perfectly picturesque.

Moreover a udu is constructed in honour of this saint. This

is a frame-work of bamboo, in the shape of a pagoda, made

with a sort of network of paper nicely clipped and pasted on

it. It is further ornamented with different kinds of coloured

paper, formed into various devices, tinsel fringes, &c. When

the whole is lighted up within and without, it has a beautiful

appearance.

The Musalmaén ship captains and sailors are in the habit

of making vows and oblations in the name of this saint; e. g.,

when they meet with any misfortune at sea, they vow that

should the vessel reach the desired haven in peace, safely with

their property and cargo, they will ee a certain sum of

money in offering Fathihah to him.*

There is a tradition in general reception among the Moors,

that in former times the inhabitants of the Maldives were

tormented by a demon, to whom they were compelled to sacrifice

a female every year; but this saint, a descendant of the prophet,

having arrived in the Island, attacked and overcame the demon,

and that in return for this service the whole of the inhabitants

* Before a voyage is undertaken, an offering is made to some saint for

success, and in danger or distress the mariners trust chiefly in the efficacy

of vows or offerings to the tombs of some personage (dead or living)

eminent for piety. Weare informed of large sums given as votive offerings

made during boisterous weather to an old priest resident at Calcutta.

All moneys paid at Malé in fulfilment of such vows go to the priest.”

(Christopher and Young, Memoir on the Maldive Islanders, rans, Bombay

Geo. Soc, 1836-8, p. 75.) —Hon. Sec.

No. 24.—1881.| Mi’RA KANTIRI FESTIVAL, 127

became converted to Islim, the propagation of which Mira

Sahib had in view in visiting them.

The Maldivians pretend that this saint is buried in their own

soil, but the Moors will have it that he was buried at Nagur

on the Coromandel coast, where there is a stupendous mosque

erected in honor of him, and which is the resort of vast

multitudes of Muhammadans from various parts of the world.

The miracles performed by this saint were innumerable.

NOTE..

[ According to a Tamil version of an Arabic biography of this saint,*

Mira Sahib was born at “ Manikkapuri” on the 9th Jamdd-ul-dkhir,

A. H. 910 (A. D. 1504), and died on the 10th of the same month,

A. H.978 (A. D. 1570). He is known to his votaries under several

names, e.g., Hazrat Mira Sahib, Shaikh ’Abd-ul-Kadir, Saul Hamid, &c.

Among the miraculous adventures attributed to the Shaikh is

included a visit to the Maldives, where, after thwarting the treachery

of the King and his subjects, he was enabled to win them over to

Islam by ridding the Islands of a dreaded Jinn,

It should be noted, however, that the account of this conversion,

though sufficiently quaint to warrant its insertion here im extenso, is

manifestly nothing more than the plain unvarnished legend related

by the Arab traveller Ibn Battta, as then (circa A. D. 1844)

current among the Islanders{ popularised and assimilated to the

familiar Arabian Nights’ Tale of the Fisherman, the ’[frié, and the

bottle of brass.

* Kalarattu Mirdn Sdkipu A’ndavaravarkal kdrana-sarittiram, Karaikkal,

A. H. 1293 (A. D. 1876).

{ Evidence is adducible that the Maldivians were converted to Muham-

madanism not later than A. D,1244. See “The MAldive Islands’ (Ceylon

Sessional Papers, 1881) and Gray, J. R. A. S., Vol. X. n. s, 1878, p. 177.

t See Lee’s ‘Travels of Ibn Battita,” p. 179, London, 1829; and Gray

(J. R. A.S., Vol. X., nN. s. pp. 180-1) translating the French Editors’ bn

Batoutah, Tome IV., pp, 126-9. Paris, 1879.

128 JOURNAL R. A, 8. CEYLON. [ Vol. VILI., Pt. IT.

The Tamil-Arabie story runs as follows :—

(psonGa yahu rid ar,

GUNS Flanwey 6455 Os_arat ser Our eopaul ar water

a9) 00 OFiu 4 oF IEG COGS WsdwawrsepeoO sovevtin ww

CIGAIFTAUOS AO ST ETO sIAAAI FS 560 M) UTFO_ECE Tou or & coor

ECIADE SOT HHS SCuISOEYD S_SSH S_Ose0T wH@orG

CoréeGUL_SH FrecuonmouMuCurye Gas sa0rO dpascun$a)s

CsaeCaxrOouzam Oacwremwd Hl or Bor aver Hr US & A

SrarO ns M5 H5 OSTYH sams Yoy FrSHy gatraor cpsodu

atéter Cares) “i maor aSLslstorapo soarcin® Qs crac Faps

Sr$G 9 sivseooag a corNor MULT HaTHABOoT” co More F 5

Jado Merve) (psG Qmiaratscr Shaolin UTséno0me lor

OOS HT 66 oMoarsor Sar Mit hStaoT. ovr oooilonndG@ apar

YWL_aAsarteer (IpyTpsier anulegjv SSuTEont Seer Hoxr a IS

e¢fOrreved Gulentéer. QarGor ANF AIIMTES Ipsos asiar

S600 Rist sor® NeGss o@bFtHOsrerimran. ob 5eTH

Lic ipsou ari nser Gunsgsareg HLL FHL ao MFEHGIUVOSS

& a6) “on perGune Farc_OFriu abhamHesaytaQea” or Oompa

CrrOu_rgat CuGsOserr® QartaterQwoe h SHR 00 atta Oe

Lusahs Eolarsananr Ipsou Suausrt ssHaoto OsiGriuo@r

or Deretar Cunli Quds s6O0OGr er) Tre ipsoup eriiacarev

OThmo EET ahlalsinuGure bons satech_s& OOF

ox 19) AGWturea gsr (par harm CatOachin SFFIUSTT SSE

éitor (pallamass Gonssaroor 955 # Our gaireerGur ov

Ser p OFrae) sUUsITsSHSoMo Shear IpPUIMstor S76

osoasOs05 HU WHF HMIAO tcopmaraeepsEGin arse gar

arsehin Ysa ob pFHarisrtaecr, Bs ao0O gaar Fer Ips

SOuarser ncrmasons “Qaraer OuiCGurtsenrrersr oe Sri Oew

sCurF 50s wi GachlSedv” Ouwcrm crevretléO ar cor @

Curlai_Lat sor.

Translation.

The Visit to Maldive Island.*

Hazrat Saul Hamid, bidding farewell to Sayyid Zain-ud-din

Makhazam and the rest who dwelt at Ponnani,} left that place, and

* Lit.—‘ The account of entering Maldive Island’; apse 8a [Mukalla-

tivu] = Mahal-diva, i. e., Malé (Sultan’s Island).

+t Outer epoca Ponndniyin, ‘at Ponnani, on the Malabar coast.

“Tt is inhabited almost exclusively by Muhammadans (Moplas)... and is

the centre of Musalman education on the coast.’’—Hunter’s “Imp. Gaz.

of India,” Vol. VIL., p. 377.

No. 24.—1881.] mi’RA KANTIRI FESTIVAL. 129

feeding on the various fruits of the leafy grove, surrounded by his de-

votees, reached the sea-shore. Perceiving that the sea was boisterous

and having a mind to visit Maldive Island, (the Shaikh,) after

meditating upon God and performing the prayers of two rakat,*

looked at Hazrat Yusuf Sahib and the others, and said: “Shut ye |

your eyes, and placing your feet in the salt sea follow me.” The

Sahib—exclaiming ‘In the name of God! ’—first set his lotus-like

feet in the water and walked, the others following him. JBefore the

twinkling of an eye the Shaikh with his holy{ mouth commanded

the devotees to open their eyes. When they looked and saw that

they were on the shore of Maldive Island they rejoiced exceedingly.

But the Ruler of that country and the other infidels, § seeing Hazrat

Sahib come with a company, spoke one with another: “They

are come to make war on our land”; and, intending to kill them by

stratagem, introduced deadly poisons into fruits and other eatables.

Taking these, the King and the rest of the inhabitants approached

Hazrat Sahib with great respect, as though they had come to welcome

them, and set before them the poisoned viands they had brought.

But the Sahib—although cognizant (of their treachery )—feigning

ignorance, saying ‘In the name of God’! and laying his holy hands

on the food, ate it, and handing to the others they too ate and rejoiced.

Seeing this, that King and his subjects were perplexed and departed,

* “The Muslim has to perform [five times a day] certain prayers held

to be ordained by God, and others ordained by the Prophet; each kind

consisting of two, three, or four ‘rek’ahs,’ which term signifies the

repetition of a set form of words [Farz, Sunnat, Nafl, or Witr], chiefly

from the Kuran, and ejaculations of ‘God is most great’! &c., accom-

panied by particular postures.”—Lane’s “ Arabian Nights,” Vol. L, p. 16.

Introduction, Note 1. See too Hughes’ “ Notes on Muhammadanism,”’

pp. 104-118, London, 1877.

T YevWev [Pismil]: Arabic Bismilldh—the usual Muslim ejaculatory

prayer preceding any important action,

i qpurmaros [mupdrakdna]: Arabic mubdrak, “holy,” “blessed.”

§ erL9 maor [kdpirkal}: Arabic kdfir, “infidel,”

130 JOURNAL R. A. 8. CHYLON. «[ Vol. Vie Pt. iP.

saying “These men are saints,* who, though aware of our deceit,

did not reveal it.’’}

Senor ui Oss #5 rib.

ipsunSaler san cn mm srIreer Coraylwor san, Ih 56

GarI_t sMran ego sapshcyer Fr Bua sor FovieS 1s

hea Os GS SagwCur g QOH a9 ev AI5HSTRioHcr Cra sir

HAplTTrs Joovo#rHhir YH HAGOO Qh seocoileySiloow eu oy

Ostx0O s_L_UCun Bayt aor; Ossi cooflor 51 Loser inant 5B) aS) m

250 SmI SW pS agar {Asoo supssart scr Goro aol s a

QO) scr ar” Oacr&, satacr “aap vy nerOuMw eee ay cin @),

AS! PG AG SE PO amOate Qaiaptiiym We_&&) oe w Ceara

WED OGIO, YSVGTS QO OUoaverco»ré Cero soi OudsOer®

S4og, HIVGFOsr_eoM cre obser orHignahs oF

FI UiLGOFluyid, Bros LpraS 2 toms SUb Dams 0G. 2 Sovirev

(POONA) aI oomlnléS Geo con ov Shs tar Oar OS HapHP@CGHMIGuT gs

QI) L305 ovat cor (p90 pot aor B) GOS ov U9) Ob B DIO) ever Cover &O) sr

cr AGiun as TE SOTCOFUBC COW” cr“Hl GOT. SVMSS@M SOT HSET

IT eer Corrs “QsOcO Qurcr artugoséOrlw Gaar_mt@..” or

fasoveGl «31 QL at Zoo ( CurmTL_aaysG Oonipo spe OanOas

Om” or Moré # al_Gi&l@i sar. ajsariacr aeons Sai Bortlor

ETI Saeco Lor WMT SQM Goren gr ov 2) 0 L_@ TON & or cor

PauOnorisloou Srahiéerion ca«uCurae Orla gure 91

O) Lieto Cover wie BH 5 3 OMe G_OF HAaosuilCe pbs soneacr M0

HGS A SHUST Sys crevta satruyMdpHo Ceéru mEor

IO) LI aor Zowor oe) 5 Ha) Lararé ofleve mCFi 550 er. QF eng

Gxt soups booerrsuataer Errors We@wusis FF

(ppp Qraersor 9 oyster HES HO ov ar cool 9) 55.0 G) MOF

HssHonGHh/OSOSH Assutéoar lH IpsHOU HM nacharey Sool

Gup_ig {Ouse pp SL_SHDOFON LYE. JI5HG

crs So 65 Blag@wg egsenl§ CO) smovilujoor HSDon coll

ouCarés aréaort Kotor SkOgsro) sparLararse Ih

Slax lor Coréel oe orssrCor § OurmROFL; sIOUexr

Ctl 5 5 GHBIC SH” Queer (pt Barr. AFOFTPCEL_L fH lor noor

ww e_pmoths (pegenrcy YOO UT AMT Gorter LIT SI

Loos m FIG-LTmee OFUSH SuMssareor 5H Blow Voor

Corée, “o_o! coova,Goor, Dig ooee O¢ran@?eunt corse

Gigarn gil pneu co? OrOs man? Case; 2. Cor 65 Sa

EOFh OBUICOONSHA LaycHuUEC aren ® * gqe@antu9 Osea 1)

* @.AGwor eer [périyorkal,], lit. “great men.”

+ Compare the adventure of Es-Sindibéd and his companions (4th

Voyage) on the Island of the Cannibals (Seksar = ? Sumatra).—Lane’s

“Arabian Nights,” Vol. III., p. 37.

No. 24.—1881.] mi’RA KANTIRI FESTIVAL. 131

HOFICLOs saxo roror, 9aICatiar sorafr_Hsoh mA

asyorors I 8. yogbacr® g55 Shor QFFMWLMOL_ fH sb

KOFSOSIOVOSE aTTsScoov ib Of gor QF Brower s

sre spsEluyin odhamab SarisHeSaw glo acdlgops s

WUémoralor EEpgHoeCarscn® NogoCulgH, 98F aS qororamt

Sor QpssnGuie epaMywenmosHn G Htn oOsgHaQer

aor sourci toro IaCatlsaooroow poxrcol CoraGMi_seH

Aaa yoroler }) anew thine syn Obs Blea wonlstumev

Don) Rew wovciQacseujhinés Our sion) flo cgteer.

AS Bloor Sogoomgw woe MOFOWOS Hin QITCOLOWT ov

SLoUuThs ups 19 Men Fan pruswnanr set OiReedp

&€SR3oi8), S_bsoal So senssaracr Sgt! oF sorCor,

Cun SHé6@tlu Yovuldev usr anulon musth MERCOFS Hasip

HS BD UL. pOfaotn gow Curgo, gourgib Yes»

Osteo! frourcrOar” Oacrs; SlearCurl saan Hw 5) yoo

Osrlara sungssaracer aparIarés om; E0UHHSONSOT ISG

emot Or Og a pays OrlujbCur gs 365 Blo Sou ap_UuysSulooev

Qéen Fay ura Is qo woih SCrnFoow Bro slwacm@

(OnrOnam mill mig a cxr_ararsar gauéOrle (p85 seLcr

“ orl arson, Qtr Gyo Kio HOW iA UMS 2S 5T0,57Ca

EBA0” OH, Eups sat sor “Hv GyGOH” on GTEC. 95 Sel cor

Soo Gy Outsgs —-AQLUGSSS. Sonmssaraer I28eA

HS dpe GurLOI_O sy@G Ost Og Ogre HEG0Cuil 4 Os

Sam apxauosurea Fa OndlusHnefuoasc Caren Vas A

LITeEGUILS HO, HUUIGAM Tos QraaWe mass HCuUT HM FISH

Guu 5S5 000 ty HoomwurSlwarer wOSAhig SL_psoasaeOe

OS; M5506 QroawWe GH KF EtTonbstarFOFTOU MOQ, TTT

CeO “gp se)lsr ohICSUIMHSEGOS” cS JAMEVUNSSOAM Con F FL

o “Htar Tot silor FIpSSForw SVESSOLLL HS) MOS” oo op

aT. ASSAM ort NenGHpsseHeoli ha, HBiIQusredilor 60.5

Cor WASIDS A) SHE Chom woéGsrar® 9 Mi SéssL_ajonlor HFT

6S OuTHy oy acoder Ourcorg qaonrnhs AG ANS ors bs

ASGorFol_sAu QéerasGsrtery ver hsiracr., sas Coco oor

bso08 obGoryuGmAsr opmbstevart waafaiGlp Gre Soo

Wits PCLT Wag Ysr_araitré s6eu0O “ond ofegro SH

OF phooass mruaCrOua m uTrgsbicois 5, tHgétor WT HSS

CacnOh STrHésenHacr 9JooL_EGounT ACEH, STHdoft_tece tor

Lue sam a S_UCuUTOLM” o Moré Homi eat, Gems Wrrer

FTHUATAOT BAaATFor (IpsSouGureepsQacerin soILor Oaier

ab Csardit ass. Yolo CotrahWeourédlenracr 945 9 oy

crot Canul mater Quanto ga uUTOHNS_U MSA S0QTECrC or

68) “5Cu OFnCar nOFrlg GQUML_SE6hS OenSSTOFuUTE ah”

OasMmfa SNF Fosromag@omtaor. Qarer apsSwaract abg

ENS S5TOO_aratéeenr Corse) “creaoher BTWsCO QFFSAH

aréu Aerar Yaadarn oasamssrm Sor aysOaon or Cur

FE OruuCuiacdam agéeOiomEger Mornsés soudGloan sy! srhs

Gerdian noréGle StaCorn gaan NoF 5 5 S- SADC GOW” ore ;

132 JOURNAL R. A. 8. CEYLON. ~ [ Vol: VE et 1f,

sangssat aor Dis Sar yj Sar HeGary ST ShOF RG GSS

waACw piéOsrcn® Curl ereVssiunaperor sol mM bs sale

Oar mRaesOar” ors; yhoerik “gqar_antsGor STHeorel hs FIELD

a_Goros Shaanatact QOis Aa 6_SN Hs _OETaTE aH

Gar Ouwics on ict on GioT!? Oacamicer. ewns gam eor “2 Stor wT

Osta mc OFLWuor_LI gH, .HGohlcr GESMHEEOH*ES QolOwrG

E67 q)H SL Sa gGuréSuiNovrtr” Quswé, mGaprrT 6vonsS

aiéoticr dpurmssrcr aruleym OFr nnmal Ourgmest Mb SAG

Osanna OD bFAaihg sJsHR0F G55 MCU MH) GUNS

sataor mssGtrOsis ae ShmpsG MNGass AsoGLsH

SVOFSAMTSCaT aN HF FI YS HSH Opi sor.

Translation.

The Destruction of the Jinni.*

In order to convert the infidels dwelling in M4ldive Island, and also

to remove the danger in that country (Hazrat Miran Sahib performed

the following miracle) :—

Passing one day down the street, attended by a few Fakirs, (the

Shaikh) observed in a house the soldiers of the King of that country

and the inhabitants together going to bind a maiden with ropes, and

the mother of the girl sad of heart crying piteously in her distress.

Seeing this, Hazrat called to those persons, ‘‘ What meaneth this?”

They replied, “In this country there is a monstrous Jinnif who once

* For the legendary account of the conversion of the Maldive Islanders

to Muhammadanism by Abw’l Barakat, the Barbar, see references under

t ante p. 127.

t+ The Muslims in general believe in three different species of created

intelligent beings, viz :—Angels (Mdldikah) who are created of light; Genii

(Jinn), who are created of fire; and men (Jns), created of earth. Some

hold that the Devils (Shaiténs) are distinct from Angels and Jinn. The

species of Jinn (said to have been created some thousand years before

Adam) consists, according to tradition, of five orders:—1. Jann; 2. Jinn;

3. Shatin; 4. “Lfrit; 5. Mdrid—the most powerful. There are good and

evil Genii. If good, they are exceedingly handsome: if evil, horribly

hideous. At pleasure they become invisible, or disappear in earth or air;

and appear to mankind commonly in the shapes of serpents, dogs, cats, or

giants. Their chief abode is said to be in the mountains of Kaf, which

encirele the earth. (See the full Note 21, Lane’s Arabian Nights, Vol. I,

pp. 26-33.

No. 24.—1881.] mi’RA KATIRI FESTIVAL. 133

a year comes to the temple which is outside the city.* On that

account a virgin is adorned and offered to him as a sacrifice; otherwise

that Jinni will enter our country and harass us. This custom has

obtaized from the time of our ancestors. We therefore give our

maidens by turns. As it is now this girl’s turn, we have come here

and are preparing to take her away.” Hazrat, looking on the infidels,

forbade them, saying, “ Do not this wicked act, but marry ye the

maid to a young man,” and went away.

But those infidels disregarded the righteous words of the Sahib,

being quite ignorant of his previous miraculous acts. According to

their wont they adorned the girl, bound her tightly, and having placed

her in a palanquin paraded her through the country with music and

lighted torches}; finally, leaving her in the temple which is outside the

town, they departed to their respective houses.

Hazrat Miran Sahib, aware of these circumstances by divine in-

tuition, meditating on the wonderful God, in the dread night took a

goglet joyfully in his hand, and walked alone to the place where the

girl was kept. At that juncture the Jinni approached with fearful

noise, coming to gaze on the maid. Miran Hamid seeing him said, “O

Shaitan, be patient; approach not the girl.” Hearing those words the

Jinni, alarmed, confused in mind, trembling, with face distorted, made

obeisance at the lotus feet of the Sahib.§ Hazrat looking on the Jinni

said ‘Take this goglet, O Accursed,|| and fetch water from the tank

which isopposite.” The Jinni, at once assuming human shape, took

*« There appeared to them every month an evil spirit, who came

from the sea, resembling a ship filled with lamps.” (Gray, J. R. A.S.,

Vol. X. n, s. p. 180, translating Ibn Batoutah, Tome IV., p. 126).

Csaitevuin [Tévdlayam] = A temple dedicated to Hindi or local Deviyé

or gods. Ibn Battita has boudkhanah (Arabic), “ Idol temple.”

s[Prkcwene sastaceeneScesevsveccs carried as a bride,

With music and with litters gaily dight.”

¢ Abu-’l-Barakat, it will be remembered, took the place of the old woman’s

daughter, and worsted the demon by reciting ‘the glorious Kuran.”

SFr Sse Feo senos- for spirits feel all force divine,

And know the sacred presence of the pure,”

|| ocva, Goo [malviné]: Arabic malvin, “ curse.”

134 JOURNAL R, A. 8. CEYLON. [ Vol. VIL., Pt. IL.

the goglet in his hand and went to the tank. But when he dipped

the goglet to draw water, all the water of the tank flowed into it.

Perceiving this the Jinni was filled with wonder, because the

goglet did not come with his hand nor yield in the least though he

lifted it with all his might. While the Jinni was standing with

diminished strength without releasing his hold on the goglet, the

Islanders, taking their waterpots as usual and going to the tank to

draw water at the third watch, seeing the tank dry and the Jinni

in human form standing tugging at the goglet, stood terrified.

Because the goglet did not yield, although he tried his utmost to lift it,

the Jinni returned to the holy presence of Hazrat and informed him

of what had happened. “Go, Shaitan,” said the Shaikh, “and say

our (Muslim) ‘Pismilldh’ (‘In the name of God!’), and the water

in the goglet will run out; again say ‘Bismillah, draw water

and come.” The Jinni went, did as directed, and bringing water

placed it before Hazrat, who took it and made his ablutions.*

The Jinni, in his foolishness thinking ‘I will enter the goglet and

see the wonder inside,’ as soon as the Sahib had finished, said

“‘ Master, be pleased to allow me to enter this goglet.” As Hazrat

said ‘‘ Well, enter,” the Jinni contracted his body and crept into

the goglet.j Whilst the Shaikh, having clapped on the stopper,

was performing his prayers{ those Islanders, as usual, brought

the requisites for taking away the corpse. But when they saw the

girl alive, as left the night before, they were astonished, approached

her and asked what had occurred. Having heard her relate

* = oy [olu]: Arabic wuzu, “the ablution of face, hands, feet, &c.,

necessary before every time of prayer.’’ (See Hughes’ Notes on Muham-

madanism, p. 105.)

+ #e«nr [kisd], an earthen water-bottle; whereas the one which

contained the ’Ifrit in the “Story of the Fisherman” (Arabian Nights)

was of brass (kumkum.)

t #y@ [sépuku], the Muslim morning prayer. “Glorify God when

it is evening (masa) and at morning (svbh)—and to him be praise in the

heavens and in the earth—and at afternoon (ashi) and at noontide (zuhr),”

—Surat-ur-Rum (xxx), 17.

No. 24.—1881.] mvrA KANTIRI FESTIVAL. iso

the events of the night, the Islanders asked, ‘‘Where is the Jinni?”

She replied, ‘‘He is shut up in the goglet which is in the presence

of the deliverer,” pointing to Hazrat. The Islanders, rejoicing

exceedingly, with gladdened minds untied the bonds of the girl,

and taking her with them worshipped the golden feet of the bounti-

ful benefactor who abounded in the favour of the wonderful God ;

then very hastily went and narrated the circumstances to the King

of the Island. He, rejoicing when he heard, surrounded by his

ministers, other chief men, astrologers, and merchants, came quickly

on foot, and seeing the Shaikh, worshipped him, saying “ O lord

who hast removed the danger that threatened us, be pleased to save

us : we are come under thy protection: we will without fail perform

whatever thou commandest.” Hazrat Miran Sahib, having fed that

King and all his subjects with the divine ambrosia called Kalimah,

caused them to come into the right way,* and, having broken down

all the temples in the Island, built mosques. Looking at that King

he said, “‘ Do thou reign alone and be a help to thy subjects”; (then)

blessed them, and abode (there) a few days.t The King and the

other inhabitants, however, came to the Sahib and said “O lord,

the fear of the harm he will work in the future distresses our

minds, should we keep our enemy the Jinni here thus; we will

do whatever thou biddest us.” Hazrat replied, ‘‘ Load the goglet in

which the Jinni is enclosed ina gundara,{ and having taken and

sunk it (in the sea) beyond Galle,§ return.” But those people said

* «When any one is converted to Islam he is required to repeat

the Kalimah, or Creed :—Ld-ilaha-il-lal-laho Muhammad-ur-Rasul-Ullah.

‘There is no deity but God, and Muhammad is the Apostle of God.’ ”’—

Hughes’ Muhammadanism, p. 102.

7 Ibn Battita who styles the Maldive Sovereign, converted by the

Maghrabin, Ahmed Chenourdazah [Shanurazah — ? Senarat],saw the record

of the conversion in the chief Mosque at M4lé (A. D. 1344).

t @&ec7 [kuntard], the term applied to Maldive boats. The Sin-

halese call these Islanders commonly Gundara-kdrayé ‘the gundara (boat)

men,’

§ eres [ Kali], the modern Point-de-Galle.

136 JOURNAL R. A. Ss. CEYLON, ~ [| Vol. VEE} et, 11.

“QO master, we are always traversing the sea; should this Jinni

remain in the sea, how much hurt he will do us!” “He will do no

hurt to you or your gundaras hereafter,” replied the Shaikh.

The inhabitants, thinking that the words uttered by the holy

mouth of Hazrat will not fail, rejoiced, and shipping that goglet

on a gundara, sank it in the sea, as directed by the Sahib; then

returned praising and applauding him.—H. C. P. B., Hon. Sec. |

No, 24.—1881.] SERICULTURE IN CEYLON. 137

SERICULTURE IN CEYLON. —

By J. L. VANDERSTRAATEN, M.D.

———s

(Read October 6th, 1881.)

SERICULTURE, or, the raising of silk-worms, is derived from

Seres, ‘Chinese,’ and cultura, ‘culture,’ because “silk’’ came

from the Chinese word Se, which signifies ‘silk.’ The name,

therefore, of the great Empire of China derives its name from

the great silk industry. ‘The discovery of the uses to which

the cocoon of the silk-worm might be applied appears to

have been first made in China by an Empress, who was the

first to unravel the filmy thread, and to work it into a web of

cloth, about 2,700 years before the Christian era.

In the middle of the 6th century, the Western world received

the great boon of a supply of silk-worms’ eggs. These were

secretly conveyed from Semida, between Tartary and China, to

Constantinople, by two Persian monks, who concealed the eggs

in a hollowcane. At the proper season they were hatched, and

the caterpillars were fed with the leaves of the wild mulberry

tree. From this small commencement the myriads of silk

worms have sprung, which, throughout Europe and Western

Asia, have met the continual demand for silk. The introduc-

tion of silk into Europe occurred about the year A. D. 552, in

the reign of Justinian, and we find from Tennent’s History of

Ceylon, (Vol. I., p. 569) that the earliest record made of the

introduction of silk into the Island of Ceylon, was in the

reign of Justinian, by Cosmas, an Egyptian merchant, who

published the narrative of Sopater,a Greek trader, whom he

had met at Adulein Ethiopia, when on his return from Ceylon.

Sopater told Cosmas that, from China and other emporia,

silk and other articles named by him were imported into

Ceylon.

138 JOURNAL R. A. 8. CEYLON. [Vol. VIL, Pt. IL.

I have searched for information on the subject of Sericulture,

or silk, in all the works relating to Ceylon that I could find

in the Library of this Society, and in the Colombo and

Colonial Medical Libraries. I have looked into Baldzeus, Knox,

Valentyn, Percival, Cordiner, Davy, Lee’s translation of

Ribeyro, Marshall, Forbes, Knighton, Pridham, Hoffmeister and

Tennent, but I have only been able to glean the following

scanty information on these subjects.

In Valentyn’s History, published in 1663, there is the follox-

ing reference to Sericulture :—‘‘In Jaffnapatam experiments

are made to nourish the silk-worm, and obtain by it a source of

livelihood. Mulberry trees have been planted here and in

many other places, and they appear to thrive well. In January

and February the worms are transported from Jaffna, and

other small insects can be collected here. These are occupa-

tions which are interesting, and can be undertaken with little

pains and at small cost.”

I find from the Appendix to Lee’s translation of Ribeyro’s

History of Ceylon, that in March, 1740, the Governor Baron

Van Imhoff left the following memorandum on silk for the

information of his successor :—

“ Silk has not been so successful as we anticipated when we

began to grow it here.”’

In 1849, Pridham mentions (Vol, I., p. 374) that “‘on account

of the dryness of the Northern Province, the culture of the

mulberry plant might be almost indefinitely extended by the

introduction of the silk-worm, and silk be rendered one of

its leading staples, instead of being, as is now the case,

completely neglected. The mode of culture practised in

Hindostan, as being the most simple, will be at first the best-

adapted for the native agriculturist, who has to acquire skill

and practice ere he can be expected to improve upon Oriental

methods, Much depends upon the abundance of cooly labour,

which may be further cheapened by employing children to

No. 24.—1881.] SERICULTURE IN CEYLON. 139

prepare and lay down the sets as soon as the nurseries of the

mulberry plant are sufficiently stocked to admit of the

operations of the planter.”

From Sir J. HE. Tennent’s ‘Natural History of Ceylon” I

have obtained the following description of the Silk Moths

found here :—

“Among the strictly nocturnal Lepidoptera are some gigantic

species. Of these, the cinnamon-eating Af/as often attains the

dimensions of nearly a foot in the stretch of its superior wings.

It is very common in the gardens about Colombo, and its size,

and the transparent talc-like spots in its wings, cannot fail

to strike even the most careless saunterer. But little inferior

to it in size is the famed Zusseh silk-moth | Antherea mylitta,

Drury,| which feeds on the country almond (Terminaha

eatappa) and the palma christi or castor-oil plant ; it is easily

distinguishable from the Atlas, which has a triangular wing,

whilst its is faleated, and the transparent spots are covered

with a curious thread-like division drawn across them.

‘“¢ Towards the Northern portions of the Island this valuable

species entirely displaces the other, owing to the fact that the

almond and palma christi abound there. The latter plant

springs up spontaneously on every manure-heap or neglected

spot of ground ; and might be cultivated, as in India, with

- great advantage—the leaf to be used as food for the caterpillar,

the stalk as fodder for cattle, and the seed for expression of

castor oil. The Dutch took advantage of this facility, and gave

every encouragement to the cultivation of silk at Jaffna.

“The Portuguese had made the attempt previous to the arrival

of the Dutch, and a strip of land on the banks of the Kelani

river, near Colombo, still bears the name of Orta Seda, the silk

garden. The attempt of the Dutch to introduce the true silk

worm, the Bombyx mori, took place under the Governorship of _

140 JOURNAL R. A. 8. CEYLON. [ Vol, VII., Pt. II.

Ryckloff Van Goens, who, on handing over the administration

to his successor, in 1663, thus apprises him of the imitation

of the experiment :—‘At Jaffna Palace a trial has been under-

taken to feed silk-worms, and to ascertain whether silk may be

reared at that station. I have planted a quantity of mulberry

trees, which grow well there, and they ought to be planted

in other directions.’ —Valentyn, chap. xiii. The growth of

the mulberry tree is noticed the year after in a report to

the Governor-General of India, but the subject afterwards

ceased to be attended to; but it never attained such a develop-

ment as to become an article of commercial importance.

Ceylon now cultivates no silk-worms whatever, notwithstand-

ing this abundance of the favourite food of one species; and the

rich silken robes sometimes worn by the Buddhist priesthood,

are imported from China and the Continent of India.

In addition to the Atlas moth and the Mylitta, there are

many other Bombycide in Ceylon; and though the silk of

some of them, were it susceptible of being unwound from the

cocoon, would not bear a comparison with that of the Bombyx

mort, or even of the Tusseh moth, it might still prove to be

valuable when carded and spun. If the Huropean residents

in the Colony would rear the larvee of these lepidoptera, and

make drawings of their various changes, they would render

a possible service to commerce and a certain one to ento-

mological knowledge.

In connection with the subject of Sericulture in Ceylon, I

have obtained the permission of the Revd. Father Palla, of

Galle, to illustrate my paper by the exhibition of a card of

silk-worm eggs as originally received from Japan, through

Government, in December last.

In November, 1879, the Rev. Father Palla applied to His

Excellency the Governor, Sir J. R. Longden, to use his influence

No. 24.—1881.] SERICULTURE IN CEYLON. 141

in obtaining a supply of eggs from China or Japan. Ina few

days he received the gratifying information that His Excellency

would have much pleasure in applying to the Consul-General

of Japan fora supply of eggs.

In January, 1880, a communication was received by Govern-

ment from Her Majesty’s Consul-General at Yeddo, in Japan,

that it was too late in the season to forward any eggs then as

they had almost all been exported, but that a supply would be

sent in the next season.

In December, 1880, the first supply was received by Govern-

ment from Yeddo, and at once handed to Father Palla, who

distributed afew cards to some friends who had previously

begun the cultivation of the mulberry piant in anticipation of

the arrival of the eggs. |

The eggs, which are as small as grains of mustard, as

laid by the insect on white cards, (each 14 by 9 inches long,)

cover the whole card, so that there are thousands of eggs on

each card. The one I now exhibit has been practically

hatched and bears the empty shells as well as those which

have not hatched as yet. The cards have certain Japanese

impressions on them to prove that they are genuine Japanese

silk-worm eggs.

There were several cards, each being covered with tissue

paper, and then wrapped in thick covers of China and brown

paper. There was also a little box with 100 divisions, num-

bered ; in each division there were six cocoons. The numbers

on the divisions corresponded with the numbers on the cards,

and the quality of the cocoons and silk, which each card was

capable of producing, could be ascertained by reference to these

numbers.

The eggs which were received in December began to hatch

in a few days after they were exposed to the air in a ventilated

room. It required a magnifying glass to enable one to see the

minute caterpillars or larvee which were hatched, and these

142 JOURNAL R. A. 8. CEYLON. [ Vol. VII., Pt. IL.

had to be carefully removed and kept in little paper boxes

containing tender mulberry leaves. They began to grow

rapidly and increase in size, as can be judged from the

specimens now exhibited, containing caterpillars of different

stages of growth.*

INDIAN SPECIES

Described by Captain Thomas Hutton, r.¢.s., 0.M.z.s.,

Corresponding Member of the Agri-Horticuitural Society of

India. f

Wild species of India differ widely in form, habits, food, and

silk from the Bombyces proper; they are all wild and indi-

genous to India and widely diffused wherever there are hills.

The type of this group is the well-known Tussar or Tusseh

moth (Antherea paphia) which is found along the coast line

from Bombay through Pondicherry and eastward to Bengal,

and thence through Cachar, Assam, Darjiling, and even to the

Punjaub.

When left to nature, in a wild state, they are annual or

single-brooded; but when domesticated, two to five broods a year

may be obtained.

In the whole family of the Lepidoptera there is no insect so

variable in the imago state in point of colouring as the Tussar

species, so that a novice would scarcely believe the varieties to

be of one species. |

The Actias selene, others of that genus, and the Antherea,

have a strong, sharp-pointed, horny spine at the shoulder of the

wing, which is alternately brought into play in making a cross-

cut, or in separating the threads without cutting, until the

* ‘The card and other specimens exhibited at the Meeting can be seen

at the De Soyza Museum, Ceylon Medical College, Colombo.

ft From the Journal of the Agricultural and Horticultural Society of

India Vol. I. Part 4; New Series.

No. 24.—1881.| SERICULTURE IN CEYLON. 143

moth makes its exit from the cocoon. In Actias the cocoons

are not so full of silk as those of Antherexa, but it is

‘“ strone, tenacious, elastic, and brilliant.”

One species of wild silk-worm found in the N. W. Himalayas

has been named after the writer alluded to, Bombyx Hutton.

It will not submit to domestication.

The other species are Anthereea assama, found in Assam ;

Antherea Roylei, found in Mussoree and Simla feeding on the

oak; and Bombyx Mari a Pat Porloo, found in Bengal.

Of the Hria, Erie, Arrea or Arindee group Phalea cynthia,

found in Bengal, feeds on the castor oil plant instead of on the

mulberry and yields a coarser silk.

Another of the Hria group is the Attacus atlas. It thrives

well when found and taken from the jungle, but the moths could

not be induced to breed. The Attacus cynthia is the same as

the Attacus canningi, and is abundant in Mussorie and Cachar.

The above are also described as belonging to the genus

“Saturmia’— Saturnia atlas, ‘the giant atlas moth’ whose wings

measure 7 or 8 inches across; Saturnia cercropia and Satur-

nia tuna have their wings produced into a tail; Saturnia

cynthia is the arindi silk-worm of India. Lattreille states

that these are the wild species of silk worm of China. Satur-

nia promethea is a North American species. It forms it

cocoon within the leaf of a sassafras tree, having previously —

fastened the stalk of the leaf to the stem by a strong

silken web, whereby it is prevented from falling with the

other leaves.

Wild silk-worms feed upon different trees, such as the

Jujube, Micus religiosa or Peepul tree, the castor oil plant,

the almond, some of the laurel tribe, and others. (Royle’s

Productiwe Resources of India.)

As Mr. Geddes of Moratuwa had a supply of silk-

worm eggs from Father Palla I wrote to him for such in-

formation as he could give me. The following is his reply,

144 JOURNAL R. A. S. CEYLON. [Vol. VIL, Pt. II.

which will be found full of interesting information on this

subject :— |

| Parate, Moratuwa,

September 29th, 1881.

Dear Sir,—With reference to your request for specimens of the

Mylitta silk moth, I regret that I have no moths at present, but only

some larve of Mylitta and Atlas, which I am rearing for Mr. Alfred

Wailly, of London, There must be specimens at the Museum.

There seem to be several varieties of the Mylitta. According to

Major Coussmaker, the Himalayan variety is univoltine (single-

brooded) and the larvee casts the skin five times, and attains a length

of seven inches when full grown. ‘There are smaller varieties in

other parts of India, and in the kind found here the larve moults

four times and is about five inches long. In India the Mylitta feeds

onthe Terminalea tomentosa, Zizypus jujuba, Lagerstrema indica,

Ficus benjamina, Carissa, Guidia, and other trees, I do not know

if any of these grow here. In this country the Mylitta is to be

found on the kaju, hahata, milila, veralu, and some other trees; and

the Ceylonese variety of the insect is polyvoltine, producing four or

five generations in a year. Sir Emerson Tennent says, in his Natural

History, that the Mylitta feeds on the leaves of the castor oil tree,

but he has confounded it with the Attacus ricini or Arinda silk

worm, which is quite a different species and does not, so far as I

know, exist in Ceylon.

‘The word tussur—variously written ‘‘ tasar,’ “tusseh,” ‘‘tussah,”

and several other ways—is derived from ¢ussurie, Hindustani for a

shuttle.* In England they call all sorts of wild silk-worms by the

general name of ‘“‘tussurs,” but the name properly belongs to the

species known scientifically—or rather empirically, for such names

have been multiplied until they have become worse than useless—by

the various names of Saturnia paphia, Antherea paphia, Antherea

Mylitia and Attacus Mylitta.

The Mylitta silk-worm cannot be fed on plucked leaves like the

mulberry and castor oil species, but must be kept either on growing

* 8. a6 [tasara], “shuttle.”

No. 24.—1881.] | SERICULTURE IN CEYLON. 145

the leaves fresh. It has not hitherto been cultivated except by

entomologists, all the tussur silk being made from wild cocoons

gathered in the jungles. I have tried keeping the larvae on exposed

trees, but it did not answer, as they were all destroyed by birds, red

ants, or lizards. Major Coussmaker keeps them on bushes covered

with bamboo cages, and that plan might answer here ; but I believe it

would be too expensive a way of obtaining cocoons in sufficient quan-

tity for manufacturing purposes. J keep mine on cut branches, and I

have an arrangement by which they are transferred from exhausted

branches to fresh ones with very little trouble. But this plan requires

a plant that, after being cut and put in water, will not wither before

_ the silk-worms have time to consume the leaves ; and I have not yet

found any plant that is perfectly satisfactory in that respect for feed-

ing the Mylitta, though, in the case of the Atlas, the Milnea Roxbur-

ghiana answers perfectly. For the Mylitta I have used kahata,

veralu, and kajgu, and I am now using katakalu (Sinhalese for a

common weed of which I do not know the botanical name). This

plant seems to answer better than any I have tried before, but I have

had very little experience of it yet. For keeping the branches for the

silk-worms I have long tin cylinders placed horizontally and filled

with water, and along the upper side of the cylinder there is a bar

of wood pierced with holes for inserting the branches ; but the plan

is not easy to describe, though very simple when seen.

The culture of the tussur silkworm is only an experiment yet, and

except as a matter of scientific investigation, it would be premature

to give it any encouragement. ‘Though a silk-worm be polyphagous

in a state of nature, yet it does not follow that it has no proper food

plant, and the proper food plant of the tussur—if it has one—is not

yet known. ‘Then there is no general market for tussur silk, because

it is not a recognized commercial product as real silk is. Tussur

silk may in future to a considerable extent supersede cotton, and it

may also be largely used in combination with cotton and woollen yarn

for improving fabrics both in appearance and durability, but it never

can bea substitute for true silk. ‘Those who are now giving attention

to the artificial propagation of the tussur silk-worm may confer a

service on future commerce and manufacturing industry, but they

146 JOURNAL R. A. 8. CEYLON. [Vol. VII, Parr II. :

cannot expect to obtain from their experiments any pecuniary bene-

fit for themselves. In the meantime the thing to be ascertained is

the proper food plant of the tussur, for, as I said before, a silkworm’s

being polyphagous does not prove that it has not a proper tree on

which it ismore at home than any other. The Arinda silk-worm is

polyphagous in a wild state, and yet it has for its proper food plant

the castor oil tree. The Atlas is also more polyphagous than the

tussur, and yet I know of no tree except the Milnea Roxburghiana on

which it can be artificially reared for more than one generation ; and

while more than a hundred cocoons of the Atlas will be found on a

single tree of this species, not more than two or three can be found

on any other. I think the proper tree of the tussur must be an

Indian species not indigenous to this country, because there does not

‘seem to be any tree here on which the cocoons are to be found in

such numbers as to be worth collecting for manufacturing purposes,

as is done in India.

In the meantime the only silk industry likely to be commercially

successful is the cultivation of the mulberry. Many persons when

they first give their attention to silk production think that wild

silk-worms must’ be more profitable than the mulberry species, but

they always become converts to the mulberry in the end.

Yours truly,

ALEX, T. GEDDES.

P.S.—The eggs of the tussur moth hatch in 8 days here. Ina

temperature of 70° to 75° Fah. they hatch in about fifteen, but they

lose their vitality and become putrid if the hatching be delayed for

more than twenty days. The breed can therefore be transported

long distances only in the pupa state. I omitted to mention that the

eaterpillar, like that of the Atlas, has the habit of devouring its own

east off skin.

T enclose a specimen of tussur silk and one of mulberry silk, The

mulberry silk is the one tied with red thread.*

* These can be seen at the “‘ De Soyza Museum,” Colombo.

;

No, 24.—1881.] SINHALESE OMENS. 147

SINHALESE OMENS.*

By 8S. JayaTinaAKA, Mudaliyar.

(Read October 6th, 1881.)

Omens enter largely into the every-day life of the native of

Ceylon. They exercise considerable influence in almost every

remarkable occurrence or incident in his life—the birth of a child,

the marriage of a son or daughter, the undertaking of a journey

or speculation, an illness or death in the family, and last but

not least, the result of his favourite pastime, a lawsuit.

One of the peculiar characteristics in Ceylon of faith in omens

is that this feeling, or fear, or belief—by whatever name it may

be called—is shared alike by all classes of natives.

Omens are of two kinds, lucky and unlucky. If one about to

start on a journey, or undertake a particular work, meets with

an omen described as a bad one, he postpones the journey and

gives up the work for a while, and in many instances he aban-

dons both altogether; and when compelled by necessity to do

the one or the other, he does it with the foregone conclusion of

a failure.

Instances are known of medical men, summoned to attend on

persons dangerously ill, whom, perhaps, timely aid might have

saved, returning home and refusing to see the patient, or pre-

scribe for him, as being perfectly useless and unavailing, because

just after starting they had met with a bad omen.

The following verse from an Elu poetical work called Selal-

hint Sandésaya, [SiG GBS 6622 a0] written by Sri Réhula

Totagamuvé, the great poet who flourished about the year

* First published in abridged form in the ‘Ceylon Diocesan Gazette,”’

March Ist, 1879.— Hon. See.

148 JOURNAL R. A. 8. CEYLON. [Vol. II., Parr II.

1410, A.D., enumerates some of the good omens which it

is lucky to meet with before commencing a journey or under-

taking :—

ae Ye ~De BSG GqQci ean

SE ODE DgO Ea Gsonse oson

HE 4g OnoOd oxnsy BSecosnEgez

AC BA BGB oscOg DAMA

oo 8 oO

Literally translated it runs thus :—

Observe the following omens, and if met with they are far better

than even consulting a good planet:—

1 A soft and balmy breeze,

2 A pitcher filled with water,

3 Peacocks, or sweet mangoes,

4 Full-blown white flowers,

5 A sweet-spoken woman,

6 A gold vessel,

7 Waving white chdmara,

8 White umbrellas,

9 Elephants inflamed with ichor.t

The following Sanskrit stanza, from a miscellaneous work on

morals Pratya-slokaya [SSssO@ejae] also enumerates

good omens :— ,

DOMOD) OHO GIOSADHOD:, GIDA ESBOIAd0

Moma Re gqundo mames Disa, ¢4<Ss Ges ADeseDs

CAZERD1 ODODSTo SCOSHAEo, HAOMDH asd

Gas HG} O90 O)KH)o GHBMD DON, ONCD Hananay®

7 See Macready’s translation. (Colombo, 1865), Stanza XV., p. viii.

‘‘ Look at thine outset for auspicious signs

W’en better than the nekata, white fans

Waving, umbrellas white, King elephants,

White flowers in fullest bloom, and sweet-voiced maids,

Gold pictures, gentle breezes perfumed ; :

O’erflowing cars, peacocks, and mango fruits.”—-Hon. Sec.

No. 24.—1881.] SINHALESE OMENS. 149

Translation

It is lucky for a man or a woman on starting on a journey to meet

the following objects, viz.:—

1 Virgins, 12

2 A milch cow, 13

3 A tom-tom, 14

4 A conch shell, : 15

5 Curdled milk,

6 Fruit, 16

7 Flowers, 17

8 A flame of fire, 18

9 A person after his ablutions, | 19

10 Horses, 120

11 Elephants, 21

Bullocks,

A pitcher filled with water,

Flags,

Sésat placed on elevated

ground,

Two strings of fresh fish,

White boiled rice, ©

Cow ghee,

A harlot,

Fresh meat,

Sweet words.

The following Sanskrit stanzas are found in a similar work,

and describe certain good and bad omens in connection with

reptiles, birds, and beasts:—

DOQMo GAPOS co 3

EOBs2Do Gc BO

BD ALD MOI BRO

SSSA GIL QUAI Garo

Translation.

If, on starting on a journey, a house lizard should ery on your left,

or if a bird, a reptile, jackals, crows, or pigeons cross from the left

to the right, it is unlucky; if from the right to the left, it is lucky.

ODD GCONMIVWEESHo HYANOBPDA), TAMOMOD NNN

Dae Bo SNHANAIBYD GSOOMODSo, SoaGemye@rese

OADe AQOWD AMEDo ACN OBA, YssOamn.Odagy®

HOOOADGUHNAWSAI®D MOB OBVQA)o, SnwB@aGe yaoacmo

Translation.

It is unlucky to meet with the following objects, viz.:—

1 One besmeared with clay or oil,

2 A cobra,

3 One with dishevelled hair,

4 Naked persons,

150 JOURNAL R. A. 8. CEYLON. [Vol, II., Parr II.

& The aged,

6 Noseless and blind persons,

7 People with clotted hair,

8 People covered with mud,

9 A gossip, or one given to nonsensical talk,

10 Empty pitchers, -

11 Dried wood ( faggots ),

12 Noisy and quarrelsome people,

13 Red flowers,

14 Red garments.

Amongst the Sinhalese or Malabars, any person sneezing sud-

denly before commencing any work, taking any food or drink,

or starting on a journey, allows a short interval to elapse —

before he begins his undertaking. But according to the follow-

ing stanzas, extracted from a Medical Miscellany, it appears

that in every case a sneeze from every person cannot be con-

sidered as prognosticating an omen of ill :—

REN: SOBD Do AWIEo

OWI ZEN OOM HOS

Q2q) Bs Ar@sn®

QAEGc MSEMo SOG:

Translation.

Observe the sneezing of a healthy person. The sneezing of deli-

cate or lean persons and that of cattle forebodes death. Regard not the

sneezing of the aged, sufferers from disease of the nose, and children. ©

SOO Ba@css @He3H) Cams:

SIQZI DTSNORI QOHOAzD Hs

DOGO GIG Dqd BVO

OBOOsD DMSoneay Oars Goes

Translation.

Sneezing from the

East forebodes want of success;

South-east, death;

South, destruction or ruin;

South-west, calamities;

No. 24.—1881.] SINHALESE OMENS. 151

West, profit;

North-west, success in whatever one is about to undertake;

North, victory;

North-east, profit.

The following formula is not unfrequently used in ascertain-

ing the indications of the cry of a lizard, or of the result of a

journey or other undertaking. This performance is invariably

accomplished by the aid of a second person, the operator.

The operator arranges on the floor, in any order he chooses,

eight pebbles, without letting the enquirer know which pebble

he put down first. The operator then calls upon the enquirer to .

hold or touch any pebble he selects, and commences to recite a

portion of the following stanza, from a discourse of Buddha

called Ashtaléka Dharmmaya, [ee0o@IMOE9G], word by

word, till he comes to the pebble held or touched by the enquirer,

and the result is then ascertained and communicated :—

Mom E@oam gaacsl cose Dag Sew ga Ema

Translation.

Profit, — Loss:

Misery or poverty, —- Prosperity or happiness :

Disgrace, — Praise or encomium :

Health, _ — Sorrow.

The cry of the house lizard, or the cawing of a crow close to

a person or a dwelling, is regarded as ominous of either good

or evil, and deductions from such occurrences are detailed

in two little works (lately corrected and published by one

Hisvellé Pandit) used as handbooks of reference by Nekettas,

or astrologers, called Suhunu-sastraya [anqqarena)] and

Kaputu-sastraya [MeQaoesjo |—the “Science of Lizards”

and the “ Sciencé of Crows.” Much reliance and faith are placed

in these omens, and this feeling isin many instances shared by

the more intelligent and educated natives.

152 JOURNAL R. A. S. CEYLON. [Vol, VII., Parr IT.

The age of the above works, unfortunately, cannot be ascer-

tained. I give below extracts with literal translation which I

trust will be as amusing as they are interesting :—

BAB aEsayes.

SCIENCE OF LIZARDS:

@5¢60 won SSNOS G08.

DiGNM 96 ND AY Moda FesNveston!

BB OMCHTHO®D gadosdsiecosys 7 Feslosios

eng E8si md astonianay — 8

BEND ® WEdnas Rae

DINED Baesl sHavKHKxa OB Rae

2a Ane 63 nasal odH Roa

CDS DD eEnaal og Ras

QUOT DO eaal ont o@dal Fenlosied

BEES G0 GASOQone enmaqe€. .

MOAN BOTSAD anos Hiowssal O23 Ros

B83 oma DD aeday Rae

Eng E8sT HO WoOsy Roe

8B 5 DPD D mossy 2H Rak&s

DNA) OHO 8B wmaas Roe

Dad ajaal MSc Baws sOaadS eR0a

CRS Headass Od Rae

SID Gnas oat Axa~adsday oad Ras

EODNS{O1IE,O BSW OMISANES DODAGISE.

DIVO SOD®D Das NwWeas Fasios\es}

B23 O21 Hiosal O43 B08

EDHBEO OCDsi Ba

BSD Do Goma Bas

APMBS awosd eonss AD Ras

Da® aay OA Roe

CNIS ASmMowWays oat sonieda nds Ra

GID OHIO Haat OR 23088

nee ee ee

No, 24.—1881. | SINHALESE OMENS. : 153

DEC,9 95 CHWS Oss.

DiGDOM 6 asonsacay 2038

BRoaic asiaWQsy ean Onad asvoantecsess Ros

EDAHEOD OCD Ras

BSD EVs Ros

ADNHIN®GS BHARS HENS avs BS

2am wd} @omazsy Ras

CDS anaes @mdalt oad Dredezsy Ros

GID OCDAIIA OGednantdasi Roe

MOCSANIEO oI0 6S) HE SIOK.

DONE B6D®D suds Fanfostos)

BGROAIH HO a,Vat onamsa Ras

GEQM Gs Mas FesJostos|

Boma actoniaacay owas Dredeazys Rae

VQAdWRS GTHoway OB : Ba8

23® Gs zadvdays eRosB

GDS Das sunday | Fxfostes}

GMD as nasal oat OGeEdesy Faxlontes

Bade0 pon He as Hddsd G08.

