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13408
a4
Mies
Aste
Poe
JOURNAL
OF THE
CEYLON BRANCH
OF THE
ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,
Mares Mil 8
1883—1884. oe
VOLUME VITI.
EDITED BY THE HONORARY SECRETARY.
“The design of the Society is to institute and promote inquiries into the History,
Religion, Literature, Arts, and Social Condition of the present and former
Inhabitants of the Island, with its Geology, SECTS its Climate and
Meteorology, its Botany and Zoology.”
COLOMBO:
GEORGE J, A, SKEEN, GOVERNMENT PRINTER, CEYLON,
1886.
CONTENTS OF VOLUME VIII.
Ho. 26.—1883.
Sighalese Bird-lore—By W. Knicur James, Esq., F.R.G.8.,
F.R.HIST.SOC. one aes as
The Panikkans of Muchali.—By G. M. Fowusr, Esq.,¢.c.. ...
Notes on Ancient Sinhalese Inscription,—By Dr. E.
MULLER nee 500 see
Sinhalese Customs and Ceremonies connected with Paddy
Cultivation in the Low-country.—By H. C. P. Bett,
Hsq., C.C.s. S60 58
Ho. 27.—L38z.
Report on Archeological Discoveries at Tissamaharima, in the
Southern Province of Ceylon.—By Henry Parker, Esq.,
F.G.S., F.Z.8., F.R.HIST.soc., &c., Irrigation Officer, Public
Works Department
No. 23.—i8&4.
Papers on the First Fifty Jatakas—Edited by tHz Lorp
BisHop or CoLoMsBo sf ie aes
No. Z29.—1i834.
Notes Illustrative of Buddhism as the Daily Religion of the
Buddhists of Ceylon, and some Account of their Ceremonies
before and after Death.—By the Hon. J. F. Dicxson,
M.A.OXON. 60 ;
The Language of the Threshing-floor.—By J. P. Lewis, Eas “
C.C.S. Se ae
Notes on the Ornithology of the Balangeda District.—By
FREDERICK Lewis, Esq. “ aes
PAGE
18
44
94
192
297
331
365
1V CONTENTS OF VOLUME VIII.
Ornithological Notes taken in the Bogawantalawa District
during September, 1882.—By Freprrick Lewis, Esq. ... 386
Tamil Customs and Ceremonies connected with Paddy Culti-
vation in the Jaffna District.—By J. P. Lewis, Esq., c.c.s. 3.98
Kasagal Viharé.—By KE. R. Gunaratna, Esq., Atapattu
Mudaliyar... 428
Kali Kévila—By Artuug Javawarpana, Esq., Mudaliyar ... 434
Beligala.—By R. W. Invers, Hsyq,, c.c.s. 660 46d 440
Ay-keliya.—By C. J. R. Le Mzsurizr, Esq., c.c.s. Ae 462
Proceedings, 1883 ... ae an fs 1
Proceedings, 1884... sale Ka a nie SARA
ERRATA.
© eee
Journal, Vol. VIIL., No. 28, 1884 :—
Page 242, line 8 from bottom, for “Sumangala Unnansé” read
“Mr. W. P. Ranasinha,”
JournaL, Vol, VIII., No. 29, 1884 :—
Pages 831, 333, 335, 337, 339, 341, 343—head-line should read
‘'Threshing-floor Language.”
oe 395, 397, in head-line, for “ Balangoda” read ‘“ Bogawan-
talawa.”
ae it Fo
Z tf >
CEYLON BRAD
OF THE
a
CH
ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,
1883.
No. 26. | |
MPeIPUD BY Till, HONORARY: SECRIETAICY.
—
«<The design of the Society is to institute and promote inquiries into the Histery,
Inhabitants of the Island, with its Geslcey, Mineralogy, its Cimate and
Dy? Su
Meteorolegy, its Ectany and Zoology.”
COLCGMBO:
GEO. J. A, SKEEN, GOVERNMENT PRINTER, CEYLON.
<i |
O
C |
° |
®
Lt al ELLIE DALAL ADELE BN SAAD LILES LIES ENE ERLE A ENS AEE SNE EAS RAIL ST SEER St EARN TENN RECURRENCE SSAA PSE) 0 SUL M6 NESS IRS TTI ESL SINTER TOL K STIS “PA ATS ST ASA EEN WY INNS AA I NI EET ENINAT RETO PS KG AISA RST A AAAS
~
1885. |
}
JOURNAL
OF THH
CEYLON BRANCH
OF THR
ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,
1883.