DIGWADHQ6N® astomiawal ant aged ai Oass

OOAMS RoaS

BRBomAHAD® Gree R00

CDM aomiacszesy Exfecfes}

BSR ES HISoTaasy Fan\os}ex

ADIOS wnBazy oO53 R38

2a OGendnaay Bounds} Bos

EDS V6 Haas od Ra

— «gmMNHOGEdnDas Bo OB Ba

| ONDE oon SHE soe.

DOAM 6 HDiomaMet Os} 23038

83 oma astvominazy Bad

EMM HHSS eonsy 0 | Fantostes}

RID E6 MSTaas Faxfos\es

AQdawes Ga ood aHaRsy dB Ras

2a®@ ac@iSdaatiBoan OS Bak

CDS DD AEM 8a

QIN VOM mod Rae

154 JOURNAL R. A. 8. CEYLON. [Vol. VIL, Pt. II.

Translation.

On Sunday the lizard appears of a golden hue. If the lizard ery

this day from the—

East, it forebodes State news or some intelligence connected

with high authorities; :

South-east, disagreeable news;

South, pleasant news;

South-west, intelligence of death;

West, the return in a week of those that have gone on a journey ;

North-west, an alarm from fire;

North, the obtaining of a wife;

North-east, sorrow or sickness.

On Monday the lizard is of the Royal caste, and will be found

looking towards the South. Ifa lizard ery this day from the—

East, it forebodes the arrival of a good relative;

South-east, sickness;

South, death;

South-west, the advent of a relative;

West, alarm from fire ;

North-west, the meeting with a woman if one go in search of one;

North, the arrival of a friend;

North-east, profit, or State news.

On Tuesday.—This day the lizard is of the Vellalacaste, and will be —

found looking towards the North. If the lizard ery this day from

the— :

East, it forebodes the loss of riches;

South-east, the arrival of a relative ;

South, sickness;

‘ South-west, obtaining riches;

West, the arrival of one who is good;

North-west, the arrival of a female;

North, State news, and intelligence of an absent brother;

North-east, an alarm from robbers.

No. 24.—1881. | SINHALESE OMENS. 155

Wednesday.—This day the lizard is of areddish hue. If it ery this

day from the—

Hast, it forebodes pleasant intelligence ;

South-east, very joyous intelligence within a week;

South, sickness;

South-west, a quarrel;

West, a severe ailment within a week;

North-west, obtaining a wife;

North, profit or rain;

North-east, sickness, or intelligence of death.

Thursday.—This day the lizard is of areddish-grey colour. If it ery

this day from the— |

East, it forebodes death;

South-east, a present of food;

South, State news;

South-west, something to gladden, or rain;

West, the arrival of a friend;

North-west, State news;

- North, loss of riches;

North-east, an’ alarm from legal procedure, or intelligence of

death.

Friday.—This day the lizard is of a dark bluish colour. If it ery

this day from the—

_ East, it forebodes an occurrence to give pleasure, or a present of

some food of two colours;

South-east, advantage;

South, something gladdening;

South-west, news from a distance;

West, praise;

North-west,-an arrival with an intimation of death;

North, mortal fear;

North-east, an arrival with an intimation of death.

156 JOURNAL R. A. 8. CEYLON. [Vol. VII., Pt. II.

Saturday.—This day the lizard is of a greenish hue. If it ery this

day from the—

East, it forebodes the arrival of a relative;

South-east, something cheerful;

South, arrival of a good person,

South-west, news from a distance;

West, the return within a week of those who have gone;

North-west, an arrival bringing a message;

North, a quarrel;

North-east, mortal fear.

As it is difficult to ascertain the actual direction from which

the cry of a lizard proceeds, and in many instances impossible,

the Nivittds or soothsayers adopt the following short method

to find the good or evil consequences of thecry of a lizard

or a woodpecker, or the cawing of a crow close to a dwelling :—

ADIU~NOSANOSY 465) DidS ¢1QS0d6 VO. HDAG sassy

BsaWso si Ba) AMO onocaanss oatimdnssaosd

BSoasdstY Da omBs atisyanomos sosd

MA esiexns M5EG THdad VOGegay OB Ra sest

OD HG TAdi OGENH®D 4 OO

DOM BHD BNO EHO

SOM ST Ht S MAGQD HS HOD

SOD SY OOM ODO OAICr QENOD

&@& & &

Translation.

As soon as you hear the cawing of a crow, or the ery of a lizard, or

that of a woodpecker (near your habitation), measure your shadow in

the sun and ascertain the actual number of paces. To this add 18 and

divide by 7. The result must show either gain or profit, sorrow or

misery, joy or happiness, food, friends, and lastly, an intelligence of

adeath. Ifthe remainder be 1, it indicates the obtaining of something

of a whitish colour, or sweet in flavour ; if 2, it is bad; if 3, something

to gladden; if 4, a quarrel; if 5, happiness and gain ; if 6, the mean

between good and bad ; if no remainders, death.

No. 24.— 1881. ] SINHALESE OMENS. 157

Besides the deductions of omens from reptiles, &c., already

described, the falling or dropping, from a height, of a lizard, a

cobra, a hikanald, a blood-sucker or a chameleon, or a rat, on

the body of any person is thus described: —

aad nisl Bad ogy Sa

88 Eo Penos DQosmay swzy do

— BE ED DVM DOH YOMMS Ros

€O Hd, Gos DO FQ DBs Rag

ADE 2B OQOoz1 OOD EM MOH O6

RS ED NF 60 Gd ad RQ oad

ast ES) HDS WPS «HD QM EQ

BAOGS Rasy BIE O2NdHG1 FE

4926558

Translation.

If on Sunday, itis a prognostication of victorious results in his

projects and intentions ;

If on Monday, Wednesday, Thursday, or Saturday, it is fatal to

him ;

If on Tuesday, it is fatal to his wife ;

If on a Friday, it prognosticates his being obliged to quit his

native country.

QQ BB Basy DQamwsy 6. ENA OG

hd 8 a Md@ 6 Code asd A

O63 WHsd gay} S€ase VIG

a 8 OOAd Ra am oan8 26 as

& & & &

Should these animals fall on the right hand side of any person he

will gain or inherit riches which will last as long as he lives: if on

the lef¢ hand side, it forebodes inexpressibly great evil.

The ery of the lizard, woodpecker, and the cawiug of a crow

is only ominous when one starts from home on a journey, pro-

jects a work, or is about to express an opinion, or when about

to ask for something, or give an order—in fact when about to do

or think of anything of utility.

158 JOURNAL R. A. 8. CEYLON. [ Vol. VIL, Pt. II.

aes) woesyed.

SCIENCE OF CROWS.

apeno aa EEad e&3e G

O85 2) OCIA COME MEH ODS H S

MASNTODIS GDS 96 Heweoz é

@ A © D di OD Di HOH WME HD S

GES DY 55 YH ogs Ae rs

DES DOGS Aseal aeowas a ¢

QiEs GOVEND DH TAG caso S

SYS NEGSEiR) OOF SES VO é

Mm a) 6 Yen Heme 6S emOEi o®

ENO GTASz DiHe99 Eat Hisg® Ei OD

@ES Dt &B HEo ERM O80 @ oo

SiC OG 6 THHND TDA 6¢Rqj Ci O®

Da®™ oa OHSS 53 YDO oS rn)

QO GCAGIMP!S FIBHD OM ED SI

Oo © OMI HE AMVa ONOMA ¢ Zoe

§ 6 80 nomads OS ast cas BB

QB HES ADE BOOMOG OHA @

BB OH OS SAMM 9cOM HDD ©

26M OC D B BOnOnDR Rod A @

DDYASHATIOK’S HEONDE O25 F ©

Translation.

Should a crow caw opposite to you in the morning, it forebodes

great sorrow and sickness, death or trouble: if in the noon, profit,

gain, and pleasure: if in the evening, gain, and arrival of friends and

relatives,

Should it caw in the morning looking towards the sun, great sorrows,

sickness, troubles and death, await you: if in the noon, it forebodes

the arrival of a friend: if in the evening, obtaining something pro-

fitable.

No. 24.—1881. | SINHALESE OMENS. 159

Should a crow caw (near your dwelling) perched on the uppermost

branches of a tree, you will see and converse with a great personage,

obtain a present of food, witness the arrival of friends, or experience

destruction, sorrow or death; if from the east, rain or wind: if from

the west, the meeting of a particular friend.

If it caw from the north-west, or north-east, looking towards the

sun, and perched on a dead tree or a tree without branches, it fore-

bodes the obtaining of meat just killed, or food of whitish colour, and

the arrival of a friend within three days.

Should a crow caw from the south-east, perched on the withered

stump of a tree looking towards one’s face whilst taking meals, it

_forebodes death, sickness, a sudden journey, or certain death to his

wife within three months.*

To proceed —

QugQeasy €37291797) recla) zea) &

ONITIE OGYO SiH1019 Sew oasd

ES 85 SHE O6HO aC Cw O

Bos M3 S1Q101g9M QM «

6 & 8 8

Translation.

Should a crow drop its dung on the head of a person it is a sign

of great happiness and comfort ere long: if on the small of the back,

or on either of the shoulders, the sign of great happiness and comfort

likewise: but if on either of the knees, or on the instep, it is a prog-

nostication of the speedy approach of his death.

The sudden entrance to any dwelling of certain beasts, birds,

and reptiles likewise is considered as a sign of evil, shown

from the following stanza, which I quote from a work called

Golalipata Namadiya [SMIGBSD DO&6.]

* So Sidrophel to Hudibras :—

“Ts it not om’nous in all countries,

When crows and ravens croak upon trees.’’--Hon. Sec.

160 JOURNAL R. A. S. CEYLON. [Vol. VIL, Pt. II.

DI NOMI GA SOA)avo

HS Os S2Zgm

OMB NA O<KICI

BGOQAR Gay Hianne®

Translation.

Toucans; Owl; Jackals; Cobras; Swallow; Indian cuckoo;

Crows; Outcasts. The entrance of any of these into any

human dwelling forebodes its ruin.

The howling of dogs, jackals, the hooting of an owl from

the roof of a house, and the screech of the Ulamé or devil-bird

near a dwelling-house are considered omens of sickness, sorrow,

calamity, or death.

If a dog happen by some means to climb on to the roof of a

house, it is considered as the harbinger of much evil, sorrow,

and even death to the family ; and the inmates of such houses

invariably abandon them at once to avert the evil consequences.

I have known two instances in which very fine houses, built

in the Kandyan style—one belonging to a very intelligent and

well-informed Ratémahatmaya, the other to a Basnayaka-

Nilamé, the latter living within six miles of Kurunégala—were

abandoned and eventually allowed to fall into ruins in conse-

quence of a dog having been discovered on the roof.

As one 1s about to start on a journey or commence any under-.

taking, a dog flapping its ears is also proverbially known as

ominous of bad luck. |

It is said that a dog belonging to a member of the house-

hold of the last Kandyan King, located near the store rooms

of the Daladd Maligdwa, on one occasion got into the Pattirip-

puna (the octagon), and that the Royal astrologers regarded

this as an evil omen that would bring ruin upon His Majesty

and his possessions ere long. Strange as the coincidence may

be, before the expiration of three months the King, hearing of

No. 24,—1881. | SINHALESE OMENS. 161

the approach to Kandy of the British troops, had to abandon

his throne and kingdom and betake himself to the jungles,

where he was captured with his wives, and subsequently tran-

sported.

This belief in omens being identified with domestic life and

shared alike by the high and low, is deeply rooted in the native

mind, and although the benefits of education and civilization

are (aided by the strenuous efforts of the Missionaries) enlight-

ening the masses, it will be long before these superstitions cease

to exercise powerful influence over the every-day life of the

Sinhalese.*

**They are very superstitious in making observations of any little

accidents as Omens portending good to them or evil. Sneezing they

reckon to import evil. So that if any chance to sneeze when he is going

about his business, he will stop, accounting he shall have ill success if he

proceeds. And none may sneeze, cough, nor spit in the King’s presence,

either because of the ill-boding of those actions, or the rudeness of them,

or both. There is a little creature much like a lizard which they look

upon altogether as a prophet, whatsoever work or business they are going

about; if he cries, they will cease for a space, reckoning that he tells them

there is a bad planet rules at that instant. They take great notice in a

morning at their first going out, who first appears in their sight: and if

they see a white man, or a big-bellied woman, they hold it fortunate: and to

see any decrepit or deformed people as unfortunate.”’ (Knox, “ An Historical

Relation of Ceylon, &c.,” p. 64, London, 1681. See, too, Selkirk’s “ Recol-

lections of Ceylon,” pp. 402-3, 1844, and Archeological Notes ( Folk-lore,

omens, &c.) by M. J. Walhouse in Ind. Ant., Vol, V., p. 21, 1876.),—

Fon. Sec.

18 JUN, 1903

Bra) is, in oan Members, g, Rol

JOURNAL

OF THE

CEYLON BRANCH

ROYAL ASITATIC SOCIETY.

L882

’ VOL, VIl_PART IIL

No. 25.

EDITED BY THE HONORARY SECRETARY.

“THE DESIGN OF THE SOCIETY IS TO INSTITUTE AND PROMOTE INQUIRIES INTO THE HISTORY

RELIGION, LITERATURE, ARTS, AND SOCIAL CONDITION OF THE PRESENT AND FORMER

“INHABITANTS OF THE ISLAND, WITH ITS GEOLOGY, MINERALOGY, ITS CLIMATE _

AND METEOROLOGY, ITS BOTANY AND ZOOLOGY.” on

COLOMBO.

THE ‘TIMES OF CEYLON’ PRESS.

JOURNAL

OF THE

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ROYAL ASILATIC SOCIETY.

1882

NOt Vil PAY 111

No. 25.

POLPED - BY THE HONORARY SECRETARY.

“ THE DESIGN OF THE SOCIETY IS TO INSTITUTE AND PROMOTE INQUIRIES INTO THE HISTORY

RELIGION, LITERATURE, ARTS, AND SOCIAL CONDITION OF THE PRESENT AND FORMER

[NHABITANTS OF THE ISLAND, WITH ITS GEOLOGY, MINERALOGY, ITS CLIMATE

AND METEOROLOGY, ITS BOTANY AND ZOOLOGY.”

sn Muse

8s WY

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“~<\

( P ap a

HE “TIMES OF CEYLON’ PRESS.

CONTENTS.

| PAGE.

‘Nirvana.—By Professor M. M. Kunts cas o LO8

Two Sinhalese Inseriptions.— By B. GuNASEKARA, Hsq., ~

Government Translator ©... Hs Bana lbouk

Folk-lore in Ceylon. By W. Guwatinaka, Esq., ... 208

Buddha’s Sermon on Omens.— By Louts DE Zoysa, Esq.,

Maha-Mudaliyar ... ; ie ee AUG

Notes on the Microscopical ehateichloc of teat.

and their present analogy with a probable abort

ginal form. —By F. Lewis, Esq,, ... sh oe pene

Sinhalese Folk-lore stories. —By W. Kyicur J AMES, HsQ. 225

- Ruins at Veheragala.—By P. A. Tempter, Hsq., c.c.8. 232

The connection of the Sinhalese with the Modern Aryan

Vernaculars of India.—By W. P. Ranasinna, Hsq. 284

OYAL ASTATIC SOCIETY.

CEYLON BRANCH.

NIRVANA.

By Prov. M. M. Kunve

: The ‘sources of Fe ae position stated.— Summary

» of the differences between the Buddhists and the Védists.—The

—The Buddhistic method.—lis resulis.—The determining causes

a of the Buddhistic stand-point stated.— The ground-basis of Bud-

~ dhism or A’riya Sachchaand the Indian sysiem of Yégo.—Bud-

= dhistic attitude towards ihe Védic, Védantie and Jaina systems.—

es Updi-sésa-Nibbdna.— Anupddi-sésa- Ni ibbina——Perfect Nirvéna

‘i stated.— - Conclusion.

=. a he sources of open cannot be too earefully

; and exitically investigated, sifted, analyzed, and tabulated. The

Bir: feeling of Nirvana is foried at in the Upanishad literature.*

ae is ao mentioned in the Brahmanie Purdnas.t In the

‘See for instance the Upanishad (Mundaka III, 2, 6.) where the com-

‘mentator explains Nirvana.

& u See the Bhagavat Puraga, Vishnu Puraga, —

‘ platforms of the polities of exclusion and absorption or the Védie —

and the Buddhistic polities —The cardinal principle of Yéga and

the cardinal doctrine of Gautama Guddha—The Naimisyaka

forest and its ascetics.— The Jainas or conservative rationalists. —

ee ue he philosophical ‘pleaus.— The radical rationalists or Buddinsts.

164 JOURNAL RB. A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vol. VIL., Pt. III.

Tantra literature it occurs as a concrete fossilised ceremony*

In the Bhagavat Gitd, the scriptures of all the sects of the

Hindus, Nirvana is the predominant aspirationf ; it is cherished

by the raoniit generation of the pious Hindus ; it is a prominent

idea in their sacred music.f

There are two schools of Jainas—the ree and Své-

tambara ; both propound a view of Nirvana. The ground-basis

of their theology and metaphysics is the same as that of the

Buddhists. But they do not carry their doctrines to all

' their consequences. Rationalistic in their feeling and aspiration,

they are to a certain extent conservative in their practices and

customs. Their literature || is extensive, intricate, and varied—

a literature which throws a great deal of light upon the subject

of Nirvana.

Nirvana is a central doctrine of Buddhistic theology

and metaphysics. The Buddhistic literature of Népala, the

Tibetan Buddhistic literature, the Burmah Buddhistic Iitera-

ture, the Chinese Buddhistic literature, the Ceylon Buddhistic

literature—all these have been opened up to scholars by

Brian Hodgson, by Cosmo Korés, by Bigandet, by Beal and by

Hardy.

Indian Buddhism, though extinct as a living system, is

still important on account of the writings of the different

A’charyas of the different schools. The dicta uttered by the

Yoga-charyas, the Sontrantikas the Waibhasikas, and the

* In the Agni Purana this ceremony is)described because it is an attempt

at an Encyclopedia of the Brahmanic science, history and philosophy.

* See (V. 25.-and VI.10.) of the Bhagavat Gita.

t See an Abhanga of Tukaram :—Nirvanicha eka Panduranga. See

the Prabodha Chandrodaya which describes the doings of Chatainya of

Bengala. .

§ The Jainas recognize karma or eternal activity as the Bauddhas do.

They discard the notion of god and sacrifice as the Bauddhas do. They believe

in the eternity of religious truth which they state is revealed from time to

time as the Bauddhas do. They uphold the doctrine of metemsyphosis as the

Bauddhas do. Both maintain pain to be positive.

|| There are large Jaina libraries in Ahmadabad, and in some towns of

the Karnatic.

No, 25—1882.] NIRVANA, 165

Madhyamikas are found scattered in the polemical literature of

the Brahmanas, such as the writings of Kumarila Bhatta.*

Though the researches of eminent scholars have accom-

plished much in elucidating the subject of Buddhistic Nirvana,

yet the water sheds of Brahmanic, Jaina, and Buddhistic literature

are not reached and investigated. What is known is, however,

sufficient to show the series of transformations the doctrize of

Nirvana has passed through between 1,000 B. C. (the time of

the Upanishad literature), and 1,200 A. D. (the time of

Brahmanic and Jaina revival.)

Il. A position stated—A doctrine like that of Nirvana,

accepted and acted upon by the masses of people in different

countries of the world, is not a mere accident ; it isa growth

determined by the environment of those who maintain the

doctrine—an environment involving historical conditions and

circumstances, and originating in a many-sided revolution.

Buddhism is a popular revolt against the exclusive A’ryan

conquerors. It is a rebellion of the proleteriat against the upper

classes. It is the polity of absorption determined to upset the

polity of exclusion. It is the masses (Sangha) in opposition

to the upper classes (Udgha). It is a socialistic movement

against the hereditary aristocracy of ancient India and its

prior rights. The sequel will elucidate and support this view of

Nirvana.

Ill. Summary of the differences between the Buddhists and

Védists—There were conservative and liberal A’ryast ; the

former attempted to exclude half-castes from their schools : the

latter encouraged them to learn and gave them instruction.t

_ The Sangha or aclass—consisting of the A’ryanized non-A'ryas,

half-castes and degenerated A’ryas—was distinguished from the

higher classes or genuine A’ryas§. The leaders of the Sangha

gradually grew in intelligence and pressed forward, claiming

* See Madhava Sayana’s Sarva Darsana Sangraha, which offers a

summary of their doctrines.

+ The Purva Mimansa (VI. 1, 26, 27.)

{+ Chhandogya Upanishad CIV. 4, 1.)

§ Panini’s Sutras (LI. 3, 86.)

166 "JOURNAL RB. A. 8. (CEYLON). [Von VIL, Pt rh uae

admission into the A’ryan. polity. The Nishads* declared that :

they could perform sacrifices as the A’ryas did. Sacrifice was

the soul of all A°ryan thought, feeling and activity ; and none

butthe genuine A’ryas could nee it.{ The learned A’ryas

‘either favoured or oe the Nishdds ; there were thus philo-

Nishads and anti-Nishads. The Ornette A’ryas restricted

or sought to restrict the rights of women, { declaring that they

could not possess property of their own, that they could not

learn in schools, that they could not live independently of the

joint-family. The A ‘ryan laws bore hard on the non- A’ryas,and on

the half-castes § ; even a distinctive costume was prescribed. ||

Impressed with the conviction that the Aryan gods were

powerful and prompt in granting prayers, and that Aryan

institutions conferred superiority and contributed to comforts of

this life, the Sangha naturally desired to adopt the forms and

modes of A’ryan eee to he as the A. ryas lived, and to enjoy

themselves as the A’ryas did. 4] They were systematically

suppressed; and the Sangha was agitated. Vexed and alienated

by. the superciliousness of Brahmana priests, the Kshatriyas

dissented, and condemned the Védie polity of exclusion.**

Some of the Vaisyas necessarily sympathised with the Kshatriya

princes.f{ The ae persisted in asserting their rights,

but failed in securing them. ‘The conflict ee the genuine

A’ryas and the Sale terminated in a revolution. Buddhism

came.

d. 1,12.)

+ The Taittiriya Brahmana (2 sty 26.)

{ The Purva Mimansa- (VJ. 1, 6 an 8.)

§ The’ Upakrista and the Rathakdra?

|| The costumes of the Brahmanas and Kshatriyas are definitely des-

eribed. They could not assume this.

@ See the Prasiddhi-isti or the ceremony ofan A‘ryan girl being out:

“Indra grantsus wealth and breaks the spells of Dasius” is the burden of

Vedic hymns. |

** The lives of such Kshatriyas as Janaka.. The internecine war between

the Bratmanas and the Kshatriyas.

+} The Jainas in India are mostly Vaisyas.

* The Pirva Mimansa — 1, 51.) and the Kaliya Shronta Sutra -

“ : 4 f a Pe gt tu i

FASC OL WO ea de ee eR h one ae eee ae

“No. 25-1882. Ny NIRVANA, 167

IV. The platforins of the polities of eaclusion one absorp=

‘tion or the Védic and Buddhistic polities—The doctrine of

worldliness was systematized. It was distinctly . stated that the

duties of man—or rather A’ryan man—were to live in happiness |

here and hereafter ;* but perfect liberty to do as one pleased

was not sanctioned.. The Véda was recognised as a code} of

ethical, social, and political conuitey leh eternal Vedas.

itrubhfalness as among the A‘ryas themselves was recognized

as a binding and paramount duty.§ Worldly happiness was

identified with heaven ; and worldly happiness in its variety

could be secured, they believed, by performing duly their |

‘sacrifices in conformity with the Véda.|| Gods like Indra or

- Mitra favoured their exclusive privileges, and it was a special

privilege of the A’ryas to lord it over the whole world and

specially over the non-A’ryas. “7 The reformers made a new

departure : they condemned wworldliness, and opposed to it

spirituality: ** they condemned exclusion and opposed to it

“universal benevolence: they condemned sacrifice and its arro-

gant superiority and opposed to it spiritial contrition of the

heart: they condemned caste and opposed to it universal

brotherhood : the schools: were opened to all who sought

instruction.. A distinction was made between neater

_ loeal in its grasp and earthly in its aspirations, and universality,

aK) pe ‘ — . e ° ° ‘ ° Ee ° EON a Ons OF Cs Be =

disclosing transcending views, and inspiring by its deep spiritual-

ity. This is the first view of Nirvana—a condition of positive

‘spiritual bliss as distinguished from worldly happiness or

temporal power or ee privileges. The Vedic sacrifice

; pre-supposed worldly prosperity and encouraged secularity.jT

The Védic Arya sought happiness by acting on external. nature

“and his LENO tsss The reformer or the ee of the

z The Piirva Mimansaé OF 1, 1,3.)

qelde (1, 2.)

{ id. See the discussion in (1.)

. § This isinculcated or was interpreted from Tai. 8, (IL. 5. 5, 6.)

|| The Purva Mimansa system.

i See the Aitareya Brahmana (IV. 3. and VII. 29.)

** ‘Fhe Upanishads teem with utterances insupport of these statements,

7 The Purva Mimansa (VI 1, 10.)

168 JOURNAL R.A. 8, (CEYLON). [Vol. VIL, Pt. TIT.

Upanishads sought spiritual bliss by controlling his passions,

and checking his aspirations.* The one felt that bliss, repose,

or tranquility was out in the objects he sought—it was objective :

the A’charya of the Upanishad period felt that tranquility was

in himself—it was subjective. The first is systematized in the

Purva Mimansa philosophy : the last in the Yoga doctrine.

V. The cardinal principle of Yoga and the cardinal doetrine

of Gautama Buddha—“ Oh! man, control thyself” was the

principle which Buddha emphatically propounded and incul-

cated on his followers.t The Yoga starts and ends with this

same statement. { Nibbuti is thus opposed to Pabatti :

attachment to life and its pleasures was opposed to asceticism.

This is the first view of Nirvana—the view of moderate reform-

ing A’charyas who, still revering the Vedic polity, aspired

beyond it. Their utterances seek to reconcile sacrifices with

spirituality, exclusion with absorption. Influenced by the

narrowminded, but glorious, past, they rose superior to them-

selves, and, ascetically disposed and spiritually moved, looked

into a future of universal benevolence.§

Vi. The Naimisya forest and its ascetics—Hither prevented

from living in towns or determined to enjoy his ecstatic trance

in the solitude of the wilds, the Kshatriya philosopher or the

Sudra, fired with spiritual aspirations, retired into the Naimisya

forest, and passed his life there, meditating on the essence of

all he saw in external nature or of all he felt within himself.

He characterized this conduct as Departure or Pravrajya. He

earnestly sought the noumenon which underlies and constitutes »

all phenomena or tatva. Various were the conjectures of

such philosophers and ascetics. Some fixed upon air || as

* The Brihat Aranyaka Upanishad.

+t Compare Vififianassa Nirodhena etth’ etam uparajjhadi—a dic-

tum of Buddha Gautama and Yogastu Chitta-Vritti-Nirodhah—the Yoga

Sutra (1. 2.) ,

§ Thisisthespirit of the Upanishad literature. The distinction between

Paré and Apara Vidya deserves attention (Mund. I. I. 5.) See again the

Mundaka Upanishad (1 2. 2.)

|| Samvarga VidyA Chhandogya Upanishad (LV, 3, 1.)

No. 25—1882. | NIRVANA. 169

the essence of all existence: others resolved matter and

mind into light. Some analyzed life, its conditions and

circumstances into a spirit in which they lived and moved :

others referred their life and its phenomena to spiritual or

meditational warmth. Whatever any of these thinkers fixed

upon as the ultimate analytical unit or essence, they all

agreed in condemning the Védie polity which sanctioned

animal sacrifices, and inculeated that worldliness itself was the

last goal of all human aspirations. Ahinsd (recognition of all

animal life being sacred) was the cardinal point of their belief ;

but they did not in a wholesale manner condemn the past. The

Védic polity with its devotion to caste, to sacrifice, and to the

prior rights which they secured was adjudged to be inferior to

the new philosophy,* the result of the new departure taken by

these reforms. If sacrifice deserved attention and recognition,

it deserved attention, because it led to contemplation of the

essence of all intellectual, moral and physical phenomena.f A

systematic attempt was made to interpret anew the utterances of

the Rishis known as Mantra, and many Mantras were spiritualized

away : worldliness was interpreted into spirituality. Women

were freely taught : Gargi and Maitreyi discoursed on meta-

physical subjects with their distinguished husband Yajnaftalkya.

~ Young men of doubtful birth were initiated into the mysteries of

the new philosophy. Thus the land-marks of the Védie polity

were washed off. Aspiration after a new philosophy, earnest

spirituality, a spirit of adjustment, new interpretation, a liberality

of spirit with which caste and all prior rights were incompatible,

distinguished these reformers. Nirvana at this time signified

identity and absorption into the unlocalized, universal, subtle

essence which pervades all phenomena. A teacher points this

out to a pupil :—“That thou art, Somijat, that spirit which

moves the air, from whose fear the sun regularly shines, and to

which death itself is obedient .”§ Attached tothe Védie polity,

* Distinction between Para and Apara Vidya (Mund. 1, 1, 5.)

+ A/dhi Daivam &c. See Chhandogya (IV. 3, 2.)

{ Tattvamasi. See zd. (VI. 8. 7.)

§ Bhiso-deteti Suryah * * Mrityus Dhavati Panchamah, See the Brah-

ma Vidé Upanishad (VIII)

170 JOUBNAL R.A. 8S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIL, Pt. 111.

and venerating it, these reformers did not violently denounce it.

A modesty* which earnest enquiry generates, and a love of

truth{ which results from spiritual emancipation, characterized

the period. The Brahmavadins or Védic teachers often explained

a four-fold salvation,—() dwellimg in the same place ail a god.

like Indra,—G@i) dwelling near him,—(iu1) obtaining his dignity

- and form,—(iv) identity with him. { The last was only materially

understood by the Védic teachers. ‘These reformers or ascetics

gave a spiritual interpretation to it and imsisted upon final

absorption into the spiritual essence as emancipation or salvation.

This is the back-ground of Buddhistic Nirvana.

VIt. The Jainas or conservative rationalists —The J ainas

divided into two classes—the Svétambara and the Digambara, or —

those wearing white clothes and those who go about naked—are to

be found in all parts of India. There are about 2,000 of them

in the city of Ahmadabid alone in Gujarat. In this place

I cannot discuss the chronology of the Jaina movement, and state

the grounds of my belief that the Jainas preceded the Buddhists.

The position of the Upanishad reformer’ was formulated and

pressed on the attention of the Védic A‘ryas. The conservative

sacrificing A’ryas attempted coercion. Anathemas were pro-

nounced : prayers, offered. The reformers, aspiring after deep

spirituality and communion with the all-pervading _ spirit,

were stigmatized as lethargic and their doctrine was declared

to be “the path of inactivity.” The sacrificing A rya publicly

prayed :—‘‘Oh! let my lethargy, orrather my tendency to (moral)

sleep, depart to the natives of Vidhea or to contemplative

inactive men.§ In the Mahabharata the condition of society

is feelingly depicted. Bhishma despondingly observes :—“ None

knows what the truth is. To advance their own interests,

selfish men preach to the people what they please.”|| The

Vaisyas, little accustomed to think for themselves and disposed

See the story of Nachiketas. See Katha Valli Upanishad.

Satyam Vaksi Jahalah. See Chhandogya Upanishad (1V. 4.)

(i). Salokata (i). Samipata (iii). Sarupata (iv). Sayuijya.

See the Aenyadhana Praydéga.

See the Santi Parva—the story of a vulture and a jackal,

= Mm ++ = ¥

[emt

No. 25—1882. | NIRVANA. 17

to respect both the Brahmana and the Kshatriya, were puzzled by

their controversies, and could not understand the conflicting

statements made by the orthodox A’rya, or by the secularist*

or by the Upanishad reformer. They, therefore, fell victims to

scepticism. ‘Their leaders eae ee their views and stated

their grounds. The logic of scepticism t was thus developed

and it would be elucidated b yy a contrast between the yiews of

the Upanishad reformer and those of the Jaina. The one merely

adjusted the hes: of a sacrifice and connived at the

slaughter of antmals : the other was fired by enthusiasm of life—

he strongly condemned the slaughter of any animal for any

purpose. To the one Védic lore, though a dispensation old

and inferior, yet was important as the means of his superior

wisdom: the other disearded all notion of revelation. The one

believed that an oe essence

and could be cognized : the other declared that a generality was

a generality, was real, eternal,

only a kind of knowledge, and its notion was derived fromthe

knowledge of particular facts. The one aspired after absorption

into the eternal, all-pervading essence : the other aspired after

maintaining his individuality t through eternity. The one

believed that all phenomena are only transient and are ultimately

to be resolved into Brahma: the other believed that they are

real and eternally abide. The one thought that the universe is

either created by or emanated from the Supreme Person: the

other discarded all notion of a personal creator. The one was

definite In_his statements and had resort to the utterances of the

Rishisand attempted to interpret them anew to support his views:

the other more or less hesitated, but declared that virtue eter-

nally abideth, and that it is revealable by eminent teachers.

Loukayatika or Charvaka as popularly known.

7 This is called Syad vada, It states:—Perhaps a thing is—perhaps it 1s

: g J i

not. -Perhaps in sequence of time it is and it is not.. Perhaps at once it is

and it is not,—this cannot be stated. Perhaps it is and cannot be stated—

perhaps it is not, and cannot be stated. Perhaps in sequence of time it is, and

it is not, and cannot be at once stated.

{ This view that every individual object has a spirit is met with in the

Zendavesta in its chapter on Farohars.

172 JOURNAL B.A. 8. (CEYLON). [Vole VIL. Pi Li:

Hqually repelled by the Vedic polity, the re etree and the Jaina

rose superior to mere materialism. of the 1 Brahmayadins, and

sympathised with higher spiritual ee and virtue as

distinguished from mere ritualism. Philosophically sceptie the

Jaina was practically conservative ; rationalistic in his method

and aspirations, he adhered to his caste and believed in the

philosop! hy of mete ma chosis which the Védie thinkers had

developed. The reformer and the Jaina condemned this life as

a perpetual source of pain and misery and aspired after emanci-

pation or Nivritti, consisting in the eternal enjoyment of positive

happiness and in escaping the transmigration of soul from life

to life—the inevitable consequence of all activity.

VIII. The philosophical pleaus.—The activity of the Jainas

paved the way of the radical rationalists or Buddhists. The

ground-basis of the doctrine of emancipation as propounded by

the Upanishad reformer or Veédantist, by the Jaina or the

conservative rationalist, and by the Buddhist or radical rational-

ist is the same, because the same cause originated these moye-

ments—the opposition to the conquering supercilious Védic

A’ryas, their sacrificial exclusiveness, their prior rights, and

their all-engrossing worldliness, and materialism. The Vedantist,

the Jaina and the Buddhist are all world-weary, and seek the

cessation of all activity, and its fruit—the transmigration of

soul. Activity or Karma is a potent cause. It is eternal : it is

accumulated : it adheres to the human spirit : it produces all

phenomena: it abides in the peri-spirit or the semi-material

body which it gathers about itself. It is either increased or .

decreased in one life. As soon as the body decays, and is

destroyed it leaves it and takes another body. This activity or

Karma is a subtle entity. It is the cause of all human suffering :

so long as a particle of this activity remains, there will be o

that extent human misery. Separation from it is salvation.

Thus human activity, human misery, inseparable from it, and its

consequence—metempsychosis, explain all phenomena of human

life and of its environment. The practice of virtue, the power

of contemplation to nullify the habit of belief in material and

corporeal existence, and self-abnegation—these are the remedies

No. 25—1882. | NIRVANA. 173

for escaping from the trammels of allactivity. Thus the Yoga

philosophy is developed—the philosophy of contemplation or

Dhyana. I cannot explain in this place its different stages, the

progress made from one stage to another, the amount of self-

abnegation and power oyer the self secured, and the knowledge

or the intellectual light it generates. The material body is

eradually left behind, and the Yogi lives a spirit above all

worldliness, above the power of the flesh, free from all power of

activity, working miracles and enjoying spiritual beatitude.

Activity or rather a tendency to it is the disturbing cause—

Upadhi. Until a Yogi is completely emancipated, he is in

danger of getting into its meshes. Annihilation of all Upadhi

is complete emancipation. Upon this ground-basis, all Védant-

ism, Jainaism, or Buddhismare built. But the Veédiantist secks

emancipation from all activity, and practises contemplation and

self-abnegation, that the spirit encased ina material body and

subject to the power of activity may re-unite with itself in its

universality, and being once more unlocalized and universalized,

enjoy perfect happiness. The Jaina seeks the emancipation of

his individual spirit by the same means and for the same purpose;

but he believes that the human spirit maintains its individuality

and enjoys happiness for eternity. The Buddhist believes in the

power of activity, dreads metempsychosis, practises contempla-

tion and self-abnegation and aspires after emancipation, and yet

differs from both the Védantist and Jaina materially. His notion

of Nirvana will be elucidated by that of the Védantist or

Jaina.

IX. The radical rationalist or Buddhist—The Buddhist

differed both from the Védantist and Jaina, and made a new

departure. The Védantist developed into an isoteric school

and moved forward on the lines of the Védie polity, aspiring

after being absorbed into a noumenal essence. The Jaina

believed in the individuality of the spirit, and had recourse to

acts of charity and faith—a situation into which his logic of

scepticism landed him. The Buddhist succeeded in organizing

a national movement. His activity accomplished a moral-force

revolution which subverted the Védie polity itself, .

174 JOURNAL R. A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vol. VIL, Pt. TIE

X. The Buddhistic method—The Védic A’charyas like

A‘svaltyana, Panini and others, had developed and stated the

definition method. Jaimini and Patanjali had developed

exegetical logic, stated and applied it. The Jaina had scepti-

eally argued. The definition-method, the exegetical logic and

the logic of scepticism paved the way of analytic logie which

the Buddhist preferred. He was, therefore, called the analytic

reasoner.” A persistent attempt at analysing, classifying, and

defining knowledge was made.

XI. és result.—The Buddhist perceived that the human

will was the ultimate analytic unit beyond which he could not

proceed. The will was the noumenon from which all he said,

thought, and felt was developed. This was the Chitta manas,

or Chétas.f The disparity of human destiny and conditions of

human life were explained by the action of accumulated activity

or Karma. His realistic analytical reasoning recognized the

ideality of knowledge as determined by realistic activity. This

will, modified and acted on by Karma or activity or merit, was

the basis of which all else was a phase—a quality. But the

will acted on by activity invariably resulted in pain real and

cognizable as such. Activity called into existence the will, and

modified it. Its modifications are manifold, varied and subtle.

The forms of human life and of phenomenal existence were

considered to be so many phases of the human will acted on by

activity and were not real. Hmancipation from misery, the

inseparable result of all activity acting on and modifying the

will by externalizing it, was the summum bonum.. The Bud-

dhist discarded the reality and individuality of the human will

and of the external noumenal essence.

* Vibhajya Vadi.

+ The opening lines of Dhammapada, when interpreted from this stand-

point, are adequately and consistently adjusted. “Manopubban gama Dhamma”

is a phrase which is not adequately comprehended by those who have attempted

to expliin it, because they have not carefully examined the antecedents of

Buddhism.

{ The Abhidhamma—the metaplsysical portion of the Tipitaka recog-

nizes and states Chitta, Chétasika, Rupa. and Nibbana.

No, 25—1882. | NIRVANA, 175

XIT. The determining causes; the Buddhistic stand-point

stated—The Védantist aspired after the eternal uoumenal

essence, and submitted to the Védie polity with its caste, and

prior rights, though he sought to interpret the Védie code as

liberally * as he could. The Jaina recognised the reality and

individuality of the human spirit, the basis of his logic of

scepticism. His inactivity and his conservatism, the Buddhist

necessarily out grew. Absorbed in profound thought, impelled

by introspection, he feelingly believed, and assiduously taught.

His view of the human will and of phenomenal existence was

thoroughly analytic and the stand-points of the Védantist and

Jaina determined his view. The gross feeling or Kama was

distinct from form, and form was distinct from the ideal exis-

tence of form but not free from action or Kriya. Beyond this

was the life of contemplation, of introspection, of deep absorp-

tion, of all freedom from externalization gross or subtle. This

is the Kamdavachara, the Rupavachara, Arupdavachara, and

Lokuttara, forms of life. In the last there is no action what-

ever, no Kriya chittani, but the Vipaka chitténi are playful,

the Chitta or the will as acted on by itself. f To sum up, all

gross and pure action and bustle f in the Kamavachara life ;

pure for mal action, but no bustle in the Rupavachara life,—

abstract ideal action in the Arupavachara life ; but peace and

inaction are the exclusive privileges of Lokuttara life.

XU. The ground basis of Buddhism or the A’vriya-sach-

chas, and the Indian system of Yoga.—(1) Dukkha sachcham, or

suffering in its variety ; (2) Samudaya sachcham, or all life as

a development of different analytic conditions ; (3) Dukkha

nirodha, or suppression of all thought and feeling of suffering ;

and (4) final emancipation.§ Utthana (Vyutthana) or Pavatti

(Pravritti) or gross life of mere externalization is common to

See the Story of Jabdéla in the Chhandogya Upanishad, +4.

+ See the Ist Parichheda of the Abhidhammattha Sangaha.

t The term Utthanam (Vyutthanam in Sanskrit) characteristically

expressed this. Yoga was the latter term. Pavatti (Pravrittti in Sanskrit) is

another term.

§ See the 9th Parichheda of the Abhidhammattha Sangaha,

176 JOURNAL R.A. 8, (CEYLON). [ Vol. WH, Pi 2a.

both Buddhism and Ydga. Both recognize that suffering

(Klésha) is the inevitable destiny of humanity, a destiny

intensified by the elaborate system of metemsychosis, both state

that the Chitta or the heart, the intellect and will—combined and

forming one wnit—is constantly acted on and modified by activity,

and a tendency to externalization, and this is the cause of all

suffering. Both proclaim aloud that the suppression of this

tendency is the means of happiness.* The means of accom-

plishing this suppression are identical in both, intense contem-

plation T which ends in producing a vision or higher knowledge. ¢

The great point of difference is, the human will is the last unit

recognized by the Buddhist, and beyond it he does not go. His

notion of the human will corresponds to that of Yoga; but Yoga

sees behind the human will a spirit which is essentially identical

with the all pervading spirit, but which is enthralled and encased

in the human body. This is the Veédantist view. The Jaina

rejected it and declared the independent individuality of the

human spirit, ever independent and ever existing by itself. The

Buddhist rejected both as noncognizable by his intense and

profound introspection. He knew he saw (Rupa); he knew

he perceived (Védana) ; he knew he reflected (Safa) ; he

knew his mind was acted on by itself, and its activities, and

that which its merits and demerits attached to it (Sankhara) ;

he knew he rose superior to all this, and absorbed in con-

templation, realised a tranquility and a profoundity of feeling

(Vififiina). Beyond this, § in the realm of infinity of know-

ledge or intellection, he lives, preparing for entering the stream:

of the great paths. When in this condition, he is above all

* Notice and compare the following—Yoegachitta Vritti Niradhah—the

second Sutra of the Yoga Philosophy. (explained in my “Studies in Indian

Philosophy.”) and the utterance of Buddha Gotama, “‘ctassa nirodhana idha’

etam nirujjhati.”

+ Samadhi or Jhana. The Buddhist has elaborated this by his analytic

reasoning. The Yoga simply states it. {

{| Compare Samapatti in both, and the Nana Dassana Samafitia phala,

Vipassana Dibbachakkhu of the Buddhist with Ritambhara Praja of the Yégi.

§ A’kasanafichayatana ; Vitiiananchayatana ; A’‘kinchaiinayatana ;

Nevasafihanasaniayatana, :

No, 25—1882.] — NIRVANA, 1G

form: he is conversant with nothing heat abstract knowledge ;

his will is, however, affected and works. * His five-fo me

{

{ ¢

combination falls to pieces and ceases to exist when he enter;

{

he four paths. His intense contemplation and eal

failed him when he attempted to soar higher than this. Nor

did he see the necessity of gomg beyond this. The tendency

to externalization pea from the will so liable to be

ailected by external and internal influences, being destroyed,

that on which Kamma can act, is destroyed. If nothing beyond

the Chitta or the human will or heart in its five Skandhas

existed or could be realised, then nothing in the form of nou-

menal essence would be thought of. The Buddhist began with

introspection and ended with it.

DS. 6 uddhis stic aititude towards the Védic, Veddntist, and

Jaina systems. hates the Vedic polity, its pantheon, its

heirarchy, its exclusiveness, and its prior rights. To him the

Veédantist goes only half the way, and the Jaina is wrong, and

is not able to contemplate and introspect. The Védic polity

recognizes the independent eternal individuality of the human

spirit. It is the basis of the Purva Mimansa philosophy.

Qndulomi had stated it long before Jaimim, The Jaina follows

the Veédie polity im this, but the Buddhist rejects it as likely to

land him in all the absurdities of ritualism and caste as he con-

ceives it. The Védantist recognised eternal noumenal essence

consisting in eternal existence joimed to intelligence and happi-

ness. | When introspection unlocalized and universalized

his inner self or the Chitta, he found himself plunged in a

nothingness immeasurably expanding on all sides, transcending

all en, and growing into an infinitude of space and eternity.

XV. renee Mena te Seon comes into ex-

istence, energises and externalises so long as a tendency to

Karma exists. The tendency is annihilated when all desire is

vanquished, when a Buddhist has risen superior to the flesh.

Mark the Vipakachitta and Kriyachitta as explained in the Abhi-

dhamma.

+ Sachehidananda. This is the watch-word of all schools of Vedantists:

it is based on utterances in the Upanishads,

178 JOURNAL R. A. 8. (CHYLON). ~ [Vol Vi Pa. iii

When in this condition a Buddhist is Jivan Mukta, one who

is emancipated while lying, he is Bhavit A’tman, one who is

unlocalized and universalised. He has yet, however, to live for

some time and his accumulated activity is to be consumed by

dint of mere lhving. When the accumulated activity is thus

exhausted, he is completely emancipated when he dies, ¢.e., when

his peri-spirit (the Panchaskandhas) fall to pieces, and when it

ean no longer act. The first condition is characterised as

Upadisésa Nibbanam. A Buddhist isan Arhat. He is in the

fourth Rath. He is a perfect Yogi. He can perform miracles.

He lives in a condition of beatitude. He lives on the earth

merely to live out his last portion of earthly existence. The

last condition—the condition of an Arhat after his death is

characterised as Anupddisésa Nibbanam. The Yoga svstem of

Indian philosophy throws a flood of Neht on this view of

Nibbana. A perfect Yogi ecstatically declares he has only to

pass a few days of his last earthly existence in sportiveness.

“ Hmancipation is my wedded spouse.” *

XVI. Anupadisésa Nibbdna.—Pertect Nibbana is charac-

terised in the following way by the Buddhists :—“ A condition

(Padam) permanent (Achchutam), infinite (Achchautam), uncon

ditioned (Asankhatam), highest (Anuttaram)—Nibbanam this

say the great sages (Mahesayo) who are delivered from all

desire (Vanamukta).” t LT attach some importance to the term

Viharati t “lives in sportiveness” used in the Mahanibbana

Sutta. “Again a Yooi free trom desire, from the sight of

existence, sees the Sankhara as nihil; (sees) the Skandhayata- .

nani, and Dhatavat as nihil (both) spiritually and materially ;

sees (all) realities distinetly as infinite (Analaya) and known by

the properties of ether (A’kasa) and of the law of Buddha

(Dharma).” § “Emancipation is the result of the extinction of

all desire, the consequence of thought and feeling.” || I have

* See the Abhangas of Tukarama.

+ See the 6th Parichheda of the Abhidhammattha Sangaha,

t See page 30 of Childer’s edition.

§ See the Lalita Vistara Chap. XIII.

|| This statement is made by Madhav Sayana, a scholiast and an author-

ity in Indian Philosophy. See his Sarva Darsana Sangraha—Bauddha Dargana,

No. 25—1882. | NIRVANA. 79

thus brought together the views of Indian and Ceylonese Bud-

dhists, and attempted to throw a side-light upon it from Sanskrit

literature.

XVII. Perfect Nirvana stated—lIt is a negation of all

that man, thinks, feels, and wills. So far it is nihilism. It isa

negation of all suffering which results from thought, feeling and

volition. So far it is nihilism. But suffering according to a

Buddhist, a Jaina, or a Védantist is a positive entity. Happi-

ness he does not recognize as positive. Suffering (Dukkha) is

positive and results from localized existence. Both localized

existence and suffermg are destroyed together. When this is

accomplished, unlocalized universalization is emancipation, co-

extensive with happiness itself. Suffering is the inevitable

result of all localization : happiness—of all universalization.

Hence Nirvana is both negative and positive. It is not nihilism.

Nirvana is beyond all localization. This is what all the Bud-

dhists state. Reasoning on the basis of introspection alone, and

observing the facts as they develope in the inner man, they

stated that there are different degrees of localization. Infinity

itself, as conceived by man, is localized. Hternity as conceived

by man is localized. Hence persistent efforts were made by

Buddhists so to soar in contemplation as to rise higher than all

conception itself, as to leave behind all thought, feeling, and

volition. In the Kamavachara all is gross, material, involved

im a multiplicity of all that is “ frail and feverish ;” above it is

the Rupdvachara, the region of Gods and Divinities. Form is

localized, and what is grosser and more material than form is

dropped. Beyond the Rupavachara is the Artpdvachara in

which form itself is dropped, z.¢., left behind. Infinity, eternity,

is contemplated. But being the subject of contemplation, it is

localized. In the four paths all this is left behind, and_ all

tendency to localization is checked, 7.c., destroyed. Existence

substance—that which is the nameless, the formless, the

eternal, the infinite, the permament, the unconditioned has a-

tendency to be localized. This tendency to be localized is what

is called activity or Karma. It is strengthened as it is indulged.

The tendeney localizes the universal and Panchaskandhas result.

180 JOURNAL RB. A.8. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIL, Pt. III.

Then there is immediately thought, feeling and volition which

are inseparable from suffering. Buddhism does not attempt to

state the properties or attributes of the unlocalized—the eternal

—because no matter how carefully a statement is made, the fact

of statement will localize it. It is, therefore, beyond all state-

ment. It is enough to say—it is Nive ane

XVIII. Conclusion—Buddhism is an interesting enady,

scientifically, philosophically, religiously, socially, and politically.

Scientijically, because science seeks the unification of force and

the elements which embody all force ; philosophically, because

Buddhism discovers to what the psychological method of

introspection leads ; religiously, because when there are so many

Buddhists in the world, not believing in a personal God and

not yearning to worship Him the fact of religious instincts

of man calls for re-examination and re-statement ; socially,

because it ignores all ritualism, ceremonies, and ‘social life in its

amplitude and minutude, in its materialism and its subtility of .

love, and ambition ; and politically, because the convent of the

Buddhists subverted the Védic polity of caste, sacrifice and

prior rights, and justified the aspirations of a proleteriat and

placed them on a legitimate basis for the first time in the

history of man.

No. 25—1882.| TWO SINHALESE INSCRIPTIONS. 181

TWO SINHALESE INSCRIPTIONS.

By B. GuyaskKaRA.

No, 1.

AT THE RUWANWELI DA'GABA.,

The translator has not had an opportunity of seeing this

Inscription. The translation is made from a photograph* taken

by Capt. Hogg, R.H., for the Ceylon Government.

With regard to the language it may be remarked that, with

a few exceptions, it differs little from the modern, but the

change is greater in the letters themselves. The translator

would propose some new readings of the text and correct a few

orthographical errors, noticing words which are rare, or nearly

obsolete, in modern Sinhalese.

The Queen Lilavati referred to in the Inscription, was the

wite of Kirti Nissanka of the Kalinga dynasty. According to the

Mahawansa, she ascended the throne in the year 1758 of the

Buddhist era, which corresponds with 1210 a.p., and reigned

‘six years. She patronised Buddhism and caused two Vihara to

be built, one at Parnasdlaka, the site of the Lafkatilaka Vihara,

and the other at Weligama.

INSCRIPTION.

ENGAHCOOODS DEMOS WoOSadamsand a @cO

BQ EEES6 COMOQddA- 6+ NAB SSanoad

gdalagQ=ang b | DaaqQedSs woSwsdseac aDeQ og

EGLADOG NDMSSSMEGNDHOMI CSNDDOHR ESaneg

sé d 1D ath e VIQOR | 3 sOSa Asegane f GBs

SASODD MA IWSEMMD, SGSAHAO SdaosnaWen OO

* No, 104. Pavement slab, 14:0 x 8:7, in front of §, altar ef the Ruwan-

weli Dagahba,

a tQSHOa BOO b GABOAID c HSS Oa siod

dg@lmecwe ¢ Go f ABga&E.

182 JOURNAL R. A, 8. (CEYLON). [ Vol. VIL, Pt. TIL.

DOGS EYE GOO | MOGEDeE OONBED A,55 ComEd

MICO Ex) OGODEGswna mien WAOSENES POODS

Osnbed | SHMOSAS y OOM GORD BwdS BO 69a

QQ Ceygdsds HED Osnesal | OSEGODSESS mOD

CSE 8H SOaSs ED SHIGE BOORD, Esl HRS

5 | h SOas Sad MEO WOE SnoswSOH Fe, ed&

ENS sa HOM OSDOOS SOG | SQ moamaal Aw Has

OT OOD Ds SHV h SOs SOGSEOO, BOM Ses

WE, |OMnEwds QnEQxOS(?)eo €GO9 OSORSS

BOsSWECOS si SSMOMO, Go@WO@ | O1(? )\Ossmoma

DESZOMDOMES) SHSadm FON2a OFHOW mMDESs

6) asSenG06es |- OOS WOMBHAOS SEQVODOOOS ~

8B ASSD6Oas asGasl gch@md, MYr Ocenal | @

GES waAnsenBo An OSSHOR Sess mACGlCt

MEH SIMNGEHE, Oz HOD Osndal.. 3b geasehemdds

AsNeS MDA DE OOM ME | OBO EMO OG

CQVess CHES EGBECHDOACSE HTsnBSGE GQoH

Ymdao | Smodewoh i 8&5 Gaosngad sVed ass Oe

PHOAD AQHsS cons BdnG| MOMs BSosI

DA OD6HGDNDS aQaedas sodas socHads

LOD NANG | QBAEMOEGCAIC GCQOESHas Oem

6B QSSNDQVH BOS) -- BIO (7?) osIc@oass 6Bate | MQ

MSH) GAHOiB OlODEO, Qedw j ees ADaSa

OHO Wes Hh@O | GQeoaOeHoS Hoa GQm@Oangd a3

ODADOKOS MER sm Dosen geh HED Osnodad | geh

MSH SBHOHOMB ODSCOADBOnN ANOS GHomom0,z

QHND,OHOME DE 8D | AEEE Dz Oos,Os Bae

OODAND BAHOSMNOCO) O© HyHe1s9 Omimcmde w

Qe | AGG SHCSeo0 DEG...