VOL. VIII.
OED pro hHM TONORARY SHCRE TARY.
“The design of the Society is to institute and promote inquiries into the History,
Religion, Literature, Arts, and Social Condition of the present and former
Inhabitants of the Island, with its Geology, Mineralogy, its Climate and
: Meteorology, its Botany and Zoology.”
1885.
CONTENTS.
Sinhalese Bird-lore.—By W. Kyiaur James, Esq.,
F.R.G.S., F.R. HIST. S. woe
The Panikkans of Muchali.—By G. M. Fowrrr, Esq.,
C.C.S.
Notes on Ancient Sinhalese Inscriptions.—By Dr. E,
MULLER
Sinhalese Customs and Ceremonies connected with Paddy
Cultivation in the Low-country—By H. C. P.
BELL, Esq., C.C.S.
ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,
(CEYLON BRANCH.)
SINHALESE BIRD-LORE,
By W. Kyicut James, F.R.G.S., F.R. Hier. 8.
(Read 23rd October, 1883.)
Amongst a simple rural population, such as the Sinhalese
villagers and cultivators are, one would naturally expect to
find that the wild animals with which they were familiar
should give rise to various superstitious stories and sayings.
More especially would this be the case with those which
they regarded particularly as either their friends or foes, or
whose peculiar habits and characteristics came most fre- —
quently under their observation. This tendency amongst
the Sinhalese has been still further increased by their belief
in the doctrine of transmigration, and in devil-worship and
propitiation. The feathered-race has come in for at least its
fair share of legend and superstition. In this Paper it has
been my object to put together such jottines of Sinhalese —
bird-lore as I believe have not for the most been previously
known.
Tae Macpre Rosin (Copsychus saularis), Sin. (Low-
country) Pol-kichcha, “the cocoanut-bird ;’ (Kandyan)
Pahan-kichché, “the dawn-bird.”’ Although the song of
this bird in early morning and the evening is clear and
sweet, it unfortunately has another less melodious one
during the day, which is thought to resemble the ominous
word “miyachchi,’ “dead.” This appears to have es-
_ tablished it as a bird of ill-omen, and by the country people
g A
a i bee PM ol as cn Se a See. |.) PANY Oe eRe 8 Ween hare oe eee ew at 8G
ES aR REAL H Pe aaa Bn tt
: K ee % rans) abe cee Pel oe Ase eee
14 t SF ONES SOE Co as
it is regarded frequently with a kind of horror. Its voice
is said to announce bad news. It is believed to be an
incarnation of the demon Huniyan-yaka, and to bring with
it misfortune to the healthy, and death to the sick. It is
not an unusual thing for the villager to pelt it with stones
away from the neighbourhood of his house and garden, and
it is the greatest misfortune if it should build its nest
within the precincts of the cottage.
Tse Buack Rosin (Thamnobia fulicata), Sin. Kalu pol-
kichché. The body of this bird is used as a charm in the
incarnation of Maha-Sohon-bandhana (the binding of Maha-
Séhona (the vampire demon), and of Kalu-kumara-anduna
(the producing of desire). The preparation is as follows :
A king-cocoanut is taken and a hole made in it ; the water
is then emptied out, and the dead body of the little bird is
placed therein. It is then buried in the earth, where it
remains for three months, after which itis disinterred and
the putrid pulp and body of the bird are placed together in
_ achatty and taken to the burial ground, where a fire is made,
and the oil extracted with the greatest care, lest the demon,
in order to avert the charm, should spill it. Very often, it
is said, that notwithstanding every precaution, the yaka
manages to overturn the vessel. In order that, if such is
the case, some portion of the oil may be recovered, leaves
are placed round the fire to catch the precious particles.
Tae Inpian Kort (Eudynamys honorata), Sin. Koha,
from its. note. This bird was called by the Elu poets
Paraputu (lit. ‘that which is nourished by others’), from
the habit it has in common with other cuckoos of laying its
eggs in the nests of other birds. Its loud, though not un-
musical, voice appears to have excited their admiration. The
Sinhalese say that although this bird is toolazy to build its
own nest and bring up its young, it wishes to have its progeny
when the-trouble of rearing them is over, and they imagine
its peculiar cry to be “darumd-ko? daruwa-ko?” “Where
is my child? Where is my child?”
Tue Krne-Crow, on Droneo (Buchanga Leucopygialis),
Sin. (some districts) Kawudu-panikkiyd, “the crow’s barber;”
os
2 soURNAT, R. a. 8 (CRYEON). [Vol VIL.
(in others) Kaputu-bénd, “the crow’s nephew.” This little :
y (s oy x ve
Poe No. 26.—1883.] SINHALESE BIRD-LORE. 3
bird may be seen continually harassing and “bullying” the
crows, frequently snatching a feather from the crow’s head.
In districts where the first name is used it is said that ina |
previous birth the drongo was a barber, and the crow a
customer who failed to “ pay up,” and that as a punishment
for his dishonesty the former was permitted to continue
““dunning’’ him in his future state. In the districts where
the bird is known by the name Kaputu-bénda it is said that
the drongo is such a cunning fellow that even his crafty
uncle, the crow, was never a match for him. Once upon a
time the drongo challenged the crow as to which of them
could fly the higher, and the challenge was accepted, on the
condition that each should carry a certain-sized bag full of
whatever material they liked, and that the winner should,
as his reward, be at liberty to knock the loser on the head.
The crow in his craftiness selected cotton as the material
with which to fill his bag, but the drongo, after giving a
knowing glance at the weather, filled his bag with salt, much
to the surprise of the crow. They had not soared far before
it commenced to rain, and consequently as the crow’s load
got heavier the drongo’s got lighter, and before long he had
nothing to carry but the bag. It is needless to say that he
- won, and is making use of the privilege he gained by con-
__ tinually tapping his uncle on the head.
THE House Sparrow (Passer domesticus), Sin. Gé-kurulld,
“the house-bird.”” A Sinhalese legend accounts for the black
patch on the male bird’s throat by recounting how a house
took fire, underneath the eves of which a pair of these birds
had built their nest, and hatched their young. The hen
flew away, but the cock battled bravely through the flames
—torescueits young ones. In doing so he scorched his throat,
the mark whereof still remains to testify to his bravery and
paternal love. The building and breeding of the sparrow
in the precints of a house is considered an extremely good ©
omen, and in order to make these birds build, chatties are
frequently hung on the walls. If a sparrow should make
its nest and rear its young in the building, it is believed
that the next child born to the owner will be a boy.
Sparrow's eggs broken and accompanied by incantation
a are used as a charm to stop objectionable tom-tom beating,
fe JOURNAL, B. A. 8. (CEYLON). [Vol eat
by causing the collapse of the instrument ; and the shell,
reduced to powder, placed on a betel leaf and mixed with some
other ingredients, is said to be a love philtre.
Tue Parapise Fiy-catcuer (Terpsiphore Paradisi), Sin.
Gini-hora, ‘the fire thief”; Kapu or Redi-hord, ‘the cotton
thief.”” The male of this bird, probably about the middle of
the second year, changes its colour from red to white, and
frequently the tail feathers elongate, sometimes before and
sometimes after this change. There is a Sinhalese legend
that these birds are transmigrated representatives of human
beings, who were dishonest, and the red or white of the bird
bears some resemblance to the colour of the articles which
were stolen. The names have however no doubt been
given because of the appearance which the bird has of
carrying away a piece of cotton or a small fire brand when
flying through the air.
Tue Sprorrep Dove (Turtur Suratensis), Sin. Kobeyiyd.
The mournful note of this dove has attracted attention, and
is accounted for by the following story. A woman put some
kebella berries in the sun to dry, and as she had to go and
gather firewood she told her little boy to be sure to watch
them carefully. As they got dry, they stuck to the ground
and could scarcely be seen. On returning she could not see
the berries, and thinking that he had eaten them, she struck
her child such a blow that it killed him. Immediately after-
wards she saw that the berries were still where she had left
them. In her remorse she killed herself and was turned
into a dove. She now goes through the world mourning for
her child, and crying “pudbbaru puté pu pi,” “Oh! (my)
young son!”
THe Common Basser (Malacoercus striatus), Sin. Dema-
lichché, ‘Tamil bird.” The name Demalichcha or Tamil bird
was probably given to it from the fancied resemblance of a
group of these babblers to a crowd of noisy Tamils.
Toe Parrot or Paroquzt (Paleornis eupatrius, P.
torquatus, and P. calthrope), Sin. Labu, Réna, and Alu
Girawa. In two of his 550 births Buddha is said to have
been born as a parrot, The Sinhalese attribute the power
4 o No. 26.—1883.] SINHALESE BIRD-LORE. D
of parrots to speak to the honour conferred by Buddha on
the family. A common saying is :—
ACE) e1O HHO Gd6Hoos emg QGowdO QOS.