TRANSCRIPT.

Abhayasalaméwan Kalyanawati suwaminwahanseta! dewanu

Ksala pura ekoloswak .. da .. yé? nakatin SiriSanga Bo Purakkra-

ma Bahu? | chakkrawarti suwaminwanse* etuluwu rajadaruwange.

bhandara paripdlanayakota ratnatrayehi adhikapprasida ° eti

J SHFHMDACAD hEGDED iSmdds@d j Gsdoes.

No. 25—1882.] TWoO SINHALESE INSCRIPTIONS. 183

sardha * Buddhi gune | n samawit’ rajapprasada ® rasin ® wiraja-

manawu Bhandarapote Piriwatubim Wijayanawan hit mekugé

amadu 1? Sume | dhadevin hi mekungé bén Lanka Adhikara

Kotadanawu #! Dewalnawan ¥ ha ten ® denalada agamadhara

noek | pandita ® warayangen Ruwanmeli suwaminta ” Du-

tugemunu rajjuruwan adiwu noek | rajadaruwan visin karanalada

puja wisesha asa prasada parawasawe anun ha asadharana ¥

pu | jawiseshayak kalamenaweyi nanawidhawu atadas atasiya asu-

wak pamana wastrayen wise | shawu kanchukayak baha chudamani

chaitya pratibimbayak se wiseshakote saraha pasyalake | ¥

mana salin solosmati(?) 2° 14 andawa gandha pushpa sugandha

dipayen wichitrakote*! pané ge | te(?)dhaja pataka kadali torana-

din withi saraha aneka warggaye kana deyin ha kshirapayasa | yen

ha mahoghayak se palamuwana maluwehi nirantarayen satiyak

puja kote kapuru dedasak | kalandin” pata tun pana * piyawa

sawé *4 riyané riyané kabalwalekapuru p4n puda” e | gé etuluwu

noek ..s*° pradipa puja da karawa noek karmmanta kala mehe

kala | wunta atata gal ebu mundu hé ran pili h4 un ambuwantada

handan4 pili di unu 2” satutu karawé4 | wiharaksh4wé ** siti

liyannawun samadaruwan”? wannakuwarun Bamunan pasakun *

sittaru | natannan gikiyannan bera gasannan sakun durayan

panchayan *! padeniye ® pané ** nahana ** ga | nun * da male

beli mangul mindiyan ** m4lékéran osangéwatuwantana..nta (?)

prasadayen raninsa | tutukaraw4 Ruwanmeli*’ maluwedime Thu-

pawansaasa dharmmakathikayanta sudusu puja kota | Thupérama*®

swamintat sri mah& bodhinwahansetat kapuru pahan pataka

puja adiwi noek | puja karawa sat genehi terawarunwahanse

pradhanakote wasnétat ®° mahadan hé4 siwu | ru pili diné noné

ne siyalu pretayanta * pin pet * dewA me puj& esu. maha

janayata da tamata * da | bahula priti upadawaé kala pu.....#

TRANSLATION.

Bhandarapote Piriwatubim Wijay4nawan, who carefully

guarded the treasures of the Imperial Lord Siri Sanga Bo

Purakkrama B4hu and other princes—who was highly pleased

with the three gems—was endowed with faith and a clear

184 JOURNAL B.A. 8. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIL., Pt. ITI.

intellect, and was illumined with the rays of royal favour—

(this personage) together with his mother Sumédhadéyvi and

his nephew who held the offices of Adikarama of Laika and

Principal of the Kotadanaw temple, having learned from many

pandits who were conversant with Buddhist literature and had

offices conferred on them, what kind of offerings had been

made to the venerable Ruwanmeli (Dagaba) by Dutugemunu

and many other princes, were transported with joy, and having

resolved to make a grand offering superior to the offerings of

others, encased (the ddgaba) beautifully with about 8,880 cloths of

various sorts: highly decorated it so as to look like the reflected

image of a crown-jewel monument: caused mortar (prepared)

from five y4las of good rice to be applied thereto : made it lovely

with odoriferous flowers, scents, and lamps : adorned the streets

with...... , flags, banners, plantain-trees, triumphal arches, &ec. :

made on the first terrace offerings of various eatables and lumps

of milk-rice constantly (pouring in) like a great flood during

a week : honored it by lighting with 2,000 kalandas of camphor

many thousands of lamps, inclusive of festoons of lamps and

lamps of earthen vessels placed at intervals of one cubit on the

third floral attar in the lower part of the dagaba: made

presents of rings for the fingers set with stones, and of golden

apparel for the different ade of workmen and labourers: gave

garments to their wives and rejoiced their hearts : and pleased

with (gifts of) gold the writers, the overseers, the appraisers of

property, Brahmins, cooks, painters, dancers, singers, tom-tom

beaters, conch-blowers, players on the five kinds of musical

instruments, ? persons who applied combs and unguents

to the cavities (in the ddgaba), the female servants with

auspicious marks on them who took care of the terrace,

florists, perfumers,...... Moreover having heard the Thipawansa

(the history of the ddagabas) while yet on the terrace of the

Ruwanmeli Dagaba, they made suitable offerings to the clever

preachers of Dharma, and honored the Thup4réma and the

illustrious and nce Bo tree with many lamps lit with

camphor, flags, &e. To the residents of the seven monastic

establishments, amongst whom the priests were the foremost,

No. 25—1882.] Two SINHALESE INSCRIPTIONS. 185

they gave much alms, and cloths for making yellow robes,

(and) imparted the merit (thus acquired) to their kinsmen,

strangers, and all the different kinds of Prétas, experiencing

great joy themselves, while they caused the same to the mass of.

the people who heard of these offerings which were made under

the asterism Vis4 on the 11th day of the bright half of Esala

in the second year of Her Majesty Abhayasalaméwan Kalyana-

18,

no:

20.

21.

22.

wat.

completed by his brother Sedétissa. It 1s now known py vue uae vt

Rankot (‘gold-pinnacled’) Dagaba.

17. Read swdminta for swrvdminta.

Anun hé asddhérana,—lit ; ‘not common with others,’ ‘unlike others,’i. e.,

‘surpassing others.’

Vala = 1,280 kuruni; 1 kuruniya being equal to 4 neli.

Reading. sclesmeti for solosmati, where scles may be derived from the

Pali sileso ‘anion,’ and mati (modern mefi) from mattikd ‘clay,’ hence

‘adhesive clay.’

The e sound in hofe is now replaced by a,

Kalanda = 60 grains (Apothecaries’ weight.)

184 JOURNAL B. A. 8. (CEYLON). (Vol. VIL., Pi. U1. |

intellect, and was illumined with the rays of royal favour—

(this personage) together with his mother Sumédhadéyvi and

his nephew who held the offices of Adikarama of Laika and

Principal of the Kotadanaw temple, having learned from many

pandits who were conversant with Buddhist literature and had

offices conferred on them, what kind of offerings had been

made to the venerable Ruwanmeli (Dagaba) by Dutugemunu

and many other princes, were transported with joy, and having

resolved to make a grand offering superior to the offerings of

others. eneased (tho dédaahaN haantifrller sith «~b---+ O OOM 1:17 a

Reading ‘ Banddrapotu (1), piriwatu (2), Bimvijayandwan (3) ha

mekugé ambu Sumedhadévin ha mekungé ben, &c.,” the translation would

run thus :—

« Bimvijayandwan the younger brother of Bandarapotu (who Boone

Sti vastare se ) and his wife Sumedhadevi and their son-in-law, who.........&%.

1.— Bandérapotu is perhaps the minister Bhandarapustak{i, mentioned

in Mahdwanyso, Part 2, Chap. 72, St. 215.

2.—Pirivatu = paruvetri (Sanskrit) “ a younger brother married

before his elder.” —Wilson.

8,— Bimvijayanawan = Jagat (bhumi, bim) vijayanaka, Vide Maha-

wayso, Part 2, Chap. 77, St. 4,

auspicious marks on them who took care of the terrace,

florists, perfumers,...... Moreover having heard the Thupawansa

(the history of the ddgabas) while yet on the terrace of the

Ruwanmeli Dagaba, they made suitable offerings to the clever

preachers of Dharma, and honored the Thuparama and the

illustrious and venerable Bé tree with many lamps lit with

camphor, flags, &e. To the residents of the seven monastic

establishments, amongst whom the priests were the foremost,

No. 25—1882.] Two SINHALESE INSCRIPTIONS. 185

they gave much alms, and cloths for making yellow robes,

(and) imparted the merit (thus acquired) to their kinsmen,

strangers, and all the different kinds of Prétas, experiencing

great joy themselves, while they caused the same to the mass of

the people who heard of these offerings which were made under

the asterism Vis& on the 11th day of the bright half of Esala

in the second year of Her Majesty Abhayasalaméwan Kalyana-

- wati.

NOTES.

1. Read swaminnwahanséta for suvaminnahanseta.

2. For..da..ya read lada wisa.

3. Read Pardkrama Bahu for Purakkrama Bahu. The King here meant is

Parakrama Bahu the Great of Polonnaruwa,

4A, Read Swaminwahansé for sumaminvanse.

5. Adhikapprasada,—omit the first p.

Read sraddha for sardha.

Samavit = samanvita, the more common form in modern prose.

Omit the first p in »djapprasdda.

. Reading ransin or rasmin for rdsin.

10. Amadu = the modern ammandi; the du in amadu is a suffix used to

express endearment, or familiarity and is another form of the modern

dé which occurs in such words as méniyandé ‘mother,’ piydnandé

Plauen. ce.

11. Kofadanawu—supposed to be in Bintenna,

12. Denwalninan = Déwélandyakayan, the Principal of a Hindi: Temple.

13. Ten—from thdna ‘place’ (Pali) is now obsolete. The modern form is ten,

but this, in the sense of ‘post’ or ‘office,’ is more commonly written

thandntara or tanatura,

14. Noek—now more commonly written noye?.

15. Read pandita for pandita.

16. Runwanmeli, more commonly called Ruwanwelii—name of a celebrated

Dagaba at Anurddhapura commenced by King Dutugemunu and

completed by his brother Sedétissa. It is now known by the name of

Rankot (‘ gold-pinnacled’) Dagaba.

17, Read swdminta for swrdaminta.

18. Anun hé aséddhdrana,—lit: ‘not common with others,’ ‘unlike others,’ i. e.,

‘surpassing others.’

19. Yala = 1,280 kuruni; 1 kuruniya being equal to 4 neli.

20. Reading selesmeti for solosmatt, where seles may be derived from the

Pali sileso ‘union,’ and mati (modern meti) from mattika ‘clay,’ hence

‘adhesive clay.’

21. The e sound in kote is now replaced by a,

22. Kalanda =60 grains (Apothecaries’ weight.)

See

186 JOURNAL R.A.8. (CEYLON). [Vol. VII, Pt. 111.

23, Reading tunwana for tunpana.

24. The Sinhalese paraphrase of the Attanagaluwansa has piyawasawqwa for the

Pali puppddhdna which means ‘a flower-receptacle ’ or ‘ floral seat.’

25. Literally : ‘offerings of lamps of camphor in earthenware.’

26. Reading dahas, ‘thousands’ for .... s.

27. Read wn for wnu.

28. Read wihdrarakshdwe for wihdrakshawe.

29. Samadaruvan = sdmidarwwvan, ‘lords,’ ‘masters,’ or ‘overseers.’

30. Pasakun—‘cooks’ as being derived from pdchaka ‘one who cooks’ (P. and 8.)

31. This is doubtful.

32. Padeniye,—the cavities between the circular rings of a dagaba

33. Pané = modern panda ‘combs’: perhaps a kind of brush is meant here.

34. Nahana—Cfrom the Pali nahdanam) means that which is applied, while

bathing, to clean the person = the modern nvanw ‘ unguents.’

35. Ganun = modern gananwn ‘those who smear.’

36, Mangul mindiyan,—this might also be rendered ‘female servants employed

on festive occasions.’

37. Ruwanmeli—trom Ratnamali, another form of Ruwaniveli.

38. Thipérama—the most ancient dagaba, built by Déwananpiyatissa.

39. Wasnetat—an archaism for wasndmwuntat.

40. Prétayanta—‘ departed spirits doomed to suffer extreme misery.’

4), Pet—from the Pali patti ‘acquisition,’ ‘communication to others of the

merit one has acquired,’ when itis more commonly written pattiddna,

42, Read tamanta for tamata.

43, Reading pujadway? for pu.....

INOW 2?

INSCRIPTION AT PEPILIVA‘NA.

The copy of the Inscription from which the following

translation has been made, is a transcript of another copy in the

possession of L. De Soyza Maha Mudaliyar, who courteously

lent it to the translator. It is to be regretted that the Mahé

Mudaliyar’s health prevents him from completing the translation

which he undertook some years back.

With a view to test the accuracy of the copy, the translator

visited the temple-premises at Pepiliyana, but, to his great

disappointment, he found the stone in detached fragments built

up into a wall, and the fragments themselves so much defaced

that they could not be utilized for testing the stvle or spelling

No. 25—1882.| TWO SINHALESE INSCRIPTIONS. 187

of the transcript. The translator has, therefore, taken the

liberty to note and italicise what he considers clerical errors and

place the proposed readings at the bottom of each page. He

will feel thankful to any persons who may favor him with their

remarks on the doubtful words of the text which he has noted,

or suggest any better readings than those proposed by him.*

INSCRIPTION.

AeomasRs SAmoOpesegasts DaGomas

BOD OHZODOMIDO ER CHMOD MTERADGMS Hs

DOW) wowsE,as RODMDTOMao So somODeBeese,

OSS OLESD A OHIDSANDMSeasaogwso b MOIAWB AMI

GSomBEResAQOnoh ASSmoEgdhmawOo

COOHHOIAS c OMONWUHE d SN MADAMA.

EQDDEOGSS Sademes DOG Ooms eh ident 6H

SHAG BSESMD 6S619D DADMBWD soCsdaAQuwn gos

DIWNBAD € ON DAIAS @sGODIAGA SSOHVaAQWHD

SHDIG 3 OM AOSO f de BeSGhOQ®WIEDED 45 wes

OMIBIADIHOOD GOQGDVOODBHRWOS, g yoeve,B QNSD

QOHsOHS h BoIMBNODS BS HOOKED DOYDSSA/Vi a

* Mr. L, De Soysa read a Paper on the Pepiliyana inscription before the

Society some years ago, but it was not printed in the Journal at the time,

and is now lost. The following extract from the Paper appeared in the

Ceylon Times of June 11th, 1873 :— ;

“This inscription, is to be found on a rock on the site of an ancient Bud-

dhist Temple near Kotté, where from A. D, 1410 to A, D, 1542 Sinhalese

Kings held Court.

“No part of the ancient buildings of the Temple now remain, having been,

it is said, levelled to the ground, by the Portuguese who destroyed this and

‘other buildings in and near Kotté. .

_“My copy of the inscription was taken from one in the possession of a

Buddhist Priest who now occupies the mcidern Pansala built on the supposed

site of the ancient Temple, and I. was informed by him that. his teacher’s

teacher obtained it some 70 or 80. years ago, from a transcript preserved in the

4 OORSm b BGs cOSOIAs d LOH ¢ OmmBeaiw

f daOBesO 9 BDOG hOBs@anK 1 0

188 JOURNAL R.A. S. (CEYLON). [ Vol. VIE, PL ae

6H BBE CSQIES €9GDHEIDS O€COOKEEOOS

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QEDYOO GOEMQso) OMBDsaoqaQnsean coda

AVE ODISEDIE TS DIGMIEM) GOMHBACOmIMeEnd &

Archives o£ the late King of Kandy. There can be no question however, as to

its genuineness. I have compared it with such parts of the stone as still

remain, and have found that it exactly corresponds with the stone. ‘The style

and matter teo of the inscription furnish indisputable evidence of it genuine-

ness and authenticity,

‘The inscription records the erection and endowment ofa Buddhist Temple

in memory of his deceased mother Sunctra Maha Devi, by King Sri Parakrama

Bahu VI., who reigned at Kotté (according to Turnour) from A. D. 1410 to

1462. It also contains a variety of provisions for the due maintenance of the

icmple: for the expenditure of its income: and regulations for the observance

of the clerical and lay members of the establishment. . ;

“The style of the inscription is similar to that of other writings of the 14th

ov [bth centuries ; and Mr. Alwis has published in his Introduction to the Sidat

Sangard, the introductory paragraph of the inscription as a specimen of the

prose of that age, The constructicn of the sentences, however, is very peculiar.

The whole of the inscription, which is a very long one, is conglomerated, as it

were, into one sentence by means of conjunctive particles and participles, hav-

ing apparently only one finite verb expressed, The words in general are those

in modern use, with a very few exceptions which I have noticed in the notes,

7 MAB k game 1 Bgaw m oSFuonB n Oa

0 tea® p OS)

No. 25—1882.] TWO SINHALESE INSCRIPTIONS. 189

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GAO |NAOAO JAS HHOS SS IBD AWOGZNIAIO BOBO

QHOES B50 BODIED SESEDSOSONAQIOSO“XON

“The date assigned to the King’s accession is statel to have taken

Place im the year of Buddha 1958 (A. D. 1415), whereas Turnour in his

adjustment of Sinhalese Chronology, computed from native records, has fixed

the date at 1953 CA. D. 1410) five years earlier. The authority of the stone

however, cannot be disputed, and it is in a remarkable manner confirmed

by the well known contemporary poem oe yasekhara, the author of which

was the most learned monk of the age, and, according to tradition, the King’s

adopted son.

“The regulations enacted for the management of the Temple establishment

and for the distribution of its income are also very curious, and throw con-

siderable licht on the manners, customs, and social condition of the Island at

the period in question. It shows that the form of Sinhalese letters now in use

have not undergone any material change, during, at least, the last five or six

hundred years, with the exception of a few.

“It is believed by many that the worship of Hindu Gods, and the practice

of Hindu rites and ceremonies, were introduced into Ceylon by the last

Malabar King who obtained the throne of Kandy, after the extinction of the

Sinhalese Royal Family about the year A. D. 1739; but it would appear from

the inscription that the innovation is of much earlier date. The King it

is well-known was an eminent patron of Buddhism, having built four Dévalas

in connection with the Vihare,”—/fon, See.

q 13%

190 JOURNAL R. A. 8. (CEYLON). [ Vol. VIL., Pt. III.

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No. 25—1882.] TWo SINHALESE INSCRIPTIONS. 191

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No. 25—1882.| TWo SINHALESE INSCRIPTIONS. 198

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194 JOURNAL R.A.8. (CHYLON). [Vol. VII., Pt. I.

TRANSCRIPT.

Sri Lankadhipatih Parakramabhujas suryyanvayalankriti

Ryyachehambhawato vachassrunuta me bhumiswara bhawinah

Dharmmoyan sadrisah samasta jagatan satyan bhavadbhih sada

Saurakshyo! saumayi jata harshakripaya punyan? tatha bhujyatan

Sri Lankadhipatih Parékramabhujo r4j4 viharottaman

Swaprasavakhya*® makarayajjagadi* yantranaya tasy4dhund

Sri Buddha varshayen ek dahas nava siya ata panas

avuruddak pirunu sanda siri Laka raja pemini Mahisammata

paramparanuydta suryyawansdbhijdta ® mahé rajadhirdéja Sri

Sangha Bodhi Sri Parakrama Babu Chakrawartti Swémincahan-

shéta® ekunsdlis wanu medindina pura pasaloswaka Jayaw arddha-

napurapravarayehi sumangala’ prasidabhimukha chitra mandapa-

yeh ® siphasanayebi siri nives saha otunu siw seta® baranin

sedi rajayuvaraja ematigana piriward devendraliléwen wedahinda

hema tenhi!° kalamana eae yuktata"! vyavasthaé vadarana tena

swargasthawu mawubisawun wahanshéfa pin pinisa abhinava

wiharayak karawanalesata ranivasala kariyehi niyukta ” Sikura

mudalpotunta wadala mehewarin paswisidahasak dana wiyadam

kota Panabunubada Pepiliydnehi® prakara gopura pratima

graha* mandapa bodhi chaitya sanghiwasa déwalasataraya

pustakalaya pushp4rama phaléramadin } yuktakota samurddha®

karawu wiharaya chirasthayiwa w warddhanawana ! pinisa pidtyen

mema Pepiliyana hé mehi banda Mediméla hi amutuwa Dim-

bulpitiyen piduyen wellen uda deniyen dasimunak Kalutota

badden Araggoda wila ha mehi bada walpita watupelat etuluwu

ten ha Pas yodun bada kudd Weligama hi mema gamata etulat

tulageyi (?) Rangoda ha Matgonbadden madin Kehel sénawen

yalaka wapa ha mehi bada walpita ha Matgon badden Bobuwala

wilin mul bijuwata deydlak bi godin pasalosamunak hé Alut-

kuruwa bada Bollatawilin yalaka wapa ha mehi bada goda ha

1 rakshyo, 2 punyan, 3 praswakhya, 4 jagati, 5 wansabhijata, 6 vahans¢ta,

7sumangala, 8 mandapayehi, 9 seta, 10 tenhi, 11 yuttata, 12 niyukta, 13 Pepili-

yanehi, 14 griha, 15 samriddha, 16 wana,

No. 25—1882.] tTWo SINHALESE INSCRIPTIONS. 195

Sinérata bada Giridora ha Beligal nuwara bada Mangedara ha

Dolos dahas rata bada Meda godin Medalané godin pasamunak ha

kumburu bijuwata sataramunak ha Rayigam nuwara banda le (?)

Weragal lena wihdrayata pidu Ibal mean ha Saltotin gewat ekak

hé kumburu bijuwata tun pélak wapa ha Weligam dasagawwa

bada Kanankayé wiharayata pidu Ittawala Pabatalawala Dam

liyadda Tembilihira etuluwi kumburu bijuwata pasamunak ha

Hpamula owita ekamunu pélak ha Uwalugoda Natugoda Udigoda

Wellalané walpita etuluwt tena ha Beligal nuwara bada Bulat-

gam selesmen Pittdgama hd pariwdra janayangen desiyapanasak

ha sarak deyalak han etire” dekak ha lunu paru ekak ha noyek

vihara garubhinda etuluwti siyalla Buddhayatta Dharmdyatta

Sdnghikawa pawatind paridden salaswé palamuwen mahabisdé

saminge sri namayen Sun¢ctra Maha Dévi pirivena aswa mé wiha-

rayata nayakawa pemini Galaturumula Medhankara Maha Tera-

sdminwahanség¢ sishya nisrayen mukta Mangala saminta Sunetra

Maha Dévi piriwantera aswa idiriyé dawasa mobawahansé ge

gurustsya * paramparayen asana piriw ana ten kiya sasanaya

warddhana kirimata yogya tenakata pitiwene pawatna niyayen

sanituhankota meki labhayen satarapat ganna neliyen bodhiyata

ha Natha Maitri detenata dawas ekakata ekin eka déwalayakata

mulutenata pesi sal pasalosak malu ran tun massak pol tunak

-sakuru mulu ekak dunw?° neli mukkélak Linu duru kasd4 etulu-

wt deyata masu ekak pan telata polpasak suwanda mal dahasak

bulat wisisayak puwak pasalosak ha mas ekakata miris neliyak

dekak duntel neli dekak piribada sandun palan™ atak suwanda

dumata agil palam tunak gugul palam tunak etuluwu deyaha

awurudu Shana kekulu pest ek siya panasak pol siy ayak pan

pujawata pol dasak ha biso samin swargasthawi w esangapura

_ wiséniya patan pura pasaloswaka dakwa karana wisésa puja-

wata kekulu pesi tun siyayak pol desiyayak pan pujawata pol

dedasak ha triprtakayen masakata grantha ekdas sat siyayak

liyana nam ekakata dawas ekakata s4l tunak malu ran demassak

pol dekak bulat dasayak puwak pasak mas ekakata lunu dasayak

miris ekak lunu duru kasa adiyata panam ekak awurudu ekakata

pilyata*® panam ‘siyayak ha piruwan saminta dawas ekakata

17 etrd, 18 sisbya, 19 niydyen, 20 lunu, 21 linu, 22 palam, 23 piliyata.

196 JOURNAL BR. A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vol. VII, Pt. IIT.

wasnata pesi sal pasak genehi*4 wedahindina nam pasakata

namakata satara begin pesi sal wisisayak* malu ran atak pol

nawayak kasapen satak sakuru tunmulu béyak pan telata pol

sayak ha piriwenata dawas ekakata bulat tisak puwak pasalosak

_ widanétenata bulat pasalosak puwak satak sesu tenata bulat

satalis atak puwak wisisatarak ha mas ekakata lunu panasak

miris sayak lunu duru kasadiyata panam nawayak dun telata

ha istelata wisi deneli manawak ha awrudu ekakata piriwenata

siwru dekakata panam siyaya wating piliri dekak andanayata

paswissak watina pilitu ekak satak watinad dankada ekak dasaya

watind wana 26 banding dekak perahankada é atapirikara ekak

magul piritehi ek wisi putuwen ekak udu wiyan enda etirili tira

jawanikd 7" ddiya ha sesu tenata siwru dasayata tisa tisa watina

piliri dasayak ha gilantenata dydsa sanhindena® tek gilan

pasaya etuluwu wiyadama aduwak nokota pawatinuwa ha weda

un tenin dewawaddla”® Pénabunu banda Nikapaya*®® gama

pirivena watand sapasaddénayata** pawatinuwa ha wihara

santaka noyek gamwalin widhanayata pasamunak ha itiri pasa-

yen satara digin wedi maha sanghaya wahanshégen namakata

sal satarak mélu ran ekak pol ekak sakuru bé ekak kasapen

ekak lunu miris kasdé aba duntel pdntel etuluwi deya bulat

dasayak puwak pasak ha tera namakata sal pasak malu ran tunak

pol satarak sakuru mulak lunu ekak kasapen dekak Janu miris

lunu kasé aba duntel istel etuluwt deya ha bulat tisak puvy rad

pasalosak pdntelata tel mende ? ekak ha tun da setapena lesata

kalal peduru etirili pen walan etuluwt dan weta no pirihela tun

masin masa wihdarayata pemini maha sayghayé wahansheta tun

dawasak dan denu wat gilan tenata piliwelin ® gilan pasaya

pawatwa yanawita é é digin Wattala Kelaniya * “ Atutugitiya

Widdgama Kalutota meki wiharawala eralawdlanuwat. pilima-

geya ddgep sdmin sanghdawasa etuluwi wihdrayehi kalamana *°

meheyatat mehi bada wiharawala meheyatat é 6 wihdrawala-

yehi *® eti watin denuwat kiydé erawiya noheki anisamak

peminiwita wibarayen di cela enuwat wihdra pilibanda gam

a pe atta

24 venchi, 25 wissak, 26 wana, 27 jawanika, 28 sanhindena, 29 dewawadala,

30 Nikapaya, 31 siwupasadanayata, 32 menda, 33 piliwelin, 34 Kelaniya,

35 kalamana, 36 wiharawala or wiharawalhi.

No. 25—1882.| TWoO SINHALESE INSCRIPTIONS. 197

kumburu minisa sata’ garubhinda nowikunwvat ” kisi kenekun

wisin no ganuwat wihdarayé pariwara janayangen piriwenata

abhiyukta nam satarak saladaru (?) nam pasak dan pisana nam

tunak etuluwuwan niti mehe karanuwat sessawunut genehi

wasana tenata atpdmehekirim dgantuga * tenata kalamana upas-

thana wihtra karmmanta Adivu siyalla mehi bendikarana wenat

seleswimut piriwenehi niyogawu niyawata nuguluwa pawatinu-

wat pitakatraya tarka wyakaranadiya danna kenekun peminiwita

wetup tabadi uganuwat parajikdwan ten mehi nowasanuwat

sesu sikshd *® pada wyatikramaya kalatenak Budun wadala

winaya * karmayakota wasanuwat mehi wasana ten sutrabhi-

dharma winaya tarka wyakaranddiyehi satatayen abhiyoga-

karanuwat wihara karmmakaradinta taram wetup diwel dena

pawatwanuwat nirantarayen sak sinnam adiwu panchadhuraya

ha kuda sésat pata akasa wiyan pranapa* payi setta etuluwu

deya pawatwanuwat mehi etuluwu ten wedi tenin tamahata

wetena pasaya men tesu tunuruwan puda wetup wihara

tutruppddayen ” no kota pawatwanuwat rajasammata paridden

liya tubu mé silalekhanaya wu niyawata mé wiharaya pawatina

tekkal ubhaya wasayé mahd sanghayd wahansé wisinut raja

yuwaraja mahaamdptyadin * wisinut aduwak nokota pawatwa

deld no waradawa swargapawarga sampattiyata peminena

paridden situwa yahapati.

Susdliswanu unduwap masa pura wiséniya lat rividina

séliyadarayarun ten wadala mehewarin maha bisd saminta pin

pinisa Kalubowila Wattala Mahara Madampé Dedigomuwa

- Nayayodana Denawaka Aramana sala pilimageya mandapaya

legumgeyamé Sadiwt wihdra karmmanta samriddha karawé Kehel-

patdolawelin kumburu_ bijuwata pasalosamunak | ha mema ten

géwatuhé Kasdwelin amutuwa asweddi Totakumbura da Miris-

elated walpita Kendagamuwa ha Magamin Elabadakumbura

va démunak ha Deltota enna etuluwi mema gam-

walata etulatwi walwil ha génu * pirimi wissak ha garubhanda

Moratota pattiya ha sahita aah ruwan santakakota Pepiliyané

Sunétra Maha Devi piriwarin ® tera s4min dakshinodaka® kota

37 no wikunanuwat, 38 agantuka, 39 siksha, 40 winaya, 41 pranawa,

42 tatrotpadayen, 43 mabamatyadin, 44 ¢¢nu, 45 piriwan, 46 dakshinodaka,

198 JOURNAL R.A. 8. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIL, Pt. IIT.

salaswa dunhayi é wi paridden mé wiharayata nayakawu samat

ten wisinut mema kramayen chiratkdlayak pawatnda lesa salaswa

tunuruwan udesa denalada yathoktaprakdra * siyallata matu

kisi yam kenekungen awulak uddharanayak kiyannak ho pari

warajanayata raja niyogayakin tévayaka salaswannak ho kala

kenek etnam sanjiva kalasutradiwt ata maha narakaya etuluwa

ek siya satisak narakayehi weti apamanawu duk windimata

peminennahu nam wet pitrighdtddiwi panchdnantariya karmma-

yata hetuwuwahu nam weti. :

Swadattdn paradattén wa yé haranti wasundharan

Shashthiwarsha sahasrani * wishtayat * jayate krimih

Tinan wé yadi wa katthan pupphay wa yadi w4 phalan

Yo hare Buddhabhogassa maha, peto bhawissati

Sri Lankddhipatih Pardkramabhujas stiryydnwaydlankritir

Yachehanbhawatowachassrunuta me bhimisward bhawinah

Dharmoyan sadrisah samasta Jagatan satyan bhavadbhih sada

Rakshyo saumayi jata harshakripaya punyan tatha bhujyatan

Yanddin swakiyawu aradhandwen waddranalada awanata

wachanayada

Ekaiwa bhagini loké sarwéshamapi bhibhujan

Na bhogy4 nakaragrihya danodatta wasundhara

Kiyanalada purwokta wachanaya da andgatayehi pemini

raja maha amatyadin wisin hema wélehima sihikota mé kiyana

punyakriydwa tama tama siya atin kalakmen sama sitin’ pin

anumodanwa wiharawdsinta aniyam waratira °° adiwt an kisi

tévayak no salaswanaséda kawarataram kenekun wihdrawasin

no wikunanaséda raja aja miulikawa balaya lawa mé siyalu

kattalayama akhandawa pawatina niydayen utsdha etiwa.

Dana palanayormadhye danat sreyonupdlanan

Dandt swargamawdpnoti palanadachchutan * padan

47 prakara, 48 sahasrani, 49 wishthaydag, 50 waritira, 51 achyutan.

No. 25—1882.] TWO SINHALESE INSCRIPTIONS. 199

Kiyanalada heyin ebandu niwan suwa kemati satpurushaya

wisin mekiyana wihara warddhana kirimehi sabhildsa etiwa ema

kusalanubhawayen Maitri sarwajia rdajéttamayananwahanse

deka bana asa kelawara Budu Pase Budu maha rahatun wahansé

wisin pasakkalawu santawu ajarawu kshemawt amrata * maba

nirwana *> pura praptiyata utsdha katayutu.

TRANSLATION.

I, Parakrama Bahu, Supreme Lord of the illustrious Lavika,

the ornament of the solar race, make a request to you, O princes

who will hereafter come (to the throne of Lanka); hear ye

my words. This religious act is certainly one in which the

inhabitants of all the worlds are equally concerned.1 Itis to be

maintained by you at all times with feelings of joy and kindness

towards me.” So, let (the fruit of) my religious act be enjoyed

(by you). With a view to the maintenance of that magnificent

Vihara bearing the name of his mother,? which he caused to be

built in the world, King Pardkrama Bahu, Supreme Lord of

the illustrious Lariké, now grants to the priesthood good

villages of various kinds, together with their inhabitants,

gardens, tanks and other receptacles of water, and proclaims

the (following) edict, (inscribed) on a rock, in order to its con-

tinuance for a long time.

On the 15th day of the bright half of the month Medindina

(March-April) in the 39th year of (the reign of) the supreme

monarch and universal Lord Sri Sangha Bodhi Sri Pardkrama

Bahu, born of the solar race, (and) lineally descended from Maha

Sammata, and who attained to the sovereignty of the illustrious

Lanka in the 1958th year of the illustrious Buddhist era, (the

said monarch) being arrayed in his 64 ornaments, inclusive of

the crown, the abode of Sri (the goddess of prosperity), seated

himself in the manner of the god-king, surrounded by ings,

sub-kings, and a retinae of ministers, on the throne (erected)

in the beautiful hall opposite the Sumangala palace in the

eminent city of Jayawarddhana, and, whilst giving orders relative

52 amrita, 53 nirwana.

200 JOURNAL 8. A.8. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIL., Pt. III.

to the administration of the affairs in every part (ot his kingdom),

offered (the following lands)with a view to the long existence

and benefit of the temple which Sikura Mudalpotu, employed

in the royal service, had built, in pursuance of the (royal)

order directing him to build a new temple with a view to

procure merit for the royal mother who had gone to heaven,

(built) at an expense of 25,000 coins, at Pepiliydna in the

district of Pdanabunu (Panaduré), and had furnished with

ramparts, towers, image-houses, halls, Bo trees, sacred monu-

ments, monasteries, four temples dedicated to gods, a library,

flower-gardens, orchards, &c.

This Pepiliyana, and Medimala (Nedimala ?) which adjoins

it, and, in addition (thereto), ten amunas from the low ground

on the upper side of the dam in Dimbulpitiya (Divulpitiya) ;

Araggodawila and the adjoining places inclusive of the jungle,

meadows, gardens and huts in the district of Kalutara; Kuda

Weligama and its.......0 Rangoda in Pasyodun Koralé; one

yala* of sowing extent from the field Kehelséndwa with its

appurtenances in Maggona District ; two yalas of sowing extent

from Bobuwalawila and fifteen amunas of sowing sxteut of high

land in Maggona District; one yala of sowing extent from

Bollatéwila and the adjoining high land in Alutkuruwa ; Giridora

in Siné Rata (Siyané Koralé) ; Mangedara in Beligal Nuwara

(Koralé) ; five amunas of high ground from Medagoda and

Medalengoda, and four amunas of sowing extent from fields in

Dolosdahasrata*® ; Labugama which hed been dedicated to

Véragallena Wihaes In ie District of Rayigam Nuwara ; one

house and one garden with three pélas of sowing extent from

fields in Saltota ; five amunas of sowing extent from fields besides

Ittawala, Pabatalawala, Damliyedda, and Tembilihira which had

been dedicated to Kananké Vihara in the District of Weligama

of ten gaws in extent ; one amuna and one péla of the éwita in

Epamula as also Uwalugoda, Natugoda, Udigoda, Wellaldna

with their jungles and meadow grounds ; Pittdgama, in the

Bulatgama Division of Beligal Nuwara; 250 attendants, two

yalas ° of oxen, two elephants (?,) one pada boat of salt, and various

utensils necessary for a Vihdra—all these (the king) dedicated

No. 25—1882.] Two SINHALESE INSCRIPTIONS. 201

to be the property of Buddha, Dharmma, and the Priesthood, and

(then), in the first place, he called the Vihdra “ Sunétra Maha

Dévi Pirivena” after the illustrious name of the great Queen ;

gave the name of “Sunétra Maha Dévi Piriven Tera” to the

Priest Mangala who had completed his course of study under

the great priest Galaturumula Medhankara who was the high

priest of this Vihara ; and directed that a priest in pupillary

succession from him (Mangala), who is qualified to promote the

cause of the (Buddhist) religion by answering questions and

reciting bana, be appointed to reside in the Vihara.

The produce of the above-mentioned lands is to be appro-

priated as follows :—For the Bodhi, Natha Maitri’ (Déwale)

and each of the (other) Déwalas, each day, fifteen nelis § of four

patas® each of cleaned rice for the sake of food, curry worth three

massas of gold,! three cocoanuts, one packet of jaggery, three-

quarters of a neli of salt ; one massa worth of onions, cumin seed,

and turmeric ; five cocoanuts for lamp-oil ; one thousand sweet-

smelling flowers ; twenty-six betel leaves ; fifteen arecanuts ; one

or two nelis of chillies for one month, two nelis of butter, eight

palams “4 of sandal for ointment; three palams of agallochum,

three palams of sandal, and three palams of bdellium for

incense ; for the annual offering, one hundred and fifty nelis

of rice husked without boiling and cleaned, and a hundred

cocoanuts ; for the offering of lamp-light, a thousand cocoanuts ;

for the special offering made from the 5th day of the bright

half of Wesak (May-June) on which Her Majesty the Queen

went to heaven to the 15th of the bright half, three hundred

nelis of rice husked without boiling and cleaned, and two hundred

cocoanuts ; for the offering of lamp-light, two thousand cocoa-

nuts ; to one priest who writes one thousand seven hundred

granthas ¥ of the Tripitaka in one month, three nelis of rice, two

gold massas’ worth of curry, two cocoanuts, ten betel leaves,

five arecanuts for each day ; ten (nelis) of salt, one of chilly, one

fanam worth of onions, cumin seed, turmeric, &c., for one

month ; one hundred fanams for clothing for one ‘year ; to the

Principal of the Viharé, five nelis of cleaned rice for his daily

meals; to five resident priests of the establishment, twenty-six (?)

202 JOURNAL BR. A.8. (CEYLON). [Vol. VII., Pt. III.

nelis of cleaned rice at the rate of four for each of them, curry worth

eight gold (massas), nine cocoanuts, seven young cocoanuts,

three and half packets of jaggery ; for lamp-oil, six cocoanuts ;

for the daily use of the Vihara, thirty betel leaves, fitteen areca-

nuts ; to the Vidanée, fifteen betel leaves and seven arecanuts ;

to the rest, forty-eight betel leaves, twenty-four arecanuts, and

for one month fifty (melis) of salt, six chillies, nine fanams worth

of onions, cumin seed, turmeric, &c.; for butter and ointment

for the head, twenty-two and half nelis ; for the annual use of

the Vihara, two cloths worth a hundred fanams for two yellow

robes; one cloth for an under garment worth twenty-five

fanams ; one alms (covering) cloth worth seven (fanams) ; two

pieces of cloth for sore-bandages worth ten; eight! priestly

requisites, (such as) the water strainer, &c.; one (set of)

twenty-one chairs used in reciting the Magul Pirita ;* canopies,

bed-sheets, curtains, screens, &c. ; for the rest of the priests,

ten pieces of cloth, valued at thirty (fanams ?) each, for ten

robes. Moreover, the royal pleasure is that, in the case of sick

priests, until their recovery from sickness, the expenses for

sick diet, &e., should be borne without diminution ; that the

village of Nikapaya in the District of Panabunu granted from

the place (throne) on which (the king) was seated, should be

(appropriated) for the supply of the four priestly requisites

with a view to the maintenance of the Vihdara ; that five amunas

be allowed to the (Vidane) manager from the several villages

belonging to the Vihara ; that from the remaining income, to

each of the priests coming from the four quarters, four nelis of

rice, curry worth one gold (massa), one cocoanut, half a packet

of jaggery, one young cocoanut, salt, chillies, turmeric, mustard,

butter, lamp oil, &c., ten betel leaves, five arecanuts (shall be

given) ; and to one elderly priest, five (melis) rice, curry worth

three gold massas, four cocoanuts, one packet of jaggery, one

(neli) of salt, two young cocoanuts, chillies, onions, turmeric,

mustard, butter, and oil for the head ; thirty betel leaves, fifteen

arecanuts, one cup of oil for lamps, mats, sheets, water-pots, &c.,

sufficient to accommodate him for three days (should be given) ;

that alms be given for three days regularly to the priests who

No. 25—1882.| ‘two SINHALESE INSCRIPTIONS. 203

come to the Vihdré every three months; that, after having

supplied medicines, &c., to the sick priests in due order, they be

escorted, when they go back, to the Viharas in the different

quarters, such as, Wattala, Kelaniya, Aturugiriya, Vidagama,

and Kalutota ; that, for (the performance of) the work in this

Vihdra consisting of its image-house, the dagaba, and the

residence of the priests, and of the work in the Vihdaras attached

to this Vihara, the expenses should be defrayed from the income

‘of the respective Vihdras ; that, in case of any unavoidable

emergency, deliverance be effected by giving from (the income

of ) the Vihara ; that the villages, fields, people, beasts or com-

mon property belonging to the temples be not sold; that they

be not purchased by any one ; that the attendants of the Vihara,

including the four servants of the Vihdra, five messengers ? and

three persons to cook food and that other attendants should

constantly perform service, in conformity with the rules of the

Vihara, strictly attend to all servile work due to the priests of

the establishment ; to the hospitable treatment of priests who

are guests (at the Vihara), and to all work of the Vihdra to-

gether with other business usually assigned to them ; that when

any one versed in the Three Pitakas, in. Logic, Grammar, &c.,

come (to this Vihara), the priests should give him maintenance

and learn from him ; that those who have been guilty of the

Pardjiké offences should not remain here ; that those who have

transgressed the other precepts should reside here (after having

expiated their crimes) by observing the rules of discipline pres-

eribed by Buddha; that the priests who reside here should

constantly study the Sutra, Abhidharma, Vinaya, Logic,

Grammar, &c. ; that the workmen, &e., of the Vihdra, should be

duly provided with means of subsistence ; that the five-fold

service of the conchs, clarions. &., and such articles as umbrellas,

white parasols, silk canopies, small drums, !® ‘head dresses,

jackets, &c., should be constantly used ; that the other expenses

and offerings to the three gems should be kept up (as) regularly (?)

as the necessaries allowed for priests who reside here and for

priests who come here. It will be well if, in conformity with

this Rock-Inscription caused to be inscribed by royal command,

204 JOURNAL R.A. S. (CEYLON)... | Voll Vr aiaauaete

the two classes of Priests, Kings, Sub-kings, Prime Ministers,

&c., take care to maintain this Vihdara perfectly and to attain

the bliss of heaven and Nirwana,” not having failed (to act

properly as regards) both worlds.

On Sunday the 5th day of the bright half of the month

Unduwap (November-December), in the 44th year (of his

reign, the abovenamed King Sri Parakrama Bahu) with a view

to procure merit for the great Queen, gave orders to Seliya-

darayarun and caused to be completed the work of the image

houses, halls, cells, &c., in the Vihdras of Kalubovila, Wattala,

Mahara, Madampe, Dedigomuwa, Navayodana, Denawaka and_

Aramanasala, and granted (the following lands, &c.,) to the

venerable priest Sunétra Mahadévi Piriwantera cf Pepiliyana

pouring out the water of donation 7! and dedicating them to the

Three Gems, to wit :—

Fifteen amunas of paddy sowing extent from Kehelpat-

dolavela, and houses and gardens thereabout ; Totakumbura

recently asweddumised in Kasawela ; Mirisgala Kanda with the

jungle and open ground thereon ; Kendangomuwa ; Hlabada-

kumbura of two amunas paddy sowing extent and Deltota

kumbura (both) in Magama ; tracts of forest and low lands

contained in these villages, twenty males and females ; Moratota

and Pattiya for the purpose of supplyimg furniture for. the

Vihara. The learned and high priests of this Vihara should

cause this to continue for a long time by acting exactly m the

manner above described.

If any one should hereafter disturb, encroach upon, or

complain of any one of the abovementioned things given for

the benefit of the Three Gems, or if any one should impose

anew tisk by royal command, he will be born in hundred

and thirty-six. hells including eight principal hells, such as,

Sanjiva, Kalastitra, &c., and suffer indescribable misery and be

liable to the punishment assigned to such as have been guilty

of the Panchanantariya crimes, such as parricide, &e. If any

persons take back land given by himself or by another, or

appropriate the produce thereof, he will be born a worm in

foeces (and continue in that state) for a period 60,000 years.

No. 25—1882.| Two SINHALESE INSCRIPTIONS. 205

If any one takes away grass, or wood, or flower, or fruit which

belongs to Buddha, he will become a great Preta.”

May future kings, great ministers, &c., constantly bear in

mind the humble request :—

“TY, Pardkrama Bahu, Supreme Lord of the illustrious

Lanka, the ornament of the solar race, make a request to you,

O princes, who will hereafter come (to the throne of Lanka) ;

hear ye my words. This religious act is certainly one in which

the inhabitants of all the worlds are equally concerned. It is to

be maintained by you at all times with feelings of joy and

kindness towards me. §o, let (the fruit of) my religious act be

enjoyed (by you.)”

And the old saying :—

“Land (become) sacred ** by donation is the only sister of

all the princes in the world ; it is not to be possessed nor ought

any tax be imposed ” on it.”

May they constantly think on the above cited words, and,

with an even mind, realize 7° the merit which accrues from this

religious act as if it was done by themselves. Let no unusual

services, (such as, payment of) taxes or tribute *’ be imposed on

the residents of the Vihara. Let no residents of the Vihara be

sold away by persons of any rank. Let all these orders be

strictly carried out with energy under the royal patronage.

‘As between a gift and protection, protection is superior

to a gift ; by means of a gift one attains heaven; by means of

protection one attains the imperishable state.”

A good man, therefore, who desires to enjoy such happi-

ness of Nirvana, should take a deep interest in the maintenance

of the abovementioned Vihara and endeavour, by the efficacy

of the same meritorious act, to see the Supreme, Omniscient

Maitri Buddha, to hear his sermons, and, at last, to enter

the city of the great Nirvana which is tranquil, undecaying,

undying, safe and immortal which was attained by the (Supreme)

Buddhas, inferior Buddhas, and the great Rahats,

JOURNAL R, A, S. (CEYLON). [Vols Vb were in

NowvTn9s.

The religious act referred to, is the building of the Vihara and endowing

it with a view to its maintenance, This act is said) to be sadrisah

““gommon to all,” i.e., an act in which all are interested.

Literally : “ with joy and kindness produced towards me.”

Sunétra, The last two lines of the sléka p. 194 (omitted by an oversight)

are inserted here :—

Sadgraman vividhan praddya sajanandrama vapydsrayan

Sanghadhinataya chiraya tanute sthatun silasasanap

One yala is 1280 khurunis —= 32 amunas

Dolosdahasrata is Kandabada Pattu, Wellabada Pattn and the Tangalla

District of Giruwa Pattu,

One yala of oxen is 20 head.

Natha Maitrt is the God Natha who is to become Maitri Buddha.

One neliya is equal to 1-32nd of a bushel.

One pata is 1th of a neliya.

One massa of gold is equal to about 32-100th of a rupee. |

One palama is }th of a pound in weieht.

One grantha is a stanza of the Anushthup metre consisting of 32 syllables.

The eight priestly requisites are the water-strainer, the alms-bowl, the

three robes, the girdle, a razor, and a needle.

Magul pirita, a protectionary formula recited on festive occasions,

The four priestly requisites are clothing, food, bedding and medicines,

The word in the original is atpamehekirima, which literally means ‘ doing

service with hands and feet.’

Pirdjika is aterm applied to the most heinous offences committed by a

Buddhist priest, of which there are four, viz., sexual intercourse, theft,

taking away life, and pretending to be an Arhat or possess super-

natural powers.

The original reads pranapa which I think is a mistake of the copyist

for pranava which means ‘a small tabor’ or ‘drum.’

The word payi which is generally applied to a ‘purse’ is here rendered

ispayt ‘ head-dress’ as the context seems to require it.

This might also be rendered ‘ the bliss of release in heaven.’

The word dakshinodaka compounded of dakshina, ‘gift’; and udaka, ‘water,’ »

is a term applied to the ratification of a cift by pouring water on the

Mohd hand afé¢he danes:

wih ry ANB cle Bi

No. 25—1882.] TWo SINHALESE INSCRIPTIONS. 207

22,

Panchanantariya, a term applied by the Buddhists to five deadly sins

which are visited with immediate retribution, viz., matricide, parricide,

_ the murder of an Arhat, the shedding of Buddha’s blood, and schism

in religion.

Preta, a hobgoblin, a disembodied spirit subject to suffering.

The original is wddtta which means ‘ereat’ or ‘illustrious,’ ‘dear,’ or

‘beloved. — Wilson. )

The word karagrahya which is here rendered ‘tax be imposed’ admits of

being rendered ‘is not to be married or taken with the hand.’

Anumodanwa is literally to be pleased with, but generally used in the

sense of taking pleasure in or a part of the merit acquired by another.

Reading varikara or varitira for varatara. Vari being Tamil for ‘ tax,’

and kara Sanskrit or tira Tami], for ‘ duty,’ ‘ tribute’ or ‘ impost.’

Accyutan padan, a state from which there is no fall—one of the terms

for Nirwana,

208 JOURNAL R. A. S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VU, Pi. 11

PODN=LOREH: TN (VOM wano Nes

By W. GuNATILAKA, Esa.

(Read, September 14th, 1882. :

Very great interest and importance attach to the folk-lore

of any nation, as is evidenced by the labors bestowed on the sub-

ject by eminent writers, and the manner in which those labors

have been appreciated. The tales of a people once collected and

recorded afford material alike for the ethnologist, the philologist

and the historian to build upon, and enable them to arrive at

truths previously unknown, and to throw fresh light upon theo-

ries which are but partially established. It is not the amuse-

ment which the tales and stories afford that makes them valuable

but it is the great truths which they point to in the field of

literature and science that commend them to our notice and

study, Readers who wish to have some idea of the importance

of folk-lore to ethnology and its cognate sciences, will find the

subject fully treated in the “ Chips from a German workshop”

of Max Miiller, and in the introduction to the “ Popular Tales

from the Norse” of Mr. Dasent.

While different writers have labored in the work of collect-

ing tales in other countries, while each successive number of

the “ Indian Antiquary” presents to us the folk-lore of the

Panjab and other parts of India, it is a matter both of regret

and surprise that no writer in Ceylon has, so far as I am aware,

yet begun to work in a systematic manner in collecting the

folk-love of this Island.

* T was requested by the Honorary Secretary of this Society, about a

month ago, to prepare a Paper to be read at this Meeting, and he suggested the

Folklore of Ceylon as a subject that would be of interest. Although the time —

at my disposal was insufficient either to collect materials, or, when collected, to

digest them, I readily accepted the undertaking, convinced that any short-

comings on my part would be excused in view of the shortness of the time

given me ai.d the difficulty of the subject to be dealt with,

No. 25—1882. | FOLK-LORE IN CEYLON. 209

Mr. Steele the author of a metrical translation of the Awsa

Jdétaka has,—no doubt with the view of attracting the attention

of literary men to this interesting subject,—given a few Sin-

halese stories as an appendix to his work, and has concluded |

them with the following appropriate observations :—

‘“‘ Old-world household stories are very plentiful in Ceylon.

The foregoing may be of interest as shewing how rich a field,

one little harvested yet, lies open to the gleaner. When it is

remembered that, besides the aboriginal wild race, the Veddas,

the Island is the home of Sinhalese, an A’ryan race from the

upper valley of the Ganges, of Tamils, ot Moors, the descend-

ants of the ancient Arab navigators, who, as Sinbad avouches,

voyaged often to Serendib, of Malays, not to mention Parsis,

Chinese, Kaffirs from Hastern Africa, Maldivians, Bengalis and

many others,—men of widely diverse descent and creeds, the

abundance of, so to speak, unwrought folk-lore will be readily

recognised.

“Tt is the writer’s hope, should the present venture meet

with favor and acceptance, to offer a large and more varied

selection to the reader hereafter.”

The hope here entertained has not, I think, been realized,

nor has the subject been taken up by any other writer that I am

aware of.

A complete collection of the tales and stories existing in

Ceylon,—and I think they exist as abundantly here as in any

other country inthe world,—can only be the work of time. It

is therefore desirable that, rather than wait to make such a col-

lection, writers who may wish to labor in this field of literary

investigation should publish what stories they may collect in the

columns of this Society’s Journal as the only literary periodical

in the Island.

The present Paper is merely a beginning in this direction,

and it is to be hoped that other writers who are more able than

myself to undertake the task, and have more leisure at their

disposal than I can command, will from time to time contribute

their collections to this Journal, and thus supply a store of ma-

terials for future scientific and linguistic investigations.