Balala iiév géwama giramagé daha-ata baséma inarayt.
“When the cat mews all the parrot’s eighteen languages
come to an end.”
Again :—
Sal ONADO wos G59 eGGsioss Osnoas
H)Oo.
Ratranin rankiduma tenunat giraw laginné wandntareé.
“Though the cage is made of ae the parrot will (prefer
to) roost in the forest.”
G6) Hod QES5 S101.
- Giranwa wagé guné nehe.
“ As ungrateful as a parrot.” (Alluding to the fact that,
no matter how kind one has been toit, it will fly away
at the first opportunity.)
© Bd doosa.
— Ma girawd wagéya.
“ This fellow is like a parrot.” (Meaning either that he
is a chatterer or that he is merely an imitator,)
THE Rep-watTLeD Lap-wine (Lobivanellus Indicus), Sin.
Kirala. This bird is the type of watchfulness and faithful-
ness to its offspring. At all hours of the day and night
when its nest is approached it rises with its shrill cry. In
some districts there is a superstition that the eggs of this
bird, eaten raw, will drive away sleep and induce watchful-
ness. There is a belief among the Sinhalese that this bird
lies on its back on its nest with its legs upwards for fear the
sky should fall and crush its eggs. The same belief is
mentioned by Jerdon as being current in Southern India.
In the Mahawaga of the Vinaya-pitaka and in the
Gihi-winiya or Singdlowadi Siittraya we find the following
stanza :—
BAO P22.0 QOSOODEWo
Bado DYMD)o DGBIIM DAA
DGCD BEo €BO SH OQowWAo
BOSHE) OG IONE, Ae,
6 JOURNAL, B. A. &. (CEYLON). -[Vol. VII.
kikina andancha marinanaladhin
Piyan waputtan nayananwaékakan
Tathéwa silan anurakkhamanaka
Supesala hothasadasagarawa.
“The very pious and revered priests are those who observe
the rites (of religion as assiduously) as the hirala
guards her eggs, the samara deer its tail, the father his
only son, and aman whois blind in one eye the other.”
In the Kuso jataka of Alagryawanna a similar stanza
occurs :—
SBD H® AGO ‘e!
BOS S8OOHSD H1OH GC
OSG 605 OK (e)
68 BS 8586 08 es)
Rakina tama byunal
Kirala semaren hemakat
Poho dawasa atasil
hakinite pirisiduma pansil.
(She) having become pure in mind and body, observes on
poya days the eight rites and every day the five rites
(as faithfully as) the kirald (guards) her eggs and
the samara deer his tail.”
THE Crow (Corvus splendens, or C. culminatus), Sin.
Kaputa or Kakka, from its cry Kathdé (kat = “ everybody,”
and sa—“eat’), becomes by sandhi Kdkka. Therefore
the crow is popularly said to say Kakka: “(1) eat (the
flesh of) everybody (but nobody eats mine).”
A common saying is :—
HOMAMIHES AiGoO msianeds AiSOHs6 0).
Prayogakarayage belma hakkagé belma wage.
** A cunning man’s look is like that of a crow.”
Another :—
OsSAaeasl asansl 217HS1 WS) 101.
Marakkalayat kakkat neti tenak nehe.
_ “There is no place where the Moorman and the crow are
not to be found.”
And again :—
QSNEW GOES N6GMEH8 ae Bd.
Iratadunu keliya narakeyikiya kakkat kina.
pile crow even said: ‘It is bad to play with bows and
arTOWs.”
pre a. 26.—1883.] ‘SINHALESE BIRD-LORE. : d
There is a saying concerning persons who have been
treated ungratefully :—
ENBADIO NoOiss essnOHons.
Kakkata nanaten dunnanageyt.
“As they gave lodgings tothe crow.” (Referring to the
Jataka story of the peacocks who gave shelter to a
crow, and he in return for their hospitality showed a
fowler the way to their roost.) |
The greedy and insatiable appetite of the crow is such
that in the Kaputu-jdtaka it is said :—
GR Qsaiat 0H08 oom OSHsO#.
Ratriyé tunyamin ehieki yameka murchhaveti.
“In each of the three watches of a night they faint (for
want of food).”
BONE Hide sonata Scat BEDE snes BOS6-
GOS AHBGSS.
Gitel gellt pahankadayak gilukala truptinindranaweyi
badapireyi.
“When a rag dipped in ghee is swallowed (his) desire
will be satisfied and he will be full.”
Tue Domestic Fown, Sin. Aukulad “the cock,” Krkil
“the hen.”