210 JOURNAL R. A. 8. (CEYLON). [ Vol. VII, Pt. IIT.

In the work of collection it is necessary that a great deal of

eare and discrimination should be exercised, for what is really

wanted and what can lead us to real truths are the genuine

stories of the Sinhalese—those which are quite free from foreign

influences and have existed among the people from time imme-

morial. These can only be gathered from the inhabitants of

villages and of the remoter parts of the Island into which western

civilization has not yet penetrated. In the principal towns

and suburbs there are now current among the Sinhalese several

stories taken from Hnglish books and other sources, and hence

too much care and caution cannot be exercised in deciding

whether a story is really free from such influences or not.

In this paper I am able to give only one Sinhalese story

out of the collection I have made. Its aim is to shew the cun-

ning and avarice of women and the fertility of their resource

when tricks have to be resorted to for the accomplishment of an

object, the averting of a calamity or the getting out of-a

difficulty. |

In order to understand the story it is necessary that the.

reader should know what is meant by the expressions “ to take ©

sil” and “to give si.” Sil is a religious observance. ‘ To

take sil” is te vow or to promise and solemnly undertake to

follow strictly the precepts of Buddha, not to kill, not to steal,

not to drink &. One desirous of taking sil attends the Pansala

and after bowing down in reverence to the priest recites

“the three saranas’ as follows, the devotee repeating them after

him : :

Buddhan saranan gachchhami,

Dhamman saranan gachchhama,

Sanghan saranan gachchahnu.

This is done three times after which the commands or precepts

are recited by the priest and repeated by the devotee. In this

ceremony the priest is said “to give sil” and the devotee “to

take or receive sil.”

I must also premise before beginning the story that when a

priest is invited by a layman to his house for the purpose of

performing a religious ceremony or of partaking of meals usually

No. 25—1882. | FOLK-LORE IN CEYLON. 211

ealled dan or ddna, “a gift or any thing given,” it is not

permitted to the priest to decline the invitation, except under

unavoidable circumstances such as sickness or a prior engage-

ment,

The story then runs thus.

Once ona time there was a simple and dull-witted man

who had a cunning and artful wife. The woman was, however,

much devoted to religion, and was a regular attendant on poya

days at the Vihara and Pansala in order to worship Buddha and

to receive sil. The man, who had previously paid no attention

to religion, was one day seized all of a sudden with a desire to

follow the example of his wife, and calling her immediately to

his side said, “I wish to take si: tell me how I should set

about it.”

The wife delighted to see her husband form so good a reso-

lution said, “Get up very early in the morning, go to the

Pansala with a pingo of boiled rice and curries, offer them to the

priest, and repeat the words which he will pronounce.”

The earnestness with which the man formed his resolution

and his anxiety to act on it were so great that sleep fled from

his eyes, and he impatiently watched for the dawn to hasten to

the priest’s residence. Long before the break of day he set. out

for the Pansala which lay about a mile from his house. On ar-

-riving there he found the door closed, but he knocked with such

violence as to rouse the priest who was fast asleep in an inner

chamber. |

“IT wonder” said the priest to himself “who this can be

that disturbs my repose at this ungodly hour.” So saying he

rose and began torub his eyes. The knocks on the door con-

tinued with redoubled vigour. The priest then jumped out of

bed, and approaching the door with some degree of anxiety

said “ Kavuda?”, “Who’s there ?”

The man, following literally the instructions of his wife as

to repetition, replied “ Kavuda ?”

The priest could not understand how any one could be in

the mood for fun at such a time or place, and drawing still nearer

the door said, “ Mokada?’, ‘‘ What’s the matter ?”

212 JOURNAL Rs A. S. (CHYLON)., [| Vol. VIL. Pu

“* Mokada ?”, repeated the man.

The priest was bewildered. He could not for the life of

him understand the meaning of so strange a proceeding, and he

called out in a loud and stern tone, “ Allapiya’, “ Lay hold (of

him).”

“ Allapiya” was as quickly echoed forth.

The priest then went into one of the rooms to wake up his

servant, and inthe meantime the simpleton, hearing nothing more,

concluded that the ceremony was over and returned home, leay-

ing the pingo at the door. The priest and his servant opened

the door to see what it all meant, and right glad were they to

find the pingo, but they could see no one.

On reaching home the man called his wife to his side and

said, ‘‘ I have neneuva sil: I feel such a change: lam determin-

ed to be more assiduous than you have been in the observance

and practice of the rite.’ The man then went to work in the

field, returned home in the evening, and took his dinner, but was

scarce in bed before he repeated “ Kavuda? Mokada? Alla-

Dua

“What's the sense of these words ?”, are the wife in

surprise.

“Tam reciting what the priest taught me when he gave me

sil,’ said the man.

“YT wonder if you're right in your head!”, said the wife.

“Nay,” said he, “in right good earnest I tell you, I repeat

what the priest taught me. Iam practising s¢l.”

“ Don’t talk to me,” retorted the woman. “If you’re not

mad already, you're very near it !” |

The man, however, paid no attention to his wife’s words

believing her to be in jest, but kept repeating the words all night

long at frequent intervals, to the serious disturbance of his wife's

rest and that of the other inmates of the house. This went

on for several nights, and nothing that the wife could think of

had the effect of convincing the man of his mistake.

About this time three thieves broke into the King’s Trea-

sury at night, and stole from it a part of his treasure, consisting

of gold, silver, precious stones, pearls and jewels of great value.

No. 25—1882. | FOLK-LORE IN CEYLON. 218

Carrying off their booty they came to the pilikanna [back part]

of the man’s house, and, as it was a safe and convenient spot for

the division of their spoil, they began to divide it. They had

hardly commenced their task when they were startled by the

words “ Kavuda ? Mokada? Allapiya” in a loud voice from

within the house.

“We are undone,” said one of the thieves: ‘ Discovered

most certainly,” said another : “ Hush! hush!’’, said the third,

“the words may have been addressed to somebody else.”

So they made up their mindsto go on with the division,

but had scarcely recommenced before the same words “ Kavuda ?

Mokada? Allapiya” fell on their ears. Then they forthwith

took to their heels leaving the booty behind.

The man hearing all the clatter outside, went to the pili-

hanna with a light, and saw 46 his amazement the three heaps of

* treasure. He immediately awoke his wife and took her to the

spot. Her eyes beamed as she beheld the unexpected wealth.

Husband and wife together conveyed the heaps into the house,

and all was secure in trunks before the day dawned.

‘ Now,” said the man, “was it not my observance of sil

that brought us this luck ?”

“Yes,” said the wife, “Jam glad you have been so earn-

est in its practice.”

The man’s thoughts were now directed to the consideration,

as to how best he might shew his gratitude 80 the priest who

had given him sil.

“ It is our duty,” said he to his wife, “ to make a gift of one-

third of the wealth to the priest who gave me sil, cal who has

thus been the means of our acquiring this Tana for fortune.

Prepare breakfast for. him, therefore, to-morrow morning,

and I will invite him to partake of it, and to receive the offering

of a third of the treasure.”

“ Nay, nay,’ said the woman, ‘that will never do. What

the priest taught you was not sil.”

“Nonsense, said her husband, “hold your tongue and

attend to what I say. Imust shew my gratitude to the priest ;

I must pive him a third of the wealth,”

214 JOURNAL R. A.'8. (CEYLON). [Vel VIL, Pi.4i1.

“ Well, if you must—you must” said the woman.

Words and tears were of no avail. The man was firm as a

rock, and his wife gave up all hopes of dissuading him from

his purpose.

Next morning she prepared meals for the priest. The man

called at the Pansala and said to the priest : “My lord, you

were kind enough to give me si! some time ago, and I have been

a constant and diligent observer of the rite ever since. The

result is that I have been blessed with very valuable treasure,

quite sufficient to keep me and mine comfortable for many

generations to come. Condescend therefore to repair to my

humble abode, partake of the meal I have prepared for you, and

receive one-third of the fortune I have come by, as a token of

“my gratitude.”

“T never saw you before,” said the priest, “nor do I re-

member having ever given you sil.”

‘Then it must be some other priest in this Pansala,” said the

man ; ‘it matters little which, only come and receive the gift.

The man led the way and the priest and his servant

followed, not, however, without some suspicion and fear. When

they had come within sight of the house the man saw his wife

standing in the compound.

“Come on leisurely,” said the man to the priest, “ while I

yun a-head to see that everything is ready for your reception.”

So saying the man ran up to his wife and whispered in her ear,

“Has our neighbour brought the curds we ordered last evening?”

‘ Not-yet.””

“T will go and fetch it then,” said he; “in the meantime

give the priest a seat and attend to him till I return.”

Now when the priest saw the man whispering in the

woman’s ear, his suspicions of some foul play, which had already

been roused, were almost confirmed.

So when he got to the house he said to the woman, “ Pray

what did your husband whisper in your ear ?”

‘‘ Bad luck to you !”, said the woman, “my husband is

gone to fetch a rice pounder to make an end of you !”

No. 25—1882.| | FOLK-LORE IN CEYLON, 215

When the priest heard this he ran as fast he could and the

servant after him.

They had not run far before the man returned with the

curds.

“Why are they running away ?” said he.

“That’s more than I can say,’ answered his wife; “but

the priest told me to ask you to follow him with a rice-

pounder.”

The man hastened into the kitchen, took up a rice-pounder,

and away he went at full speed.

“Stop a bit! stop a bit! your Reverence,” he bellowed.

But the priest, seeing the man actually following with a

rice-pounder, redoubled his steps and was soon out of sight, and

the man could not find him though he searched every nook

and corner of the Pansala.

So the man returned home and never more thought of

offering the wealth to the priest, and right glad was the woman

to find that her plan had succeeded so well.

216 JOURNAL R. A. 8. (CEYLON). [ Vol. VIL, Pt.ailt.

BUDDHA'S SERMON ON OVENS:

By Louis Dr Zoysa, Mand MupativAr.

(Read, September 14th, 1882.)

That the Founder of Buddhism has repudiated caste and

superstition both in theory and practice, is well known. A

high authority* has characterized Buddha as “the great oppo-

nent of Hindu caste and superstition.” But in countries like

Ceylon, in which Hindtiism had prevailed before the introduction

of Buddhism, caste and superstition still exist though in a

modified form ; and writers whose information is derived from

secondary sources are apt to forget the real teachings of Buddha

on these subjects. A notable instance of this I may mention

here. A recent writer, ‘“‘On the Religions of India” has,

according to a review of his work in the Atheneum, attributed

the introduction of caste into Ceylon to the influence of Bud-

dhism !

I hope to lay before the Society from time to time, trans-

lations of extracts from Buddhist writings bearing on these two

subjects. In the present note I shall confine my remarks to the

subject of ‘superstition,’ reserving those on “ caste” for a fu-

ture occasion.

A fair idea of Buddha’s views on superstition may be

formed on reference to two papers published in this Society’s

Journal. [ allude to the able translation of “ Brahmajdla Suttan’t

by the late Revd. D. J. Gogerly, in which various superstitions

are enumerated and condemned as “unworthy and anima]

sciences,’ and to my own translation of two Jatakas, (Nak-

khatta and Ndmasiddhi ),§ one of which exposes the folly of

* The late learned Dr. Mill, Principal of Bishop’s College, Calcutta.

Mr. A. Barth, (Trtibner’s Oriental Series.)

C A.S8. Journal 1846 (Reprint, 1861} pp. 17—62.

©, A. 8, Journal 1880, Part Il, pp, 29—33.

Lr ee

No. 25—1882.] BUDDHA’S SERMON ON OMENS. 217

believing in astrology, and the other of the practice of confer-

ring on individuals what are supposed to be lucky or auspicious

names.

My special object however in the present note is to bring

to light the true object of Mangalan Suttan, one of the most

remarkable discourses of Buddha against “ superstition,” which

is found in two of the canonical Scriptures of Buddhism, namely

in the Suita Nipata and Khuddaka Patha sections of the Khuddaka

Patha of the Sutta Pitaka.

There are three English translations extant of this discourse—

~one by the late Rev. D. J. Gogerly, in the Ceylon Friend for

June 1839, another by the late Professor R. C. Childers

in his translation of the Khuddaka Patha, and a third in

the late Sir M. Coomdara Swamy’s translation of Sutta Nipdta ;

but by an unhappy renderme of one expression by the

learned translators, the true object of the discourse, namely,

that of exposing the folly of believing in omens, has been com-

pletely kept out of view, and the discourse is simply regarded as

a series of excellent moral maxims. Mr. Gogerly rendered the

words “etan mangalan uttaman,” “these are chief excellen-

cies”: Mr. Childers, “ this is the greatest blessing”: this is also

the rendering adopted by Sir M. Coomara Swamy.

When Mr. Childers’ able and lucid translation of Khud-

daka Patha appeared in 1874, I ventured to address a letter to

that gentleman referring him to the Atthukatha or Commen-

tary on the discourse, which explains, its origin and objects, and

submitting to him whether the words “ etan mangalan uttaman,”

which he has rendered “ this is the greatest blessing,”

should not be more correctly rendered ‘“ this is the best omen,”

or “these are the best omens.” In reply he approved of my

proposed rendering, but unfortunately having mislaid his letter,

Tam deprived of the gratification of producing it, but it will

be seen that my late lamented friend has made the following

note in the Addenda to his Pali Dictionary Vol. II. P. 617 s. v.

pee “anomen. I learn from

4 2 ¢ ay an?

mangalo, ‘mangalan, means also

Louis de Soysa that ‘Setar mangalan uttaman’ should be rendered

‘this is the best omen.’ ”’

218 JOURNAL R. A. 8. (CEYLON). [ Vol. VIT., Pt. ILI.

The reasons which have induced me thus to render the words

“etan mangalan uttaman” will be seen from the following

condensed translation of the introduction of this discourse in the

Commentary.

“What is the origin of mangalan suttan? It was the

practice for people in Jambudipa to assemble at the gates of

cities, in meeting houses and other places, and to hear the recital

of various stories such as those of Sita, Bharata, &c. The people

discussed various subjects at these meetings. Hach discussion

some time lasted for four months. On one occasion, the subject

of discussion happened to be that of mangalan (happy or auspi-

cious things i.e. good omens). What is a dittha mangalan

(a good omen of sight)? What is a suta mangalan (a

good omen of smell or taste or touch)? Do you know what a

mangalan is ?, said some of the audience present). One of

them, a believer in omens of sight (dittha mangaliko), said, ‘1

know what a mangalan is. For example,a man rising up early

in the morning sees a speaking bird,* tender fruits of the bilva

tree (gle marmelos), a pregnant woman, a child, an orna-

mented brimming jar, a fresh cyprinus fish, a thorough bred

horse, or the likeness of one, a bull, a cow, a tawny coloured

cow, or any other object of an auspicious nature,—it is a

mangalan.’ Some of the audience accepted his theory, but those

who did not entered into a dispute with him.

‘A believer in omens of hearing (suia mangalike) remarkea

that the eye sees what is pure and what is impure, what is

good and what is bad, what is pleasant and what is unpleasant.

If what is seen by the eye be a mangalan (good omen), then

every object of sight must be one. What is seen therefore is

not a mangalan: that which is deemed a true mangalan

is that of hearmg. Ifa man rising up early in the morning

hears a sound such as ‘it has prospered,’ ‘it is prospering, ‘it is

full,’ ‘itis fresh,’ ‘it is delightful, ‘prosperity, ‘increase of pros-

perity’ ‘ the lunar constellation,’ ‘to-day is auspicious, ‘a lucky

moment, a ‘lucky day,’ or any other pleasant sound deemed

auspicious, this is said to be a mangalan.

* Such as a parrot, mina, Xc.

No, 25—1882.] BUDDHA’s SERMON ON OMENS, 219

“ Whereupon a believer in omens of smell, taste and touch,

(muta mangaliko) addressed the meeting saying :—‘A man

hears what is good and what is bad, what is pleasant and what is

unpleasant ; if what is heard by the ear be a mangalan, (good

omen) then everything heard must be a good omen also.

I say therefore that suta mangalan is not a true manga-

lan, and that the true mangalan is what is called muta mangalan.

For example, if a man rising up early in the morning smells

the fragrance of the lotus and other sweet smelling flowers,

uses fresh dentrifice, touches the earth, or ripe corn, or

fresh cow-dung, or a turtle, or a heap of sesamum seed, or

flowers, or fruits, daubs (the floor) with fresh earth, puts on

a new cloth, wears a new turban, or smells any other sweet

smells, tastes or touches an object deemed auspicious—it is a

mangalan.’

“Thus men all over Jambudipa formed themselves into

groups, and began to discuss what the real mangaldni are.

From men, their guardian deities, from them, their friends the

terrestrial deities, from them, their friends the celestial deities, from

them, their friends the deities of the Chatummaharajika heavens,

and from them, all the deities as far as Akanittha, the highest of

the heavens, took up the subject of mangalan, and forming

themselves into groups, began to discuss what mangaldni are.

Thus the discussion lasted for twelve years amongst men and gods.

(except among the disciples of Buddha) throughout the ten

thousand worlds of the universe, but they were unable to solve

the problem. At last the gods of the Tdavatirisa heavens ap-

proached Sakko, and begged of him to declare what the man-

galdni are. The King of the gods enquired of them where

the Supreme Buddha was then residing. Being told that he

was then residing at Jétavana Monastery in the city of Savatthi,

he directed one of the gods to repair to him, and beg him to

declare what mangaldni are, and the god did so,”

The sequel is told in the Suttan itself, and now I have the

pleasure to reproduce Mr. Childer’s masterly version of Mangala

Suttan, only substituting the expression ‘this is the best omen, for

‘this is the greatest blessing.’

220 JOURNAL R. A. 8. (CEYLON). ‘Vol, VIL, Pt. 111.

‘Thus I have heard. Ona certain day dwelt Buddha at

Sravasti, at the Jétavana Monastery, in the garden of Andtha-

pindaka. And when the night was far advanced a certain

radiant celestial being, illuminating the whole of Jétavana,

approached the blessed one, and saluted him and stood aside.

And standing aside addressed him with this verse :—

‘Many gods and men, yearning after good, have held divers

things to be blessings (good omens) ; say thou, what is the

greatest blessing (the best omen or the best omens) ?

Buddha :—‘ To serve wise men and not serve fools, to give

honour to whom honour is due, this is the greatest blessing (this

is the best omen or these are the best omens).

‘To dwell in a pleasant land, to have done good deeds in a

former existence, to have a soul filled with right desires, this is

the greatest blessing (this is the best omen or these are the best

omens).

‘Much knowledge and much science, the discipline of a well

trained mind, and a word well spoken, this is the greatest

blessing (this ts the best omen or these are the best omens).

‘To succour father and mother, to cherish wife and child, to

follow a peaceful calling, this is the greatest blessing (this is the

best omen or these are the best omens).

‘To give alms, to live religiously, to give help to relatives, to

do blameless deeds, this is the greatest blessing (this is the best

omen or these are the best omens).

‘To cease and abstain from sin, to eschew strong drink, to

be diligent in good deeds, this is the greatest blessing (this is:

the best omen or these are the best omens ).

‘Reverence and lowliness, contentment and gratitude, to

receive religious teaching at due seasons, this is the greatest

blessing (this ts the best omen or these are the best omens).

To be long-suffering and meek, to associate with the priests

of Buddha, to hold religious discourse at due seasons, this is the

greatest bleu (this is the best omen or these are the best omens. )

‘Temperance and chastity, discernment of the four great

truths, the prospect of Nirvana, this is the greatest blessing

(this is the best omen or these are the best omens).

No 25—-1882.] BUDDHA'S SERMON ON OMENS. i 3924

UVelOu

‘The soul of one unshaken hy the changes of this life, a

soul inaccessible to sorrow, passionless, secure, this is the great-

est blessing (this is the best omen or these are the best omens).

‘They that do these things are invincible on every side, on

every side they walk in safety, yea, theirs is the greatest bless-

ing, (theirs are the best omens). ”

It may be remarked, how could such distinguished

scholars as Gogerly and Childers have committed such a mistake

as the one referred to? The matter is easily explained. They

have evidently translated the word mangalan in its ordinary

sense,” without referring to the commentary which explains

the special sense in which the word is used in this discourse.

This is not to be wondered at, seeing that even some of the

learned Buddhist Priests of the present day commit the same

mistake and interpret the discourse simply as a series of moral

maxims. Strangely enough, this discourse is used by Buddhists

even for purposes of superstition, such as, exorcism, etc. It is

so used by the Kandyan Buddhists according to Mr. C. J. R.

LieMesurier, c.0.s., who, by the way, calls it “the Sutra of

Festivals” which might lead one to suppose that it has some

connection with the various Kandyan Hindu Festivals, which

he describes in his account of “ The Principal Religious Cere-

monies observed by the Kandyans of Ceylon.”

It is only when this discourse is viewed by the light thrown

on it by the commentary, that it appears in its true character,

as one of the most powerful exposures of Hindi superstition on

record.

* Mangalo (adj.) ‘Auspicious,’ ‘lucky,’ ‘joyous,’ ‘festive,’ ‘belonging to state

occasions,’ Ab. 88. Mangalay, ‘rejoicing,’ ‘festival,’ ‘festivity,’ ‘holiday,’ ‘festive

ceremony’ (Dh. 247) ‘blessing,’ ‘boon’ (Kh. 5).—Childer’s Pali Dictionary,

Mol Tp: 20s

Mangalya, Mangalyah, Mangalya, Mangalyay. ‘Auspicious,’ ‘propitious,’

‘conferring happiness,’ ‘prosperity,’ ‘beautiful,’ ‘pleasing,’ ‘agreeable,’ ‘pure,’

‘pious, —Wilson’s Sanskrit Dictionary, Second Hdition, p. 631.

ier, oy JOumal, Volo Vill, Po, L. No, 23, 1881, ps 3a.

222 JOURNAUR. A. 8. (OnYLON): [Vol VIL., Pe. TH.

NOTES ON THE MICROSCOPICAL CHARACTERIS-

TICS OF FEATHERS, AND THEIR PRESENT

ANALOGY WITH A PROBABLE

ABORIGINAL FORM.

By F. Lewis, Esa.

(Read, November 2nd, 1882.)

No naturalist, or more probably, no ornithologist has ever

looked upon a feather without admiring its beautiful structure,

and admirable adaptation of ends tomeans. Here will be found

a maximum of strength in a minimum of weight; adapted

alike, as an organ of flight, or asa means of warmth to the

creature that supports this exquisite structure. Colored in

some instances only asa means of attraction, or, in others, as

one of protection, and yet withal, light as proverbially, ‘as a

feather.’

In variety of external form, we have many, even in Ceylon

birds, though of course, if the examples of variation of pattern,

from all parts of the world were tabulated, a long and interest-

ing list could be made, were such necessary. My object in the

present Paper is of a further character, and one which requires

a deeper investigation than that of a mere comparison of

external shapes and forms.

A feather may not inaptly be likened to a cocoanut leaf or:

branch, as it is sometimes called. There is the shaft or quill,

and from it diverge other shafts which form the webs. Ifa breast

feather be pulled from some well-known bird, say a Wood-

pecker, we observe in the lower, or basal region, that the quill

supports a shaft, or,as I shall call it,a web-shaft Fig. 1 (6b); which,

in turn, towards the lower half of the feather bears a fine thread

like process, say one-tenth of an inch long, which I shall call the

sub-web-shaft Fig. 1 (ecc). In the upper or exposed part of

the feather, this swb-web-shaft is absent, leaving the conclusion

that these fine filaments are for the purpose of warmth—a con-

v3 8

. te telise scopic order

oon ee mee : Ia oe ee

F the partially a. thhe eee

spinous order : Sparaus order

a x S00.

Nev,

mn | : ; 7. fe TO

Lhe probable abroginal form N°S.

LITHOGRAPHED AT THE S.'G. OFFICE COLOMBQ.

(o's)

tx>

boy

‘@)

(C2)

ty 4

t=]

clusion by no means unreasonable, as otherwise they are useless,

and further a single glance would show that this portion of the

feather is closer, and hence warmer, than if these sub-web-shajts

were absent.. Supposing a web shaft is removed from the same

feather—W oodpecker’s—and placed under a microscope of some

power, the sub-web-shafts exhibit a series of joint-like markings

of a more or less modified character. See Figs. 2,3,4,5,& 6.

This modification is of very considerable interest, as the

conclusion that I have arrived at, after carefully examining a

large series of Ceylon birds, is, that they are modifications of

an aboriginal form, which I have ventured to illustrate.

I have drawn my conclusions from the fact, that at remote

periods of time, it is but reasonable to conclude, that birds

required a closer plumage than at present, in order to endure

a colder temperature than now upon the earth, and to bring

about that enda further addition to the suwb-web-shaft would

render most material assistance. lam confirmed in this view

by the fact that some of our high flying eagles, such as Spizaetus,

possess a spine upon the sub-wel-shaft, that can be considered

as a modified filamentous process, just as the sub-web-shaft is

itself,

The conclusion then to be drawn is that those represent-

ing the series Fig. 2, are of a much older formation than the

series Fig. 4 through process of modification, through disuse. In

like manner the forms up to Fig. 6 can be traced up to what was

probably the aboriginal form, Fig. 7. Iam inclined to believe

that any of the forms may be traced through variation and

modification to the form Fig. 7, which through long ages of

disuse forms the present modified structure. If then, this view be

correct—and I am unable to see cause for any serious objection

to it—the course of modification may be traced as represented

in Fig. 8, from the aboriginal form to the present, as shewed

by the dark lines, and the dotted lines, which bear a strong com-

parison with Fig. 7, or with Fig. 6, which last is an existing

form.

I consider that by this peculiarity of structure we shall be

able to trace the relative ages of existing forms of birds, which

ALR, As. (OBYLON). [ Vol. VIL. Pr. IIT.

ieee ee

994, JOUR

in itself may be considered as a means of classification, if such

there be. Unfortunately, I have not had the good fortune to

be able to examine the plumage of birds from other countries,

more especially those from the colder climates of the extreme

north which would give evidence either in support, or to the

contrary of my theory. For the present, I venture the subject

more as a question, than as an established fact, though the

evidence from local examples tends greatly to prove the force of

my theory. ,

Climatic effects may probably bear with more or less weight

upon the point, but I find the conclusion is still irresistible that

each existing form can be traced to a higher, which we may call

the aboriginal parent, and its necessity is just the same, in a

larger measure, as that which supplies the present sub-web-shaft.

Where warmth is unnecessary, then sub-web-shafts do not

exist, as for instance in the tail feathers, or feathers beyond the

body, and by analogy, where greater warmth is required, then

the additional process would exist, which through non-necessity

is now reduced to a simple, or at most a spinous joint.

No. 25-—-1882.] siINHALESE FOLK-LORE STORIES. 225.

SINHALESE FOLK-LORE STORIES.

By W. Kyicut Jamus, F.R.G.S., F.R. Hist., 8.

(Read, November 2nd, 1882.)

The Sinhalese are essentially a social people. Some of the

most important traits of their character are, deep attachment to

friends, filial obedience, and love of their homes and villages.

There are a few greater hardships which a Sinhalese can be

called upon to undergo than separation from the home and

friends of his childhood, and there are few dearer reminiscences

to him, wherever he may be in after life, than those which

recall the early days spent in his native village. Home stories

and sayings exercise no little influence on him, and at any rate

in the leisure portion of the life of the villager oral stories take

an important place, whether they be the Jdtaka stories of the

various births of Buddha,

“The preternatural tale,

‘Romance of giants, chronicle of fiends,”

or the more modest stories that relate the doings of the people.

In the Sinhalese home it is true that the “ fireside” with which

we connect the story-telling of harsher climes is absent, but it

finds its representative in the little verandah or in the roadside,

and often when the family have retired to rest for the night in

the single room and verandah which generally form the “ house”

of the Sinhalese cultivator, one member, frequently the grand-

father relates stories to the others until he finds that the “ dull

god” has drawn away his audience. In the night as two or

three villagers sit guarding the ripening grain of their paddy

fields from the inroads of elephant, buffalo or boar, stories serve

to wile away what would be otherwise a weary vigil, and on

numerous other common-place occasions story-telling plays an

important part. Some of these stories throw considerable light

226 JOURNAL R.A. 8. (CEYLON.) [Vol, VIL., Pt. III.

on the modes of thought, manners, and customs of the people,

and also may perhaps be of some value in comparative folk-

lore, I therefore give translations of a few of these village stories.

I.—TuHe TRIAL AT AVICHARA-PURA.*

In the neighbourhood of Badulla there is among the

Sinhalese a saying, when justice appears to have miscarried :

“ Avichtra-puré naduwa wageyi,’— Like the trial at

Avichdrapura.” |

The story on which the saying is founded is without doubt

of considerable age and contains rich satire :—

One night some thieves broke into the house of a rich man

and carried away all his valuables. The man complained to the

Justice of the Peace, who had the robbers captured, and when

brought before him enquired of them whether they had anything

to say in their defence. “Sir,” said they, ‘we are not to blame in

this matter: the robbery was entirely due to the mason who built

the house; for the walls were so badly made, and gave way so easily,

that we were quite unable to resist the temptation of breaking in.” —

Orders were then given to bring the mason to the Court-house.

On his arrival he was informed of the charge brought against

him. “ Ah,” said he, “the fault is not mine, but that of my cooly,

who made mortar badly.” When the cooly was brought he laid

the blame on the potter whom he said had sold him a cracked

chatty, in which he could not carry sufficient water to mix the

mortar properly. Then the potter was brought before the judge, .

and he explained that the blame should not be laid upon him,

but upon a very pretty woman who in a beautiful dress was

passing his house at the time he was making the chatty, and had so

riveted his attention that he forgot all about the work. When

the woman appeared, she protested that the fault was not hers, for

she would not have been in that neighbourhood at all had the

goldsmith sent home her earrings at the proper time; the

charge she urged should properly be brought against him.

* A, ‘without’; vichara, ‘enquiry’; pura, ‘city.’

No. 25—1882.| StUYHALESE FOLK-LORE STORIES. 227

The goldsmith was brought and as he was unable to offer any

reasonable excuse, he was condemned to be hanged. Those in

the Court however begged the Judge to spare the goldsmith’s

S 8g &

life ;: “for.” said they, *‘ he is very sick and ill-favoured and would

; ) Y>

not make at alla pretty spectacle”; “but,” said the judge, ‘‘some-

body must be hanged.” Then they drew the attention of the

4 2 vi

Court to the fact that there was a fat Moorman in a shop

opposite who was a much fitter subject for an execution, and

asked that he might be hanged in the goldsmith’s stead. The

learned Judge, considering that this arrangement would be very

ge, g g jj

satisfactory, gave judgment accordingly.

Ij.—Tue GoLDSMITH WHO CHEATED HIS MorHenr.

Of all workmen the Sinhalese regard the native goldsmith

with the greatest suspicion. This is due no doubt to the fact that,

whenever opportunity occurs, he appropriates a portion of the

precious metal entrusted to him, often substituting for it that of

a baser kind. There are many sayings in the language to the

effect that ‘whoever else is to be trusted, a goldsmith is not’ ; and

there is a popular belief that ‘a goldsmith would cheat his own

mother’, in illustration of which the following story is told :—

A certain woman possessed a large piece of gold made up

in the form of a frog,* which had been a heir-loom in her

family for many years. She, though wishing to keep the

metal, was anxious to have it made up in the form of ornaments,

which she could wear and display before her friends. She was

afraid to take it to a goldsmith, for she knew that they all had

the reputation of being rogues, and that she would most likely

be cheated. It, therefore, occurred to her that the safest way

would be to have her son apprenticed to the trade: this she

accordingly did. When he had learned it sufficiently well,

she took the golden frog to him and requested him to make it

into the ornaments she required. The cunning fellow first

obtained a live frog and placed it among the ashes of his fire-

place, and then, whilst his mother stood by, took the golden

—

* 8, Gemadiyd,

228 JOURNAL R. A. 8. (CEYLON.) [Vol. VIL., Pt. IL.

one, put it among the ashes also, and commenced to blow the

fire to melt it down. The live-frog feeling uncomfortable in~

the heat immediately jumped out and hopped away. ‘“ See, dear

mother’, said he, “your frog is gone. How can you expect

me to make ornaments from a living thing ?”’ ‘Oh, my dear

son’, said the mother, “ what is worse than bad fortune ? My

lump of gold has turned into a lump of flesh.”

IIlJ].—A Story or Two Roauss.

There are several stories which relate to the sharp-wittedness

of people from different villages, towns, or districts, and which,

seem to imply much the same as is expressed in our English

proverb “set a thief to catch a thief.” The following is well-

known, and, although the story varies somewhat in different

localities, is in substance the same. The names given to the

two rogues vary with the place where it is told, but they are, as

far as I have heard, always the names of different villages, or

districts, with the affix ya or wa thus Gampolaya and Ray-

gamaya, ‘a Gampola man’ and ‘Rayigama man’ ; Migamuwd and

Mataraya, ‘a Negombo man’ and ‘Matara man’ :—

Two men who lived in different districts, and who depended

principally on their wits for a livelihood, started off one day

about the same time each to pay a visit to the other. On their

way they met, and agreed to go together in search of adventure.

As they went on they heard the sound of weeping at a certain

house and, finding the friends of a dead man mourning for

him, they went and joined in the lamentations. When the

question of the division of the deceased’s property arose,

they put in their claim. “ Who are you ?”, the people asked,

“and what right have you to any of the property?” “Was

not this our own poor old grandfather whom we have not

seen for these many years ?”, said the men weeping. The

friends at the house were so affected by the grief of the

strangers, that they agreed to go that evening to the grave of

the dead man, and see if he would express any wish in the

matter. One of the rogues slipped out unobserved and laid

himself beside the grave. “Is it your will that these two

No. 25—1882.] sINHALESE FOLK-LORE STORIES. 229

strange persons should have any share in your property ?”, asked

one. ‘ Youare all my children: divide it amongst you fairly”,

eame in sepulchral tones from the grave. Having received a

box containing some valuable articles, they started off, and after

journeying for some time lay down to rest near the sea-shore,

placing the box between them. One, finding the other asleep

shortly afterwards, took the box, and, going into the sea as high

as the armpits, buried it in the sand ; then going back again to

his place fell asleep. Soon afterwards the second man awoke,

and, finding his neighbour asleep and the box gone, guessed

what had been done with it. He therefore commenced to lick

along the whole length of his body, and, finding the taste of salt

did not go above his armpits, knew the depth: where it was

buried. Having discovered the box, he carried it away, and hid

himself in one of a number of ricks of straw that were standing

a short distance off. On the other man awakening, he knew

that his friend had discovered the treasure and made off with it,

but, as had not had time to escape far, he thought that he was

most likely hiding in one of the heaps of straw hard by.

Tying a sokada (wooden bullock bell) round his neck he went

on his hands and knees knocking his head against each of the

ricks. The man who was hiding hearing the noise and thinking

jt was a buffalo, shouted out “Jah! jah! kotiya ka*!” and so

was discovered. After this, it is said, they divided the spoil

equally.

1V.—How tue Tumpant Fork wenr a-Brzs’-Nestine.

Among the folk stories of the Sinhalese there are a large

number which relate to simpletons,—a class of stories which we

find in most countries. The following bears some resemblance

to the story of the Wise Men of Gotham, who, seeing the reflec-

tion of the full moon in the river Trent as they passed over,

and thinking it to be a cheese lying at the bottom, lowered one

of their number with a rope to reach it.

— One day-a man in Tumpané (a district renowned for its

foolish people) wanted some honey for his daughter who was

* An imprecation, lit, * May a tiger eat you !”’

230 JOURNAL R.A. 8. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIL, Pt. TLL

very sick : so he got his friends to assist him, and they started

off to the forest in order to find a bees’ nest. As they were

passing by a deep pond, they beheld the reflection of one which

was suspended on an overhanging tree. Having tried vainly

to grasp the nest in the water, they thought that it must be

deeper down than they supposed, and one of their number

was, therefore, sent in. Believing, as he was unable to touch

it, that he could not get down far enough, they tied a large stone

round his neck. The other fools stood by the whole day waiting

for the man to come up with the honey.

V.—How a Tumpepané Man curep HIs Moruemr.

Once upon a time a half-witted villager bought a bullock

to use in his hackery, and, as he took it away, the dealer (a philo-

sopher in his way) repeated to him this proverb :

“Harak diya-badu wdgé,” lit.“ cattle are like watery things,”

(that is, they are perishable, and consequently require a great

deal of care and attention). The man, however, took the saying

literally, and, noticing water coming from the bullock as it went

along, thought that it had already commenced to dissolve. He

was now very anxious to dispose of his bullock before the

process went farther, and a man happening to be passing with

a ketta (bill-hook) in his hand, the owner of the bullock asked

‘what the ketta would do’: “ fell jungle”, said the man. It was

then agreed that an exchange should be made of the bullock

for the ketta. The half-witted fellow took the axe, and going to

some jungle land which belonged to him, placed it upon a stone »

and went away. Some time afterwards he returned to see how

much jungle it had felled, but was surprised to find that it had

not cut even a single tree. When he picked it up he found the

iron was quite warm, and concluded that it had not been able to

work that day as it was suffering from fever. He, therefore,

went to the doctor, who, knowing how foolish the man was,

appeased him by telling him to bury it in a ccol spot until the

morning and he would then find the fever gone. The man did

as he was told, and found his /etta quite cool. Next day, how-

ever, his mother had a severe attack of feyer, and, remembering

No. 25—1882.|] SINHALESE FOLK-LORE STORIES. 231

the medicine that had cured his ketta, he took the poor old

woman to the same spot, and making a bigger hole carefully

covered her up. ;

ViI.—Hountine a Paum-Cat.

A long time ago there lived in Twmpané a newly married

couple. One evening as the wife was commencing to prepare

her husband’s dinner she heard the cry of a kalavedda

(palm-cat) in a tree near the house, and, thinking if she

could manage to catch it she might surprise her husband with

a good meat curry, went out with the dog, saying “ wsz,

usi, (urging on the dog). The dog ran to the foot of the

tree barking and placed his forefeet on the trunk. She, thinking

that he was trying to climb it, began to make him a valalla (a

ring put round the ankles when climbing a tree). Just at that

time the husband returned, and seeing what she was doing chid

her for her foolishness, saying that ‘he would shew her the way

to get the dog up the tree.’ Procuring a long stake he sharpen-

ed one end of it and sticking it into the dog hoisted him up to

where the palm-cat was. The poor animal in agony whined

bé! bé! “Say not ‘6é/ bé! (I cannot, I cannot)’ ” said the man

“but lay hold of the palm-cat !”

232 JOURNAL R. A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIL, Pt. III. -

RUINS AT VEHERAGALA.*

The ruins in question are known as ‘ Veheragala’” and

are situated about two miles South of the 10th mile-post on the

Anuradhapura road.

They consist for the most part of groups of stone pillars

more or less roughly squared, and are probably the remains of

palaces and Vihdérés. The jungle is, however, so thick, and the

ruins are so overgrown, that it is difficult to conjecture, from

their formation, to what period they belong.

The only really interesting ruin which has so far been dis-

covered, is that of an oval building, found upon a rocky mound,

and the base of which is constructed of huge slabs of stone,

(the shape of which is very peculiar) laid upon oblong blocks.

They are cut into segments of a circle, each segment being

8 ft. to 12 ft. by 7 ft. x 7 in. or 8 in. thick. These slabs are

also concave on the upper side and convex on the lower, but

whether this was intentional, or the result of being wedged out

of laminated rock—with which the neighbourhood abounds,—is

not apparent. Another curious feature of the building is, that

the oblong blocks upon which these slabs are laid, (and which

seem to have formed the foundations) built upon the solid rock

were morticed together, the sockets and notches being very

distinct. The building faces North, on which side there is a

flight of stone steps leading to the entrance, and its dimensions

are, from North to South 56 feet, and from East to West 78 feet.

If this structure was intended for a Tope or Dagaba—which,

considering that it was not circular, is, I think, unlikely—it was

never completed, and appears to have been temporarily used for

some other purpose ;_ for at the South end there are five spur

stones, arranged in a curve, and upon which pillars must have

* Extract from letter dated September 25th, 1882, from P. A. Templer,

Esq., €.0.8., Assistant Government Agent, Puttalam, to the Government Agent,

North-Western Province,—Hen, See:

a ne pymng owi09 wel uo: ae

ee 25 “Uf S290 2e0dong uo sxyyr =

t e Bi cd

(

_ bupnfaugommoel yg —

Fumo uorpsocd Jo Ino SOUOLY op ee

i 7 x

“4

(op

= m

: 2. =

he}

ST fae

TES) P

i i) :

ae ;

BW i dare

LITHOGRAPRED AT THE S.G.OFF!

)

GG oo

Cec

Boi) oe ee

VS oar VE H ER AGALA.

Hii

ent ES er prt met sae rey yan ADEN Een eR een cm Na Pe SE Ct BE A EE BF EE 2 ale SA rs ee ee ETA JAN A EO sR Ss aa Rc Ne NN RR TR SAS SL RD RA ES I SL at SR IE REESE EE ESN ORS

Ly? OG

mee ee = = agen pe eee ee ee

AIUD APM 7 UpeONy fO GEG

bar) foe Mot sod Owinays UOW SAC

S < 2 yes

VEHERAGALA.

- LITHOGRAPHEDAT THE S.GOFFICE COLOMBS

No. 25—1882.] RUINS AT VEHERAGALA. 233

rested. As there are no remains of these pillars to be seen they

were probably made of wood ; and the debris of earth, bricks

and tiles, which fill up the space inside the stone work, shows

that a building of not very permanent character did exist at

sometime.

On the slab rock near the flight of steps is an inscription,

much of which was buried in earth. It is of the roughest kind

and very difficult to copy in consequence. I have, however, had

a copy made of it by Mr. IF. Navaratna which I annex. The

characters are not Déwanagari, though some of them bear

some resemblance thereto.

I annex tracing of a ground plan, sketched by Mr. C. T. D.

Vigors, ¢.c.s., which gives the exact dimensions of the slabs

forming the ring, and a very good idea of the elevation on the

east side. A sketch is also annexed which I made from the top

of a rock overlooking the building on the west side. This shows

the peculiar shape of the slabs and the notches and sockets in

the foundation blocks.”

* The ground plan and inscription are here reproduced,—_Hon, Sec.

234. JOURNAL. A. 8. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIL., Pé. IIT.

THE CONNECTION OF THE SINHALESE WITH THE

MODERN ARYAN VERNACULARS OF INDIA.

By W. P. Ranasixyna, Esa.

Is Sinhalese to be placed under the Turanian family of ©

languages with Tamil, Telugu, &c., or under the Indo-Germanic

family, along with Hindi, Bengali, Panjabi, Sindhi, Marathi,

Gujarathi, Nepali, Oriya, Assamese, and Kashmiri ?

The Turanian family of languages has not got beyond the

collocational or syntactical and agglutinated stages, whilst

the Sinhalese has not only reached the inflectional stage, like

Sanskrit, Greek and Latin, but has also advanced to the ana-

lytical, like the English, French, &.: examples are 26&,

karayt, “he does”; ®&&, yayi, “he goes”; @&&, dey, ‘he gives,” &e.

Here we find the stems 26, kara, 6, ya, and @é, de, which are

derived from the Sanskrit roots ea, kri, 080, yd, and &, da, with

an inflection &, yi. This &, yi, is again divisible into two parts

cS, y, and @, 7. The cJ, y, is merely an augment adopted for the

purpose of avoiding the hiatus which would otherwise occur if

after the stem the @, 7, were pronounced alone. The 9, 2, here

is the remnant of 8, t, in the Sanskrit verbs M@QHS3, karotz,

“he does”; M683. bharati, “he bears,” &c. Mr. Beames points out

that &, ti, is equal to the English s in “he bears, &c.” In Greek ©

géps, he says, we have » equal to the English pronoun “he.” In

Latin fert the 7 is lost and ¢ alone remains. In Gothic baireth we

have th ; here too the 7 is lost. In English “beareth” the is lost,

and the th alone remains. The English th and the Sinhalese z

are parts of the same termination &, ¢. This th in English,

he points out, is still further modified in the modern language into

sas in “bears,” “fears,’ &. Sothe English s and the Sinhalese

@, 2, in the fd person singular number present tense of the

indicative mood, can be traced to the Aryan &, ti,—the English

taking the first oe of the termination and ARV: modifying

No. 25—1882. |. SINHALESE AND ARYAN VERNACULARS. 289

it into s, the ccrlialere rejecting the Bret part, and taking the

vowel ee and inserting a 0, y, to avoid the hiatus.

The d, y, in DOS, karayi, &e., is an augment and ne

substitute for oy, ¢. We have in omod, keré, ec, yé,and @=, dv,

other forms of ine above verbs, meaning “he does,” gene.

and “he gives.” Here we find the @, 2, without the 3, y. By

the rule of sandhi ae the vowel @, 7, following the

$, 4; in 26, kara, MO+Et+D, kartati, becomes 2, e@, that

is to say, eek the @, a, and 9, 4 are lost, and ®, e, is substi-

tuted in their place; hence the word nee, kare, A by the

force of the vowel &, e, in @5,-7¢, the word aca OMoS,

keré, “he does” ; similarly ete ytati, becomes @d 1 Yes

“he goes”; and&+¢Et+@, dtati, becomes @€, de, “he gives.”

Now, although we never write 2269, karat, @, yar, and

dei, but md&, karayi, ©B, yat, and Oe, deyt, yet they are

pronounced 29, harai, ®, yai, and ©«€@, dei, as if they

had been written so. This also is proof that the J, y; is merely

an augment. 7 ,

In the book language we have the following terminations :— —

Singular.

Present. Future

1. 4968, = harami,“‘Ido.”. =MdadanS, harannemi, “T will do.”

2. OMO6S, herehi, “You do.” mds3oa98, karannehi, “ You will do.”

3. @8O5, heré, ‘He dues.” wacsvooy, karanné, “He will do.”

Pst

1. QOS, halemi, “I did.”

2. O&OCGS8, helehi, ‘You did.”

3. @an@e?, kelé, ‘He did.”

But in the spoken language these perhaps were found to

be a great encumberance, and a form 2668, karaawdé, has

come to be used in the present and future tenses without any

distinction as to number or person : and it is now necessary to

say OD 26680, mama karanawé, “I do 3” 61 MOGBAd,

% karanand, “he does 3? ©D OHO dM, mama heta kara-

nawd, “I will do to-morrow.” Sometimes 28, kardvi, and

SHH) 4,53, karanawa eti, are used. The past tense in the

‘

236 - JOURNAL R. A. S, (ceyLon). [Vol. VIL, Pt. III. —

colloquial is 29@9, kalé. This too having no inflections to shew

the number or person, the pronouns have to be prefixed :—9®

2@, mama kala, “I did”; €8 m@p, api kala, “we did” ;

2) M@, wu kala, “he did,” &. We have here both the inflec-

tional and analytical stages. Thus by classification Sinhalese

must be grouped under the Indo-Germanic family. “But,” it

is said “ classification is not in itself sufficient for purposes of

analysis” Let us therefore, look for other peculiarities. In

the Turanian group, it is said that nouns are not distinct from

verbs. In Sinhalese they are: 26, kara, ©, ya, @&, de, BS,

siti, &c..—are always verbs and never nouns ; nor could a noun

be converted into a verb except by the addition of a verb, as

S16n68, pelakarami, “I grow” ; €O@OS, diyaveyi, “it be-

comes liquid” ; &a@2ndS, diyakarami, “I liquify.”

Another characteristic of the Aryan language, says Mr.

Beames, is ‘that the noun possesses three numbers, singular,

dual and plural; and numerous cases each distinguished by a

peculiar and inseparable termination.”

We have in Sinhalese only the singular and the plural

numbers, the dual is lost, as in Hnglish. The case endings are

inseparable, that is to say, if separated from the stem, as ©, ta,

in ®O, mata, “to me,” they have no meaning in themselves, and

here the 9, fa, when separated has no meaning in itself.

We have the following terminations in nouns :—

Masculine

BHed, mints, “ Man,”

Singular Plaral

Nom. €3, d £9, hu

Ace. G9, G (Sah un

Inst. ¢9 (5823), a (visin) “Eo, (S853) un (vesin)

‘Aur.

‘Dat. 0, ata | C89, unta

Abl, - means, agen CDEOOS, ungen

Gen. q@cd, dgé CER, ungeé

Loe.

Toc. &, @, a, @ Ce, une

No. 25—1882.| SINHALESE AND ARYAN VERNACULARS, 237

Feminine,

Or. géni, “ Woman.”

>) (sine. Plur.

Nom. Ge, vo

Ace. S, / CD, Esy, un, an

Inst. CS, ESI, un, an

Aux.

GDY, ¢svo, unta, anta

‘ | CDOODM, ungen t

EDOOS, angen

as CHa ung é

Gen ao, geé ie om ee eat

Loe

Cosy, uné

Vet Ove. Va is st, pina

Neuter

ed, gas, ‘ Tree.”

Singular Plural

Nom. €, a

hee &, oe } same as stem.

Inst.

TAT gS), en QVEesy, valin

Dat. &2 ata VEY, valata

Abi Ss, en VES, valin

Gen. °

LOC), é Ve, ~—vaila

OC. a& 2E8, valani

_ The verb has three forms for the three persons and no

forms for the three genders. Thus :—G@9 Od, v yé, “he goes”

&, @dd, ¢ yé, “she goes”; SO Odd, newa yé, “the ship goes.”

“In the Aryan languages the personal terminations of the

verb are abraded pronouns, or rather pronominal types.” So

are they in Sinhalese.

In Prakrit the terminations are :—

Present Tense.

Singular.

1 G&G, mi as 8G, HY

2 83, Use as: enests,

3.9, 7+ aS Oa,

hasami, ‘1 smile

hasasi, ‘‘You smile”

hasai, ‘‘ He smiles ”’

Plural.

Os, ©} mo, mu, as HB®), hasimo, hasimu, “ We smile”

&, ha, as ee, hasaha, ‘‘ Yesmile’’

est, anti, as HHS, hasanti, “They smile”

Goo bo ee

s *.

238 JOURNAL R. A. S. (CEYLON.) (Vol. VAL., Pi. a

The terminations of the future tense are the same, with

@exs, issa, prefixed to them.

‘“ Another striking characteristic of this family,” says Mr. -

Beames, ‘‘is its power of expressing complicated ideas or strings

of ideas by compounds. Several words are joined together,

and the case and tense-endings are added to the last word only,

the first memher of the compound being either a preposition or

a noun, or even a verb. This power is not possessed by, other

families” This power the Sinhalese language possesses in a

preeminent degree, V® BS NO JI VES), Bamba suranaré

-namadit, given in the Sidat Sangara is a familiar example.

| I have here attempted to shew that most of the charac-

teristics of the Aryan languages do also apply to the modern

Sinhalese.

The following languages, as was said before, belong to the

Indic class of the Indo. Germanic family, Hinde Bengali,

Panjabi, Sindhi, Marathi, Gujarathi, Oriya, and Kashmiri.

Following Mr. Beames’ excellent work on the Philology of

these languages I shall endeavour to shew the connection of

Sinhalese with this family.

The numerals, says Mr. Beames, are those parts of speech

which retain their forms with the greatest tenacity, and offer

the most obvious similarities. Let us compare the Sinhalese

with the Indian vernacular numerals.

Sauskrit.

Prakrit.

Hindi.

Panja

Sindhi.

Gujarathi.

Marathi.

Oriya.

Bengali.

Sinhalese,

(Old).

Sighalese,

(Modern).

éha

divi

chalur

pancha |

shash

saplu

ashla

navan

dagan |

thadasa |

dwadasa |

trayodasa

chaturdasa

panchudava

sho(lasa |

sapladasa

ashtddasa

tinavinsali |

vinsali

trinsat |

chalwdrinsat

panchasat |

shashtt

saptali

asiti

navalt

sata

cha

duve

dwe

tint

chaturo

pancha

chha

satla

| altha

nave

dasa

ehidasi

dwadase

{ dwarasa

telasa

lerasa

( chuddasa

} choddasa

chotuddasa

pannarasa

| panchadasa

sdlasa

| sorasa

§ sattadasi.

( sattarasa

althadasa

| althdrasa

ehunavisali

pisali

tinsatt

chatldlisa

pannasa

salthi

sallali

| astle

nawuti

sata

ehha

linnt

chattart

pancha

chha

salta

altha

nad

dasa

edvaha

naraha

| téraha

| chauddaha

pamaralia

sdlaha

safluraha

attharaha

unavisai .

visat

lisa

challalisa

pannasd

salthi

saltari

asst

naue

sata

saya

tin

char

panch

chha

sat

ath

nau

das

igdraha

gydrah u

baruha

léraha

chaudaha

pandraha

solaha

saltaraha

athavaha

unisa

bisa

hot

lisa

chilisa

puchasa

sdtha

satlar

asst

nave

sat

nos

| ik

tinna

| char

pany

chhe

sat

ath

naun

das

giard

baram

téram

chauddam

pandaram

solam

satdram

atharvam

unniha

viha

tiha

chali

panjaha

satth

satlura

asst

nave

sav

sou

hiku

bba

chari

panja

chha

sata

atha

nanvan

daha

6 thavahum

DP uaraham

hiraham

téraham

choduham

{ pandraham

Upandhindm

sdraham

salraham

aduham

wntha

vila

irik

chaliha

panjaha

salhe

satant

ast

nave

sou

lana

char

panch

chha

sal

ath

nava

das

dgiar

bara

lera

chauda

pundara

sola

| salara

§ adhara

taurdadd

oganisi

visa

lisa

chalisa

pachasa

satha

siltera

ensi

nevult

cha

don

tina

char

panech

saha

| sat

nau

das

ahara

bara

tera

chauda

| pe ndhara

sola

salra

athard

chiinisa

visi

tsa

chalisa

| pannasa

sitha

satlara

| 5

enst

| navvuda

sén

sambhara

| cho

| dui

fant

chart

pancho

chho

shdlo

atho

noo

dosho

bara

tera

chauda

pandhara

| sdhala

Satara

athara

| wndis

hudie

trisa

| chalisa

pachisa

sdathie

satlirt

asi

nabe

sae

dui

tin

chart

panch

choi

sat

noy

das

egar

biro

lero

chaudda

ponera

shéla

saléra

ahira

mus

visa

tris

challisa

panechasa

sdetha

sullara

asi

nabbar

saya

eha

| § funa or

lle

pasa

sala

ata

nava

dasa

erw

| eholosa

bara

dolosa

teles

| lera

tudusa

panara

pasalos

solos

satalos

atulos

{ ehunvisi

UNULISE

§ vist

titis

sdlis

satalis

panasa

s@ta

selle

ash

ant

siya.

cha

tune

§ salara

t halaru

paha

hata

ata

§ nava

(nama

duha

eholaha

doluha

dahatuna

§ dasasalara

' dahahatara

§ pahalos

t pasalos

dahasaya

dahahata

dahaatu

dahanavaya

vist

tiha

hataliha

panaha

hela

hette

ast

ani

siya

No. 25—1882.] SINHALESE AND ARYAN VERNACULARS. 241

It will be perceived at a glance that the Sinhalese has

followed the Prakrit very closely with the exception of the

changes peculiar to the language.

In the Maldivian language the numerals are almost the

same as in the Sinhalese. The difference, as far as I am aware,

is that the progression in that language is by duodecimals instead

of decimals. They are eken, den, tinen, hataren, pahen, hayen,

haten, aren, nuven, dihen, ekolahen, dolahen. Here they stop and

for thirteen they have dolos eken, which means “twelve + one.”

This is continued up to “twenty-three” which is dolos ekolos,

and twenty-four is passthi : now passihi is evidently the same as

the Sinhalese 88, paswisi, which means “twenty-five.” They

proceed on with passihi eken, passihi den, &c., and their “ thirty-

six” is tindolos, (t. e., three twelves.) Their “forty-eight’’ is

panas, which is the Sinhalese for ‘“fifty;” their “sixty” is pasdolos,

(1. e., five twelves); ‘“ eighty-four” is hayidolos, (i. e, seven

twelves ; ‘ninety six” is hiya, which is the same as the Sin-

halese Soo, siya, “hundred.” The real “hundred,” however,

they call sata, which is the Pali form of the Sanskrit @dy, sata,

from which the Sinhalese 8@, siya, is derived through the

Prakrit saya, as we have seen.”

In the Drévidian group the Telugu and the Tamil, I

believe, stand foremost. The numerals in these two languages

ase) i

Telugu. Tamil.

1 see ondu Ae ee onru,

2 . rendu ae uM irandu.

3 wah mudu UBe bee mound.

4 ie naluqu he Si nalu.

5 She aidu ae suis aindu.

6 eat aru ae at aru.

7 we édu ahs waa élu.

& Ate enimidu sles vn ettu

9 ve tommidi abe She ompadu,

10 ae padi 550 sia patiu,

20 “ irUvar Bb mee wupadu.

30 ae muppar dale aie muppadu.

40 ciel ndlpata aes ue narpad.

%* Nore,— Maldive Numerals’’- -Hon. Sec.

249 JOURNAL R. A, 8. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIL, Pt. III.

Telugu.—(contd.) Tamil.—(contd. )

50 506 yabai ra aes 500 aimpadu. -

60 oe — aye ass _—

70 cae — ues at —

80 eee ~— she wet —

90 tee — siefe ae —

100 ae nure eve nes Nur.

These, it is obvious, have no relationship to the Sinhalese

- numerals.

Following the Prakrit the modern Aryan vernaculars of

India have avoided the ‘nexus’ or the combination of two or

more consonants without an intervening vowel, which is seen in

the Sinhalese too.

and sometimes to 3), ¢, and also to &, d,

The corruption fee gone so far as to change the &, s, to

&), h, and sometimes the / is dropped.

From the Sanskrit @am, sayyd, “ bed,” Prakrit Beet

sejjad, we get Sinhalese ¢7G, enda. By reducing the #3, s, into

to &, da, and to compensate for the loss of the conjunct con-

sonant, the vowel 7, ¢, is substituted. This is more apparent

when we compare the Sinhalese &2&, enda, with the old Hindi

sajya—the modern Hindi, Panjabi, and Sindhi being s¢j.

In Prakrit, which, as Professor Max Miiller says, is the

basis of all the Aryan vernaculars of India, consonants are

dropped in the middle of words ; as visat for vinsati, twenty. In .

Sinhalese the hiatus is always avoided by the coalition of the

and sometimes C, ra; 62935), ratana, “cubit,’ Sinhalese Sasp,

riyana ; Oess, kathayati, “he says,” Sinhalese o&, kiyayt.

We could never have such a combination of letters as the Prakrit

janavad, for the Sanskrit 62s, janapada, “community:” the

Sinhalese word is 63)®®, danavva. :

These are the main features of the language. Now com-

pare the Simhalese names for the members of the body with

those of the Aryan vernaculars of India,

No. 25—1882.] sSINHALESE AND ARYAN VERNACULARS. 243

Skr. n&, harna, “ear”; Pr. kanno, Pali zngPA, hanna,

Hindi kana, Panjabi khanna, Gujarathi, Marathi, Bengali and

Oriya, kdna, Sindhi kanu, Sinhalese a, kana.

Skr. 65%, danta, “tooth” ; Pali E3%y, danta ; H. ddnta ;

Skr. 26 kara, “hand”; Pali id.; Sind. karu ; H. and

the rest kara; old Sinhalese ad, kara.

Skr. S@Oo jilwwd, “tongue” ; H. jibha; P. G. M. id

jibha ; Sinhalese €&&, diva.

Skr. Qe, bdhu, “arm”; Pali id.; H. banha; P. S. id

G. banhi ; M. id.; B. and O. baha ; old Sinhalese Qo, ba, and

DI, bahu.

Skr. @z bhrvi, “eyebrow” ; Pali m@, bhamu; H. bhaun ;

P. bhaunha; 8. bhirun; O. bhuri; G. bhavun ; M. bahavat

and bhonvai ; Sin. Qz®, bema.

Skr. O&O, charmma, “skin”; Pali DOO chamma; H. chém a,

charma ; so in all; Sin. @®, sama, and thence &®, hama.

Skr. @a@@, késa, “hair” ; Pali@enes kesa; M. kesdlu ;

Sin. @zned, kes, and zn, he.

Skr. c98, dadhi, “beard” ; H. darhi ; Sin. ¢@, deli.

Skr. @28, akshi, “eye” ; Pali ¢O8, acchi; H. dkha, in

poetry amshi; P. akkha; G. akha; 8. akhi; Sin. &7%3, es ; old

Sin. ges, ak.

Skr. woes, janghd, “leg”; Pali toes, janghan, H. jangha ;

G.M.id., P. gangha ; 8. jangaha ; old Sin. 6@, danga : modern

Sin. ond kenda.

Skr. @&, garbha, “womb” ; Pali @&e, gabbha ; H. gara-

bha; BP. id., and gabbha; M. G. gabha; 8. gabhu, and

garabhu ; Sin. @7&, geba.

Skr. eedon, hasta, “hand” ; Pr. hattha ; M. hati; B. O.éd.:

Sin. ED, ata.

The following rules may ie deduced from the above and

other peculiarities of the language.

1. That pure Sinhalese retains all the Sanskrit vowels

except 9, 72, @, lr, OS, ai, Qa, au: xi becomes either &, a,

Q,%, or Gu, or QS, it, sometimes H, ru; as taya, “grass,” for

244 JOURNAL R. A. S. (cryton). [Vol. VIL., Pt. IIT.

° 6 / e : ae 3

trina, @&, idu, “straight,” for 9g, riju, GS), utu, “season,”

for 9%) ritu. G8, rusi, for 698, rishi.

2. @2®&, ai, becomes 2, e, as OME, hela, “mount,” for

GOCE, saila.

a. Sa, au. ore ®, 0, as OHIER, sodium, for M&92G

ox, das ya, “comely.”

4. A long vowel is generally shortened as &esi, ek, ‘one,’

for 2), cha ; GEIO EWS, solos, “sixteen,” for sédasa; Oa,

maga, ond for Qo8, marga ; ot 5, IsUru, “Jord” eer BELVO,

iswara.

d. The dental sibilent €3, s, represents the palatal and the

lingual ; as S&, visi, “twenty,” for SoS, vinsati ; 8,0, seta,

“sixty,” for 69, shashti ; 6, sa, “six” for €O, shash.

6. Aspirated consonants are reduced to their unaspirated

sounds, sometimes with @&, h, to compensate for the loss of the

aspirate ; as @®, bima, “land,” for *®, bhimi; SE&, vidi,

“manner,” for 88, vidhi; ¢&13>. dehena, “religious medita-

tion,” for Oa), dhyana.

to 3), ta; as OVO, satara, “four” for Das , chatur ; 88, pas,

“five” for 6®, paticha; OMDIE, goduru, “an object of sense”’, for

ODD, géchara ; DES, tudus, “fourteen,” for Danese, cha-

tuiddasa. The change of ®, cha, to €, sa, is not peculiar to the

Sinhalese alone : it is a feature of the Bengali and Marathi too.

Mr. Beames says, “In Eastern Bengal, where the pronuncia-

tion reaches the utmost limits of corruption, chha is regularly

sounded as s, and in that dialect of Bengal spoken in Assam,

not only has the s sound driven out the chha but also has in

many cases still further passed into 2.” So it is in Sinhalese ;

63G, sand, “moon,” from Sanskrit D2, chandra, is reduced to

cS, handa J Se) paticha, “five” is @€3, pasa, and reduced

further into ese, paha; 6, dasa, “ten” becomes 6&, daha.

This @ ha is sometimes still further reduced in Sinhalese,

by dropping it altogether and retaining only its inherent

No. 25—1882.] SINHALESE AND ARYAN VERNACULARS, 245

vowel, ¢. g., Sanskrit, @v~», sayyd, “bed” ; Prakrit, sea ;

. aes e

Sinhalese, #.¢ enda, the first form of which seems to have been

ox ~ ~

7G, senda, then 7G, henda, and now €(, enda.

8. &, ja, is often changed to &, da; as @e, laja, “parched

grain,” Sinhalese, @ce, lada; he, jala, “net,” Sinhalese, ge,

dela. |

9. The Sanskrit conjunct consonant «, gia, is changed in

Pali to «x, fa, which is changed in Sinhalese to 3), n; as & =),

giana “wisdom,” Pali, 42, , Hana, Sinhalese, 237 >, nena, 6&8,

Sinhalese adopts it, e.g., ODIO, solos, “sixteen,” for OZID)A,

@@oss, atalos, “eighteen,” for ¢ 20268, atthdrasa. Sinhalese

zneQo, kakulu, “ crab.’

11. Prdakrit Gn which is included Pali) always reduces

conjunct consonants of different classes to one class: this is

done by eliding one and doubling the other ; @®, dharma,

“scriptures,” is written @<, dhamma; GO, aswa, “horse”

is written 6x5, assa ; CEH, mudga, “kidney beans,” is YOO,

mugga; 453, punya, “merit,” is punna, in Prakrit, and Gaga,

puna in Pali; Das, matsya, “fish,” is written D2x¢, machchha.

The Sinhalese still further reduces these to single consonants by

eliding one of them ; as @, dam, or 6@®, daham, “scriptures” ;

&¢t3, as, “horse;” Qe, mung, “kidney beans;” 853, pin, “merits”

@eg, masu, “fish.”

12. In Prakrit, consonants are elided in the middle or end

of words, and sometimes in the beginning also ; but in Sinhalese

the hiatus thus occurring is avoided either by the coalition of the

@@Ias, traildkya, “ the three worlds,’ is in Prakrit

teloa, but in Sinhalese we find B@G@2, tilova. Here we have

the Sanskrit nabhastala, “sky,” we find in Prakrit nahaala, where

both the } and the nexus st are lost. The Sinhalese avoids the

NX aA : < . ey SOneea

246 JOURNAL R. A. 8. (CEYLON). [ Vol. VIL., Pt. III.

aspirate eliding the first letter of the conjunct consonant,

and we get Q20@, nubatala. Prakrit, naa, “ nine,’

Sinhalese, 32 nava; Prakrit, visai, “twenty,” Sighalese, 5&,

VISt.

13. The Sinhalese sound 7, ¢, comes into play when a

long @, a, or ,® é, is shortened, or a nexus preceded by &, a, is

elided, e. g., MGI, adshddha, “name of a month (June and

July),” €186, esala; OxEa0, makshikd, “fly,’ O78, mesi;

MAHos, hustin, “elephant,” €,o), et ; 69, shashti, “ sixty”

79, heta. It is also a substitute for &, e, as velli, “creeper”

Sinhalese ®z *, vel. Though in Bengali and other vernaculars

of India there is no letter corresponding to the Sinhalese @, e,

yet Mr. Beames says: —“ In some instances in Bengali the vowel

Thus ek, ‘fone,’ sounds yak or ack.” This is just what the Sinha-

lese @7, ¢, 1s: the vowel changes entirely depend upon the

preceding or succeeding vowels of a word.

The foilowing examples will shew that a large number of

words with slight modifications, is commun to all. I work on

the materials supplied by Beames.

Skr.* karkataka “ crab ;’ Pali, kakkata ; S. kankido ; H.

kekara ; Sin. kakulu, “ sea crab.”

Skr. karkatika ; “ cucumber ;’ Pa. kakkari; 8. kakidt;

H. kakadi ; O., B. kakudi ; Sin. kekiri.

Skr. karbura, ‘“ variegated ;” 8. kubiro ; H. kabard, kaba-

ra; Sin. kabara.

Skr. kshana ; ‘“‘ moment ;’ 8. khina; H. khana, khana,

chhana; Sin. kena, sena. Here kena comes by the elision of the

lingual sh, and sena by eliding the & and dentalizing the

lingual sh.

Skr. kshama, “ pardon ;’ 8S. khima ; H. chhamd, khima ;

P. chhima ; Sin. kama, sama.

Skr. vanka, “crooked ;’ 8. vingu; H. banka, banka ;

* S. stands for Sindhi; B. Bengali; H. Hindi; O. Oriya; P. Pan-

jabi; M. Mcharathi ; G. Gajurathi ; Sin. Sinhalese; Pr. Prakrit; Pa.

Pali; Skr. Sanskrit.

No. 25—1882.] sINHALESE AND ARYAN VERNACULARS, 247

Skr. pushkara, “tank ;’ Pa, pokkharani; B. pukhura ; H.

pokkara ; Sin. pokuna, pokuru.

Skr. vatsa, “calf;’ Pa. vaccha ; B. bachura ; O. bachhuri ;

H. bachharu, bachhada ; Sin. vassg, adjectively, vahu. /

Skr, vangana, ‘“brinjal ;” Pa. vatingana ; B. baguna ; H.

baigana ; Sin. van, as in vanbatu, which latter word is from

bhauta, solenum melongena.

Skr. udumbara, “ fig tree ;’ B. dumura ; Sin. dibul.

Skr. mushala, “pestle ;’ B. mushula ; Sin. mohola, mola.

Skr. aushadha, “ medicine ;” B. ashud ; Sin. osu.

Skr. anguli, “finger ;’ H. ungali; P. unguli ; Sin. engill.

Skr. chakshu, ‘eye ;” B. choukha ; choha ; Sin. (old) sak.

Side bimdue drop: kl. bunda, bunda; MP. G.1d. 3 Ss

bundo, biinda ; Sin. bindu.

Skr. ikshu, “sugarcane ;” Pa. ikka, uchchhu ; Pr. uchehhu,

H. uk ; Sin. uk, (old) ik.

Dkr. sayva, — bed, Pr. sey; H.-sey: B.S: 2do; GoM

sey Os, El sajya > Sim. enda.

Skr: valli, “creeper ;” Pr. velli ; H bel, beli; P., S,, G.O;

beli; Sin. vel.

Skr. badhira, “deaf ;”’ P., H. bahira ; G. behero ; Sin.

bihira, bird.

Skr. samaya, “time ;” H. same; Sim. same, hama, ama.

pike, Kadali)\“lantaim ;” “HP. kéla ; M.,.G., kél ; Sim:

kehel, kesel.

Se wdyut... Wohtmme, sl bial; BM. Gee

O. bijyuli ; Sin, viduli, vidili.

S., H. balu ; Sin. veli.

Sick. paniva, water; lr.| panians; H., 5. M. G., P=.)

Skr. alika, “false ;” Pr. alian ; H. alika; Sin. ali, as in ali-

boru, literally “a false lie.”

Skr. kachchapa, “ tortoise 7’ H., P, kchhua ; 8. kachhup ;

~B. kachhima; Sin. (old) kesup, (modern) kesbe.

7 okr. kuddala, hoes) S. kodari ; G, kodaro ; B. koddla ;

O. koda ; Sin. udalu. Here the & is dropped altogether.

248 JOURNAL R. A. S,(cHYLON). [Vol. VIL, Pt. 111.

Skr. prishta, “back ;” H., B. pitha; O. pithi ; P. pittha; G.

pitha ; Sin. pita.

skr. mritti, “earth :’s M.cmati; “Bi G., O; aati > 2.

mitti, matti, mati ; Sin. meti.

Skripitri, “father ;” Pr. pid ; Pe piu’ 3S. piu Sime plya.

Skr. matri, “mother ;’ Pr. mda; P. mau; 8. mau; Sin.

mavu.

Skr. bhrdtri, “ brother ;” Pr. bhaa ;. P. bhan ;-8. bhau,

Sin. (old) bé.

Skr..mrita, “-dead-;”. Pr. madoé,mao, mues.Hemaua; bP:

muid ;S. mud; G. muvun ; M. mele ; O. mala ; Sin. mala.

Skr. bhakta, ‘ devotedness ;” H., and the rest, bhagata ;

Sin. bett.

Skr. rakta, “red ;’ Pr. ratta; H., and .the.rest, ragata,

rakata ; Sin, rat, ratu, reti.

Skr. dharma, “religion ;” H., and the rest, dharama ; Sin.

dam, daham, daruma.

Skr, stri, “ woman ;” 8. tiriya; P. tiraya; O. tiri, vulgo

tila ; Sin. (old) itu, itiri, vulgo, istiri.

Skr. eranda, “castor-oil plant ;’ H. rendi; Sin. endaru,

erandu.

Skr. nidra, “sleep ;” H. ninda ; M. nida, ntja ; P. ninda;

S. ninda; Sin. ninda.

Skr. chdya, “ shadow;” Pr. chad; H., P. id.,cha; 8. chan-

va, chan; Sin. (old) seya, (modern) he, as in hémalaya, “shadow

of one’s self ;” sevana, hevana, “ shadow.”

Skr. sphatika, “ chrystal;” H. phitakari ; M. phataki; S.

phitaki ; O., P., G., B. phatakari ; Sin. palingu.

Skr. swapanan, “sleeping ;” Pr. sivinnd, sivind ; Pa. su-

pind, “dreaming ;” H. sona; P. soand; S. sumhanu; G. suvan;

B. soite ; O. goiba ; Sin. hina, “ dream.”

It is obvious that the Sinhalese comes from the Prakrit

sivino, by the elision of the semi-vowelv. The coalision of the

two sunilar vowels would make it, sina: s as has been already

remarked changes into h, and we get hina.

Skr.. Pa. vapanan, “sowme ;’ 1. bona; 3. bana; 0:

boiba : Sim. vapura.

No. 25—1882.] sINHALESE AND ARYAN VERNACULARS. 24.9

Skr. sapatha, ‘“ oath,” “curse ;’ Pr. savaho; H. soyha ;

P. sohun; S. sunhun; Sin. hava,—the anga or stem in havam

now obsolete.

Sica kaparda. = cowie; Ee kaudi ; MEG. Bs-s., O:

kavadi ; Sin. kavadi. |

Skr. tapa, “heat ;” H., and the rest, tava, tau ; Sin.

tava, the stem in the verb tavam.

Skr. ndrikela, “cocoanut ;” Pr. nari elo ; H. nariyala; M.

ndrala ; P. narélu, naléru; 8. narele; G. nairu ; Sin. (old)

neralu.

Skr. nagara, “ city ;:

nayari ; Sin. nuvara. ;

Skr. sugandha, “fragrant ;” Pr. suandha; H., P. saundhd ;

Sin. suvanda.

Skn sucht needle > Pr. H., Pesur: 8:7 MM. GY soya ;

O., B. séed ; Sin. idi. Herethe S ch has changed into & d, and

by the influence of the vowel @ i, © wu, has changed into 9 1,

and & s, has become & A, and dropped. See Beames Vol, 1,

§ 34.

Skiataa, king ;) Erorda >, A. rau; im the aesu, race

Sin. rada, raja .

_ Skr khadanan, “ eating ;’ Pr. khdanam; H. khand ; P.

kabnd; S. khainu; M. khaney; G. khavuy; O. khdiba; B. khdité;

Sin. kana.

Skr. pipasa “thirsty ;” H., and the rest, piyasa; Sin. (old)

pavas, (modern) pipdsa, vulgo tibaha. Here is an instance of p

changing to ¢: the only other instance | have noticed is where

pippali, “ long pepper,” becomes tippli ; but the Sinhalese word

tippli comes from the Tamil, as most of the names of medicinal

drugs coming from the southern coast of India. The old

Pr. naari, nayari; H. naira; G.

Ae ot ) ) 3

Sinhalese word found in books is vagapul.

Skr. prapana, “ getting ;” H. pdud, pdund; P. pdund; 8.

painu; G. panavun ; M. pavanen; B. pdite; O. paiba ;

Sin. pamuna ; “arriving.” Here the p has as usual changed

into v, and thence to m, as in nava, “nine ; Sin. nama.” —

Skr. kapota; H. kapot; Sin. kebeyiya; ‘‘ wild dove.”

250 JOURNAL R. A. 8. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIL. Pt. III.

Skr. kumbhakara, “ potter ;’ H. kumhdr; Sin. kubal.

Skr. sttkara, “pig ;” H. star; Sin. (old) hurd, (modern)

ura.

Skr. karpasa, “ cotton ;” §. kapaha, kapaha; P. kapdh; O.

kapa ; Sin. kapu

Skr. mukha, “face ;” Pr., H. muyha ; P. muhuy, muyhu ;

S$. munhun Sin. muva, muna.

Skr.; sithila, “loose ;” Pr. sidhilo ; Hy, M., G2 dhila ;

Pdhilla’; S: dhiro ;B-.,.O,;dhila\;;Sin, thin, la:

These may be extended to any length.

It was my intention to add to this a few remarks on the

pronouns, the case endings, verbs and their terminations and the

_ particles which are called the “sinews and ligaments” of lan-

guage, but this paper has extended to a greater length than was

originally intended, and I reserve my remarks on them for

another paper,

a nena aae a

No. 25—1882.] SIYHALESE AND ARYAN VERNACULARS. 251

NOTEH.*

Maldive Numerals.

‘¢ The inconvenient duodecimal mode of numeration was for-

merly exclusively used by the Maldivians—the numerals from

1 to 12 being almost identical with the Sinhalese ; but, though

still in vogue here and there, it is gradually dying out, and rarely

employed in business calculations. Beyond 10 a modified form

of the Hindustani decimal numeration is that in common use.

Some confusion, however, arises from the co-existence of the

two systems ; thus, fanas or fansds may be either 48 or 50 3 hiya

or satéka,-96 or 100.” (“The Maldive Islands,’ Sessional —

Papers, Ceylon, 1881,.p. 121.) )

: Mr. Albert Gray in giving the Maidive numerals recorded

by Pyrard with their Sinhalese equivalents, adds in a foot

note :—“ After this number Pyrard has the following :—‘ Note

that they have the numbers up to twelve (as.we have them

up to ten): then they go on by twelves, and their hundred

is 96, or eight times 12. It will be seen by the numbers

which follow that those only which are correct according to

Sinhalese enumeration are compounds of dolos, viz., tin dolos,

passedolos, and addolos. They are simply, ‘three dozen’, ‘five

dozen, and ‘seven dozen.’ On the other hand, those which

are not compounds of dolos are altered values of the ordinary

‘Sinhalese decimal numbers. Yet it is strange that Pyrard could

make mistakes with numbers so low as ‘ twenty-four’ and ‘ forty-

‘eight’ which by analogy ought to be dedolos and havadolos......

It seems that the Maldivians count much by dozens ; indeed,

Christopher (Trans. Bom, Geog. Soc. 1836-8, p, 69) says,

—

“Mr. Ranasinha’s paragraph (p. 241) on Maldive numerals justifies

this note.—B. Hon. Sec.

252 JOURNAL R, A. 8. (cuynon.) [Vol. VIL., Pt. IIL

_ ‘they reckon by twelves, as we do by tens ; but they have not

abandoned altogether the decimal system. If, however, passee

and panas really stand for ‘twenty-four’ and ‘forty-eight,’ it

will be interesting to know the Maldive for ‘twenty’ and

potty. (Journ, KR, AS, Vol. vin: ats: 1878) p. tea)

Mr. Ranasinha has rightly shown, from a comparison with

_ the Sinhalese, the true meaning and value of the forms, fassehi,

fanas, and hiya ; but it is difficult to account for the anomaly of

their employment in a duo-decimal system, otherwise than as

relics of an original decimal numeration, which, from unknown

causes, was temporarily abandoned, only to reassert itself, though

under a different garb more closely resembling other Aryan

-vernaculars than Sinhalese.

The following table of Maldive numerals exhibits both

systems :— |

}

- No. 25—1882.] SINHALESE AND ARYAN VERNACULARS. 253

MALDIVE NUMERALS.

Duo-decimal. Decimal.t

1 eke’ i

2 de’ |

3 | tine’ |

4 hatare’

5 | fahe’ 7

6 | haye’ Gees

7 hate’

8 arhe’

9 | nuvaye’

10 | dihaye’ 5)

11 ekolohe’ egara

12 dolohe’ bara

13 dolos-eke’ téra

14 | ) sauda

15 fanara

= 16.| | séla

EZ | satara

18 arbara

ight ees onaribe

20 | vibi

Dalieatei! eka= )

D2e ba- |

Dye) ites té- + vis

94 | fassehi Ho tSantt= cc

25 | . fassehi-eke’ fansa- J

26 |) sab-bis

| hata- I vi

98 | | arha- 2

29 | ona-tiris

30 tiris

ol r Oe et- i)

32 | | bat- |

Ber || tet- |

34 SAU es

35 fansa- aes

36 tin-dolos sa-

37 | tin-dolos-eke’ satu - |

38 | | arhu- |

39 ona-salis

40 | sdlis

ek-alis

| A ba-

r KE., We ee

| saura- }yalis

| fansa- |

sa-

J hat-dlis

7 Transcribed from a list given in a MAldive tartib, or commentary

on the kuran.—B. Hon. Sec.

. 48

JOURNAL KR. A. S. (crvton.) : | Vol. Vi Pt. LI.

Duo-decimal.

fanas

fanas-cke’

fanas-dé’

fas-dolos

fas-dolos-eke’

Lo ee

)

fahiti

fahiti-eke’

| &G.,

had-dolos

had-dolos-eke’

hiya

% —

Decimal.

arh-alis

ona-fansas

fansas

ek4-

ba- |

té-

saura-

fansa-

Sa-

satu- |

arhu- |

ona-hatti

hatti

eka-hatti

}vanna

le,

ona-hattiri

hattiri

ekah ittiri

;

&E.,

(ae

ona-ahi

abi

ek-ahi

ba- a)

té- |

saura- yah

fansa- |

sa- ae

sat-ahi

arh-ahi

o-navai

naval

—eka- |

baya-

teya-

sauraya-

fansaya-

saya-

sata-

arha- J

ona-satta

satéka

\ naval

Rea.

SCA tS _ FS RT er I Pt BRE Te “2

——

PA FOO He Le.

JOURNAL

OF THE

CEYLON BRANCH

OF THE

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

JES eee

EXTRA No.

EDITED BY THE HONORARY SECRETARY.

_ “ The design of the Society is'to institute and promote enquiries into the

: History, Religion, Literature, Arts, and Social Condition of the

present and former Inhabitants of the Island, with its

pes St Dy

3 I> . one hn

JAMES DUNOAMCAUANEPBELL, PRINTER.

COLOMBO:

—_—

183838..

JOURNAL

OF THE

CHYLON BRANCH

OF THE

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

1So2.

EXTRA N2

EDITED BY THE HONORARY SECRETARY,

‘“ The design of the Society is to institute and promote enquiries into the

History, Religion, Literature, Arts, and Social Condition of the

present and former Inhabitants of the Island, with its

Geology, Mineralogy, its Climate and Meteorology,

its Botany and Zoology. ”

-JAMES DUNCAN CAMPBELL, PRINTER,

COLOMBO:

1883.

NOTE.

Italics in the text denote the spelling of the French editors:

an parentheses, their supplementary explanations. Words and

paragraphs within brackets are additions by the translator ; as

also all foot-notes, except those followed by the initial “ B,” for

the insertion of which the Honorary Secretary is responsible.

Errata.

Page 2, 8 lines from bottom, for ‘Burckhart’ read ‘ Burckhardt.’

» 7¢, note f delete ‘valu.’

Pome 5 | for ‘ Hadegiri’ read ‘ Hadégiri.’

t for ‘kaptaje read ‘ kaptage.’

» 12, » b- Jor ‘fattarw read * fatiaru.’

SG * for ‘ Yisup’ read ‘ Visuf.’

for ‘ Tabry’ read ‘ Tabriz.’

» 19, , £ for‘ Mafav read ‘ Mafai

Sitar A » Jor 'Maahv read ‘ Maha

Agni ns * for ‘ kidella’ read ‘ kudella.’

Ne D Dees for ‘ Atkalandjeh’ read ‘ Atkalendjeh.

Bah Hana * for ‘ Dinéwar’ read ‘ Dinéwer.’

- ROYAL ASTATIC SOCIETY

CEYLON BRANCH.

IBN BATU’TA

IN.

THE MA’LDIVES AND CEYLON.

——————

[Translated from the French of AL. M. Defrémery and

Sanguinetti, by ALBERT GRAY, M.R.A.S., lute of the

Ceylon Civil Service.|- |

INTRODUCTION.

THe wonderful travels of Ibn Battita are a record alike

of the commercial activity of the Arabs, and of the far-reaching

power of the Bagdad caliphate, whose influence long survived

its overthrow. From the swift rise of the Muhammadan power

- in the seventh century down to the arrival of Vasco di Gama at

Calicut in 1498, the trade of Hurope with the [ast was in the

hands of the Arabs. ‘The carrying to Kurope was done by their

ships, but in the Indian seas a vast coast trade was developed

by ail the nations of the Indian sea-bord—Persians, the races

of India, Ceylon, the Eastern Islands and China. After the

rounding of the Cape followed in succession the restrictive

monopolies of the Portuguese, Dutch, and English, and the

Eastern nations have never regained the great and free inter-

national commerce of the Arab days.

From the story of Ibn Battita, one comes to understand

how it was possible for a native of Tangiers in the fourteenth

century to travel, with but little difficulty, for twenty-four years

over every country between Morocco and China. The Muham-

madan faith had been spread over a great part of India, and had

established a footing in China: Arab merchants were every-

where: and ships were never long m demand for voyages from

any one port to any other.

2 JOURNAL R, A. S.. CEYLON. [EXTRA NO.

Ibn Batita was born at Tangiers in 1304, and died at Fez

1377-8. The following summary of his travels of twenty-four

years (1325 to 1349) is given by Dr. Birdwood of the India

Office. From Tangiers he travelled across Africa to Alex-

andria, and in Palestine, Syria, and Arabia : down the east coast

of Africa to Quilon: across the Indian Ocean to Muscat, Ormuz,

Kish, Bahrein and El Catif: through Central Arabia to Mecca

and Jeddah: and again in Egypt and Asia Minor, and across the

Black Sea to Caffa or Theodosia, and by Azov or Tana ‘on

past the hills of the Russians’ to Bolgar on the Volga—but

not daring to penetrate further northwards into ‘the land of

Darkness.’ Returning south to Haj-Tarkhan (Astrakhan) he

proceeded in the suite of the wife of the Khan of Kinchah, the

daughter of the Greek Emperor Andronicus, westward to Soidaia

and Constantiniah (Constantinople), whence returning to Bolgar

he travelled on eastward to Bokhara, and through Khorassan to

Cabul, Multan, and Delhi where he remained eight years (1334-

42). Being sent on an embassy to China he embarked at Kin-

baiat (Cambay), and after many adventures at Calicut (where he

was honorably received by the ‘Samar?’ or Zamorin) and Huna-

war (Onore), and in the Maldive Islands (beginning of 1343—

August, 1344) and Ceylon and Bengal, he at last took his pas-

sage toward China in a junk bound for Java, as he calls it, but

im fact Sumatra. Returning from China, he sailed direct from

the coast of Malabar to Muscat and Ormuz: and travelling by

Shiraz, Bagdad, Jerusalem, Damascus and for the fourth time to

Mecca, Egypt, Tunis, at last reached Fez again, after an absence

of half his life-time. ‘Subsequently he spent six years in Spain and

Central Africa, where he was the guest of the brother of a country-

man of his own from Ceutra, whose guest he had been in China.

«* Whatan enormous distance lay between these two !” he exclaims.

The first detailed account of his book was published in Hurope

only in 1808. Moura in 1845 commenced a translation in Portu-

guese of a copy obtained at Fez at the end of last century. The

abridgment translated by Lee was brought from the east by Burck-

hart. It was not till the French conquest of Algeria that the

best and completest texts were obtained. Jive are in the Im-

perial Library at Paris, only two of which are perfect. From

these M. M. Defrémery and Sanguinetti made their translation

for the Societé Asiatique : and it is from their version that the

present account of the Maldives and Ceylon visit has been extract-

ed, His description of the Maldives is the most interesting and

complete in existence, excepting only that of Pyrard de Laval.

1882, | IBN BATUTA IN THE MALDIVES AND CEYLON, D

IBN BATUTA

THE MALDIVES AND CEYLON.*

I RESOLVED to go tothe Dhibat Almahal (the Maldives) of which

I had heard much. Ten days after we had embarked at Calicut

we arrived at the Dhibat Almahal islands. Dhibat is pronounced

as the feminine of Dhib (Arabic for “wolf” : it is really an alter-

ation of the Sanskrit douipa, “ island’). These islands are among

the wonders of the world : they number about 2,000. A hundred

or less of these islands lie together in a circle in the form of a ring:

the group has an entrance as to a harbour, and ships get through

by that alone. When a ship arrives near one of these islands

it must of necessity have a pilot from among its natives, so that

it may reach the other islands under his guidance, They are so

close to each other that the tops of the palms which grow on one

seem to belong to its neighbour.t If the vessel misses its way

it cannot reach the islands, and is driven by the wind to Ma’bar

(coast of Coromandel) or towards Ceylon.

* Voyages d’Ibn Batoutah, par C. Defrémery et Le Dr. B. R. Sanguinetti,

Tome IV., 110-185, 191-2, 205-6, 207-10. Paris, 1879.

+ See Gray, J. R. A.S., 1878, Vol. X. N. s., pp. 196-7, notes 2,3; and

“The Maldive Islands” (Ceylon Sessional Papers, 1881), pp. 3, 4, 5, Notes (1)

(6)—B.

+ So too more recent travellers :—“ The Malabares say that heretofore they

were joyn’d to the Continent, and were separated by the sea, which in some

places hath left such narrow divisions that an active man might leap from one

side to the other’ (Mandelso’s Travels into the Indies, 1639. Lib. II. 116. London,

1662). ‘ But that which makes them so numerous is the multitude of canals that

divide them ; which are so narrow that the sprit-sails of the ships strike the

leaves of the trees which are planted on both sides. And in some places a

nimble man may leap into an island from the top of a bough that grows in

another.”—( Collection of Voyages of the Dutch East-India Company, p, 131,

‘London, 1703)—J.,

4 JOURNAL R. A. 8. CEYLON. . + [EXTRA NO.

All the inhabitants of these islands are Musalmdns, pious

and honest people. They are divided into regions or zones, each

of which is ruled by a governor called Cordoitty. Among these

zones the following are distinguished: (1) the zone of Péh-

pour ; (2) Cannalois; (3) Mahal, the province after which all the

islands are called, and at which their sovereigns reside ; (4) Téld-

dib; (5) Cardidou ; (6) Teim ; (7) Télédomméty ; (8) Helédommeéty,

the name differing from the preceding only by having its

first letter an h: (9) Béreidod ; (10) Candacal ; (11) Molodc; (12)

Souweid. The last is the most distant of all.* All the Mal-

dive islands are destitute of grain, except that im the province

* The French editors identify these names with those given by Pyrard as

follows:—“ Palipour—‘ Padypolo’: Mahal—‘Malé’: Cardidot— Caridouw’: Télé-

domméty—‘ Tilla dou matis’: Hélédomméty—‘ Milla doue madoue’: Béreidow

——‘ Poulisdous’: Molotic—‘ Molucque’: Souweid—‘ Souadou.’ The Cannalois

of Ibn Batuta, they add, is perhaps the ‘Collomadous’ of Pyrard, or, as

Horsburgh writes it, ‘Colomandous.

[‘‘The majority of the above ‘are easily recognisable,’ but five (viz.,

Cannalots, Téladib, Teim, Hélédomméty, and Candacal) present more diffi-

culty,—-some, indeed, being shaped, more Arabico, out of all but unsatisfactory

conjectural recognition.

“As regards Hélédommety, the French translators would appear to be at

fault. It may perhaps with more reason be taken as equivalent to Hela-

du(m)-matt (8. hela, ‘ white,’ or even sela, = Jav. sela, ‘rock’ + dava, ‘island’

matu-pita, ‘above’) passing by contraction into Had-dummati. Addi may

similarly be a contracted form of Hela-dé or Hulu-du—the name of one of the

islands in that Atol.

“If it be open to question the orthography of the MS. and, supposing an

error of the copyist, read Nélddib for Télddib—i and » are not unlike in

Arabic—it can be at once fitted to Nilandu Atol. Even accepting the received

form as correct, the identification may possibly be not considered too far-

fetched. Cf. Tojaree = ? Nausdri ; Accaneeand Kaluftee islands’ (Lakkadive

group) = Aucutta, Kalpeni. Adm. Chart. (Col. Yule in Indian Antiquary,

Vol. III., pp. 212-4 on “‘ Names in the Tohfat-al Majahidin.”’).....

“To attempt to twist the rest into probable coincidence Sie the modern

names of the remaining Atols seems hopeless. But the identification of Carai-

dot with Caridou (Kaharidi)—if accepted—suggests a likely clue to their

origin. Admitting that this island—now-a-days of comparative insignificance

1882. | IBN BATUTA IN THE MALDIVES AND CHYLON, hy

of Sowweid there is a cereal like the anly (a hind of millet) which

is brought thence to Mahal.* The food of the natives consists of

a fish like the dyroun, which they call koulb almds. Its flesh is

red: it has no grease, but its smell resembles that of mutton.

When caught at the fishing, each fish is cut up into four pieces,

and then slightly cooked: it is then placed in baskets of coco

Jeaves and suspended in smoke. Ii is eaten when perfectly dry.

From this country it is exported to India, China and Yaman.

It is called houlb almdst (cobolly masse, i.e., “ black fish” accord-

ing to Pyrard, Part 1, p. 210, 214.)

—was of suflicient importance in the 14th century to be classed as a ‘ province’,

it is not improbable that other islands would have been taken as representative

of whole groups or Atols.

“ Télddib, if not Nilandu, might then be Toddu, on the analogy of Had-

dummati from Heélédomméty : Cannalois—Kinalos, ‘Kenoorus,’ Admiralty

Chart, (Malosmadulu Atol) : Candacal—Kedikolu, ‘Waindecolu,’ Admiralty

Chart, (Miladummadulu Atol. Cannalots and Teim should lie North of Male.

Ibn Battta, crossing from the Malabar coast, landed first at the former, ‘an

island fair to behold, where there are many mosques,’ and touched later at

Leim ‘ after four days’ cruise’ when bound for Mahal (Malé).”—( The Maldive

Islands, p. 18, Note (1), Ceylon Sessional Papers, 1881.)

Colone! Yule and Mr. Gray identify Teim with Utimu (Admiralty Chart,

Oteeim) near north end of Tiladummati Atol. ‘ Cannalous, Candecal and

Otimo appear in the oldest European maps’’—B.]°

* Hither the fine grain known to the Sinhalese as (i.) tana hal (Setaria

Ttalica), M. ura (Pyrard, owra), or (ii.) menéri (Panicum miliaceum), M. kudi-

bai—both of which are found on the Southern Atols. Some nacheri or kwrak-

kan (Cynosurus corocanus), M. bimbi (Pyrard, bimby), is grown on the Northern

Atols—B.

+ Koulb almds :—Pyrard has cobolly masse (Pyrard, third edition, 1619,

p. 210), and combolly masse (p. 214), and says the words mean “ black fish.”

See also Pridham ‘Ceylon’, p. 605. The Sinhalese call it wnbalakada. [See

“Note on Fish-curing at the Maldives” (Ind. Ant., July, 1882, Vol, XI.,

pp. 196-8):—“The real ‘Maldive fish’ (M. kalubil mas, vulgarly komboli mas),

S. umbala kada) of the Ceylon and Indian markets are chiefly bonito (S. balayd)

—Scomber Pelamis, Linn.” Kalubilixkalu, ‘black’ : bik (8. balaya,) ‘ bonito.’

—B.]

6 JOURNAL B.-A, S) CHYLON: [EXTRA NO.

Tor TREES oF THE MALDIVES.

Most of the trees on these islands are coconuts: they fur-

nish the food of the inhabitants along with the fish, of which

mention has been made. The nature of the coconut is marvel-

lous. One of these palms produces each year twelve crops, one

a month. Some are small, others large : many are dry [ yellow |,

the rest are green and remain always so. Irom the fruit is

obtained milk, oil, and honey, as we have said in the first part

of this book. With the honey is made pastry, which they eat

with the dried coconut. All the food made from the coconut,

and the fish eaten at the same time effect an extraordinary and

unequalled vigor in manhood. * . . ‘

Among the remarkable trees of these islands are the tchou-

motin (Lugenta Jambu) the lemon, the lime and the colocasia.

From the root of the last named, the natives prepare a flour with

milk ; itis one of the most agreeable dishes in the world. I had

a great taste for it and ate it often. *

Or THE INHABITANTS OF THESE ISLANDS AND SOME OF

THEIR CUSTOMS: DESCRIPTION OF THEIR DWELLINGS.

The inhabitants of the Maldive islands are honest and picus

people, sincere in good faith and of a strong will: they eat only

what is lawful, and their prayers are granted. When one of

them meets another, he says “God is my lord: Muhammad is

my prophet: I am a poor ignorant being.” In body they are

weak and have no aptitude for combat or for war, and their arms

* “The island [Male] produces ......... a bulb in shape and appearance

much resembling an ordinary potatoe, but having a pungent flavor. This

the natives grate down, and steep in water for some time to deprive it of

the unpleasant taste, and dry it afterwards, when it looks very much like

flour, and is very palatable” (Christopher and Young in Trans. Bombay, Geo-

graphical Society, 1836-38, p. 80). Without doubt the yam called by Maldivi-

ans hittala (Pyrard, itelpoul, “an edible root which grows in abundance, round

and large as the two fists’) and probably identical with the hiritala (Dioscorea

oppositifolia) of the Sighalese—B.

1882. | IBN BATUTA IN THE MALDIVES AND CHYLON, y

are prayers, One day in this country, I ordered the right hand of a .

robber to be cut of ; upon which many of the natives in the hall

of audience fainted away. The Indian pirates do not attack

them, and cause them no alarm, for they have found that whoever

takes anything of theirs is struck with a sudden calamity. When a

hostile fleet comes to their shores, they seize what strangers they

find, but do no harm to the natives. If an idolater appropriates

anything, if it be but a lime, the chief of the idolaters punishes

him and beats him severely, so much does he fear the results of

such an action. Were it otherwise, certainly these people would

be a most contemptible foe in the eyes of their enemies, because

of the weakness of their bodies. In each of their islands there

are fine mosques, and most of their buildings are of wood.

The islanders are good people: they abstain from what is

foul, and most of them bathe twice a day, and properly too, on

account of the extreme heat of the climate and the abundance

of perspiration. They use a large quantity of scented oils, such

as sandal-wood oil, &c., and they anoint themselves with musk

from Makdachaou.* Itis one of their customs, when they have

said the morning prayer, for every woman to go to meet her

husband or son with the collyrium box, rose-water and musk oil.

He smears: his eye-lashes with collyrium, and rubs himself with

rose-water and musk oil, and so polishes the skin and removes

from his face all trace of fatigue.

The clothing of these people consists of cloths. They wrap

one round their loins in place of drawers, while on their backs

they wear the stuffs called alowilydn | which resemble the thrdm

* Makdachaou :—? Madagascar. [Rather Jfagadoxo on the Zanzibar coast,

which Ibn Batuta had visited (Tome II., 181.) ‘“ After leaving Zaila we sailed

onthe sea for fifteen days, and arrived at Makdachaow an extremely large

town.’’--See Yule’s Marco Polo. Vol. II., p. 347—B.]

> Alouilyan—ouwilyén (p. 120) :—A probable corruption of M. feéliya,

(c£:S. valu, pili, ‘clothes’) the term for the hambaya (S) or waist cloth worn by

Maldivian women commonly and by soldiers on special occasions. The Mal-

dive equivalent for the thram is known as digu libds—B.

8 JOURNAL R. A. 8. CEYLON. | EXTRA NO.

_ (clothes worn by the Musalmans during the pilgrimage). Some

wear the turban, others supply its place with a little kerchief.

When any one meets the Kddhi or the preacher, he takes his gar-

ment off his shoulders, and uncovers his back, and so accompanies

the functionary till he arrives at his place of abode. Another of their

customs 1s this—when one of them marries, and goes to the house

of his wife, she spreads cotton cloths from the house door to that

of the (nuptial) chamber: on these cloths she places handfuls of

cowries on the right and left of the path he has to follow, while

she herself stands awaiting him at the door of the apartment. On

his arrival she throws over his feet a cloth which his attendants

take up. If it is the wife* who goes to the husband’s house, that

house is hung with cloths, and cowries are placed thereon : and the

woman on her arrival throws the cloth over his feet. And this is

also the custom of the islanders when they salute the sovereign,

they must without fail be provided with a piece of cloth to cast’

down at the moment, as we shall hereafter describe.

Their buildings are of wood and they take care to raise the

floor of their houses some height above the ground, by way of

precaution against damp, for the soil of their islands is damp.

This is the method they adopt: they cut the stones, each of

which is of two or three cubits long, and place them in piles

then they lay across these beams of the coco-tree, and afterwards

raise the walls with boards. In this work they show marvellous

skill, In the vestibule of the house they construct an apart-

nent which they call mdlem,} and there the master of the house

*It appears from this passage that the two kinds of Sinhalese marriage,

bina and diga, were in vogue at the Maldives. [Both forms are said to be recog-_

_ nised still—B.

+ Even at the present day there is but one stone or brick built private

house at Male (Sultan’s Island)—B. ;

+ Malem. “A partition near the middle divides the house into two

rooms, one of which is private, and the other open to all visitors.” (Trans. Bom-

bay Geographical Society, 1836-8, p. 59.) The public room is called béeru-gé and

the private or women’s apartment ¢¢eri-gé, or in the Southern Atols maval-ge—B.

1882. ] IBN BATUTA IN THE MALDIVES AND OEFYLON. J

sits with his friends. This room has two doors, one opening on

the vestibule by which strangers-are introduced, the other on the

side of the house by which the owner enters. Near the room

in question is a jar full of water [? and] a bowl called ouélendj*

made of the coconutshell. It has a handle of | only | two cubits,

wherewith to draw the water from the wells, by reason of their

little depth.

All the inhabitants of the Maldives, be they nobles or the

common folk, keep their feet bare. The streets are swept and

well kept: they are shaded by trees, and the passenger walks as

it were in an orchard. Albeit every person who enters a house

is obliged to wash his feet with water from the jar placed near

the mdlem, and rub them with a coarse fabric of lift (stipule

which envelope the base of the stalks of the date-palm leaves)

placed there: after which he enters the house. Every person

entering a mosque does the same. It is a custom of the natives

when a vessel arrives for the canddir (in the singular cundurah ) t

i.e,, the little boats to go out to meet it, manned by the people

of the island and bearing some betel and caranbdah § that is to say,

green coconuts. Each presents some of these to whom he will

_ of those on board the ship, and then becomes his host carrying

to his own house the goods belonging to him, as if he were one

of his near relations. Any one of the new-comers who wishes to

marry, is at liberty todo so. When the time comes for his

departure, he repudiates his wife, for the people of the Maldives

do not leave their country. As for a man who does not marry,

* Ouélendj :—These cocoanut bowls with long nandles (M. ddni, but cf: S.

valanda “chatty” ) are regularly used by the Islanders for drawing water

The ordinary cocoanut ladle or spoon they call wduli.—B,

+ Lif :—Pers.—B.

{ Canddir, cundurah :—The old Portuguese historians speak of Maldive

‘‘ gundras,”’ and the term is still commonly applied in Ceylon to these Islanders,

(e. g.,8. Gundara-kdray6) and their boats (M. déni, odi).—See too C. A. S. Jour.

No. 24, p. 135, 1881.—B.

§ Caranbah ; =. kurwnba [M. kuruba.—B.]

10 JOURNAL R. A. S CEYLON. [EXTRA No,

the woman of the house in which he is lodged prepares his food,

serves it, and supplies him with provisions for his journey when

he goes. In return she is contented to receive from him a very

small present. The revenue of the treasury, which is called

bender *(custom-house) consists in the right of buying a certain

portion of all cargo on board ship, at a fixed price, whether the

commodity be worth just that or more : this is called the bender

law. The bender has in each island a house of wood called

bédjensdr where the governor, the cordouéry, (above it ts written

cordotiy){ collects all such goods: he sells or barters them.

The natives buy with chickens any pottery which may be

brought : a pot fetches five or six chickens.

Ships export from the islands the fish of which I have

spoken, coconuts, fabrics, the ouliyan and turbans: these last

are of cotton. They export also vessels of copper, which are

very common there, cowries{ and kandar§, such is the name of the

* Bender:—See Pyrard, p. 231, “ bandery”: cf. Sin. bandhdra. The

system of raising revenue here described was still in force in Pyrard’s day

(Pyrard, chap. xvii.), and seems to be identical in principle with the ‘ culture

system,’ employed by the Dutch in Java, where it is supposed to have been

invented by one of the Dutch governors subsequent to the English occupation.

[Each Atol has its own storehouse ( vdru-gé) into which the revenues of the

Sultan are received, and whence they are transferred from time to time to the

Treasury (bodu badéri-ge, ck: 8S. bhdnddgarika) at Malé.—B.]

} Cordouéry, cordotiiy :— The Atol-wari [ Atolu-veri or Varu-veri ; Pyrard

‘varuery | isa governor or chief of a division of islands called an Atol ...... It

is his duty to collect the revenue of the Atol, and to transmit it to the Hin-

deggeree | Hadégii]...... The Rarhu-wari [ Rarhu-veri] or headman of an island,

stands in the same relation to the Atol-wari, as the latter does to the Hindeg-

geree, in respect to the revenue.” (Trans. Bombay Geo. Soc., 1836-8, p.72).—B.

{ Cowries :—‘Ibn Batuta calls them wadq’ [Ar.], and the Two Muhamma-

dans of the 9th century kaptaje: Pyrard,bolly or bollis : Christopher [correctly }

boli, c£ : S. bella.

§ Kanbar:—Ar. Pyrard has cairo (=T. kayiru, Gray.) The proper

Maldive term rénu =§. réna. It is hard to believe that. ‘‘ vessels of copper’

ever formed one of the genuine exports from the Maldives. A few old copper

pots are occasionally sent over to Ceylon for repair.— B,

1852. | INB BATUTA IN THE MALDIVES AND CHYLON. it

fibre which envelopes the coconut. Thenatives make it undergo

a preparation in pits dug near the shore : then they beat it with

picks, after which the women work it into rope. They make of

it cord for joining the boards of their ships, and such cordage is

exported to China, India and Yemen. andar rope is worth

more than hemp. With this cord the (boards of) ships are joined

in India and Yemen, for the Indian sea is full of rocks, and

if a ship joined with iron bolts strikes a rock, it is broken up :

but when itis fastened with this cord it has elasticity, and does

not break.

The money of the islanders consist of cowries. This is the

name of a creature (a mollusc), collected in the sea and placed

in pits dug out on the beach. Tis flesh decays and there remains

only the white shell. A hundred of these shells is called sydh,

and 700, fal; 12,000 are called cotta, and 100,000 Sostov. Bar-

gains are struck through the medium of these cowries, at the

rate of four bostod to a dinar of gold. Often they are of less

value, such as twelve dostod toa dinar.* The islanders sell them

to the people of Bengal for rice, for they too use them for money.

They are sold in the same way to the people of Yemen, who

use them for ballast in their ships in place of sand. These

cowries serve also as a medium of exchange with the negroes in

their native country. I have seen them sold, at Maly and at

Djoudjou, at the rate of 1,150 to a dindr of gold.t

Tuk WoMEN oF THE MALDIVES.

The women of these islands do not cover the head : the

sovereign herself does not so. They comb their hair and tie it

* Sydh = Sin. siya. Ibn Batuta says bostow —1 dinar of gold [— about

10 shillings, Lane], and Pyrard says 12,000 = 1 larin = 8 sols. [Cowries are

usually sold in the Islands by the hiya= 100, the falé= 800 to 1,000, and

the kotté = 12,000 (bdra-fa.) A kotté is not now worth more than Rs.1 at

Malé.—B.]

| + Maly ; Djoudjou :—Two places in the Soudan, afterwards visited by the

traveller.

i2 JOURNAL R. A. 8. CEYLON. [EXTRA NO.

up on one side [of the head.| Most of them wear only a cloth,

covering them from the navel to the ground: the rest of the

body remains uncovered. In this costume they promenade the

bazars and elsewhere. While I was invested with the dignity

of K4zi in these islands, I made efforts to put an end to this

custom, and to compel the women to clothe themselves : but I

could not succeed. No woman was admitted to my presence in

the trial of a case, unless she had her whole body covered: but,

saving that, I had no power over the usage.* Some women wear,

besides the cloth, chemises with short and full sleeves. I had

some young female slaves whose dress was the same as that of the

women of Delhi. They covered the head: but that disfigured

rather than embellished theirappearance, as they were not used toit.