_ A common saying is :—
DDS) CHBOSNIO SiGOssy.
Kukula andanakota negitapan.
*“ Rise when the cock crows.”’
There is an opinion among the people that at some seasons
the cock crows 74 hours (peyas) before dawn, and at others
& hours before. A white cock is looked upon as a lucky
bird, and likely to bring luck if kept and reared in a house.
_ Another belief is that if a white cock is kept in a
cocoanut garden the trees will not be attacked by the
kuruminiya or cocoanut-beetle.
When a man starts on a journey, if a cock crows it is
considered a good omen.
A talkative woman is often compared to a cackling hen.
Tux Poyp Heron (Ardeola Grayi), Sin. Koka.
‘Tae Nicut Heron (Nycticorax Griscus), Sin. Kana-hoka.
The cry of the night heron is said to be an ill-omen and
8 —souNan, n. A. 8. (curzox.) [Vol. VET.
_ when its cry is heard as it flies over a house is said to
announce death to one of the inmates.
There is a Sinhalese saying —
ANBSGBVSVNGS HE GSOSSIOSS eSEognomoe.
Kanakokagé suda penenné igillenakotayt.
“You only see the white (beauty) of the kanakoka
when it is on the wing,’ (2.e., for a person to be seen
to advantage he must put forth his powers.)
GAIHVO OMNIS AHS DO CHAO WSIDSoe OA.
Kokata ehawarayak nam kekita hatwarayak eto.
‘‘For every one chance that the male heron has, the
female has seven.” (Alluding to the supposed
cunning of women.)
CMMI SE DO HSMMo0s Oda dH.
Kokatawarayak nam tittayatat warayak ete. :
‘If the heron has a chance, so has the fish.” This
probably has reference to the crab story in the
Ehiopadésa.
THe Brown Fish Own (Ketupa Ceylonensis), Sin.
Bakamind.—This bird is, if discovered in the day time,
frequently subject to the attacks of mobs of crows. The
story is told that once the Bakamind was proposed as the
king of birds, but the crow addressed his assembled
brethren and said, “‘ Our other kings have punished only
those who were guilty of some offence, but if you accept the
Bakamuna as our king the continual sight of his ugly face
will be a terrible punishment which will affect equally the
innocent and the guilty.”
The ashes of the feathers of the Bakamund mixed with the
ashes of a human skull and beeswax is formed into an oint- —
ment which is used by Vedardlas for the cure of sores.
Owxs.—The screeching of an owl near a house is looked
upon as an ill-omen. Ifthe villager possesses a door key
he places it beneath the ashes of the fire, hoping that he will
by that means counteract its ill-effects. The bark of the
tree taken off whilst the owl is on the tree, but before it
has screamed thrice, is considered a valuable charm, Its
value arises most probably from the fact that it is next to
impossible to cut the bark from the tree without frightening
_ the bird away. :
No. 26.—1883. | SINHALESE BIRD-LORE. 9
Ladd two common Sinhalese bird legends.
|.—THr Woop-PEcKER’s TAPPING-—Once upon a time
there was a Korowaka (water-fowl) who sold arecanuts.
One day he went to his uncle’s at Velikilda in order to obtain
a supply. He gathered a large number and packed them
in bags. The Korowaka then asked some geese to carry his
bags to the waterside, and there he embarked with them in
the Kéralla’s (wood-pecker) boat. As the boat was over-
leaded it was before long capsized, and both boat and areca-
nuts lost. When the two birds reached the shore the water-
fowl abused the wood-pecker for taking his property on such a
_ good-for-nothing old boat. “But what,” said the wood-
pecker, “is your loss to mine? there are plenty more
-arecanuts, but where shall I get another boat?’ Still the
wood-pecker is wandering about tapping the trunks of trees
and trying to find wood to make another boat. The water-
hen is still walking by the waterside crying “ Kapparakata
punwak, puwak!” (“a vessel full of arecanuts”). That the
geese deformed their necks in carrying the heavy bags of
nuts, any one may see by looking at them.
2.—A Story OF BORROWED PLUMES.—Long long ago the
- Swan-king had a beautiful daughter, and when the time
arrived for her marriage he invited all the birds to his
house in order that he might choose a husband for her.