The ornaments of the Maldive women consist of bracelets :

each has a certain number on both arms, indeed, so that the

whole of the arm from the wrist to the elbow is covered. These

trinkets are of silver: only the wives of the Sultan and his

nearest relatives wear bracelets of gold. The Maldive women

have also khalkhal (anklets) called by them dail, and collars of

gold round the neck, called besdered.| One of their curious cus-

toms is to engage themselves as house servants, in consideration

of a fixed sum, which does not exceed five pieces of gold. Their

board is at the expense of those who hire them. They do not

regard this as a disgrace, and most of the daughters of the

inhabitants do it. You will find in the house of a rich man ten

or twenty of them. The cost of all dishes broken by one of

these maids is charged against her. When she wishes to go

from one house to another, the masters of the latter give her the

amount of her debt, this she remits to the people of the house she is

* Pyrard, 3rd ed., pp. 82, 124, says that all women in his time carefully

kept the breasts covered. [A more modern innovation is the adoption by the

women on most Atols of a head kerchief.—B. ]

+ @) Khalkhal, Ar. (ii) bail, cf: M. fa ‘leg,’ fiyavalu ‘foot, takahoh

‘anklet’; (iil) besdered = M. fattarw ‘necklace’.—B.}

1882. | IBN BATUTA IN THE MALDIVES AND CEYLON. 13

leaving, and her new masters become her creditors.* The principal

occupation of these hired women is to rope the Aanbar (vide supra.)

It is easy to get married in these islands, owing to the

smallness of the dowry, as well as by reason of the agreeable

society of the women. Most of the men say nothing about a

nuptial gift, contentmg themselves with declaring their pro-

fession of the Musalmaén faith, and a nuptial gift in conformity

to the law is given. When ships arrive, those on board take

wives, and repudiate them on their departure : it isa kmd of

temporary marriage. The Maldive women never leave their

country. I have never seen in the world women whose society

is more agreeable. Among the islanders, the wife entrusts to no

one the care of her husband’s service : she it is who brings him

his food, takes away when he has eaten, washes his hands, pre-

sents the water for his ablutions, and covers his feet when he

wills to go asleep. It is one of their customs that the wife never

eats with her husband, and that he does not know what his wife

eats. I married in that country many wives : some ate with me

at my request : others did not, and I could not succeed in seeing

them take their food, and no ruse to get a sight was of any avail.

THE STORY OF THE MOTIVE FOR THE CONVERSION OF THE

INHABITANTS OF THESE ISLANDS TO IsLAm : DESCRIP-

TION OF THE EviL SPIRITS WHO WROUGHT HARM

TO THEM EVERY MONTH.

Trustworthy men among the inhabitants, such as the

* Regarding these servants (M. femuséri), who are still employed, Mr. Gray

(J.R.A.S., Vol X., N.sS., p. 204) has the following note:— Pemousseré [ Pyrard,

p. 225] ‘bondsmen on loan,’ debtors who have to serve their creditor till they

pay. They are generally well treated and fed; if not they are entitled to their

freedom. ‘Many a poor man voluntarily enters the service of some great lord

as a pemousseré to gain his protection and favour.’ Christopher says that the

men of Malé having to pay no taxes are very lazy and ‘become dependents of

any of the chiefs, most of whom retain as many followers as they may be able

to support, a large retinue being a sign of rank and power.’ Compare with this

custom the growth of the feudal system in the West.”—J.

i4 JOURNAL. B. AL S. CEYION, | [BXTRA NO:

juris-consult lga Alyameny,” the juris-consult and schoolmaster

? Aly, the Kazi ’ Abd Allah, and others, related to me that the popu—

lation of the islands used to be idolaters, and that there appeared:

to them every month an evil spirit from among the Jinn, who

came from the direction of the sea. He resembled a ship full of

lamps. The custom of the natives, as soon as they perceived:

him, was to take a young virgin, to adorn her, and conduct

her to a boudkhdnah,t i.e., an idol temple, which was built on:

the sea shore and had a window by which she was seen. They

left her there during the night and returned in the morning :

then they found the young girl dishonored and dead. They

failed not every month to draw lots, and he upon whom the

lot fell gave up his daughter. At length arrived among them

a Maghrabint called <Abow lbéréedt, the Berber, who knew by

heart the glorious Kurain. He was lodged in the house of

an old woman of the island Mahal. Qne day he visited his

hostess and found that she had assembled her relatives, and

that the women were weeping as if they were at a funeral.

He questioned them upon the subject of their affliction, but

they could not make him understand the cause. An inter-

preter coming ia informed him that the lot had fallen upon

the old woman and that she had one only daughter, who had to

be slain by the evil Jinni. Abou’lbérécdt said to the woman:

* Ica Alyamany :—i. ¢.,? Isd Falliya Maniku, The Falliya Maniku is

the Sultan’s Secretary and Keeper of the Privy Seal.—B. | :

+ Boudkhanah :—It is very probable that this was a Buddhist temple. Chris-

topher gives budw as the modern Maldive for “image” (J. R.A.S., Vol. VI.,0.s.,

p. 57). But the word bodd seems to have been a general term for an image with

the Arab Oriental travellers, and may only indicate that the Buddhist parts of

India were the first visited by the Arabs.—fowrn. As, 1845, p.167. Ibn Batita

elsewhere says that the Jama Masjid of Delhi was built upon the

sight of a former Boudkhdnah he does not therefore mean to imply that the

word was Maldive. [ For some remarks on ‘“ Buddhism at the Maldives” see

Ceylon Sess. Pap., 1881, ‘The Maldive Islands.’—B.]

+ Maghreb :—The name given by the Arabs to the Moorish principalities of

North-west Africa, nearly corresponding with what we now call Morocco.

1882. | IBN BATUTA IN WHE MALDIVES AND CEYLON. 15

«Twill go to night in thy daughter's stead.” At that time, he

was entirely beardless. ie was conducted the mght following

to the idol temple after he had done his ablutions. There he

set himself to recite the Kurdn, then by the window he per-

-ecived the demon, and continued his recitation. As soon as

the Jinni came within hearing of the Kuran, he plunged into

the sea ; and when the dawn was come, the Maghrabin was still

occupied in reciting the Kuran. The old woman, her relatives

and the people of the island came to take away the girl, accord-

ing to their custom, and to burn the corpse. They found the

stranger reciting the Kuréa, and conducted him to their King,

by name Chénotrdzah,* whom they informed of this adventure. —

The King was astonished: the Maghrabin proposed to him to em-

brace Islam, and inspired him with a desire for it. Then said

Chénotrdzah to him:—* Remain with us till next month, and if

you do again as you have just done and escape the evil Jinni,

I will be converted.” The stranger remained with the idolaters

and God disposed the heart of the King to receive the true

faith, He became Musalmdn before the end of the month,

as well as his wives, children and court. At the beginning

of the following month the Maghrabin was conducted to the

idol-temple ; but the demon came not, and the Berber recited the

Kurén till the morning, when the Sultan and his subjects arrived

and found him so employed. Then they broke the idols, and

razed the temple to the ground. The people of the island em-

braced Islam, and sent messengers tothe other islands, whose in-

habitants were also converted. The Maghrabin remained among

them, and enjoyed their high esteem. The natives made pro-

fession of his doctrine, which was that of the Imdn Malic. Even

at present they respect the Maghrabins for his sake. He built a

mosque, which is known by his name. I have also read the fol-

lowing inscription graven in wood on the enclosed pulpit of the

* Chénotirdzah :—Cf. 8. Senarat ‘ King (Chief Commander) of the army’

and Seneviratna ‘the gem-like General.’ 2.

16 JOURNAL R, A. S. CEYLON. [EXTRA NC,

grand mosque: ‘* Sultan Ahmed Chénodrdzah has received the true

faith at the hands of Abow lbérécat the Berber, the Maghrabin.”

This Sultan assigned a third of the taxes of the islands as

alms to travelling foreigners in recognition of his reception of

Islim through their agency. This share of the taxes still bears

a name which recalls this event.

Owing to the demon in question many of the M4ldive islands

were depopulated before their conversion to Islim. When I

reached the country I was not aware of this matter. One night,

when I was at one of my occupations, I heard uf a sudden people

erying with loud voice the formule, “There is no God but God”

and “ God is very great.” [saw children carrying Kurdns on their

heads, and women rapping the insides of basins and vessels of

copper. I was astonished at their conduct and said “ What is

happening” ? and they replied “ Do you not see the sea” ? Upon

which I looked and saw a kind of large ship, seemingly full of

lamps and chafing-dishes. They said to me “ that is the demon;

he is wont to show himself once a month: but when once we have

done as you have seen, he turns back and does us no harm. *

: Or THE QUEEN OF THESE ISLANDS.

One of the marvels of the Maldives is that they have for

their Sovereign a woman, by name Khadidjah, daughter of the

Sultan Djélél eddin ’Omar, son of the Sultan Salah eddin

Salih Albendjaly. The kingdom had at one time been pos-

sessed by her grandfather, then by her father, and when the

latter died, her brother, Chihab eddin, became King. He was a

minor, and the Vizier Abd Allah, son of Mohammed Alhadhramy

* Vestiges of this romantic legend of their conversion to Muhammadanism

live in the traditions of the Islanders to thisday. But with more probability,

they assign toaShaikh Yusup Shams-ud-din of Tabrij the honour, which Ibn

Batuta not unnaturally would claim for a Maghrabin, and the votaries of

Hazrat Mira Sahib for the Nagtr saint (C.A.S. Journ., No. 24, pp. 125-36 1881).

Their first royal convert to Isl4m the MAldivians commonly know as

“ Darumavanta (=S8. Dharmmavanta, i. e., ‘the Just’) Rasgefanu.” The

mosque he built still stands, and continues to bear his name.—B,

1882. | IBN BATUTA IN THE MALDIVES AND CEYLON. 17

espoused his mother ‘and assumed authority over him. He is the

same personage who married the Sultana Khadidjah after the

death of her first husband, the Vizier Djémdal eddin, as we shall

describe hereafter. When: Chihdb eddin attained full age he

ousted his step-father Abd‘ Allah and: banished him to the islands

of Souweid. He was then left in scle possession, and chose as

Vizier one of his freedmen by name’Aly Calaky,* whom he de-

posed at the end of three years and banished to Souweid. It is

related of the Sultan Chzhab eddin: that he consorted. nightly

with the wives of the public officers and with courtezans. On

that account he was deposed and deported to the province of Hé-

lédoutény (above spelé Hélédommety ): afterwards some one was

sent and put him to death.

There then remained of the royal family only the sisters of

the deceased, Kadidjah who was the eldest, Miryam and Fathimah.

The natives raised Kadidjah to the throne, who was married

to their preacher Djémél eddin. The latter became Vizier and.

master of the situationt and promoted his son Mohammed to

the office of Preacher in his own stead: but orders were promul-

gated only in the name of Khadidjah. These are traced.on palm

leaves by means of an iron [style] bent down resembling a knife.

They write on paper only the Kurdns and scientific treatises. The

Preacher makes mention of the Sultana on Fridays and on other

days | of public prayer |; and here are the terms used, “O God, suc-

cour Thy servant, whom Thou hast in Thy wisdom preferred before

other mortals, and whom Thou hast made the instrument of Thy

mercy towards all Musalmans, namely, the Sultana Khadidjah

daughter of Sultan Djéldl eddin, son of Sultan Saldh eddin.”

When a stranger comes among these people and repairs to

the hall of audience, which is called dar, t custom requires that he

“Aly Calaky :—i.e., "Ali Kalége. The title Kalége-finu or Kalége-fanu

(Pyrard, Callogue) accrues by purchase, not by birth.—B.

+ Maitre de Vautorvté :—Major A. Ewing suggests “ head of affairs” (Ar,

‘yalba’ ‘al ellamar).—B.

t Dar -—Ar. ‘ house. —B

13 JOURNAL RB. A. S CEYLON. = ~—«([EXTRA No-

should take with him two cloths. He makes obeisance before the

Sultana and throws down one of these cloths. Then he salutes her

Vizier, who is also her husband, Djémal eddin, and throws down

the other. The army of this Queen consists of about a thousand

men of foreign birth; some of the soldiers are natives. They come

every day to the hall of audience to salute her and then go home.

Their pay is in rice, supplied to them at the bender (v. s., p. 10)

every month. When the month is ended, they present themselves

at the audience hall, and, saluting the Vizier, say, “Convey our

respects (to the Queen) and inform her that we have come to re-

quest our pay.” Thereupon the necessary orders are given in

their favour. The K4zi and ministers, who have with the people

the title of Viziers, also present themselves every day at the

audience hall. They make a salutation, and go away after the

eunuchs have transmitted their respects to the Queen.

Or THE MINISTERS AND THEIR CONDUCT OF GOVERNMENT.

The people ofthe Maldives call the Grand Vizier, the Sultana’s

Lieutenant, Calaky* ; and the Kazi Fandayarkdlot.f All judg-

ments are in the jurisdiction of the Kazi: he is more highly

esteemed by the people than all other men, and his orders are

executed as well as those of the Sultan and even better. Hesitsupon

a carpet in the audience hall: he possesses three islands}, whose

revenue he places to his private account, after an ancient custom

* Calaky :—? Pers. Pyrard has Quilague “regent elect for the kingdom

to act in absence of the Sultan” (Gray). [The title Kilage-fanu is not restricted

to one grandee in the realm. At least three living Maldivian nobles have a.

right to the designation.—J. |

+ Fandayarkdlot :—i. e. Fadiyaru Kalége-fénu (Pyrard, Pandiare ; Chris.

Fandiarhee) the Chief Priest or Kazi. Cf: T. Pandiya,—JB.

+ Corresponding with nindagam lands in Ceylon, the tenure of which is

thus explained in Sir J. D’Oyley’s MLS. “ Constitution of the Kandyan Kingdom,”

a copy of which is in my possession :—‘ Nindagama.—A village which, for the

time being, is the entire property of the grantee, or temporary chief ; defixitely

granted by the king with sannas, it becomes paraveny, &e.,’ p. 144. A ‘gallat

gama in the lower part of the Four Kéralés, Three Koralés, and in parts of

Sabaragamuwa is a similar tenure.

1882. ] INB BATUTA IN THE MALDIVES AND CEYLON. 18

established by the Sultan Ahmed Chénotirdzah. The Preacher is

called Hendidjéry*: the Chief of the Treasury, Famelddryt: the Re-

ceiver General of Revenue, Médfdacalout: the Minister of Police,

Fitndyec§: and the admiral, Méndyec§. All these have the title of

Vizier. There is no prison in these islands: criminals are shut up

in wooden houses built to contain the merchants’ goods. Each

one is placed in a wooden cell, as we have (ix Morocco) for the

Christian prisoners.

OF MY ARRIVAL AT THESE ISLANDS AND OF THE

VICISSITUDES WHICH I EXPERIENCED THERE.

When I came to this country I landed at Cannalois ||, an is-

jand fair to behold, where there are many mosques. I was lodged

* Hendidjéry :—i. e., Hadégiri, also known as Bodu Badéri, in whom are

combined now-a-days the offices of Chief of the Treasury and Receiver-General

of Revenue. Pyrard writes Endequery,‘‘a lord privy councillor, always in

attendance upon the King”; Chris. Hindegeree ‘Treasurer’ (Gray). Cf: the

Bhindagdriko amachcho (Turnour’s Mahavanso, p. 231, 3) of the old Sighalese

court.—B.

+ Fameldary :—i. e., Famudéri (Kilage-fanu). Pyrard calls one of the

great lords Pammedery calogue, and Christopher says the 4th Vizier was

styled Famederi, but had no distinct duties assigned him, Cf: S. pamok, deta

and Mahavanso, p. 69, amachcha pémukha.—B.

{ Mafacalot :—i. e., Mafai (Kalége-fanu). According to Pyrard the

Manpas (a probable misprint for Maupas) was “chancellor, keeper of the

king’s privy seal’ (Gray). Chris. calls this officer Mafae, 5th Vizier, Cf: S.

Mahé and pati in senépati, chamipati (Maahv. passim).—B.

§ Fitndyec ; Mdndyec :—These titles have not survived. Cf: S. Mahd,

ndyaka. Pyrard styles the “First Lord of the Admiralty and President of

Board of Trade” (Gray) Velannas [Veldnd], and Chris. Wilono Shadander, 3rd

Vizier. Ibn Battté makes no mention of the Dorhiménd and Hakura (Chris.

Durimind : Hakura) 1st and 2nd Viziers; Pyrard, Dorimenaz, Torimesnas, “ coms

mander in chief of the army’’; Acowraz). For particulars regarding the present

‘government officers at Malé, see Ceylon Sess. Papers, 1881, ‘The Maldive

Islands.”"—B. .

‘|| Cannalots :As Ibn Batata here mentions an island of the sama name

above given to one of the “zones” or atolls, the French editors are likely in

error in identifying it with Collomandu atoll, there being no island in that

20 JOURNAL R. A. ‘8. ‘CEYLON. {EXTRA NO.

at the house of one of the most pious inhabitants. The lawyer

*Aly gave me a feast. He was a distinguished person and had

sons addicted to study. I saw there a man named Mohammed

anative of Zhafér Alhomoidh, who entertained me and said to

me, “If you set foot on the island of Mahal, the Vizier will forcibly

detain you, for the people have no Kazi.” It was then my

intention to get away from that country to Ma’bar (Coromandel

coast), to Serendib (Ceylon), to Bengal, and then to China. I had

then arrived at the Maldives in a ship whose captain'was ’Omar

Alhinaoury, who was one of the virtuous pilgrims. When we

had come into harbour at Cannalotis, he remained there ten days:

then he hired a little barque to take him thence to Mahal, bear-

ing a present fer the Queen and her Consort. I wished to go with

hin, but he said, “ The barque is not big enough for you and your

companions: if you like to set out without them, it is your affair.”

I declined this proposal, and ’Omar took his departure. But the

wind was contrary (literally ‘played with him’) and at the end of

four days he came back to us, not without having experienced

trouble. He made his excuses to me, and implored me to go with

him, my companions and all. We set sail in the morning and

towards midday disembarked on an island: leaving that, we passed

the night at another. After a four days cruise, we arrived at the

province of Zeim, the governor of which was one Hilal. He wel-

comed me, and gave me a feast: and afterwards came to visit me

accompanied by four men, two of whom had on their shoulders a

rod* from which were suspended four chickens. The other two had

a, similar rod to which were attached about ten coconuts. I was

atoll of the name Cannalotiss or one resembling it. It is unlikely too that Ibn

Battita coming from the north made his landing at a point so far south as

Collomandu. The termination ‘lows,’ moreover or ‘dw’ seems in the modern

names of the islands to be quite distinct from ‘du.’ [V.s., p. 5, for identification

of this island with Kinalos in M4élosmadulu Atol. M. los= ? the bois mapou

tree of the Chagos group: M. du =S. diva ‘ islet.’—B.]

* M. dadimdru-the katliya of the Sinhalese—B.

1882. ] IBN BATUTA IN THE MALDIVES AND CEYLON. 21

‘surprised that they thought so highly of these common objects:

“but was informed that they do this as a token of consideration and

—-respect.*

After leaving these people we landed on the sixth day at the

island of Othmdn, a distinguished man and one of the best one

‘could meet. He received us with honour and entertained us. On

‘the eighth day we put into an island belonging to a Vizier named

Télemdy. On the tenth, we at length reached the island of Mahal,

‘where the Sultana and her Censort reside, and cast anchor in the

harbour. It isa custom of the country that no one may disembark

‘without the permission of the inhabitants.| This was accorded to

uus:and I then desired to betake myself to some mosque, but

the slaves on the beach prevented me, saying, “Itis necessary

that you should first visit the Vizier.” I had requested the captain

when he should be questioned about me to say, “I know nothing

of him’’; for fear lest they should detain me, being unaware that

some ill-advised babbler had written to them an account of me,

‘and that I had been K4zi at Delhi. On our arriva: at the audi-

ence hall, we took our seats on benches at the third entrance door.

The Kazi ’Ic¢a Alyamany came up and welcomed me, while

I saluted the Vizier. The ship captain Ibrahim (above he

és called ’Omar) brought ten pieces of worked stuffs, made a

salute before the Queen, and threw down one of them: then he bent

the knee in honor of the Vizier and threw down another, and so on

to the last. He was questioned about me, and replied, “I know

nothing of him.”

We were then presented with betel and rose-water which is

a mark of honor with them. The Vizier gave us lodging in a

house and sent us a repast consisting of a large bowl full of rice

and surrounded with plates of salted meats dried in the sun,

chickens, melted butter and fish. On the morrow I set out with

the captain and the Kazi, ’Ig¢a Alyamany to visit a hermitage

* The Siphalese penwmkada or pingo of presents of sweetmeats, provisions,

fruits; &c.

+ Enforced to this day—B,

a JOURNAL BR. A. 8. CEYLON. [EkrRa No.

situated at the extremity of the island and founded by the virtu-

‘ous Shaikh Nedjid.* We returned at night, and on the following

morning the Vizier sent me some raiment, and a repast comprising

rice, melted butter, salt, sun-dried meat, coconuts, and honey ex-

tracted from the same fruit, called by the natives korbany,} signi-

fying ‘sugar-water.’ They brought me also 100,000 cowries for

my expenses. After ten days there arrived a ship from Ceylon,

having on board some Persian and Arab fakirs who knew me and

told the servants of the Vizier all about me. This enhanced the

pleasure given by my coming. He sent for me at the commence-

ment of Ramazan. I found the Chiefs and Viziers already assem-

bled : food was served at the tables, each of which accommodated

a certain number of guests. The Grand Vizier made me sit by

his side, in company of the Kazi Ica, the Fdmeldadry Vizier or

Chief of the Treasury, and the Vizier ’Omar, the Déherd,{ 1. e.,

General of the army. The dinner of these islanders consists of

rice, chickens, melted butter, fish, salt, sun-dried meat, and cooked

bananas. After eating, they drink the coco honey mingled with

aromatics, which facilitates digestion.

On the 9th of Ramazan, the son-in-law of the Vizier died.

His wife, the daughter of that minister, had already been married

to the Sultan Chihd@b eddin: but neither of her husbands had

cohabited with her on account of her youth. Her father, the

* This old shrine (Najibu miskitu), it is said, may still be seen at Male.—B.

+ Korbdény:—Probably ought to be ‘hakorbany’ equivalent to the Sighalese

hakuru, ‘jaggery’: peni, ‘honey,’ the former word appearing as acourou for ‘ coco-

honey’ in the vocabulary of Pyrard.

t Déherd :—Cf£, Pyrard, Darade Tacowrow “count or duke,” and Chris,

Dahara, 6th Vizier. ‘ As each incumbent of the first five Vizierships died no

successor appears to have been appointed, and the titles thus gradually became

extinct. That of the 6th Vizier alone survives in the person of the son of the

former Déhara...... The Ddhara (Takuru-fanu) has no specific department of

public business to supervise, But for a certain voice in military and municipal}

affairs his office would be a titular sinecure.” (The Maldive Islands, Ceylon

Sess. Pap. 1881). Cf: the Sinhalese Dovdrika (Mahav. p.117, 11), but also the

Persian Daroogha.—B.

1882. | IBN BATUTA IN THE MALDIVES AND CEYLON, a

Vizier, took her back home, and gave me her house, which was:

one of the most charming. I asked permission to entertain the

fakirs returning from visiting the Foot of Adam, in the island

of Ceylon (see below). This hezgranted, and sent me five sheep,

@rare animal with the islanders, having to be brought from

Ma’bar (Coromandel Coast) from Malabar and from Makdachaou.

The Vizier sent me also rice, chickens, melted butter and spices.

E had all these carried to the house of the Vizier Souleiman, the

Mianéyec (Admiral), who took the greatest care im having them

cooked, augmented them in quantity, and sent me carpets and

copper vessels. We broke the fast according to custom, in the

palace of the Sultana, with the Grand Vizier, and I requested

him to permit some of the other Viziers to assist at my dinner.

He said “ I will come myself too.” I thanked him and returned

home: but he had already arrived with the Viziers and grandees

of the State. He seated himself in a raised pavilion of wood.

All who came, whether Chiefs or Viziers, saluted the Grand Vizier,

and threw down a piece of unworked stuff, in such numbers that

the total reached to a hundred or thereabouts, all of which the

fakirs appropriated. Dinner was then served and eaten: then

the readers of the Kurdn gave a reading with their fine voices,

after which were singing and dancing. I had a fire prepared,

and the fakirs then entered and trampled it under foot ; some of

them even ate the live embers, as one would devour sweetmeats,

until the flame was extinguished.

THE STORY OF SOME OF THE VIZIER’S BENE-

FACTIONS TO ME.

When the night was ended, the Vizier went home and I ac-

companied him. We passed a garden belonging to the Treasury,

and the Vizier said to me, “ This garden is for you: I will have a

house built upon tit to serve for your residence.” I praised his

kind action, and made vows in his favour. Next day he sent me

a young female slave, and his messenger said, “ The Vizier bids

me say, if this girl pleases you, she is yours: otherwise he will

24 JOURNAL R, A. S;. CEYLON. [EXTRA NOe.

send a Mahratta siave.” I liked the young Mahratta girls, so I

replied “I desire: only the Mahratta,’ The minister had one

brought to me, by name Gulistdm, which signifies “the flower of”

the garden” (or more exactly ‘the parterre of flowers’). She

knew the Persian tongue, and pleased me highly. The MAéldive

inhabitants have a language which I did not understand.

The next day, the Vizier sent me a young female slave:

from Coromandel by name Anbéry (ambergris colour). On_ the:

following evening he came to-my house with some of his servants,

and entered attended by two little [boy] slaves. I saluted him,.

and he asked me how I did. I made vows for his welfare and:

thanked him. One of the slaves put before him a lokchah-

(dokchah),* that is, a kind of napkin, from which:he drew some-

silk stuffs and a box containing pearls and.trinkets. ‘The Vizier

made me a present of them, adding, “ If I had.sent these with the:

young slave, she would have said ‘This is my property :. I brought.

it from the house of my master.’ Now that the things belong to-

you, make her a present of them.” I addressed prayers to God.

for the minister, and rendered to him expressions of my gratitude,,

of which he was worthy.

Or THE VIZIER’S CHANGE OF DISPOSITION TOWARDS ME ;:

OF THE PROJECT WHICH I FORMED TO DEPART ; AND

OF MY CONTINUED SOJOURN AT THE MALDIVES.

The Vizier Souleiman, the Mandyec, had proposed to me to.

espouse his daughter. I sent to ask the permission of the Vizier

Djémial eddin to conclude the marriage. My messenger returned

saying, “It does not please him; he wishes you to marry his

daughter when the legal term of her widowhood shall have ex-

pired.” I refused to consent to this union, fearing the sinister

fortune attached to the daughter of the Vizier, since two husbands

had already died without having consummated the marriage.

In the midst of all this a fever seized me, and I was very ill,

* Lokchah or bokchah :—I£ the latter be the correct reading = ? buruga

the cloth worn over the face at times by Maldive ladies, —B.

1882. | IBN BATUTA IN THE MALDIVES AND CEYLON. 25

Every person who goes to that island must inevitably catch the

fever.* I made a strong resolve to get out of the country: I

sold a portion of my trinkets for cowries, and chartered a ship to

take me to Bengal. When I went to take my leave of the

Vizier, the Kazi coming out met me, and addressed me in these

terms, “The Vizier,”’ said he, “bids me tell you this ‘If you wish

to go away, give us back what we have given you and then go.’” I

replied, “ With a part of my trinkets I have bought cowries ; do

with them what you will.’ In a little while the K4zi returned

to me and said, “ The Vizier says ‘ We have given you gold, not

cowries, ” I replied, “ Very well: I will sell them and will pay you

gold.” Accordingly I sent to request the merchants to buy the

shells from me. But the Vizier gave them orders not to deal with

me ; for his design, in so conducting himself, was to prevent me

going away from him.

Then he deputed one of his intimates, who had this conver-

sation with me, “ The Vizier bids me request you to remain with

us and you shall have everything you desire.” ‘So I said to

myself, “ I am under their authority: if I do not stay with a good

grace, I shall have to stay by constraint: a voluntary sojourn

is preferable to that.’’ I therefore made reply to the envoy, “ Very

well: I shall remain with him.” The messenger returned to his

master, who was delighted with my reply, and sent for me. When

I entered his presence, he got up and embraced me, saying, “ We

wish you to remain with us, and you wish to go!” I made my

excuses, which were accepted, and said, “If you wish me to stay,

I will impose upon you certain conditions.” The Vizier replied,

** We accept them : please to name them.” I answered, “I am

unable to walk on foot.” For it is a custom of the country that

~ * “Qn la connoist par toute I’ Inde sous le nom de fiévre des Maldives.

Ils l’appellent Malé ons [hun or huma]. C'est de cette maladie que la

pluspart de mes compagnons estoient morts, comme tous estrangers ne manquent

pas d’en estre bientost atteints,” (Pyrard, p. 95; again p. 201). The Indian

Navy Surveyors (1834-6) suffered much from this pest of the group.—B.

26 JOURNAL R. A. S. CEYLON. [EXTRA NOG.

no one rides on horseback, except the Vizier. So it was that

when I had a horse* given to me and was mounted, the crowd of

men, as well as children, began to follow me with astonishment,

whereof I complained to the Vizier. Accordingly a donkorah was

beaten, and it was proclaimed among the people that no one should

follow me. The donkorah is a kind of copper basin, which is

struck with an iron rod [or hammer], and gives a noise heard afar.

After it is struck, the crier cries in public whatever he required.

The Vizier said to me, “If you wish to ride in a palaquin,

well and good : otherwise we have a stallion and a mare: choose

which of these animals you prefer.”’ I chose the mare which was

brought to me at once. At the same time some garments were

brought tome. I said to the Vizier, “ What shall I do with the

cowries which I have bought?” He replied, “ Send one of your

companions to sell them for you in Bengal.” “I will do so,”

said I, “on condition that you send some one to help him im the

affair.” ‘Iwill,’ he replied. So I despatched my comrade Abou

Mohammed, son of Ferhén, in whose company they sent one called

the pilgrim ’Aly. But it happened that a storm arose: the crew

jettisoned the whole cargo, including even the mast, the water, and

aJl the other provisions for the voyage. They remained for sixteen

days without sail, rudder, &c. ; and after the endurance of hunger,

thirst, and toil, they arrived at the island of Ceylon. In a year’s

time my comrade Abou Mohammed came back tome. He had

visited the Foot (of Adam ) and he afterwards saw it again with me.

ACCOUNT OF THE FESTIVAL IN WHICH I TOOK PART

WITH THE ISLANDERS.

The month of Ramaz4n ended, the Vizier sent me some

[ proper | raiment, and we made our way to the place consecrated

* In November, 1879, there were but two horses in the Islands, the property

of the Sultan at Malé, “ wretched wry-legged weeds, not fit to ride,’ and kept

merely for show.—B.

+ Donkorah :—Ibn Batuita’s ignorance of the Maldive language may: pos-

sibly have led him to confuse dummarhi, the term for the ‘flagiolet,’ with hols

‘gong.’ The iron striker is called dadigadu.—B.

1882. ] IBN BATUTA IN THE MALDIVES AND CEYLON. 27

for prayer. The path which the minister had to traverse, be-

tween his residence and the place of prayer, had been decorated:

stuffs had been spread, and there had been placed to right and

left heaps (terally cotta’s,.v. s., p. 11) of cowries. All the Emirs

and grandees who had houses on the road had planted near them

little coco-trees, arecas, and bananas. Ropes were hung from

one tree to the next, and green nuts were suspended from the

ropes. The master of the house remained near the gate, and

when the Vizier passed, he threw before his feet a piece of silk

or cotton. The slaves of the minister appropriated these, as well

as the cowries placed by the way. ‘The Vizier advanced on foot,

covered with an ample robe of goat’s hair of Egyptian manufac-

ture, and with a large turban. As a scarf he wore a kerchief of

silk ; four umbrellas shaded his head, and sandals covered his feet.

All his attendants without exception had their feet bare.

Trumpets, clarions, and drums* preceded him: the soldiers march-

ed before and behind him, all shouting the cry “ God is very

great!’ until they were arrived. at the place of prayer.

, Prayer ended, the son of the Vizier preached: then was

brought a litter which the Vizier mounted. The Emirs and the

other grandees again saluted him, casting down pieces of stuffs

according to custom. Before this time the Grand Vizier used not

to ride in a litter, for the Kings alone did so. The bearers then

lifted it; I mounted my horse, and we entered the palace. The

minister seated himself at a raised dais, having near him the

Viziers and the Emirs. The slaves remained standing, bearing —

shields, swords, and staves.| Food was then served, and after-

wards arecanuts and betel, after which was brought a little dish

containing sandal mokassiry.{ Assoon as one party of the guests

*M. talafih ; dummarhi; beru.—B.

+ M addana; kadi ; dadi.—B.

{ Mokassiry : ==? M. kasturi ‘musk.’—B.

28 JOURNAL R. A. S. CEYLON. [EXTRA NO.

had eaten, they rubbed themselves with sandal. That day I saw

upon one of their dishes a fish of the species of sardines, salted

and raw, which had been sent as a present from Caoulem. This

fish is very abundant on the Malabar Coast. The Vizier took a

sardine, and began to eat it, at the same time saying to me, “ Eat

some of that ; it is not found in our country.”’ I answered, “ How

can IT eat it? It is not cooked.” “ It is cooked,” said he. But I

replied, “ I know this fish well, for it abounds in my native land.”

OF MY MARRIAGE AND OF MY NOMINATION TO THE

DIGNITY OF KAzI.

On the 10th day of Shawwdl I agreed with the Vizier

Souleiman Mandyec, or Admiral, that I should espouse his daughter,

and I sent to request the Vizier Djémdal eddin that the betrothal

should take place in his presence at the palace. He agreed and

sent betel, according to custom, and sandal. The people were

present for the ceremony. The Vizier Souleimaén delayed his

coming. He was sent for: and yet he came not. He was sent

for a second time, and he excused himself on account of the ill-

ness of his daughter: but the Grand Vizier said to me in private,

“‘ His daughter refuses to marry ; and she is mistress of her own

actions. But see! the people are assembled : would you like to

espouse the step-mother of the Sultana, the widow of her father?”

(The Grand Vizier’s son was then married to this woman’s

daughter). I replied “Yes, by all means.” He then convoked

the K4zi and the notaries. The profession of the Musalman

faith was then recited, and the Vizier paid the dowry. After

some days my wife was brought to me. She was one of the best

women who ever lived. Such was her good manners, that when

I became her husband, she anointed me with scented oils and per-

fumed my clothes ; during this operation she laughed and allowed

nothing disagreeable to be seen.

When I had married this lady, the Vizier constrained me

to accept the functions of the Kazi. The cause of my nomina-

1882.] IBN BATUTA IN THE MALDIVES AND CEYLON. 29

tion was that I had reproached the Kazi for taking the tenth

part of inheritances, when he made partition among the heirs. I

said to him, “ You ought to have only afee, which you should

agree for with the heirs.” This judge did nothing rightly.

After I was invested with the dignity of Kazi, I used all my

efforts to have the precepts of the law observed. Disputes are

not settled in that country as in ours. The first bad custom

which I reformed concerned the sojourn of divorced women at

the houses of those who had repudiated them ; for these women

did not cease to remain at the houses of their former husbands,

until they got married to others. I prevented this being done

under any pretext. About five and twenty men were brought to

me who had conducted themselves in this sort. I had them

beaten with whips,* and had them marched through the bazars.

As for the women, I compelled them to leave the homes of these

men. Next I exerted myself to get prayers celebrated : I order-

ed some men to run down the streets and bazars immediately

after the Friday’s prayers. If any were discovered, who had not

prayed, I had him beaten and marched through the town. I com-

pelled the imams and Mouezzins in possession of fixed appoint-

ments to apply themselves assiduously in their duties. I wrote

in the same sense to (the magistrates of ) all the other islands.

Lastly I essayed to make the women dress themselves, but in

this I did not succeed.

OF THE ARRIVAL OF THE VIZIER ABD ALLAH, SON OF

MOHAMMED ALHADHRAMY wHom SULTAN CHIHAB

EDDIN HAD BANISHED TO SOUWEID: ACCOUNT

OF WHAT PASSED BETWEEN US.

I had espoused the step-daughter of this personage, and I

loved this wife very dearly. When the Grand Vizier recalled

him to the Island of Mahal, I sent him presents, went to meet

* M. dwird. Pyrard has gleau “leathern thongs used for corporal punish-

ment.”-—B,

30 JOURNAL BE. A. § CEYLON, [EXTRA Wo:.

him, and accompanied him to the palace. He saluted the Grand

Vizier, who lodged him in a magnificent house, and there I often

visited him. It happened, whenI passed the month of Ramazén

in prayer, that all the inhabitants visited me, except ’Abd-Allah.

The Vizier Djémél eddin himself came to see me, and ’Add-Allah

with him, but only bearing him company. Enmity arose be-

tween us. Afterwards when I came out of my retreat, the

maternal uncles of my wife, the step-daughter of ’Abd-Allah

made a complaint to me. They were the sons of the Vizier

Djéméal eddin Assindjary. Their father had appointed the Vizier

’Abd-Allah to be their guardian, and their property was still in

his hands, although they had by the law emerged from wardship.

They demanded his appearance in Court. It was my custom

when I summoned one of the contending parties to send him a

slip of paper, either with or without writing. On delivery of

that the party repaired to the Court ; if he did not, I punished

him. In this way I sent a slip to ’Abd-Allah. ‘This procedure

raised his choler, and on account thereof he conceived a hatred

for me. He concealed his enmity and sent some one to plead for

him. Some unseemly language was reported to me as having

been used by him.

The islanders, both gentle and simple, were accustomed to

salute the Vizier ’Abd-Allah in the same way as the Vizier

Djémél eddin. Their salutation consists in touching the ground

with the forefinger, then kissing it, and placing it on the head.

I issued orders to the public crier, and he proclaimed in the

(Queen’s palace in the presence of witnesses, that whoever should

render homage to ’Abd-Allah in like manner as to the Grand

Vizier should incur severe chastisement. And I exacted from

him a promise that he wouid not allow men to do so. His

enmity against me was now increased. Meantime I married an-

other wife, daughter of a highly esteemed Vizier, whose grand-

father was the Sultan Ddoud, the grand-son of the Sultan

1882. ] INB BATUTA IN THE MALDIVES AND CEYLON, 31

Ahmed Chénotrdzah.* Then I married one who had been

married to the Sultan Chikhadb eddin, and I had three houses built

in the garden which the Vizier gave to me. My fourth wife,

the step-daughter of *Abd-Allah, lived at her own house. She

was the one of all my wives whom I cherished the most. Thus

allied by marriage to the persons named, the Vizier and the

people of the island feared me much, by reason of their own

weakness. False reports were spread between me and the Grand

Vizier, in great part by the care of the Vizier ’Add-Allah, so

that our estrangement became final.

OF MY DEPARTURE FROM THESE PEOPLE, AND OF

THE MOTIVE THEREOF.

It happened that one day the wife of a slave of the late

Sultan Djelal eddin made a complaint of him to the Vizier, to

the effect that he had a liaison with one of the Sultan’s con-

cubines. The Vizier sent witnesses, who entered the girl’s house

and found the slave asleep with her upon the same carpet. Both

were taken into custody. In the morning, on being informed of

this, I went to the audience hall and took my seat in my cus-

tomary place. I made no reference to the affair. A courtier

then approached me and said, “ The Vizier requests to know if

you have any business with him.” I replied, “No.” The

desion of the minister was that I should speak of the affair of

the concubine and the slave; for it was my invariable rule to de-

cide every case which he put before me. But as I was showing

him my dissatisfaction and dislike, I omitted to do so then. I

went straightway to my own house and took my seat where I

delivered my judgments. Soon after came a Vizier, saying on

behalf of the Grand Vizier, “ Yesterday, so and so occurred in

* This relationship fixes approximately the date of Chénodrazah and of

the Muhammedan conversion, which may have been as early as 1200 A. D.,

but—allowing for early marriages—perhaps more probably about 1220, or

1230 A.D.—See Paper on the Maldives, J. R.A.S., Vol. X., N., 8. 1878., p. 177,

82 JOURNAL R. A. 8. CEYLON. [EXTRA NO,

the matter of the concubine and slave : judge both of them con-

formably with the law.” I replied, “ It is a cause in which it is

not fitting to deliver judgment save at the Sultan’s palace.”

I then returned thither : the people assembled, and the concubine

and the slave were summoned. I ordered that both should be

beaten for their haison ; and adjudged that the woman should be

set at liberty and the slave kept in prison : after which I returned

home.

The Vizier sent several of his principal attendants to speak

to me about setting the slave at liberty. I said to them, “ Inter-

cession is made with me in favor of a negro slave, who has

violated the respect which he owed to his master; while but

yesterday, you have deposed the Sultan Chihdb eddin and slain

him, because he went into the house of one of his slaves.’

Thereupon I ordered the prisoner to be beaten with bambu

switches, which produced more effect than the whip. I had

him marched through the whole island, with a rope round his

neck. The messengers of the Vizier went and informed him of

what passed. He discovered great agitation and was inflamed

with anger. He assembled the other Viziers, the chiefs of the

army, and sentforme. I obeyedthesummons. Itwas my custom

to pay him homage by bending the knee. This time I did not

do so, only saying “ Peace be with you !”** Then I said to those

present, “ Be ye witnesses that I resign my functions as K4zi,

because I am rendered powerless to exercise them.” The Vizier

having then bespoke me, I went up and took a seat in front of

him, and then I answered him in terms yet more severe. After

this rencontre, the Mouezzin made the call to prayer at sun-down,

and the Grand Vizier entered his house, saying, “ It is pretended

that I am a sovereign; but see! I have sent for this man in

order to vent my wrath upon him, and he dares to be angry with

me.” I was only respected by these islanders for the sake of

the Sultan of India, for they knew the position I occupied under

* Salaam alescon /—Ax.

£882. | IBN BATUTA IN THE MALDIVES AND CEYLON. Bis}

him. Although they are far removed from him, they fear him

much; in their hearts..

When the Grand Vizier had returned to his house, he sent

the deposed K4zi, an eloquent speaker, who addressed me as

follows :—*“ Our master requires to: know why you have violated,

in the presence of witnesses, the respect which is due to him,

and why you have not rendered him homage?” I replied, “I

saluted him only when my heart was satisfied with him; but now

that dissatisfaction has supervened, I have renounced the usage..

The salutation of Musalmans consists only of the word assélém,

( Peace be with you!) and that I have pronounced.’ The Vizier

sent this person a second time, and he then said, “You have no

other aim but that of leaving us; pay the dowries of your wives,

and what you owe to the men, and go when you will.” At this

speech I bowed and went to-my house and paid such debts as I

had contracted: Up to this time the Vizier had given me carpets

and a suite of furniture, consisting of copper vessels, and other

things. He used to grant me everything I asked ; he loved me

and treated me with consideration; but his disposition changed and:

he became inspired with fear of me.

When he heard that I bad paid’ my debts and that I was.

intending to depart, he repented of what he had said, and put

off granting me permission to go. Ladjured him by the strongest

oaths that I was under necessity to resume my voyage. I re-

moved my belongings to a mosque upon the beach, and repudiated

one of my wives. Another was with child, to her I gave a term.

of nine months, within which 1 might return, or in default thereof

she was to be mistress of her own actions. I took with me that

one of my wives who had been married to the Sultan Chihad

eddin. in order to restore her to her father who dwelt in

the island of Molotc, and my first wife, whose daughter was

half-sister to the Sultana. I agreed with the Vizier ’Omar

Deherd (or General of the army, v. s. p. 22) and the Vizier

o4 JOURNAL RB. A. S CEYLON. [EXTRA No.

flagan, the Admiral, that I should go to the country of Ma’bar*

(Coromandel ), the king of which was my brother-in-law, and that

I should return with troops, to the end that the islands might be

reduced under his authority, and that I should then exercise the

power in his name. I chose to serve as signals between us,

white flags to be hoisted on board the vessels. As soon as

they should see these, they were to rise in rebellion on shore. I

never had any such idea, up to the day when I showed my dis-

pleasure. The Vizier was afraid of me and said to the people,

* This man is determined to get the Vizierate, me living or dead.”

He made many enquiries about me, and added, “1 have heard

that the King of India has sent him money, to use in raising

trouble against me.” He dreaded my departure lest I should

return from the Coromandel Coast with troops. He bade me re-

main until he should get a ship ready for me: but I refused.

The half-sister of the Queen complained to her of the

departure of her mother with me. The Queen wished to prevent

her, but did not succeed. When she saw her resolved to go, she

said to her, “ All the trinkets you possess were provided

with money from the custom-house. If you have witnesses

to swear that Djélal eddin gave them to you, good and well;

otherwise restore them.” These trinkets were of considerable

value ; nevertheless my wife gave them up to these people.

The Viziers and Chiefs came to me while I was at the mosque,

and prayed me to return. I replied to them, “ Had I not sworn,

assuredly I would return.” They said, “Go then to some other

island, so that your oath be kept, and then return.” “Very

well,” said I, to satisfy them. When the day of my departure

coast by the Arabs during the 13th and 14th centuries. Col. Yule suggests

that it referred to the communication with Ceylon, or, as is more probable, to

its being at that age the coast most frequented by travellers from Arabia and

the Gulf (Marco Polo II., p, 268). The tract of coast called Ma’bar extended

from Cape Comorin to Nellore.

1882.) IBN BATUTA IN THE MALDIVES AND CEYLON, 35

was come, I went to bid adieu to the Vizier. He embraced me

and wept in such wise that his tears fell upon my feet. He

passed the following night watching in the island, for fear lest

my connections by marriage and my comrades should rise in

rebellion against him.

At length I got away and arrived at the island of the

Vizier "Aly. My wife was in great distress, and wished to re-

turn. I repudiated her and left her there, and wrote this news to

the Vizier, for she was the mother of his son’s wife. I repu-

_ diated also the wife to whom I had fixed the term (for my return)

and sent for a slave girl I was fond of. Meanwhile we sailed

_ through the midst of the islands, from one group to another.

Or WoMEN WHO HAVE ONLY ONE BREAST.

In one of the islands I saw a woman who had only one breast.

She was mother of two daughters, of whom one resembled her

exactly, and the other had two breasts, only that one was large

and full of milk, the other small and contained none. I was_

astonished at the conformation of these women.

We arrived in course at another of these islands which was

smaJl, and had a solitary house, occupied by a weaver,* a married

man and father of a family. He possessed small coco trees, and

a little barque,f which served him for fishing and visiting the

other islands when he wished: on his islet were also small

bananas trees. We saw there none of the birds of the continent,

except two crows, which flew in front of us on our arrival and

circled round our ship. I truly envied the lot of this man, and

made a vow that if his island should belong to me, I would retire

_ to it until the inevitable term should arrive for me. :

* Mats, and some cloths, are woven in Huvadt (Suvadiva) Atol ; the former

on the islands Gaddt, Havara Tinadi, and Gemand-furhi.—B.

+ M. mas odi.—B.

*36 JOURNAL R. A. S. CEYLON. | | EXTRA NO,

I next arrived at the island of Molotic,* where I found the

‘ship belonging to the captain Ibrahim in which I had resolved

to sail to the Coromandel Coast. That person came to visit me

along with his companions, and they entertained me at a fine

feast. The Vizier had written in my favor an order requiring

them to give me at this island 120 bostow ( v.s.p.11) of cowries,

20 goblets of athoudn+ or coco-honey, and to add to that every

day a certain quantity of betel, arecanuts, and fish. I remained

‘at Molotic 70 days, and married two wives there. Molotc is

‘one ‘of the fairest islands to see, being verdant and fertile.

Among other marvellous things to be seen there, I remarked that

a branch cut off one of the trees there, and planted in the ground

or on a wall, will cover itself with leaves and become itself a

tree. I observed also that the pomegranate tree there ceases

not to bear fruit the whole year round. ‘The inhabitants of this

island were afraid that the captain Ibrahim was goimg to harry

them at his departure. They therefore wanted to seize the arms

which his ship contained, and to keep them until the day of his

departure. <A dispute arose on this subject, and we returned to

Mahal, but did not disembark. I wrote to the Vizier informing

him of what had taken place. He sent a written order to the

effect that there was no ground for seizing’the arms of the crew.

We then returned to Moloéc, and left it again in the middle of

the month of Rabi the second of the year 745 (26th August A. D,

1344). In the month of Shabdn of the same year (December,

1344), died the Vizier Djémdél eddin. The Sultana was with

child by him and was delivered after his death. The Vizier

’Abd- Allah took her‘to wife.

* Molotic:—Moluk, the chief island of Moluk Atol, is in lat. 2° 57'N. The

Admiralty Chart says that it possesses good water. [More probably Pua

Mulaku Island, which lies detached a little S. E. of the centre of the Equatorial

Channel (lat. 0°17, S.) between Huvadt and Addu Atols. Ibn Batuta had

already “sailed through the midst of the islands, from one group to another.” —B. |

+ Athoudn:—Above at p. 22 coco-honey is called korbany. In Moura’s

edition of Ibn Batita (Lisbon, 1855), the word appears as alatuan.

'¥882.] IBN BATUTA IN THE MALDIVES AND CEYLON. 3

As for‘us, we sailed on, though without an experienced pilot.

‘The distance which separates the Maldives from the Coromandel

‘Coast is three days’ sail. We were for nine days under sail, and on

the 9th we went on shore atthe island of Ceylon. We perceived

the mountain of Sérendib raised in the air like a column of smoke.

When we came near the island, the mariners said, “ This port is

not in the country of a Sultan in whose dominions the merchants

‘can go in all safety; it is in the country of the Sultan Airy

‘Chacarouaty* who is one of the unjust and perverse. He has ships

‘engaged in piracy on the high seas.” Wherefore we feared to

land at his port, but, the wind rising, we were in danger of being

‘swamped, and I said to the Captain, “ Put me ashore and I will

get for you a safe-conduct from this Sultan.” He did as I re-

‘quested, and put me out onthe beach. The idolaters advanced

to meet us and said, “ Who are you?” I apprized them that I

was the brother-in-law and friend of the Sultan of Coromandel,

that I was on my way to pay him a visit, and that what was on

board the ship was destined for a present to that prince. The

natives went to their Sovereign and communicated to him my

reply. He sent for me, and I presented myself before him at

the town of Batthdlah (Putialam )+ which was his capital. It is

* Airy Chacarouaty:—This seems to be the (?) P&ndiyan prince, “ Aareya

Chakkra Warti,” mentioned in Pridham (Ceylon, Vol I.,p. 78), who, after 1371

A.D., conquered the northern half of the Island, and took King Wikrama captive,

but was defeated by the Adigar Alakeswara, and possibly the same Malabar

Prince captured and put to death by Prince “ Sapoomal Cumara.”—See Upham’s

Rajawali, p.264, 269. [A correspondent writes :—‘ The name identifies no indi-

vidual. All the Kings of Jaffna seem to have been called Ariya or Ariyan—an

old title in India. See the Khandagiri rock inscription, and one of those over

the Manikpura cave at Udayagiri (Cunningham’s Corpus Insc. Indic., Vol. I. )

Jaffna at this period (A.D. 1344) was, if the Vaipava Mdlai can be trusted,

under the rule of Kunavirasinka Ariyan.”—B. ]

+ Batthdlah :—This town has been identified with Puttalam by Lee,

Tennent, the French Hditor, and Col. Yule, successively ; but, it seems to me,

without sufficient authority. The @ of Batthdlah is against it; so too the want

38 JOURNAL R. A. S. CEYLON, [EXTRA NO

@ neat little place, surrounded by a wall and bastions of wood.

All the neighbouring shore was covered with trunks of cinnamon

trees, torn up by the terrents. This wood was collected on the

beach, and formed as it were hillocks. The inhabitants of Coro-

-mandel and of Malabar take it away without payment, save only

that in return for this favor they make a present to the Sultan of

of corroborative evidence of the existence of Puttalam as a town of any import-

ance at this period, and the want of any river in its neighbourhood answering

to the “torrents” spoken of by the traveller. This last point, and the doubt-

ful existence of cinnamon so far north as Puttalam, are the only difficulties

raised by Tennent (Vol. I., p. 580). The site of Batthdlah has to be found with a

full consideration of the cinnamon question, and, of the site of Méndr Mendely,

the town at which Ibn Batuta: first halts on his journey towards the Peak.

With his usual laborious care Tennent (Vol. I.,p. 596) has examined all the early

authorities known to him, and concludes that the text here gives the first

mention of cinnamon as a product of Ceylon. Col. Yule, however (Marco

Polo, Vol. II., p. 255), points out that two previous notices of it exist, one in

-Kazwini (circa A.D. 1275), the other in a letter from John of Montecorvino

(Ethe’s Kazwini, 229 ; Cathay, 218.)

The account given by our traveller shews that it was not as yet cultivated,

and perhaps that the “trunks’’ seen by him were not those of the valuable variety

-of later days, but of the common indigenous cassia. I am not aware whether the

cultivation, or growth, of cinnamon positively ceases at Chilaw, as seems to

be the common opinion: but, even if this be true of the Ceylon cinnamon of

commerce, it may not be so of the indigenous plant, and the area of production

may be more limited now than in the 4th century. Ribeyro (Lee’s edn., p. 15),

says “there is a forest of it 12 leagues in extent between Chilaw and the pagoda

of Tenevary,” without saying that Chilaw is the northern limit: the French trans-

lator (at p.11) in his note, remarks ‘ that itis only found between Grudumalé

and Tenevaré.’ Now the promontory of Kutiraimalai is a considerable

distance north of Puttalam: and I have little doubt that the French translator

had good authority for the assertion. The remaining difficulty, that of the

‘torrents,’ inclines me to believe that the site of Batihdlah was probably

further north, near the mouth of the Kalé-oya, where the free access to the

sea by the passage between Kalpitiya and Karativu would seem to designate a

more suitable situation for a Prince, whose strength lay in ships.

It now remains to fix Méndr Mendely, which has been identified by pre

ceding commentators, and not unnaturally, with the Minneri Mundal of

1882. | IBN BATUTA IN THE MALDIVES AND CEYLON. ao:

stuffs and such things. Between Coromandel and the island of

Ceylon there is a distance of a day and a night. There is also

found in this island plenty of brazil-wood,* as well as Indian

aloes, called alcalakhy (perhaps from the Greek ayaddonort ), but

which does not resemble the kamdry or the kdhouly.t We

shall speak of them hereafter.

Or THE SULTAN OF CEYLON. | :

He is ealled Airy Chacarouaty, and he is a powerful King

upon the sea. I saw in one day, while I was on the Coromandel

Arrowsmith’s map, adopted by Tennent. This place is represented as upon the.

Calpentyn [Kalpitiya] peninsular, due west of Puttalam, ane I could never account

for the traveller taking it on his route to the Peak. I am now informed that no such

place exists. There is, however, on the present road, about half way between

Puttalam and Chilaw, a village called Muntal or Mundal, four miles north of the

Battul-oya, which seems to me to suit the description of the traveller in every

way. Ménér Mendely was the frontier town of the Batihalah Prince, as

Bender Séldoudt (Chilaw) must (from the term Bender) have been to the

Sinhalese King of the South: and the low jungles of the neighbourhood have

always been a favourite haunt of wild buffaloes. By the Census of 1871, I find

Mundal and Tandivila together had a population of 128, and Paniya Muntal,

a neighbouring village, of 80. In conelusion, I have to state that the correspon-

dent who has indicated the places on the Peak route, is of opinion that —

Batthalah is Jaffna and Ménaér Mendely, Mannar. I have been unable, after

due consideration, to adopt his views, nor could I state them here at sufficient

length. I trust, however, that if he has no objection he will formulate them in

a:separate paper for the use of the Society.

* Brazil-wood :—i.e., “sapan.” ‘‘ They have brazil-wood, much the best

in the world.’ Kazwini names it, and Ribeyro (Lee’s edn., p. 16) does the like.”

—Yule, Marco Polo, Vol. II., pp. 254, 256.

+ Alcalakhy :—Mr. L. Nell considers the surmise of the French editors’

correct. “Ibn Batuta evidently uses the Greek term agallokon corresponding

to the Latin Ewcaecaria agallocha. The Socotrine variety of aloes is the

usual medicinal species. Two indigenous species are known in India, the

Aloe Indica and the Aloe litoralis. One of these grows freely in Puttalam,

and is known by the Tami] name, takkali.’—B.

+ Kamdry; kakouly.—Dr. 8. Lee (Travels of Ibn Batuta, p. 184) identifies the

latter of these plants on the authority of Ibn Husain’s Medical Dictionary.—B.

40 JOURNAL R. A. 8. CEYLON. [EXTRA NOs.

Coast, a hundred of his ships, both small and’ great, which had

just arrived. There were in the: port eight ships belonging to-

the Sultan of the country and destined’ to.make the voyage to:

Yemen. The sovereign gave orders to make preparations, and’

assembled people to guard’ his: vessels. When the Sinhalese:

despaired of finding an opportunity of seizing them, they said,.

*“We have only come to protect the vessels belonging to us,

which also must go. to Yemen.”

When I entered the presence of the idolater Sultan, le rose,.

and made me sit by his side, and; spoke to me with the greatest:

good-will. “Let your comrades,”’ said‘he, “land in all safety,.

_and be my guests until they leave. There is an alliance between.

me and the Sultan of Coromandel.” Then he gave orders. to;

have me: lodged, and I remained with him for three days,. in.

great consideration, which increased.every day. He understood.

the Persian tongue, and much did he relish all I told. him of

foreign Kings and countries. I entered his presence one day-

when he had by him a quantity of pearls, which had been

brought from the fishery in his dominions. The servants. of

the prince were sorting the precious from those which were not

so. He said to me, “Have you seen the pearl fishery in the

countries whence you have come?’ “Yes,” I answered, “I

have seen it in the island of eis, and in that of Kech,

which belong to lbn Assaoudmély.” “Ihave heard of them,”

replied he ; and then took up some pearls and added, “ Are

there at that island any pearls equal to these?” I said, “I have

seen none so good.’ My answer pleased him, and he said, “ They

are yours: do not blush,” added he, “and ask of me anything

you desire.” I replied, “I have no other desire, since I have

arrived in this island, but to visit the illustrious Foot of Adam.”

The people of the country call the first man b4b4 (father) and

Eve, mdmé(mother). ‘That is easy enough,” answered he, “We

shall send some one to conduct you.” “ Thatis what I wish,”

1882. ] IBN BATUTA IN THE MALDIVES AND CEYLON, 41

said I, and then added, “ The vessel in which I have come will

go in safety to Ma’bar and on my return, you will send me in

your ships.” “ By all means” said he.

When I reported this to the Captain of the ship, he said, “ I

will not go till you have returned, even though I should have to

wait a year for you.” I made known this answer to the Sultan,

and he said, “ The Captain shall be my guest until your return.”

He gave me a palanquin, which his slaves bore upon their backs,

and sent with me four of those djoguis who are accustomed to

undertake the pilgrimage annually to the Foot; he added to the

party three Brahmins, ten others of his friends, and fifteen men

to carry the provisions. As for water, it is found in abundance

on the route.

On the day of our departure, we encamped near a river,

which we crossed in a ferry-boat formed of bamboos. Thence we

took our way to Méndr Mendely, a fine town, situated at the ex-

tremity of the Sultan’s territory, the people of which treated us

to an excellent repast. This consisted of young buffaloes, taken

In chase in the neighbouring forest and brought in alive, rice,

melted butter, fish, chickens and milk. We did not see im this

town a single Musalman, except a native of Khorassan, who

had remained on account of sickness, and who now accompanied

‘us. We left for Bender Séldouat,* a little town, and after quitting

it we traversed some rough country, much of it under water.

There were numbers of elephants there, which do no manner of

harm to pilgrims, nor to strangers, and that is by the holy influence

of Shaikh Abou ’Abd Allah, son of Khafif, the first who opened

this way to visiting the Foot. Up to that time the infidels

prevented the Musalmans from accomplishing the pilgrimage,

* Bender Séldoudt, i.e., Chilaw.—The fact that it was called Bender, implies, L

think, that it contained a custom-house or store-house (V. s. p. 10), and was a

frontier town of the King who ruled south of ‘‘ Aareya Chakrawarti.”” This is

_ confirmed by the description of Ménar Mendely as the frontier town of “ Aareya

Chakrawarti,”

42 ‘JOURNAL ‘R. “A. S. CEYLON. [EXTRA NO,

harried them, and would not’eat or deal with them. But when

the adventure, which ‘we have'recounted in the first part of these

- Voyages ( Tome T1, pp. 80, 81) had happened to the Shaikh Abou

?Abd Allah, that is to say, the ‘murder of all his companions by

the elephants, his own preservation, and the manner in which the

elephant carried him on its back, from that time on the idolaters

have respected the Musalmans, have permitted them to enter

their houses and to eat with them.* They also place confidence

in them, as regards their women and children. Even to this

‘day ‘they ‘venerate in the highest degree the above-named Shaikh,

and call ‘him “the Great Shaikh.’

Meanwhile we reached the town of Conacdr,{ the residence

* “Tn ‘this statement Tbn Batuta is fully borne out by Robert Knox, who

‘says, speaking of the charity of the Sinhalese, in his Chapter ‘concerning

their religious doctrines, opinions, and practices,’ Part iii., Ch. 5, ‘Nor are

they charitable only to the poor of their own nation ; but, as I said, to others

and particularly to the Moorish beggars, who are Mahometans by religion ;

these have a temple in Kandy. A certain former King gave this temple this

privilege—that every freeholder should contribute a ponnam (fanam, 1}d.) to it 5

and these Moors go to every house in the land to receive it [except in

Dolosbagé]; and, if the house be shut, they have power to break it open, and

take of goods to the value of it. They come very confidently when they beg,

and say they come to fulfil the peoples’ charity ; and the people do liberally re-

lieve them for charity’s sake....... These Moors pilgrims have many pieces of

land given to them by well disposed persons, out of charity, where they build

houses and live ; and this land becomes theirs from generation to generation for

ever.’’’ (Skeen, Adam’s Peak, p. 285.)—B.

+ Conacar—Dr. Lee identifies this place with Gampola, and he is followed

by Pridham and Tennent. According to Turnour’s Epitome, Gampola did not

become the capital till after 1347, while Ibn Batuta is writing of the end of

1344. The Sinhalese monarchy was then in a very troublous condition, and

it is difficult to decide upon the locality of Conacdr.—[Skeen (Adam’s Peak,

p. 286) hesitates between Gampola and Ratnapura, the place where gems are

chiefly found.] Col. Yule (Cathay, p. 423, Note) suggests that it was Kurunégala.

[Mr. L. Nell writes :— Sir Emerson Tennent did not hesitate to identify

this Sovereign with Bhuwanéka Bahu IV., whose capital was Gangasripura, the

modern Gampola. This identification was based on the Chronological Table of

1882. | IBN BATUTA IN THE MALDIVES: AND CEYLON. 43

of the principal Sovereign of the Island. It is built in a gully, be-

tween two mountains, near a: great vale, called ‘the vale of

precious stones,’* because gems are found in it. Outside this

town is seen the Mosque of the Shaikh ’Othmdn of Shiraz,.

surnamed Chéotch (the usher); The King-and inhabitants of the

place visit him, and treat him with high: consideration. He used

Turnour ; but there are two grounds to doubt this identification. In the first

place Turnour admitted an anachronism about A.D. 1347, the date assumed for

the accession of Bhuwanéka Bahu: IV, because the terms of three reigns

immediately preceding this Sovereign are not given. Secondly, the capital of

Kinar or Kondr is described as situate in » valley between two hills in a ‘vale’

(or aecording to Lee ‘ bay’) im which gems were found. The term Conacar,

sounds like an Arabattempt to reproduce the name Kurunégala. Ibn Batuta:

wrote in A.D. 1344 ; aceording to Turnour, Gampola did not become the capital:

till after A.D: 1347. We are thus thrown back to a period before the accession:

of Bhuvanéka Bahu. IV. There is an old native route between Puttalam and

Kurunégala. The route from Puttalam to Gampola direct has not been

known.” The correspondent already quoted notes:—‘In tracing the traveller

beyond Chilaw referenee is necessary to Ceylon history. Incomparably the

best authority for this period is.the Mikaya Sangraha, which was composed about.

1396 A.D. (Turnour states 1357 A.D., but that is manifestly wrong, as the

author describes all the Kings up to Bhuvanaika Bahu V., who came to the

throne £914 A.B., showing Turnour’s date to be wrong by 7 years): the

corresponding portion of the Mahdwanso was written in 1758 A.D., and is

not of anything like the same authority.

“The King of Sinhalese Ceylon in 1344 A.D. was Bhuvanaika Bahu IV.

He aseended the throne 1342 A.D., and did not. move the seat of Government

to Gampola from Kurunégala until 1346 A.D. Consequently Conicar must be

(as indeed one would expect from the sound) Ibn Batuta’s way of rendering

Kurunégala. It lies ‘between two mountains,’ the Handrukkanda range and

the Yakdessa range.”—B.]

* « The valley of the Maha-oya which is within 10 miles of Kurunégala.

The word ‘Manikam’ used by the traveller (Lee’s version) occurs in two villages

in this valley Menik-divela and Menik-kadawara. The valley was celebrated

for precious stones (see Kadaim pota), and the latter was a place of some

notoriety in the 16th century, and figures in Tennent’s Portuguese map as

Manicavare: it is near Polgahawela.’’-—Jb.

44 JOURNAL R. A. S. CEYLON. [EXTRA NO.

to serve as a guide for those who go to see the Foot. When he

had his hand and foot cut off, his sons and slaves became guides

in his stead. The cause of his bemg so mutilated was that he

killed a cow. Now the law of the Hinds ordams that one who

has killed a cow should be massacred in like wise, or enclosed in

its skin and burnt. The Shaikh ’Othmin being respected by

those people, they contented themselves with cutting off his hand

and foot, and granted to him, as a present, the dues levied at a

certain market.

OF THE SULTAN OF COWACAR.

He is called by the name Condr,* and possesses the white

elephant. I have never seen in the world another white elephant.

The King rides him on solemn occasions, and attaches to the

forehead of this animal large jewels. It happened to this

Monarch that the nobles of his empire rebelled agaist him,

blinded him, and made his son King. As for him, he still lives

in this town, deprived of his sight.

* Condr—According to Turnour’s list of Sinhalese monarchs, the King at

this time, 1344-45, would be Wijaya Bahu the Vth. Col. Yule (Cathay, p. 423

Note) thinks Condr or Kundr is the Sanskrit Kunwar, ‘ prince.’

[ “Col. Yule’s guess” adds Mr. Nell “at the name of the Sovereign

‘ Conar, as identical with ‘ Kunwar,’ the Sanskrit for ‘ Prinee’, comes near

what I conceive to be the fact. It will be seen that the Arab traveller describe

a Mahommedan Mosque, outside the town of this Prince. Now, a Mahommedan

Prince, Vasthimi Kumdraya, did reign with great popularity in Kurunégala,

His romantic story is a local tradition in that town. He is said to have been

treacherously murdered by the Buddhist priests of a temple on Etdgala. They

invited him to be present at a religious ceremony and suddenly pushed him

over the precipice [Pridham, Vol. I1., p. 649]. Offerings are made upon a mound

on the road to the M4lig4wa, which probably marks the spot where the Prince

was interred, or the Shaikh referred to hereafter. No native will venture to pass

the spot after dark without company, for the spirit of Gala-Bandara, on horse-

back, is supposed to ride about the neighbourhood. The Court is said to have been

immediately removed to Dambadeniya after this assassination, on the ground

that the sanctity of the city had been polluted by a Mahommedan usurper.

1882.] IBN BATUTA IN THE MALDIVES AND CEYLON. 45

OF THE PRECIOUS STONES.

The admirable gems called elbahramdn (rubies or earbuncles)

are only found at this town. Some of them are found in the vale

and these are the most precious in the eyes of the natives :

others are extracted from the earth. Gems are met with in all

localities in the island of Ceylon. In this country the whole of

the soil is private property. An individual buys a portion of it,

and digs to find gems. He comes across stones white-

branched : in the interior of these stones the gem 1s hidden.

The owner sends it to the lapidaries, who scrape it until it is

separated from the stones which conceal it. There are the red

(rubies ), the yellow (topazes ), and the blue ( sapphires ) which

they call neilem (nilem).* It is aruleof the natives that precious

stones whose value amounts to 100 fanams are reserved for the

Sultan, who gives their price and takes them for himself. As

for those of an inferior price, they remain the property of the

finders.f One hundred fanams are equivalent to six pieces ot

gold.

It is probable that the priest, who compiled the history referred to by Turnour,

has purposely omitted the name of this Kwmdraya, thus causing the

anachronism noticed by Turnour. Césie Chetty conjectures that this Prince

was the son of Wijaya Bahu V. by his Moorish Queen Vasthimi

and this is quite consistent. with the above theory. It is also stated by Ibn

Batuta that the King and inhabitants of Conacar used to visit the Mahommedan

Shaikh ’Othman of Shiraz at his Mosque, and to treat him with great

respect. It is significant that the Prince of Conacar is not mentioned in the

French translation as ‘an infidel King’, as Ibn Batuta seems to be careful to

do in all instances of those who were not his co-religionist. The French trans.

lation also describes this King as deposed by his subjects and deprived of his

sight, whilst his son was placed on the throne. This son may have been

Vasthimt Kumarayd. The silence of the Sighalese historians has, however

left all this in doubt.”"—B.]

* Neilem =S. nila.

+ Barbosa on the other hand says that all the Ceylon gemming is done by

the agents of the King, and on his behalf. The stones are brought to him, and

his lapidaries select the best, and sell the rest to the merchants (Stanley's

46 JOURNAL R.. A. 8; CEYLON. [EXTRA NOs.

All the women in the island. of Ceylon possess necklaces of”

precious stones of divers colors: they wear them also: at their:

hands and feet,in the form of bracelets and: khalkhdls (anklets).

The concubines of the Sultan: make a: network of gems and: wear:

it on their heads. I have seen on the forehead: of the white

elephant seven of these: precious stones, each. of which was larger:

than a hen’s egg. I hkewise saw in: possession. of Airy

Chacarouaty a ruby dish, as large as the: palm. of the hand,

containing oil of aloes. I expressed my astonishment at this.

dish, but the Sultan said, “ We have objects ef the same material.

larger than that.’’*

We left Conacar, and halted. at a cave ealled: by the name of:

Ostha Mahmotd Allotry. This person. was one of the best of

men : he had excavated this cave in the mountain side, near a

ttle vale. Quitting this place, we encamped near the vale called!

Khaour bowzneh (‘monkey vale’). Bouzneh (Persian botzineh):

designates the same as alkoroud (plural of alkird, ‘ monkey’) in:

Arabie.

Or THE MownKeEys.

These animals are very numerous in the mountains: they

are of a black colour, and have long tails. Those of the male sex.

have beards tike men. The Shaikh Othman, his son and other

persons, have related to me that the monkeys have a Chief whom

they obey like a Sovereign. He binds round his head a wreath

of the leaves uf trees, and supports himself with a staff. Four

Barbosa, Hakt. Soc., p. 169.) Ludovico di Varthema (A.D. 1505) says :—“ And

when a merchant wishes to find these jewels, he is obliged first to speak to the

King, and to purchase a braza of the said land in every direction (which braza is

called a molan [? amunam], and to purchase it for five dueats. And then when

he digs the said land, a man always remains there on the part of the King, and —

if any jewel be found there which exceeds ten carats, the King claims it for

himself and leaves all the rest free.”—Badger’s Varthema, Hakt. Soc., p. 190<

* See further, as to the wonderful gems of that period, Marco Polo, Bk,

III., Ch. xiv., and Col. Yule’s note thereto.

1882. | IBN BATUTA INTHE MALDIVES AND ‘CEYLON. 4g

monkeys, bearing staves, march on his right and left, and, when

‘the chief is seated, they stand behind him. His wife and little

“ones come and. sit before him every day. The other monkeys

vcome and squat at some distance from him: then one of the four

above-mentioned gives them the werd and they withdraw ; after

which, each brings a banana, or a lime, or some such fruit. The

King of the monkeys, his little ones, and the four chief monkeys

‘then eat. A certain djogui related to me that he had seen these

four monkeys before their Chief, occupied in beating another

monkey with a stick, after which they plucked his hair.*

Trustworthy persons have reported to me that when one of

‘these monkeys has got possession of a young girl, she is unable

to escape his lust. An ihabitant of the island of Ceylon has

told me that he had a monkey, and when one of his daughters

entered the house, the animal followed her. She cried him off,

but he did her violence. “ We ran to her aid,” continued the

speaker, “ and seeing the monkey embracing her, we killed him.”

Then we took our departure for ‘the vale of bamboos,’f where

Abou Abd Allah, son of Khafif, found two rubies, which he

Ibn Batuta was now in their country, Sabaragamuwa, through which he was

journeying, being, as its name imports, ‘the Vedda village.’ ’’ (Skeen, loc. cit.

p. 289). See C.A.S. Journ., Vol. VII., Pt. II., No. 24, 1881, p. 107.—B.

+ ‘Passing throwgh the forest, and cresting several hills that rose each higher

than the one behind we came to Ali-hantenne, [Ali-hén-tena] a tract of dense

canes or bafali, crossed in all directions by numerous elephant tracks. This was

evidently one of the favourite feeding grounds of that monarch of the forest,

as the name it bore plainly enough indicated. Beyond this is an extensive

marsh, thickly covered with large reeds,—‘ the estuary of reeds’ of Ibn Battita,

[Lee’s version ]—a swampy district, not at all pleasant to pass at any season,

wet or dry, owing to the swarms of leeches that infest it: and further on_is

Batapola bueke On the right of the path, in the upward ascent, is one of the caves

which Ibn Batuta refers to in his narrative. It is formed by a straight fissure,

in shape like an immense inverted V, running longitudinally through a huge

boulder 40 feet in length, from 12 to 15 feet in height, and proportionally broad.”

(Skeen, loc. cif., p. 146).—B,

48 JOURNAL R. A. S. CEYLON. [EXTRA NO,

presented to the Sultan of the Island, as we have related in the

first part of these Voyages (Tome II., p. 81): then we marched to

the place called ‘ the house of the old woman,™* which is at the

extreme limit of the inhabited region. We left that for the cave

of Baébdé Thahir, who was a good man; and then for that of

Sebic. This Sébic was one of the idolater Sovereigns, and has

retired to this spot to occupy himself with the practices of devo-

tion.T

OF THE Friyine LEECH.

At this place we saw the flying leech, by the natives called

zolod. It lives upon trees and herbs in the neighbourhood of

water, and when a man approaches, it pounces upon him.

Whatever be the part of the body upon which the leech falls, it

draws therefrom much blood. The natives take care to have

ready in that case a lime, the juice of which they express over

* « A steep and rough ascent, for a considerable distance from Batapola,

—midway in which a stone tumulus has been erected on the spot where the

remains of an old priest were burned—brings the pilgrim to Palabaddala, ‘ the

house of the old woman,’ according to Ibn Batuta, and ‘ the farthest inhabited

part of the island of Cevlon’ [Lee’s version], that is, when he travelled

through it, about five hundred and thirty years ago. € z

“The following legend is connected with the place, and accounts for its

name :—Long, long ago, a very poor woman was desirous of performing the

pilgrimage to the Sri-pada, but, owing to her extreme poverty, could take

nothing with her except some common jungle leaves, which in times of distress

the natives occasionally resort to for food ; these she boiled, and rolled up in a

plaintain leaf ; and having arrived thus far, when about to partake of her food,

she found the boiled leaves had been miraculously turned into rice. Thence-

forward it was called Pald-bat-dola, ‘the place [rill] of rice and vegetables,’ a

name which it has ever since retained.” (Skeen, loc., cit. p. 147, 154-5.) —B.

+ “An ascent of some fifty feet brings the pilgrim to the crest of the

ridge of which the Dharmma-raja-gala forms a part. On the other side there is

a rapid descent of some hundred and twenty feet, to the Gangula-héna-ella, mid-

way to which is the Telihilena, arocky cave, where tradition says an ancient

King (? King Sibak), who had forsaken his throne for an ascetic life, took up

his abode.” (Skeen, loc. cit., pp. 176-7. )—B.

1882. ] IBN BATUTA IN THE MALDIVES AND CEYLON. 49

the worm, and this detaches it from the body: they scrape the

place with a wooden knife made for the purpose. It is said

that a certain pilgrim was passing this neighbourhood, and that

the leeches fastened upon him. He remained impassive, and did

not squeeze lime-juice upon them: and so all his blood was

sucked and he died.* The name of this man was Baba Khoizy,

and there is there a cave which bears his name. From this place

we took our way to ‘the seven caves,’ then to ‘the hill of Iskandar’

(Alexander). There is there a grotto called of Alisfahdny, a

spring of water, and an uninhabited mansion, beneath which is the

bay called. ‘the place of bathing of the contemplative.’ At the

same: place is seen ‘the orange cave’ and ‘the cave of the Sultan.’

Near the latter is the gateway (derwazeh in Persian, bab in

Arabic’ of the mountain.t

* Dr. Lee has this: note :—“ Knox describes these leeches as being rather

troublesome than dangerous. His words are :—‘ There is a sort of leaches of

the nature of ours, onely differing in colour and bigness; for they are of a dark

reddish colour like the skin of bacon, and as big as a goose-quill ; in length

some two or.three inches. At first, when they are young, they are no bigger

_ than a horse-hair, so that they can scarce be seen. In dry weather none of

them appear, but immediately upon the fall of rains, the grass and woods are

full of them. These leaches seize upon the legs of travellers...... Some, therefore,

will tie a piece of Jemon and salt in a rag, and fasten it unto a stick, and ever

and anon strike it upon their legs to make the leaches drop off: others will scrape

them off with a reed, cut flat and sharp in the fashionof a knife,’ &c.—Ceylon, p. 25.

See also the addition by Philalethes, p. 264.” [Zolo% = PS. kudella,—B.]

+ “ We had observed the preceding day, that from some place below the

station [Heramitipana] on the side on which we entered it, coming from

Palabaddala, the pilgrims brought up their supplies. of water ; and on return-

ing from the Peak, in going down towards the Sita-gangula, we saw a descent

to our left, which mistaking for the proper path, one of us went partially

down before he discovered his error. About fifty or sixty feet below, he saw

a clearing in a small dell, in the centre of which was a square kind of tank ;

and this dell he determined to examine on the occasion of his third visit. The

result of the examination was, that he identified the station Heramitipéna, and

this place, as that- described by Ibn Battita, as ‘the ridge of Alexander, in which

50 JOURNAL R. A. S. CEYLON. (EXTRA NO.

Or THE Mountain oF Serenpip (ADAM’s PEan).

It is one of the highest mountains in the world : we saw it

from the open sea, when we were distant from it upwards of nine

days’ march. While we were making the ascent, we saw the

clouds above us, hiding from view the lower parts of it. ‘There’

are upon this mountain many trees of kinds which do not cast

their leaves, flowers of divers colors, and a red rose as large as

the palm of the hand.* It is alleged that on this rose is an in-

scription in which one may read the name of God Most High

and that of his Prophet.f On the mountain are two paths lead-

ing to the Foot of Adam. The one is known by the name of

is a cave and a well of water,’ at the entrance to the mountain Serendib.

The old Moor’s account is somewhat confused, his notes or recollections not

always carrying his facts exactly in their due order; but half way down the

descent, on the left hand, is a well, excavated in the rock, in which we found

about five feet of water, and which swarmed with tadpoles. Possibly Ibn Batuta

found it in the same condition, for he speaks of the well, at the entrance, full

of fish, of which ‘no one takes any.’ At the bottom of the dell is a cleared

space ; in the centre of this is a square tank or well, the sides of which are

formed of blocks of stone, six or eight feet long. Beyond this, almost facing

the descent, some twenty feet up the opposite mountain’s side, is a cave. To

this my companion and I forced our way through the jungle, and came to the

conclusion that this was the cave of Khizr, where, Ibn Batuta says, ‘ the pilgrims

leave their provisions, and whatever else they have, and then ascend about two

miles to the top of the mountain, to the place of (Adam’s) foot.’ In the pre-

ceding sentence he says, ‘ Near this (cave) and on each side of the path, is a

cistern cut in the rock.’ Now, no other place that we saw, or heard of—and

we were particularly minute in our inquiries—answers to such a description.

There are the two wells, and the cave; and the distance to the foot-print is

also pretty fairly estimated.” (Skeen, loc. cit., pp. 226-7.) —B.

* “Gigantic rhododendrons overhang the wall on the eastern side of the

Peak. Their bending trunks seem, to the Buddhist mind, to bow: to the foot- —

print ; and to offer, in homage and adoration, their wealth of crowning crimson

flowers to the pedal impress of the founder of their faith.” (Skeen, loc. cit.,

p- 200.).—B.

: +The pious Musalm4ns in this age of faith found their creed proclaimed

by nature itself not only on the flowers of the rhododendron, but on the leaves

® {

1882. | TBN BATUTA IN THE MALDIVES AND CEYLON. 51

‘the Father’s path’ and the other by that of ‘the Mother’s path.

By these terms are Adam and Eve designated. The Mother’s

route is an easy one, and by it the pilgrims return; but any one

who took it for the ascent would be regarded as not having done

the pilgrimage. The Father’s path is rough and difficult of

ascent. At the foot of the mountain, at the place of the gate-

way, is a grotto also bearing the name of Iskandar, and a spring

of water.

of the fig-tree. Before he went to the Maldives, Ibn Batuta was at Deh Fatian

(? Dévipatam), a town on the Malabar Coast, where he records the existence of

an extraordinary tree near the mosque. “I saw that the mosque was situated,

near a verdant and beautiful tree ; whose leaves resembled those, of the fig,

except that they were glossy. It was surrounded by a wall and had near it a

niche or oratory, where I madea prayer of two genuflexions. The name of this

tree with the natives of the country was derakht (dirakht) acchéhadah ‘ the

tree of the testimony.’ I was informed at this place thatevery year, on the

arrival of autumn, there fell from this tree a solitary leaf, whose colour passed

first to yellow and then to red. On this leaf were written, with the pen of the

Divine power, the words following ‘There is no God but God, and Mohammed

is the apostle of God.’ The juris-consult Hougain and many other trustworthy

men told me that they had seen this leaf, and had read the inscription upon it.

_ Houcain added that, when the time arrived for it to fall, trusted men from

among the Musalmans and the idolaters sat down under the tree. When the

leaf fell the Musalmans took one half of it, while the other was deposited in

the treasury of the idolater Sultan. The inhabitants preserve it for the pur-

pose of curing the sick. This tree caused the conversion of the grandfather of

Coucil [the Sultan at the time of his visit] to the faith, and he it was who

built the mosque and the tank [from its description similar to the Sinhalese

pokuna]. ° This prince could read the Arabic characters: and when he

deciphered the inscription and understood what it contained, he embraced the

true faith and professed it entirely. His story is preserved in tradition among

the Hindus. The juris-consult Houcain told me that one of the children of this

_ King returned to idolatry after the death of his father, governed with injustice,

and ordered the tree to be torn up from the roots. The order was executed,

and no vestige of the tree was left. Nevertheless it began to shoot again,

and became as fair a tree as it had been before. As for the idolater, he came

to die full soon thereafter.” (Tome IV., pp. 85-87.) I have quoted this passage

a2 JOURNAL R. A. S. CEYLON. [EXTRA NO.

The people of old have cut in the rock steps of a kind, by

help of which you ascend; fixed into them are iron stanchions, to

which are suspended chains, so that one making the ascent can

hold onto them.* These chains are ten in number, thus:—two at

the foot of the mountain | Peak] at the place of the gate-way;

seven in contiguity after the two first; and the tenth, that is ‘the

chain of the profession of faith (Islam), so named because a person

who has reached it and looks back at the foot of the mountain

will be seized with hallucinatiens, and, for fear of falling, he will

recite the words “I bear witness that there is no God but God,

and that Muhammad is his prophet.’? When you have passed this

chain, you will find a path badly kept. From the tenth chain to

‘the cave of Khidhr’t is seven miles. This cave is situate at an

open place, and it has near it a sprmg of water full ef fish, and

this also bears the name of Khidhr. No one may catch these

fish. Near the cave are two basins cut im the rock, one on each

at length as an illustration of the habit of missionary religions to annex and

adant the shrines and idols of local worship. The fig-tree in question was, I

have little doubt, a 06 tree, surrounded by a wall and altars like the Maha

Viharé at Anuradhapura. It is likely to have been credited with healing

powers, and so to have preserved its influence in the locality from the decay of

Buddhism in Malabar, through the centuries of Brahmanish reaction, until at

length the followers of the Prophet contrived by means of the fancied inscrip-

tion to control the superstitious faith of its devotees. The similar attempt of

the Muhammadans to annex the Sri-pada of Samanala, by claiming it as the

foot-print of Adam, has done nothing towards the conversion of the Sinhalese.

The Hindus claim it as that of Siva or Vishnu, according to their sect.

(Skeen’s Adam’s Peak, p. 27.)

* These chains are spoken of by Marco Polo in the previous century.

“‘ Furthermore you must know that on this Island of Seilan there is an exceed-

ing high mountain ; it rises right up so steep and precipitous that no one could

ascend it, were it not that they have taken and fixed to it several great massive

iron chains, so disposed that by help of these men are able to mount to the

top.”—Yule, Marco Polo, Vol. IT., p. 256.

+ See, as to the identity of this saint or prophet, Dr. Lee’s note, and Sell,

‘Faith of Islam,’ p. 260.—B. |

1282. | IBN BATUTA IN THE MALDIVES AND CEYLON, DB

‘side of the path. In the grotto of Khidhr the pilgrims leave

their belengings; thence they mount two miles further to the

summit, where is the Foot.

DESCRIPTION OF THE Foot.

The impression of the noble Foot, that of our father Adam,

is observed in ablack and lofty rock, in an open space. The

Foot is sunk in the stone, in such wise that its site is quite de-

pressed; its length is eleven spans.* The inhabitants of China

came here formerly; they have cut out of the stone the mark

of the great toe, and of that next to it, and have deposited this

fragment in a temple of the town of Zeitoun ( Tseu-thoung)

whither men repair from the most distant provinces.| In the rock

whereon is the print of the foot, are cut nine holes, in which the

‘dolater pilgrims place gold, precious stones and pearls. You

“nay see the fakirs, arrived from ‘the grotto of Khidhr’ seeking to

get ahead of one another, and so to get what may be in these

holes. In our case we found there only some little stones, and a

* Dr. Marshall, who in 1819 ascended the Peak with Mr. S. Sawers, says

the foot is 5 ft.6 in. in length. Tennent says it is “about 5 feet long, and of

proportionate breadth” (Vol. II. p. 140), Knox (p. 3) says “about two feet

long,” but he never saw it. Ribeyro, Liv. i., C. xxiii., says, “‘two palms long and

eight inches broad.”” See further Yule’s Marco Polo, Vol. II., p. 261. Lieut.

Malcolm, the first Englishman who made the ascent, (1815), says the impression

is in kabook or ironstone. [‘‘ The heel is much higher than the toes, and the

artificiality of the whole is palpable. A thick raised edging of cement marks

the rude outline of a foot 5 ft. 7 in. long, and 2 ft. 7 in. broad at the point

where the heel begins tocurve. The interstices between the toes are also formed

of cement, and the whole of the markings of the foot every now and again need

repair. The inner portion of the heel and instep are the only parts that are

clearly natural [gneiss] rock, (Skeen, loc. cit., p. 203.)—B. ]

+ Marco Polo -says that an embassy was sent by the great Khan in 1284

while he himself was in China, to obtain relics of our father Adam. They

obtained a couple of teeth, some hair, and a dish of prophyry used by our first

parent. He does not mention that they brought a piece of the rock from the

foot-print,—Yule’s Marco Polo, Vol. II., p, 259.

of JOURNAL RB. A. S. CEYLON. (EXTRA NO.

little gold which we gave to our guide. It is customary for

pilgrims to pass three days in ‘the cave of Khidhr,’ and during

this time to visit the Foot morning and evening: and so did we.

When the three days had elapsed, we returned by way of

‘the Mother s path, and encamped hard by the grotto of Cheim,

who is the same as Cheith (Seth) son of Adam. We halted in

succession near ‘the bay of fish,’ the straggling villages of

Cormolah, Djeber-cioudn, Dildinéoueh and Atkalendjeh.* It was

in the last named place that the Shaikh Abou ’Abd Allah, son of

Khafif passed the winter. All these villages and stations are on —

the mountain. Near the base, on the same path, is the dérukht

(dirakht) rewdn ‘the walking tree,’ a tree of great age, not one

of whose leaves falls.. It is called by the name of mdachiah

(walking) because a person looking at it from above the moun-

tain considers it fixed a long distance off, and near the foot of

the hill; while one who regards it from beneath, believes it to be

in quite the opposite direction. I have seen at this place a band

* [The correspondent before quoted writes :—‘‘I fear the route taken by

the traveller after leaving Kurunégala must always be a matter of conjecture.

I have given it some attention and I think it most probable that he went from

Kurunégala towards the mountains and ascended Adam’s Peak from the

pilgrim’s path in Maskeliya. My reasons are—

(i.) The extreme limit of the inhabited region was evidently a long way

from the Peak—this would be true on the Maskeliya side, but not true in the

low country, as there were villages comparatively near the Peak.

(ii.) From the traveller’s description he evidently went into the mountains

soon after leaving Kurunégala.

(iii.) The names of places described are found on this route, and on no

other. |

(iv.) The traveller describes two routes as practicable. The ‘father’s

path’ as rough and difficult, the ‘mother’s path’ as easy and the way of return.

He went by the former, which is evidently the way through the hills and the

forest of Maskeliya.

The most convenient pass from Kurunégala to the mountains runs past

Girih4gama, and there is a cave in the mountain side near a little vale

(exactly as described) which still retains the name Galagedara (‘cave abode’).

iat

1882. | IBN BATUTA IN THE MALDIVES AND CEYLON, 5

of djoguis, who did not leave the foot of the hill, waiting for the

fall of the leaves of this tree. It is planted in a place where

there is no possibility of getting at it. The idolaters retail some

fictions concerning it; among them, this—whoever eats of its

leaves recovers his youth, even should he be an old man. But

that is false.

Under this mountain is a great vale where precious stones

are found. Its waters appears to the eye extremely blue. From

this we marched for two days as far as the town of Dinéwer, a

large one, built near the sea and inhabited by merchants.* In a

vast temple is seen an idol bearing the same name as the town.

In this temple are upwards of a thousand Brahmins and djoguis,

‘Monkey vale’ I cannot identify; there is a place in Dolosbagé called

Wanduru-mdna (‘monkey measure’).-

‘The vale of bamboos (or reeds)’ I should guess to be Rambukpitiya in

Upper Bulatgama ; itis of some antiquity and importance, and lies right on the

road to Adam’s Peak.

The spot where Abu Abd-Allah found his two rubies is probably even yet

to be identified by the name Menik-hambantofa (‘the gem ford of the foreign

trader’) on the pilgrim’s route. ‘The house of the old woman’ (A ‘chchi-gedara ? }

has probably not survived till our time. The rest of the route lay through ‘the

wilderness of the Peak,’ containing no inhabitants but hermits. The Royal

hermit called Sébtk I should guess to be ‘Raja Savlu (or Sakra) Vije Bahu,’

afterwards father of the Sri-Parékrama Bahu VI. (Valentyn, p. 71, and Kavya-

sékara, 89.) Of the straggling villages mentioned as halting places on the

journey to Dondra, Cormolah is probably Gilimalé ; Dildinéoueh may be either

Dinawaka or a Deldeniya; and Atkalandjeh is certainly the Atakalan Korale,

the last district ‘on the mountain’ (é.e., Kanda-uda or in the Uda-rata).

“The pass would probably be that traversed on the road from Ddpané to

U'rubokka, which is the beginning of ‘the great vale [leading to Matara] where

precious stones are found. Its waters appear to the eye extremely blue’—of

course the reference is to the Nilwald-ganga (‘ blue-cloud-river’)—and precious

stones are still found there in some quantity (Cf. Pybus’ Journey to Kandy,

p. 22). Dinewer is of course Déwi-nuwara, and Kdly, Galle.”—B.]

* Dinéwar:—Dondra, This magnificent shrine of Vishnu was pillaged

and destroyed by the Portuguese under Thomé de ‘Souza d’Arronches in 1587.

(De Couto, Dec. x., C. xv.)—Tennent ‘Ceylon,’ Vol. IL., p. 113-4.

5G JOURNAL R. A. 8S. CEYLON. [ EXTRA No,

and about five hundred women, born of idolater fathers, who sing -

and dance every night before the statue. The town and its re-.

venues are the private property of the idol; all who live in the

temple and those who visit it are supported therefrom. The:

statue is of gold and of the size of a man. In place of eyes, it

has. two large rubies, and I was told that they shone by night.

like two lamps...

We took our departure forthe town of Kdly,* asmall one,.

six parasangs from Dinéwer. A: Musalnin there, called the Ship--

Captain loradhim, entertained us at his house. We then took.the:

route for the town of Calenbou ( Colombo ) one of the largest: and’

most beautiful in the island of Sérendid. There dwells: the:

Vizier, prince of the sea, Djdlesty,f who has there about 500)

Abyssinians. Three days after leaving Valenbou, we arrived at

Batthélah, of which mention is made above. We visited the

Sultan of whom I have spoken. I found the Captain L&rahim

awaiting me, and we left for the country of Ma bar.

[Ibn Batuta and his friends met with tempestuous weather,

and were wrecked on the Coast of Coromandel, probably near

the mouth of the Patar. He and his party, consisting of two

concubines, some companions and slaves, were conducted to

Arcot, and thence two days journey to the Sultan, who was

engaged in an expedition against the infidels. This was the Sultan

* Kdly :-—Galle. Six parasangs will be a little over 30 miles. The exact

distance is 31°38 miles. |

+ Djdlesty :—This appears to be the same Prince described by the traveller

John de Marignolli who was driven upon the coast of Ceylon on the 3rd May

(probably) 1350. He landed at Perivilis (? Barberyn) “ over against Paradise.

Here a certain tyrant, by name Coya Jaan, a eunuch, had the mastery in

opposition to the lawful king. He was an accursed Saracen, who, by means of

his great treasures, had gained possession of the greater part of the kingdom.”

This person ‘‘in the politest manner” robbed him of the valuable gifts he was

carrying home to the Pope, and detained him four months.—Yule’s ‘ Cathay,’

p. 397. :

1882. | IBN BATUTA IN THE MALDIVES AND CEYLON, aya

Ghiydth eddin, whose wife was asister of a woman Ibn Batita

had married at Delhi: he is therefore above called his brother--

in-law. Ibn Battita was hospitably entertamed, and he thus

continues :— |

T had an interview with the Sultan and proposed the sub- —

ject of the MAldives, and the sending of an army to the islands.

He formed a resolve to accomplish this object, and. appointed the

ships for the purpose. He arranged a present for the Queen of

Maldives, robes of honor, and gifts for the Emirs and Viziers..

He entrusted to me the care of securing a marriage for him with

the sister of the Queen; and lastly, he ordered three ships to be

loaded with alms for the poor of the islands, and said to me, “ You.

will get back im five days.” The Admiral Khodjah Serlec said to

him, “It will not be possible to go to the Maldives until three

months from this moment.” The Sultan went onto address me,

Since that is so, come to Fattan, so that we may finish this ex-

pedition and return to our capital at Moutrah (Madura): you will

set out from there.” I then remained with him, and as we

waited I sent for my concubines and my comrades.

| | Ghiydth eddin won a great victory over the infidels and

returned with Ibn Battta to Fatian (? Dévipatam) a large sea-

port town, and thence to Madura. At Fattan the Sultan told

the Admiral to cease preparing the vessels for the Maldive

expedition. He was then suffering from an illness, and shortly

afterward died at a place near Madura. He left no son, and

his nephew, Néssir eddin, whom Ibn Batita had known as a

domestic servant at Delhi, was accepted by the army, and reigned

in his stead:—]

. He | Nassir eddin| ordered that I should be provided with

all the ships which his uncle had assigned to take me to the

Maldives. But I was attacked with fever, which is mortal at

this place. I imagined that I was about to die. God inspired

me to have recourse to the tamarind, which is very abundant in

that country: I took about a pound and put itin water. I then

58 JOURNAL R. A. 8, CEYLON. (EXTRA No.

drank the beverage, and that relieved me in three days, and God

healed'me. I took a disgust for the town of Moutrah, and re-

quested the Sultan’s permission to take a voyage. He said,

“Where would you go? There remains only a month ere you

start for the M4ldives. Remain here and we shall give you all

the equipment ordered by the master of the world (the deceased

Sultan ).” I declined, and he wrote an order in my favor to

Fattan, that I should be allowed to depart in any vessel I

would. I returned to that town, and there found eight vessels

setting sail for Yemen, and in one of them I embarked.

[lbn Batita left this ship at Caoulem (Quilon) on the

Malabar Coast, and there remained for three months. He then

embarked in another, which was attacked by the pirates near

Hinaour (Honore), and the traveller lost all his property, includ-

ing the pearls and precious stones presented to him by the

Ceylon King, and all his clothes :— |

I returned to Calicut and entered one of the Morques: A

lawyer sent me a suit of clothes; the Kazi, a turban; and a

merchant, another coat. I was here informed of the marriage of

the Vizier ’Abd Allah with the Queen Khadidjah, after the death

of the Vizier Djémdl eddin, and I heard that my wife, whom I had

left enceinte, was delivered of a male child. It came into my

heart to go back to the Maldives, but I feared the enmity which

existed between me and the Vizier A’bd Allah. In consequence,

I opened the Kuran, and these words appeared before me, ‘‘ The

angels shall descend unto them, and shall say, ‘ Fear not, neither

be ye grieved.’” (Kurdn, Sur. xii., 30.) I implored the bene-

diction of God, took my departure, and arrived in ten days at the

Maldives, and landed at the island of Cannalots. The Governor

of this island, Abd al ’Aziz Almakdachdouy, welcomed me with

respect, entertained me, and got a barque ready. I arrived in

due course at Hololy,* an island to which the Queen and her sisters

* Hololy ;:—Probaly Oluveli island in North Male Atol—B,

1882. | IBN BATUTA IN THE MALDIVES AND CEYLON. 59

resort for their diversion and for bathing. The natives term

these amusements fetdjer,* and they then have games on board

the vessels. The Vizier and chiefs send offerings to the Queen

of such things as are found in the island. I met there the

Queen’s sister, wife of the preacher Mohammed, son of Djémal

eddin, and his mother, who had been my wife. The preacher

visited me, and he was serveé with food.

Meanwhile some of the inhabitants went across to the Vizier

* Abd Allah and announced my arrival. He put some questions

about me and the persons who had come with me, ahd was in-

formed that I had come to take my son, who was now about two

years old. The mother presented herself before the Vizier to

complain of me, but he told her, “ I will not prevent him taking

away his son.” He pressed me to go to the island (Mahal), and

lodged me ina house built opposite the tower of his Palace, in order

that he might be aware of my estate. He sent me a complete

suit of clothes, betel, and rose-water, according to custom.

I took to him two pieces of silk to throw down at the moment

of saluting him. These were received from me, with the mti-

‘mation that the Vizier would not come out to receive me that day.

My son was brought to me, and it seemed to me that a sojourn

among the islanders was what was best for him. TI, therefore,

sent him back, and remained five days im the island. I thought

it best to hasten my departure, and asked the usual permission.

The Vizier sent for me and I repaired to his presence. They

brought to me the two pieces of stuff they had previously taken

from me, and I cast them before the Vizier and saluted him in’

the customary way. He made me sit by his side and questioned

me of my condition. I ate in his company and washed my hands

in the same basin with him, which thing he does with no one.

Then betel was brought and I came away. The Vizier sent me

* Tetdjer :mCf. M. kuli-jahan ‘sports.’ —B.

_ 60 _ IBN BATUTA IN THE MALDIVES AND CEYLON. [EXTRA NO,

cloths and dostods of cowries, and conducted himself towards

me in the most perfect way. I took my departure and after a

voyage of forty-three days we arrived at Bengal. |

__- [The son of Ibn Battita here spoken of was probably born

before the close of 1344. The traveller therefore took bis final

departure from the Maldives about the close of the year 1346. ]

TC SOCIETY, |

it of 7 the Mon ograph ; comm unicated

ofessor Virchow.

THE VEDDAS OF CEYLON.

(An abridgement of the monograph by Professor Virchow. )

— Object of the Paper.—tIn the various mixture of races

inhabiting Ceylon, the Veddds have, for a long time, been an

object of special prominence in the study of ethnography,

because there is much room for conjecture that in them is

preserved a remnant of the aboriginal inhabitants of the island.

And now, when, according to all accounts, their number is so

rapidly diminishing that, at no very distant date, their last

members will have disappeared from among the living, a peculiar

interest is added to their study, and it is desirable to transmit to |

posterity a trustworthy picture of their singular characteristics.

For this purpose the material we now have is nowise sufficient ;

hence the object of the following disquisition is not merely to

collect what has been already ascertained, but to point out the

gaps which can be supplied only by further local researches.

It is to be hoped that this may stimulate to the immediate

application of all possible means to obtain the wanting material.

The Vedda Land.—The Veddaés have dwelt, at least for

some centuries, in the vast forests on the south-east side of

the island, between the mountains and the sea, and especially

in the wild tracts of land called the Vedda-rata of Bintenne and —

the Maha-vedda-rata of Uva, The more savage remnant of the

tribe live in the beautiful province of Nilgalla and in the forests

of Bintenne. There is much evidence, however, that in times not

very far distant the Veddds were scattered over a much larger

extent of country, which reached much further northward,

and their earlier presence in the south and even south-west is

also proved ('). They are indeed spoken of as having formerly

mhabited the districts between Adam’s Peak and the Raygam

(1) Know. Historical relation of the island of Ceylon, 1817, p. 9, 122.

Percival, Description of the island of Ceylon, translated by Bergk,

p. 337.

Bailey. Transac. Ethnol. Soc. Lon. 1863, New Ser. Vol. ii. p. 313 note.

and Pasdum Korales on the west coast, south of Colombo, and

are conjectured to have given its one name to Saffragam.

(Habaragamuwa: Habara= Barbarians.)

The present Vedda-land is very lovely, embracing a com-

paratively flat, wooded country, nowhere raised more than 200

feet above the level of the sea, and frequently haying the

appearance of a park. The character of the soil varies: damp

and unwholesome marshes alternate with rock-ribbed hills which

stud the country between the central mountains and the sea

coast. Here the Veddas live in perfect isolation even from

their more civilized tribal brethren, without fixed abodes, but

yet upon their own recognized lands, mostly in small groups or

simply in families. Rarely do they venture beyond their own

boundaries, and then only for the purposes of exchanging honey,

wax, skins, or venison for iron, axes, arrow-points, ete.

Their Numbers.—Vhis secluded existence explains why the

estimates of their numbers vary so greatly. No recent estimate

leads us to conclude that the total exceeds 1,500, and the extine-

tion of the tribe seems imminent, though wherefore we are

unable to discover.

Village and Forest Veddas.——F rom the time of Knox they

have been classed in two groups, a “tamer sort” or “ village

Veddas,” and a “ wilder” or “forest Veddas.” All observers,

however, agree that both belong to the same race. Hence, for

the study of their physical condition, the two groups may with-

out hesitation be united ; but for the observation of their social

and psychical conditions we must hold them strictly apart. In

the latter respect only the forest, or jungle Veddas, are of any

interest to us. These, therefore, will be mainly spoken of here ;

nevertheless we may not venture quite to set aside the village

Veddds, since their actual settlement and civilization have

succeeded only very imperfectly as yet.

Attempts at their Culture— Yakkho Worship.—All attempts

to bring the Veddds into fixed abodes and to raise them to a

higher culture have suffered shipwreck in far greater measure

than the efforts to civilize the Australians. Whether they

actually have any conceptions of God, or God-like beings, is, to

(9)

say the-least, very doubtful. The only thing that is proved

is a lower ihe of Demon or Yakkho Some among them,

which here and there assumes the form of a worship of ancestors.

Mr. Bailey tells us’ that those in Bintenne had mourned and

buried their dead for a longtime, but that the more barbarous

inhabitants of Nilgalla had only just begun to do so. Formerly

they threw their dead into the jungle, or left them where they

had died ; after covering the bedy with leaves, they laid a

heavy stone upon the breast and sought out for themselves

another cavern, giving up the one where death had entered to

the spirit of the departed. These spirits,—now become

Yakkhos—watch over the welfare of those left behind ; come te

their relations when they are ill ; visit them in dreams ;and grant

them flesh on the chase. They are invoked with dance and

song around an upright arrow. Sometimes while preparing for

the chase the spirit is promised a piece of the flesh of the slain

animal; at other times they cook something and put it in the

dry bed of a river or other obscure place, invoke the souls of the

departed, dance round the food, and perform their incantations.*

Mr. Hartshorne describes these sacrificial feasts. While invoking

the departed spirit they roast the flesh of the wandura,

monkey, or talagoya (iguana) with honey and edible roots, and

fhen distribute it among those present, who eat it on the spot.

Yakko and Naga-worshipping communities in early tumes.—

This word “ Yakkho ” (Yakko) designates, according to Turnour,

a kind of demon ; though the demon-worshippers are also called

Yakkhos and Yakkhinis. He derives it from the root Yaga, to

bring offerings. This word has, for a long time, justly excited

the attention of scientists, since in the great historical work of

Ceylon—the Mahawanso—the earliest inhabitants of the island

* [In respect to these beliefs and customs—apparently put forward

as illustrations of barbarism—do we, the most civilized, not also seem in

our dreams to see those who have occupied our thoughts when alive, and

still occupy our affections when gone ; and who has not at least wished, or

hoped, if not prayed for the countenance, the approval, even the aid in

our needs, of venerated ones passed fon hence? Do not the vastest

number Be Christians pray to and invoke the dead, not to speak of

sacrifices and vows and offerings to them ? Is the difference so great at

bottom between the ideas of the Veddas on these heads and those of

Augustan Rome or Modern Europe ?--7. B.]

are éalled by that name. When Wijeya, the founder of the

first known Ceylon dynasty, in the year of Gautama Buddha’s

death, 543 B. C., landed in the island, he found an already

soar yee state ; and indeed i is said of Gautama

Buda himself that he canre to Lanka, ““# settlement of the

Yakkhos.” It is hardly allowable to spaclhid from this, with

Sir Emerson Tennent and others, that these were identical with

the Veddas, and that up te the fone of Wijeya an aboriginal

huroenaee te race inhabited the island, though it may not be a

Fees to assume that in the camlieet per ea almost the entire

population were devoted to this Yakkho-worship as it now exists

amongst the Veddds. ‘he identification of the Veddds with

those Yakkhos would require us to assume such a deep physical

and intellectual degeneration of the present Veddas from. the

old Yakkho times as would be without parallel in history, as

well as in ethnology, and such as the author cannot bring him-

self to admit. Not a single fact sustains the conjesture that

Wijeya, with his followers from the valley of the Ganges,

was the first stranger who came to Ceylon. On the contrary,

the legend of ihe advent of Gautama Buddha, amd, no

less, ihe old traditions of the Ramayana, clears Pat

to earlier arrivals and invasions, and if Wijeya found

some kind of political organization on the island, the time

in which the whole north of the island was Veddé-land

must then be placed a good deal further back. The first

visit of Gautama Buddha to the island was, according to

the Mahdwanso, in Mahiyangana, near Bintenne. According:

to the Yakkhos, in whose midst the Buddha here appeared, he

visited on a Eooed occasion Nagadipo, the abode of the: Nacas,

er snake-worshippers, which is generally assumed to be ae

name for the north and west of the island = at any rate mention

is made of Nagas living by the ocean as well as mountain

Nagas, and a Naga King of Kalyani, in the neighbourhood of

Colombo, is spoken of. If any importance is to be attached to’

these traditions, a number of tribes, or at least a division of the

original Hopulation, must be inferred. And it is not without

value that the description of the Naga States, in these most

ancient myths, disclose to us a much more per fact organization:

#han we find any account of in the tales of the "Yeleetss

Nevertheless, we must renounce the idea of using these myths

as the basis for ethnological contemplation and for building up

a highly developed Vedda-state in prehistoric times.

Veddas noniadic hunters.—Up to a very recent date the

Veddas have been a nomadic, half cave-inhabiting race of hun-

ters, each small family group having its special vaguely-defin ed

| ane ground, comiprising a wiry ota ote tell vast tract of

woodland. Of any kind of culture, garden or farm, there was

no trace. They had no domestic seme save Ane. dog, of a

species identical with that common in Ceylon, and appar ently

trained not for hunting but for watching. Their hunting im-

plemenits are the shen ee possible, consisting of a strong bow

6 feet long, and two or three arrows of 34 ee having points of

wrought iron, not made by themselves but Seined by barter

for honey aad wax. Besides these they have only an iron axe,

or sometimes two (a larger and a smaller) obtained in the same

way: Mr. Hartshorne rightly finds in their word for axe a

reminiscence of an earlier period when stone weapons were in

use among them, and for which it might be a not unprofitable

task to explore the caverns in which, according to Mr. Bailey,

bones of the dead are still to be found. They subsist

almost wholly on animal food, excluding the flesh of cattle,

the elephant, bear, leopard, jackal, and fowls. Their food is

cooked, but very roughly, as they have no clay or earthen

vessels. They have no special stimulants, and neither

betel nor tobacco, but chew a kind of bark. Their only drink

is water, Mr. Hartshorne says that even salt was unknown

to them, but that when it was given to them they were much

Sel ohted with it. Only in sooiomell places where Huropean

caine ate is perceptible do we find a rude kind of agricul-

ture in the form of little strips of chena cultivation. With this

exception, which really cannot be taken into account, their whole

existence depends on the product of the chase ; an there is

nothing to speak of which indicates that anywhere or at any

time they have risen «bove the condition of a savage tribe of

hunters. Indeed, they have never arrived at even the very

crudest form’ of permanent dwelling places; and, although

they sheltered themselves from the imelomenéy of ie wenthes

in natural caverns, or in simple huts made of branches of trees

and bark, they seem never to have made these their settled

abodes. On the contrary, perpetual change of place within their

hunting grounds has been ever the rule.*

Influence of their mode of life on ther Psychical Condition. —

Hence their social intercourse is essentially limited to their next

of kin, whose number is often very small, consisting of only four

or five persons, and all stimulant to higher acquisitions and

enjoyments and need for sustained mental effort is, therefore,

wanting.

Their Peaceable Character.—In character they are peaceable

among themseives, and toward strangers so long as they are

unmolested. They respect the rights of property, and are true

and truth-loving.

Dress and ornaments.—Both sexes go almost naked. In

former times they wore pieces of barl: from the riti tree (a

species of Anticaris) ; which were later replaced by little bits of

cloth held round the body by a string. The women wore round

iron pegs stuck through their ears. Mr. Hartshorne, however,

saw ornaments worn in the ears by both sexes, generally pearls,

or, what seemed peculiarly admired, empty cartridge boxes.

Hvidently these are quite modern innovations.’

Marriage relations.—It is a custom with them to marry

with a younger sister—a practice in use among the royal families

of the Sinhalese from the time of Wijeya. The only marriage

ceremony consists in the suitor’s bringing food for the’

parents.

Emotional eapression.—There seems to be no particular

depth of feeling among them, All the descriptions indicate

rather a certain morose indolence. Whilst they can help it

they not only do not laugh themselves, but they despise those

who do. Mr. Hartshorne says of them that they are incapable

of laughing. This, if it be true, is a peculiarity which, so far

as the author knows, has not been told of any other race of

people, and has only appeared among certain idiots.T

* [And a necessity of their life, as hunters depending on game for

their subsistence.— 7. B.]

+ [It seems impossible to deny the existence of emotions, and of

the outward physical expression of these, to any vertebrated animals at

Intellectual capacity.—In point of intellect they seem

indeed to stand very low. If they have any notion of numbers,

or can count at all, it is to the most limited extent, probably not

beyond five. It is said that they have no word for color, nor

any perception of differences of color ; that their memory is

defective ; and that they are incapable of forming any general

ideas. Sir Emerson Tennent says they have no notion [ perhaps

it would be more correct to say only a very limited and vague

notion] of time or space ; no words for hours, days or years 5 Aa

no games, no amusements,} no music.{ These statements, how-

ever, apply in their full breadth only to the “ wild sort,” for

Da says of the village Veddds that they have a rough ae of

song performed as an accompaniment to a elumeily, executed

Taree. Granting some of the observations furnished to be too

exclusive, still we are compelled to acknowledge the inferiority

of the race.

Caste.—As they have no distinction of caste it is a very

striking fact that they not only look upon themselves as

superior to their neighbours but are looked upon by them as

members of a high oad even of a royal caste. The Sinhalese

term for the agricultural caste is Goyi-wayse, the Malabar term

Wellala ; to this caste they are said by writers to belong ; and

those of Bintenne are said to call themselves Vedda-Vellalas.

least. However low the sensibilities, pain and pleasure must equally

be experienced, and be visibly manifested in the absence of some physical

defect, and their deliberate suppression or control would seem tg argue

a degree of intellectual and moral strength which no one has given

the Veddas the credit of possessing. Possibly, a low emotional excitabi-

lity fos been confounded with incapacity.—T. B.]

“But the ordinary Sinhalese cultivator is singularly poor and

vague in the observation and notation of time and space, though he does

measure the day by the length of the shadow in feet, and the height of

the sun by comparison with the height of a cocoanut tree. Js it

quite certain the Veddas do not the same? Mr. Hartshorne’s assertion

has, however, been disproved, as appears in Russels’ Account of the Prince

of Wales’ visit to India.--7. B.] 3

} [1£ their children do not gambol, if their men and women have

no enjoyments; their life must be stagnant indeed and far below the

level of the beasts in their forests. But who can believe this ?]

+ [Also incredible ; and it has been already stated that they invoke

the dead with dance and song.—7. B.]

Dodda-Veddas—Khodiyas.—In connection with _ this

subject we must be careful not to confound the Veddas with the

‘“‘ Dodda-Veddas,” a name given toa division of one of the very

lowest castes, or rather a tribe of outcasts, including the

Rodiyas. Thousands ef years had not sufficed to reduce the

Rodiya out-casts to the degree of degradation to which the

Veddas had fallen when Knox first heard of them.

HISTORICAL & LINGUISTIC.

Cultivated Races in the Island: Tanuls.— This would be the

place to bring forward the historical and linguistic observations

which concern the relations of the Veddas to the cultivated tribes

of the island, by far the most numerous of whom, after the

Sinhalese themselves, are the Tamils, who now exclusively

occupy all those portions of the island which lie nearest to the

Indian continent, and whose connection with the Dravidians of

of India seems unquestionable. These are the Damilos of the

Mahawanso, a Pali term exactly equivalent to Dravida in the

Sanskrit. (7) In local Enghsh speech they are frequently

called Malabars, as if they came only from the Malabar coast,

but in point of fact they belong to the ancient great

Pandian kingdom, which stretched from the east to the west

coast of India, and from the Decean to Cape Comorin, but has

ultimately dwindled to the little state of Madura. The first

warlike invasion of the Damilos, of which there is historical

record, took place, B. C. 237, and during the whole of the next

fourteen or fifteen hundred years their invasions were constantly

renewed, and the dynasties of native princes repeatedly super-

seded by their Tamil conquerors. (*) In the beginning of the

13th century the whole country was overrun, subjected, and

cruelly devastated ; its inhabitants tortured, and many of its

Buddhist monuments destroyed by a great expedition from

Kalinga and the northern Circars of the Dekkan, under

Maagha, who assumed the throne of the island. In the result,

(2?) &. C. Childers. Notes on the Sinhalese language. Journal

Royal Asiatic Society, 1875, London, Vol. viii., p. 133 note.

(3) Mahawanso, Chap. =xi., p 127. Jbid Appendix, Soverigns of

Ceylon p. lxi. Glossary p.5. Jbid p.128.lxiv. LEkanayaka, in Journal

Royal Asiatic Society, 1876, Vol. 8, p. 297. Tennent, i, 412.

So ey

the Sinhalese people succeeded in recovering or retaining the

provinces of Ruhuna in the south, and Mayaratta in the moun- |

_ tainous centre of the island ; but the north of the country —the

province of Pihiti or Rajarata, the land of the kings—remained,

even as far as the Mahawila Ganga, in the possession of the

Tamils, and was by them wholly and permanently Dravidized,

Moors.—More peaceable invasions of the country took

place by Mohammedan Arabs, whose descendants are now called

Moors or Moormen, There seems to be no doubt that, at least

since the first, and certainly since the 6th century A. C. (*)

very extensive mercantile relations existed between Persia,

Arabia and Ceylon, and that since that time many of these

“Mauren” (as the Portugese called them later) remained in

the land. The present Moors seem to be descended partly from

these immigrants, who intermarried with native women, and _

partly from persons of similar origin in India, who in large

numbers settled in the districts of Chilaw and Puttalam (° ).

There is now little or no distinction between these two groups

of Moors, who are scattered over the whole island and are the

chief medium of all mercantile intercourse—even with the Veddas.

Malays.—Malays, belonging throughout to the Mohammedan

religion, are to be found in the island only in comparatively

small numbers, but scattered over many regions. According to

the representations of Mr. Pridham (*) they are descended

chiefly from the little Rajas and their followers whom the Dutch

brought hither from Java, Malacca and Sumatra, and who were

later taken by the English into their native regiments. More

important it would be for us if the opinion were correct that

the original population of the island had been Malays. This is

supported by the certainly very noticeable fact that the Sinhalese

use double canoes, or boats with booms, just such as are used in

all the regions inhabited or colonized by Malays. This, however,

is the only foothold for the hypothesis of an ethnic relationship.

_ Europeans, Negroes, Parsees—Naturally, in the last

centuries the different nations of Hurope, especially Dutch,

(4) Tennent 1, 546, 555, 607.

(5) Pridham i. 470.

(*) Pridham p. 482.

Portugese and Hnglish, have added to the population ; but

for our researches they are of no importance, The same is

to be said of the African Negroes and the Parsees, the

former of whom have been only recently introduced, whilst

the latter immigrated at different periods but in small

numbers.

Sinhalese.—The southerly half of the island, the old pros

vince of Ruhuna and the central Maya-land, are still peopled by

the Sinhalese; the former by comparatively pure-blooded Sinha=

lese, the latter by the somewhat more mixed Kandyans, the —

immediate neighbours of the Veddas. The ethnological position of

the Sinhalese has been until now discussed chiefiy on linguistic

grounds, and on these it has been inferred by some that the Sinha-

lese belong to the great Dekkan family, and by Max Miiller that

they are a mixture of Indians with Dravidian aborigines. But

others entertain directly the opposite opinion, and partictlarly

Childers (6>) who derives the Sinhalese language from the

ancient Klu with, however, an immense admixture of Sanskrit

words partly unchanged. According to him the word lw is iden-

tical with the word “Sinhalese,” by which the Sinhalese call

themselves. It stands for the old word Hela or Helu, and this again

for the still older Sela, which leads us back to the Pali Sthala.

The Siphalese language is very nearly related to Pali which,

however, only represents the dialect of one of the districts of

Ma&gadha, (the modern Behar), froma district of which (Lala),

Wijeya, the founder of the Sihala dynasty, is said to have come.

Hence Sinhalese is one of thenative Aryan (Sanskrit) languages of

India, and very ancient, for it is absolutely identical with the

Elu of the 5th and 6th centuries B,C., which is also found on the

rock inscriptions of Mihintale of the 2nd or 3rd century.

Vedda Dialect—What place the Vedda language holds

relatively to this is still in the highest degree dubious. In

Ceylon itself the opinion has long prevailed (7) that it isa

(§%) Childers R. Asiat. Soc. Journal (New Series) London, 1875

Vol. vii. p. 35: 1876, Vol. viii. p. 131, Alwis in Journal Ceylon Branch

R. A. S, 1876 p. 70.

(7) Knox1c. 122 ; Starke in Journal Ceyion Branch R. A. 8. 1853

p. 80; Gillings 84.

broken or corrupted Sinhalese; and all writers on the subject—

Bailey (®), MaxMuller (°), EH. Taylor (°), Hartshorne (1) and

Cust (?),—seem: to. consider it to be a dialect of, or to

approach to the Sinhalese. But there is much difference of

opinion as to the existence in it of Dravidian elements, the

_ supposed mixture of which (Telugu) in a dialect of an Aryan

tongue (which he considers Sinhalese to be) leads Mr. Taylor to

say that ‘their language makes a mixture of Aryan blood along

“with Aryan language probable, whilst their bodily characteris-

“tics shew that the race of Veddas belong chiefly to the native

pre-Arian type.” The disagreements in the views of linguists are

so great that we unfortunately gain very little from them to-

wards a just comprehension of the phylogenetic position of the

Veddds. On the contrary, the mystery that envelopes this

people, so remarkable in themselves, is vastly increased, and the

purely anthropological interest comes even more into the

foreground.

The word Veddé.—The word “ Vedda,” or some modifi-

cation of it, is widely used in India—a whole series of little tribes

dwelling far apart, and who probably have not the least connec-

tion with one another, bearing the very same name, or one very

like it. Whether the word be. derived from the Sanskrit

( Viyadha, hunter) or the Tamil (Vedan, hunter, wood-dweller,)

this much seems certain that except when used in combination

(as in the case of “ Dodda-Vedda,”’) it always relates to abori-—

gines or savage races.

The Ethnological problem. not to be solved by linguistics but :

by anthropology.—Up to the present time two leading views

stand opposed to ene another which are mainly supported by

(8) Bailey. c. 297, 305, 309.

(9) MuaxMuller cited by Childers 1. c. Vol. viii. 131, note.

(0) Journal Ethnol, Soc, Wonden, 1870, (New Series) Vol. ii.

p. 96. .

(1) Hartshorne |. c. 417.

G2) Cust. Sketch of modern languages of Hast India, London,

1878, p. 63.

linguistic observations, and only in part by anthropological facts.

According to one the Veddas would be next of kin to the

Dravidians ; according to the other, members of the great

Aryan family. In either case they must have immigrated from

the continent ; only in the first very much earlier than in the

second, If we assume that the Veddas originally belonged

or were nearly related to the Dravidians, or even, if different |

from them, at any rate a savage aboriginal tribe, and that they

only received their present language subsequently from Aryan

conquerors, then it is difficult to conceive how the process of

Sinhalesing the language could have been accomplished whilst

their whole way of living, their customs and habits, remained

wholly unchanged. On the other hand the hypothesis that the

Veddas are Sinhalese who have become savage would require

us to fall back on some period after Wijeya, and, contrary to

all experience, we should have to assume a descent from a high

state of comparative civilization to a degradation too great to be

conceivable, unless we can prove at the same time a very deep

physical demoralisation ; and that too whilst in closest proximity,

even in direct contact, with a people who had passed through a

long and eventful history. From whatever side we consider the

question we must come to the conclusion that linguistics can

only be used as aids in the investigation ; and that if a real

solution is to be found it is only possible by means of

anthropology.

ANTHROPOLOGICAL.

Veppas—tThe earliest known description of the Vedddas —

is contained in a work attributed to Palladius, Bishop of

Helenopolis in Bithynia, who died A. D. 410, and in which

he describes a journey made from Thebes to Ceylon. The

Veddas are there described as feeble, and small of stature, and as

having heads black and apparently large, with long, smooth,

unshorn hair. Davy has given the first description resting an

autopsy. He says :—“Such of the village Veddas as I have

seen were in general small men between 5 feet 3 and 5 feet 9

inches high ; muscular and well made; in colour, form and

features resembling the Sinhalese. Their appearance was wild

in the extreme and completely savage. Their hair seemed never

to have been combed or cleaned ; it was long, bushy and matted,

hanging about their shoulders and shading their faces in a very

luxuriant and disgusting manner ; nor were their beards less

neglected,’ Sir Emerson Tennent describes their children as

unsightly objects, entirely naked, with misshapen joints, huge

heads and protuberant stomachs, and says of their women that

they were the most repulsive specimens of humanity he had

ever seen in any country. The men, he says, also presented the

same characteristics of wretchedness and dejection. He speaks

of their projecting mouths, flattened noses and stunted stature.

Of several measured by Mr, Bailey, the tallest, who towered

above his fellows, was only 5 feet 3 inches in height ; and the

smallest 4 feet 1 inch: and he concludes the average height of

the men to range from 4 feet 6 to 5 feet 1, and of the women

from 4 feet 4 to 4 feet 8. Observers present no facts which

indicate disproportionate or imperfect developement of the

separate members of the body. Only Mr. Hartshorne asserts —

that they have short thumbs and sharp-pointed elbows. The

descriptions we have of them are sufficient to show us that the

Veddas are a dark, but not actually black race; and not woolly

haired like the Negro ; and that they are a very small, not to say

dwarjish race.

As to their ‘features, Bailey says that these are, on the

whole, tolerably regular. He, like Sir Emerson Tennent and

Hartshorne, speaks of the flatness of thenose, and of the lips

as somewhat thick. A woodcut prepared from a drawing made

from a photograph of a group of six Veddds, who were presented

to the Prince of Wales, shews plainly the growth of the hair ;

the noses comparatively short, broad at the end and flattened ;—

the eyes apparently deep-set ; the lips of the younger persons

fulland bulging : and this gives a far more vivid idea of the people

than any description could furnish. One only of the men has

anything like a beard. We see the little spear worn by the men,

the great bows they carry, the arrows with the leaf-like points,

and, finally, the iron axe stuck in the girdle.

_ If we add to the foregoing descriptions of their features the

short thumbs and sharp-pointed elbows, referred to by Mr. |

_ Hartshorne, there are indications enough to distinguish the

Veddas in a noticeable manner from the oriental races living Im

their neighbourhood.* :

In our comparisons with, other races the Sinhalese and the.

Tamils come chiefly under consideration: the others only

collaterally. Those two. are so. predominant, both through their

numbers and the extent of territory they occupy, that, apart

from their exclusively historical claims, they must be specially

considered.

THE, SINHALESE.—F or purposes of comparison with the

Veddas the information with regard to the relative physical

condition, of their neighbours is very deficient, and osteological

material scanty in the European collections ; and, what there

is of that rather unsafe. The following remarks must, there-

fore, be taken with reserve, and are made principally to induce

the sending of better material and especially photographs—half

tenghts jd not too small—showing the profile and front face

in. che right horizontal position.

The Sinhalese occupy in che main che south and south-west.

of the country. According to, Sir Emerson Tennent the in-

habitants of che south coast from Galle so Hambantotte are the

purest Sinhalese. This part formed an important division of

the old province of Ruhuna, which was very early colonised

by the descendants of Wijeya, who neither-mingled with the

Malabars nor nad any intercourse with chem.

Physical appearance compared with the Veddas.—lf we

compare the descriptions given of the Sinhalese with those of

the Veddds we find in reality few points of difference. The

complexion of the latter may be on the average somewhat

darker, but it varies, apparently, within the same limits. It is

equally doubtful if the hair varies; allowance being ‘made

for its neglected, dishevelled condition in the one case, and its

carefully ential and well-kept condition in the other, it may be.

considered that the difference here is.owing nether to culture.

than to original peculiarity. The average height of the Sinhalese

seems to correspond with that of the tallest Vedda, but they

- * [The detailed craniological observations which follow the des-

criptions of the external physical appearance of the different races are

here omitted; as the material points are collected and compared or.

contrasted in the pages which discuss their comparative craniology and

osteclogy.—TZ’. B.]

a5)

are also somewhat shorter than Huropeans. Among all thé

characteristics cited there is in reality only one which seems to

have made a great and décided impression on every observer, to

wit the form of the nose. Whilst with the Sinhalese it is very

prominent, resembling an eagle’s beak, and therefore thin and

round, with the Vedd4s it is always described as flat and with

widely distended nostrils. Add to this, the thick and pro-

jecting lips and the large mouth, and perhaps also the com-

parative smallness of the Vedda face, and there rémain few

facial characteristics for diagnosis.* We may say that the

Sinhalese also belong to a dark, perhaps best described as a

brown, smooth-haired, and a not (or only very moderately)

prognathous race, that is te say the jaws do not project, or only

slightly. :

Tur Tamins or Marapars: their distribution in the island

and physical appearence.—We understand by this term the

Dravidian immigrants who, in historic times, came from many

different parts on the peninsula of Hindustan, and, in the course

of two thousand years, multiplied so greatly that they almost

exclusively peopled the north and a large portion of the east

of the island, more especially along the shore, and whom

Pridham speaks of as inhabitants of the land from Batticaloa on

the east, to Jaffna on the north, and from there as far south

as Puttalam on the west coast. When the Portugese, the first

pioneers of civilization, obtained a firm foot-hold upon the island

the Malabar rule was firmly established in the old Rajarata

or Pihiti. It is not to be supposed that they live even now

wholly separated from the Sinhalese. On the contrary, they

are found in no small numbers mixed with other races. It

is of special interest to us that they are immediate neighbours

of the Veddds. Wolff describes the Malabars as black, long-

haired, and without calves to their legs. Beyond this the

author has found very few statements regarding their physical

peculiarities ; most of the writers limiting themselves to ascrib-

ing to them a stouter physique than the Sinhalese and greater

activity.

* [Another point (whether common to the ‘Veddas also I do not

know) which seems to me of perhaps ethnological importance is the yellow

tint or tone that seems to suffuse the brown Sinhalese complexion, and

which is noticed by Percival, Philolethes and Davy.—7. B.]

THe Moors or Moormen.—Their number is small; and their

effect upon the rest of the population even less highly to be

estimated, because of their religion which necessitates a sharply

defined panne so that fee rarely intermarry with the

Sinhalese or other natives. We have scarcely any description

of their physical peculiarities. There seems to be only one

skull of a “‘ Moor” in Europe, and that is in the possession of

Mr. Bernard Davis. This (317 of his collection) is a male

skull of 1495 cub. cm. capacity; therefore tolerably large ; with

a length to breadth index of 70 ; length to height idee Af (ill

and a facial index of 85:7, it is “gemdind: ortho- qaneugs

cephalic and chamaeprosop. Troma single scull no judgment

can be formed whether it is really Apical of its race, and

therefore further comparison is scarcely desirable.

Matays,—tThe existence of a scattered Malay element has

been earlier discussed. A few statements as to their physical

condition have come to us. Cordiner describe them as lighter,

more inclining to copper colour than any other of the Indian

races. Selkirk speaks of them as copper-coloured ; below

middle height ; with flat brow ; broad flat nose ; and piercing

eyes. In the Davis collection there is a Malay skull from

Colombo, marked male. Its capacity amounts to 1435 cub. cm.;

the length to breath index is 79; length to height 76 ; face

index 108, It is therefore hypsimeso-cephalic and leptoprosop.

THE MUTUAL RELATIONS OF THE RACES.

We now proceed to consider the origin and relationship te

each other of the different tribes existing close to one another

in Ceylon: and it-is noteworthy that the inhabitants of the

island are spoken of as belonging to distinct races both by

Greek travellers in the 6th, onl ihe Chinese travellers in the

7th centuries after Christ.

Question of a Chinese or Siamese origin of the Sinhalese.—

With respect to the question of a Chinese origin which

some have on insufficient grounds attributed to the Sinhalese,

we. have reports of one warlike invasion by the Chinese ; and

“Chinese soldiers are stated to have entered the military service

of King Prakrama in 1266. The defeat of a King of Ceylon

‘by a Chinesé army so late as the year 1408 is also narrated,

But nothing is known of any colonization or settlement by the

Chinese haying ever taken place in Ceylon ; and no elaborate

proof is ff dedi to prove that neither Sinhalese nor Veddas, at

least in the form of their skulls, present the slightest indication

of any relationship to the Mongols. According to an old

tradition mentioned by Valentyn, the Sihala dynasty, from

which Wijeya the conqueror was descended, had their residence

in Tennasserim, so that a Siamese origin [or connexion] is

thus ascribed to the Sinhalese ; but it is unnecessary to follow

up the tradition. Besides, it is not the search for the origin

of the Sinhalese which claims our first interest but the deriva-

tion of the Veddas.

The Veddds not degenerated Sinhalese—Whether we con-

sider the Veddds to be, as some say, “savage Sinhalese,”

or the Sinhalese to be, as others say, “tame Veddas”—

thus deducing both from the same stock—we must begin our

investigations with the Veddas. A reverse order would be

justified only if we assumed that the Veddas had sunk back from

a condition of higher civilization to that of absolute savagery

in which all travellers have found them for many centuries. The

theoretical objection to such an assumption need not be again

brought up, but I will only ask what signs of an earlier

eivilization have actually been found? What remains of an

earlier culture that, with any probability, might be attributed

to the Veddas ? A people who do not even possess clay vessels ;

who have no knowledge of domestic animals, beyond the dog;

who are negated with the simplest form of gardening

and agriculture ; who lack almost every kind of social institu-

tion ; who are not even counted as outcasts by their civilized

neighbours,—cannot possibly ever have had the means which

make a higher culture of any kind possible. The hypothesis of

a relapse ty barbarism must hence be definitely given up.

The ground for such an assumption could only be found

in the language. But it has been already shewn how great is

the cference: of opinion as to the place which should he given

to that. That it is no Dravidian idiom, fundamentally, seems

proved beyond a doubt. If we take it for a dialect of the

Sinhalese, and the latter for a primitive sister dialect of the

Pali, it will still be truly very difficult for any one to argue from

that, and still less from the Sanskrit words intermingled with it,

the derivation of the Veddas from the valley of the Ganges.

Surrounded for centuries by more highly cultivated peoples, a

certain intercourse with their neighbours has been unavoidable,

and consequently, where the Tamils have continuously ses

on nearer to them—as near Batticaloa—a part of the Veddis

have adopted the Tamil language. But for very much longer,

and in the greater ranmolben a? “bree. they have been in im-

mediate pe with the Sinhalese. What wonder, therefore, if

they adepted more and more Sinhalese’ words and forms. The

question is only whether besides these, as I suppose, borrowed

words, their language has not preserved some individual ele-

ments? ‘To this point so little attention has been given that we

do not even know positively whether the Vedda language con-

tains any words designating numbers. It is no use being told

that half the words noted down are corrupted Sanskrit. To what

belongs the other half, which perhaps with greater attention

misht be enlarged ? If we cannot class it among the Tamil

an guages it 1s very possible that it may prove shone Noth-

ing > fllbante justifies us in any such one-sided statement as that

of Mr. Tyler who, without hesitation, calls the Vedda language

Aryan.

The matter would take a rather different aspect if we

might assume that originally the Veddas alone inhabited the

island and that they were not only forced back into the forests

by the immigrants but had [partly | intermingled with them.*

According to the native annalists the origin AL the Sinhalese is

to be praded back to the followers of ane Wij jeya—a victorious

host of immigrants from the valley of are Ganges ina numerical

proportion to ae inhabitants which must have bse somewhat like

that of the Danes and Normans in Hngland. A patriarchal system

was introduced which has lasted for thousands of years, anda

series of facts testify that the aboriginal population was not wholly

* [This has actually happened. Of the Tamils who did not immigrate,

till later we may say that while in the North they have entirely supplanted

the original population, in the Hast they have not merely mingled with

the Veddas but haye accomplished a veritable tamulization of them — 7.B. |

excluded from this system* Upon such a foundation an

intermingling of the Magadha people with the aborigines would

most naturally take place, and if we look wpon the Sinhalese

race as the result of this commingling, the experience of so

many other countries, where a similar commingling has taken

place, would make it perfectly explicable that the’ Magadha

people made their language, the old Pali or Hlu, the ruling one,

while in their physical conformation the aboriginal element

won lasting influence. With such a view of the matter the

Veddas and Sinhalese would neither be identical, nor distin-

guished from one another merely by the degree of culture:

The Vedddés would appear rather as representatives of the

aboriginal race ; the Sinhalese, on the other hand, as hybrids

produced by a union of immigrant Indians with Veddds,

and therefore varying according to the measure of these

elements. This indeed strikes meas being the solution of the

anthropological problem before us. The linguistic difficulty,

that also the unmixed natives adopted to some extent—less

or more—the Aryan language of their conquerors appears no

longer insurmountable, for the same thing is actually now

happening with the Fins in the Baltic provinces of Russia.

COMPARATIVE ANTHROPOLOGY.

The craniclogical materials available to the Author for |

purposes of comparision have been the following. Of Vedad

skulls, twenty-three well authenticated specimens, including

three lent te the Author himself from the Colombo Museum -

but of this number two had to be excluded from some of the

computations owing to abnormalities, the probable consequence

of artificial or accidental occipital pressure: Of Sinhalese

skulls, after setting aside those of which there are no detailed

descriptions or measurements, or which are measured on a

system different from that used by the Author, and also those of

“ [We have corroboration of this in the statement that ‘King

Pandukhabayo:(B. C. 437) placed the Veddas ina separate settlement,

near the town (Anuradhapura).”” Burrows’ Buried Cities p. 3. Un-

fortunately Mr. Burrows has not quoted his authority for this

Statement.— 7. B.|

hybrids,—there remained twelve available for comparision,

which include two received by the Author himself, through the

kindness of Consul Freudenberg: a third, similarly received,

proved to be probably that of a Tamil child. These would

form a good broad basis for future decision if important

measurements were not wanting in these belonging to Mr.

Davis’ collection, for instance, of the orbits, nose and palate.

With respect to Tamil or Malabar skulls only a single

specimen was known in Europe until lately. This was in the

collection of Mr. Davis, in which was also the skull of a hybrid

of Malabar and Sinhalese. This has been supplemented, through

the kindness of Consul Freudenberg, by three Tamil skulls,

unfortunately all without the lower jaw, and a child’s marked

Sinhalese, but which rather appearsto be Tamil. There are

therefore, strictly, only four specimens for comparision, and in

giving the averages of measurements only these undoubted ones

are taken into computation. ,

[There is only a single skull of a Moor known in Burope,

and in the Davis’ collection one Malay skuil from Colombo, but

these are not brought into the comparisions. |

ANTHROPOLOGICAL COMPARISON OF THE

VEDDAS WITH THE SINHALESE.

Considered simply on anthropological grounds the differ-

ences between the Veddas and the Sinhalese are not so great

as to oblige us to assume an absolute contrast in the two

tribes. The skulls which have been personally examined [ by

the Author] are too few to lead to a definite conclusion, but

they seem sufficient to enable us to ascertain whether any reason

exists for distrusting results obtained. in other ways. Such

reason I do not find.

Comparing briefly what has been arrived at, the result

is that the Veddas, as well as the Sinhalese, are dark tribes

whose compleaion varies—apparently within the same limits—

between yellow-brown and black, The character of the hair

also is plainly similar: only that here the effect of culture is

conspicuous toa much greater extent. Both tribes, however,

wear the hair long; it is black, luxuriant and a little wavy ;

but with the Veddés, owing to neglect, it hangs down in

tangled but, properly speaking, not curly nor wooly tresses.

There is special testimony which coriclusively proves that the

Sinhalese hair, when not cared for, strongly resenibles that of

the Veddas. Information with respect to the colour of the iris

is less complete. but it may be gathered that, as a rule, it is

black or dark-brown, in both cases. As regards size, plainly

both races are of moderate stature, rather short than tall. The

significance of the shorter measure of the Veddés cannot be

doubted. but the fact that they are not all dwarfs, and that

comparatively large Veddds are met with, mav be adduced in

favor of the hypothesis that their often dwarfish size is a result

of long continued unfavourable conditions for development.

Nerertholess the fact in the main is well established that the

Veddds belong to a small, indeed to one of the smallest known

races. Concerning the development of muscle and_ strength

of body, the witnesses testify loudly in favor of the Veddas.

With respect to the shortness of the thumbs and pointed elbows,

emphasized by Mr. Hartshorne, only the first would be of any

importance if it should be proved by measurement to be

altogether disproportionate. It may, perhaps, be a deception,

such as that of Mr. Burnet in regard to the length of the foot,

which direct measure shews to be of perfectly fair proportions.

}

Similar observations, only still less distinctive, we find in

regard to the size of the head, and especially the capacity of the

skull. The result proves that the Vedda skulls are on the average

much smaller than the Sighalese ; their capacity only averaging

1,261 cub. em. against 1 406 6 cub. em. for the latter. [The average

nny of the Ducts male skull is 1,511 cub. em. taking the

average of those in the Royal College of Surgeons.— 7. B.| Some

of the Veddd skulls are positively nano-kephalic, descending in

one specimen to a capacity of 1,025, and in another, that of an

adult man, to a capacity of only 960 cub.cm. ‘Phis term nano-

kephali¢ [pigmy-headed] is chosen to distinguish the case from

microcephaly in the pathological sense, [i. e., from smallness

of the head the result of disease or malformation.] But notwith-

standing this difference in average, the numbers slide over from

both sites ; the higher average a ‘the Sinhalese does not prevent

the occtirrerice of very small specimens ; for the extremes range

from 1,694 to 1,110 cub: em.;and vice versa, the certainly very

low average of the Veddas includes some pretty large specimens,

(one 1,420,and one 1,614.) The length measures and the relations

deduced from them have brought to light certain differences.

between the two tribes, but we shall represent these parallel to

each other in their indices. One of the proportions is, however,

now mentioned as being of considerable importance, viz., that

with the Sinhalese the: front and middle head have the larger

share in forming the roof of the skull, while with the Veddée it

is the occipital region that does so. Of special interest is the

comparison of the shell indices. The average ratio between length

and breadth, ascertained by the Author, is for both tribes almost

identical : 71°8 for the Sinhalese ; 71°6 for the Veddas. This is

a highly dolichocephalic [i.e. long-headed] measure [and its

value will be better appreciated if we remember that’ for the

narrow long-headed Negro the ratio is nearly the same, while for

the European it is 80, and for the broad and short head of a_

Tartar tribe 85, and in some Mongolian tribes even 88.—T. B. |

For our present purposes of comparison we can only say that

these important relative measures do not point to any radical

difference in race between Sinhalese and Veddas. With both the

skull is long and narrow, yet among the Veddds there is a greater

number in which the narrowness is extreme than among the

Sinhalese. The Vedda skulls are narrower than those of the

African Negroes, and sometimes as narrow as those of the New

Caledonians. [The narrowest appear to be the Fijian mountain-

eers, with whom the average ratio is only 66.—T7. B.] Itis the ~

same with the ratio between length and height, which is ortho-

cephalic [straight-headed | with both tribes ; | the average for the

Sinhalese (74°2) being only a little below that for the Veddds

(74-9,)| With reference to the height measures the ratio is

somewhat different, in so far as the larger figures are on the

side of the Sinhalese. In both the vertical height exceeds the

breadth, These coincidences of the main indices are so great

that they could not be greater within the limits of a single race.

The configuration of the capsule of the skull may—apart from

the share of the separate bones in it—be considered as identical.

The total result as regards the formation of the skull is that a great

“1

correspondence exists between the proportions of the skulls of the

Sinhalese und the Vedddas, while the absolute figures shew those of

‘the Sinhalese to exceed the Veddads, as a rule, in height.

In fact, according to the testimony of travellers, the

difference of race is more conspicuous in the face than in the

skull. Itis chiefly to the form of the nose, particularly the

flatness of its ridge, and the breadth of the nostrils, but likewise

to the form of the lips and jaws, which are throughout described

as prognathous [or projecting], that the various writers call

attention as being characteristic features of the Vedda face.

Contrasted with the Sinhalese nose —which the old Chinese

reporters eall a bird’s beak, and in the description of a Kandy

beauty is compared to a hawk’s bill,—and also contrasted with

the delicate lips and orthognathous [or straight] jaw, which we

perceive in Davy’s drawings, there are certainly very striking

differences. Unfortunately no other observer has recorded

orbital measurements for the Sinhalese, and there is a difference

in the system of the published measurements which prevents

our turning the skulls in Hngland to much account in this direc-

tion ; but, on the whole, osteological investigation has, in regard

to the main facts, confirmed the observations made among the

living. The skeleton face of the Sighalese differs far more

from that of the Vedd4s than their respective skulls do. The

index for the face shews a very considerable contrast to that of

the Veddas, averaging for the latter only 835, against $9 for the

former, calculated on 5 female and 1 male skulls, one of which

is that of a weak-minded person. In general the skeleton face

of the Sinhalese is, much narrower and longer than that of the

Veddas. Corresponding with this the palate with the Sinhalese

is more long and narrow; with the Veddds rather short and

broad, witha prognathous jaw. In the last particular, however,

the contrast is not so clear. With the Veddas occurs meso-

konchy (orbital index 84-6) and mesosorrhiny (52), with many

individual aberrations it is true, so that with the women

more platyrhine [or flat-nose] with the men more leptorhine

[or narrow-nose] forms occur. On this point the Sinhalese

materiel is very unsatisfactory and quite inadequate,

ANTHROPOLOGICAL COMPARISION OF THE TAMILS

WITH THE VEDDAS AND SINHALESE.

It is necessary to take the Tamils next into comparision,

chiefly because the historical accounts, going backward as far

as the time of Wijeya, inform us of numerous marriages,

not merely of the kings, but of their retainers, with the

Malabar women, not to mention the very early invasions and

settlements made on the island by Tamil hordes.

In spite of the meagre reports with regard to the physical

characteristics of the Tamils, we cannot doubt that they,

likewise, are very dark, more or less black, and have long black

hair. or the rest, observers lay stress on their greater strength

and activity—nothing more. Hence there remains only the

seant craniological material found in Mr. Davis’ and the Author’s

own collections. As these are all insufficient for a final

authoritative answer to the question of the ethnological relation

of the Tamils to the two other (Sinhalese) tribes, the Author

wishes his conclusions only to be accepted with great reserve,

All these Tamil skulls are comparatively small; the

average capacity being only 1,247 cub, em. which is even less

than the average of the VWeddds (1,261 cnb. cm.) and of the

Sinhalese (1,406 cub.cm.) It is scarcely possible to look upon this

number as the typical one for the race, and it is only interest-

ing as showing that small skulls may be found among all the

races in the island. Still, none of them reach the minimum

figure for the Veddas. More important, however, is the

difference in the form of the head. The Tamil skull, judging

from these specimens, is hypsi-meso-cephalic—[i. e. the

height index exceeds the breadth index ; while the relation of

the breadth to the length approaches the medium |—im ‘fact

wholly different from the Sinhalese and the Veddé skull, Corres-

ponding to this its transverse vertical length is greater than

its sagittal circumference length. In the share of the separate

bones of the skull in forming the roof of the skull we also find

a great difference and radical contrast ; the squama occipitalis

[i. e., the flat portion of the occipital bone] is much smaller, and

the frontal bone considerably larger than with the Sinhalese,

and still more emphatically so than with the Veddds. While

with the Tamils the skull-roof culminates with the frontal

division, with the Sinhalese, and still more with the Veddas,

the occipital is strongly developed. The basilar view shows

plainly the extraordinary shortness of the occipital region

in the Tamil skulls; After this we must say that the skull of the

Tamils, so far as can be ascertained from those under consideration,

exhibits no relationship either with the Veddas or with the Sinhalese.

In size the Tamil face occupies a middle position between

the Sinhalese and the Veddda face. The Sinhalese is the largest;

then the Tamil ; and the Veddda is the smallest. The propor-

tions of the Tamil face may briefly be stated in the following for-

mula: mesokonchy, mesorrhiny, prognathy, and brachystaphy.”

This positively distinguishes the Tamil face from the Sinhalese,

and brings it nearer to the Vedd& face. But the almost com-

plete identity of the nasal indices (Tamils 51, Veddas 50-52)

does not prevent the greatest variety in the formation of the

nasal bridge. Owing to the greater narrowness of the nasal

bone as well as the form of the bridge we would not be at all

justified in representing the flat, and, towards the lower part,

broad nose of the Veddds as a Tamil inheritance. The form of

the orbits is different in all the three races ; and to this dis-

similarity is to be added the very different formation of the

naso-frontal region, im which, however, the proportions in the

Sinhalese more nearly resemble those of the Veddda. The form

of the aperture of the nose is with the Tamil more like that of

the Sinhalese than that of the Vedda ; both being platyrrhine,

and that of the Vedda mesorrhine ; but at its epiphysis never-

theless the Veddi nose is flatter and more depressed ; the

Sinhalese and Tamil protuberant—the Tamil in fact more

than the Sinhalese. The chief distinctive feature of the Veddd

palate is that the “‘ tooth-curve”’ has very nearly the outline of a

horse shoe. Wholly different from the Tamils, and also some-

what different from the Veddas, is the “tooth-curve” of the

Sinhalese. With them the palatal plate is unusually large and

at the same time of considerable breadth, so that it is very large,

but the sides are more parallel, and the region of the incisors

forms. a broader, flatter curve jutting out in front. The Os

ee [i.e., Medium orbital index,—medium nasal index,—projecting

ja2w,—and short palate.— 7. B.]

palatinum has a relatively large share with the Sinhalese in the

“formation of the palatal plate. The Tamil palatal index Is in

very striking contrast to the Sinhalese, :

The Be given in respect to three of the most important

regions of the skeleton face shew that great difficulties are

encountered in attempting to ascertain the degree of affinity

existing between these three tribes. If we take, as usual, the

ies as guides we gain for each region another come atien:

Most ne related are :-—

Accor ding to the orbital inde the Vedda and the Tamil.

ees nasal index—,, Tamil ,, ,, Sinhalese.

Do. palatal index-—,, Sinhalese ,, Veddd.

We must not forget however, that here only one individual

is taken from each tribe, and that he by no means corresponds in

every particular to the average of his tribe: the Author having

had to select for his illustrations from the few skulls available those

which gave the best indications of regular development, but which

perhaps do not, in all respects, represent typical forms. The

Author’s work will have fulfilled its aim if it hastens the bringing

up of better material. For the present he can only assert that,

so far as we have a distinct view of the physical relations, as

few evidences appear of a real affinity between the Tamils and

the Veddas as between the Tamils and the Sinhalese.

Question of Dravidian element in Vedddas and Sinhalese.—

This, however, does not decide the question as to whether there

is a Dravidian element in either the Veddas or the Sinhalese.

We now know that the Tamils who made invasions and settle-

ments in Ceylon came not only from the nearer points on the.

coast of India, but-also from quite northern districts ; and, before

expressing a decided judgment, all the tribes of Hindustan

which are usually embraced in the term ‘“ Dravidas ” must be

compared in turn. A comparison of this kind would here be

out of place, and the material is not sufficient. For the present,

it will only be stated that the physical condition of the Tamils,

‘including those of the Coromandel coast, is not sufficient to

represent perfectly the Dravidian type.* Close beside them

** Of two skulls from Tanjore,—the Chola of the Sinhalese annals,—

one is dolicho-cephalic ; the other mesocepbalic ; which is bere typical ?

One is hypsikonch ; the other mesokonch ; one leptostaphyline ; the other

brachystaphyline. According to which shall we decide ?

in the mountains we come upon other Dravidas, such as the

Kurumbars and other wild tribes of the Nilgherries, of stunted

stature and debased type, who, to all appearance, are essentially

different from the Tamils, and whose skull measurements show

oreat similarity to those of the Veddds of Ceylon, while the

form of their face, though ditfering from that in both Tamils -

and Veddds, is not so different from the latter as to justify an

ethnological separation. Therefore, if one would search out

the connection of the Veddds, and perhaps of the Sinhalese

themselves, with Dravidian India, it would be advisable to go

beyond the inhabitants of the coast, and bring the mountain

tribes into comparison, |

But even here the researches will not end ; for, according to

all probability, the present mountain tribes are not the real abori-

gines of Hindustan. We have the tradition that, together with

the Kurumbars, the Veddas were the oldest inhabitants of Tonda-

-mandalam (Madras); and of them it seems was said “there were

then no forts, only huts ; no kings; no religion; no civilization ;

no books ; men were naked savages : no marriage institutions.”

And we have the tales of the fight of Vishnu with fabulous

Assoors ; and of the war of Rama upon Rawana, the Ceylon

champion of the Yakkho and Rakshasas worship ; and also the

traditions preserved among the Hlayas in Nepaul, and the

Wouralis of the Konkan, that their tribes emigrated from

Ceylon to their present mountain homes ‘when Rawana was

slain. Such traditions are, of course, of no positive value for

the diagnosis of the different tribes, but they at least warn us

not to decide as to the aboriginal races of India and Ceylon -

simply on the ground of some crude linguistic indications, or

the physical characteristics of a few better known tribes. All

the same, we cannot avoid the conviction that the earliest

inhabitants of Ceylon stand in a close affinity to the aborigines

of India. | , |

Proto-Dravidians and Pre-Dravidians.—— Whether these

aborigines were Proto-Dravidian, or even Pre-Dravidian tribes,

we cannot with certainty decide at present. When the light-

skinned Aryans from the Punjab invaded the land later called

Hindustan, they found it already in the possession of numerous

tribes of “ dark-skinned ” people, who, in the Veddas,are desig-

nated by the generic name of Dasyu or Dasa. The greater part of

them, as the conquerors penetrated further into the valley of -

the Ganges, were forced back on both sides, to the mountains

northward into the Himalaya, and southward into the Vindhya ;

those who remained behind were adopted as Sudras, thus

becoming a part of the Aryan organization. Hence nothing

stands in the way of the assumption that the mountaineers in

general belong to the aboriginal tribes. But neither does

anything compel us to consider all these tribes of the Dasyu

as homophylic [of one race.] M. Rousselet speaks most positively

ofan immigration of Thibetan tribes of the yellow race from

the east, and another of Turanians from the west, before

the Aryan invasion; but he assumes, as anterior to both, a

population of Negritoes, To the admixture of the latter with

yellow tribes he first of all ascribes the origin of the Proto-

Dravidians, (counting among these the Malars, the Konds, and

perhaps the Gounds); and only when fresh troops of invaders had

again mixed with the Proto-Dravidians, arose, in his opinion, the

Dravidas or Tamils. They brought the snake worship (Nagas)

with them. On the other hand, from the immigration of the °

Turanians arose in the plains the Yats; in the mountains the

Bhils, Minas, and Mhuirs.] He regards as the last remains of

the primitive black population scattered remnants of a small

‘black people upon the high plateaus of the Amarkantak, who

became known under the name of Dyjangals, Puttnas, and

Yuangas (Dschuangs)* If Ihave many doubts about admit-

ting the distinctions of M. Rousselet, especially with regard to

the assumption of a veritable Negrito race as the aboriginal —

race of India, I yet in nowise oppose the idea that the tribes of

black-skins which the Aryans found established in the valley of

the Ganges were mixed. How much Mongolian, Turanian or

_ Negrito blood flowed in their veins must remain for the present

undecided, But it is certainly not impossible that a part only

of the Dasuya were Dravidians, and that even before the

Proto-Dravidas of M. Rousselet, Pre-Dravidian tribes inhabited

the land, Neither the Mongols nor the Turanians satisfactorily

* Col. Dalton states that these belong to the Kolars ; and his desrip-

tion of these contains quite as many Mongolian as Negretian charac-

teristics.

ee the stunted growth of the tribes of “ black-skins”’ to

whom even Pliny Ane es as “pigmies.” All the information

we have of them is so imperfect as to admit of being turned to

account for any sort of opinion. M. de Quatrefages has

collected accounts of the Negritoes in India from which he

concludes definitely that Negritoes are still living in various

parts of the country. I cannot esteem the evidence sufficient,

but will not deny that the question is open to discussion.

As affording grounds for misgivings, reference may be made |

to the so-called Negrito race inhabiting several clusters of islands

and parts of Malacca, and also to their neighbours, the “ little-

blacks,’ who dwell in the Andaman islands. In_ various

respects, as by their dark complexion, the smallness of their

frames, and particularly of the head, they unquestionably shew

a striking approach to the Veddas and Kurumbas. But the

one circumstance of the difference in the form of the skull,

which, with the Andamanese as well as the Negritoes generally,

is in reality brachycephalic, distinguishes them definitely from

all the Ceylon races. When to this is. added that their hair

grows in spiral coils and is to be classed withthe wooly hair of

the genuine Negro, every possibility disappears of a connexion

ith the Veddas, unless we assume that climatic influences

have especially affected the hair. Even less analogy is found

between Veddds and Australians, although M. Topinard has

recently emphasized the supposed relationship of the Australians

to the Veddas, as well as to the Bhils, Gonds, Khandas,

Kurumbas, &e.

Malay element.—Very much more caupliented is the ques-

tion whether Malay elements were not infused into the aboriginal

population of Ceylon. The Malays have extended there settle-

ments much further, and even as far as Madagascar. There

are, however, no obvious physical indications of such a relation-

ship. Only Mr. Williams, an American Missionary in China,

observed in the Sinhalese “a Malay expression of countenance.”’

_ Conciustons.—F rom the foregoing discussion we assume

as proved :—

Tst.—That manifold resemblances exist between Veddas

and Sinhalese; and that the origin of the Sinhalese race

from a mixture of Veddas and immigrants from India pose

sesses great probability, as well upon historieal as also upon ~ "4

| anthropolosical grounds

2nd.—That the Veddas as well as the Sinhalese are, in

the main features, distinguished from the Ceylon Tamils, and

equally from those of Tanjore (Chola.)

drd.—That on the other hand, among the remnants of the

old Dravidian, or perhaps Pre-Dravidian tribes of Hindustan

we find even today evidence of analogies with the Veddas.

The low development of the Veddas a race distinction and not

a hereditary morbid condition.—Have the Veddas remained in

the condition of the Proto-Dravidians, or possibly Pre-Dravi-

dians ?—or have they, in their isolation’ sunk to a lower state ?

In other words, are they ethnologically to be turned to account

in order to paint anew the picture of this primitive period ?

If, in spite of reasons which seem to the Author conclusive, one

would assume that they have by degrees retrograded physically

and intellectually, we should be forced to represent them as a

tiny size of their skulls and small capacity for mental develop-

ment be not microcephaly in the pathological sense? We can

distinctly deny this suggestion. The individuality of the

Veddas is psychically fully developed. So far as their needs

demand they have matured their capacities and are able to take

care of themselves and their children ; and they even associate, —

so far as unavoidable, with neighbours and strangers in a free

way and as self-determined men. They are distinguished in all

the main features from microcephyles in the technical sense ;

and it may therefore be admitted, without hesitation, that the

_ inferior bodily and mental des elapmeue of the Veddas is not

/ owing to a Yeally morbid condition which, as such, might be

hereditary, but is rather to be regarded as a race ecules

This, however, by no means excludes the possibility that

Bienen iad circumstances, especially better food, might

produce a more complete development, and the body Heeoue

larger and stronger, the skull and brain formation more perfect.

In fact such cases appear among the Veddas, as is proved by

c 3]

examples of men far exceeding the average height, and by skulls

_ having a capacity of 1,614 and 1,420 cub. cm. It might follow

‘from this that the Sinhalese are civilized Veddas who simply

owe the superiority of their physical development to their better

life. But the Vedda race is still, as it was in ancient days,

among the smallest of the living human tribes. Similar

_ dwarfish tribes are scattered all over India, which possibly was

in ancient times inhabited by tribes which had a close rela-

tionship to these. And with just as little propriety as the

present Hindoos can be said to have sprung and progressively

developed from these more or less dwarfish aborigines, does

such a kind of explanation suit the connection of the Veddas

with the Sinhalese. As they have not descended from the

Sinhalese by regressive degeneration, neither surely have they

been transformed by progressive evolution into Sinhalese.

That no such affinity exists is proved chiefly by the form of the

face, to which all observers testify. All descriptions, and history

confirmed by the Ramayana, as well as the Wijeyan legend,

shew that there can be no doubt that the Sinhalese face is an

umportation from the Aryan province of the Indian continent :

while, directly to the contrary, all observers ascribe to the

Vedda face a foreign and, very frequently, Dravidian type. It

becomes clear then that genealogical investigation must make

the face a main object of study.

If the view be correct that the Veddas are a pure, the Sinha-

lese a mixed race, we may then leave the question out of con-

sideration as to how far soil, food, and climate, and the like may

have operated to determine the formation of the body, or the

size of the head, or to transform the character of the hair from

that of wooly-haired blacks like Negritoes, &c., to what we now

find it. Although facts bearing more or less plausibly on this

question may not be wanting, we should hesitate before applying

arguments gathered from the history of domesticated animals

to the savage inhabitants of Ceylon, at any rate until it is

proved that the latter actually possessed in earlier times different

physical characteristics. The present state of the hair plainly

corresponds to the description given by Palladius, and must,

_ therefore, have been just as it now is for at least fifteen

hundred years. |

j .

Direction of further enquiry: the Veddas a member of the

pre-historic Dasuya group.—lt is very certain that if we would

pursue the search for the origin of the Veddas genealogically,

we must first turn our investigations to the savage or half-

savage tribes of India. Every possible effort must be made to

enlarge the facts bearing on Indian ethnology in order to be

able to investigate radically the tribe of ‘“ Black-skins.” Since

a part of the Dasuya were transferred to the Sudras, and

consequently included in the caste system of the Hindoos*~

as the Veddds in that of the Sinhalese—it is not possible to

bring to a conclusion the physical anthropology of the Hindoos

and the Sinhalese, until we have resolved the evidently very

composite group of the Dasuya into its separate members:

One such member is plainly the tribe of the Veddas: their

natural isolation upon an island has perhaps tended to preserve

in them, more than in similar places upon the continent, their

peculiar character, and made them an object by which to test

the admissibility of the theories concerning the origin of the

Black Indians. May the zeal of the observer know no flagging,

that, before the utter extinction of this already much depleted

race, the language and customs, the physical and mental consti-

tution of the Veddas may, inall particulars, be firmly established