Now, at this time the Peacock was a very sombre-looking
bird, but the Pitta was exceedingly beautiful. The Peacock
_ therefore went to his friend the Pitéa and told him that he
- was about to solicit the hand of the Swan-king’s daughter,
and entreated the loan of his beautiful feathers. The P2tta
consented willingly, but the Peacock was so vain of his
plumes, and strutted about in such an absurd fashion before
the Swan-king’s house, that he was turned out of the
assembly. The Pitta requested the return of his feathers,
but the peacock said: “ Everybody knows that this is my
dress;” and the poor bird, unable to obtain justice, has since
been wandering about the jungle crying “ Mat kiyam, Mat
kiyam,” (“Tshall complain—I shall complain’’), and he will
do so, it is said, until Mayitri-Buddha comes, who will doubt-
less strip the peacock of his monet oirened finery.
B
10 JOURNAL, Rk, A. 8. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIIL
NOTE:
Sees
The Hlu poets, following a Sanskrit model, frequently
wrote their poems in the form of sandésas or messages,
which they poetically imagined to entrust to some particu-
lar bird to deliver. The following are the best known of
the Sinhalese Bird sandeésas.
1. Mayura-sandésa, “the Peacock’s message.”’ Author
not known. From Gangasripura (Gampola) to the temple
of Vishnu at Devinuwara (Dondra).
2. Selalthin-sandésa, “the Mina’s message.’ By Sri
Réhula of Totagamuwa. From Jayawardhanapura (Kotté)
to Kelaniya, praying Vibhisana, the presiding deity of
Kelaniya, to give a son to Princess Ulakuda, the daughter
of King Pardkrama Bahu of Kotté.
3. Paravi-sandésa, ‘the Pigeon’s message.” By Sri Ra-
hula of Totagamuwa. From Kdétté to Devundara, asking
Vishnu, the presiding deity of Devundara, to bless the army
of King Parakrama Bahu’s brother, who was then the Gover-
nor of Jaffna.
4, Kovul-sandésa, ‘‘ the Koel’s message.”’ By Irugalkula
Parivenddhipati, a priest of Mulgirigala, asking a blessing
from Vishnu, deity presiding over the temple at Devundara,
upon the PrinceSapumal, the son of Pardkrama Bahu, who was
then conducting a war at Jaffna against A’ryachakravarti,
the King of Karnata.
5. Tisara-sandésa, “the Swan’s message” (two.) One
supposed to have been written by priest Vidagama of
Rayigam Koralé, author of many other poetical works of
great merit. The other, whose author is not known, is
characterized by correctness of versification and great
elegance of style.
6. Sevul-sandésa, ‘the Cock’s message.” By Alagiya-
wanna Mohottala. Message to god Sdman, sent from
Sitavaka to Saparapura.
@. Gird-sandésa, “the Parrot’s message.” By the priest
Dharmmarama. Message to Sri Rahula of Totagama.
_ No. 26.—1883.] sINHALESE BIRD-LORE. 3 11
8. Diyasevul-sandésa, “the Water-cock’s message.’’
By Samarajivali. Message to Vishnu from Tangalla.
The poems are all written after the same fashion, and
commence with a poetic description and eulogy of the bird.
The following is the Introduction to Totagamuwa’s Paravi-
sandésa, to which I append a literal translation :—
6156 S6NE HE SAOSS Hsaj wdopas
SHE BIQHEsS ww CAE Ge HBOS
BDI1 DS1KI6H LH ©O9HS1 WOOHDGS1
MVSDS) SGEH DES OF OF SUHGOCE
GAAS MOISE HiMiG swaps GOHAS
DBONBHNE G5IO® ¢G WE MH G5O0H) SS)
HEQ™ HodBiOMD G55 ¢Mo@o Woe ;
wHEQs cle BoDHNS GonMoGgse GE
HOES De HOAHSMN OSES Qo®
HOEBS GSIAsI OVE) Gsne QE Qo®™
BEHD GE HE ENSON Mog
QHBsd €5O 6159 «SO OS oO
“Live long! Great and noble pigeon! Thou,who art like
unto a conch with coral leaves produced from the milky
ocean, in consequence of thy white colour and deep red feet!
O my friend! Thou adornest thy friend as early spring
adorns a tree. When thou wast slowly moving in the
sky and on a very gentle breeze, did not the people
seize thee, taking thee for a full-blown white lily dropt
from their hands? Did they not approach thee under the
belief that thou wast a lotus-bud fallen from the celestial
river? Having seen thee coming from the pure residence
of Buddha, did not the people make offerings to thee, taking
thee for the condensed white rays of Buddha? Did not god-
desses kiss thee with delight, mistaking thee for a flower
coming down from Nadunuyana Garden of India? Hast
thou arrived without accident in thy aérial journey ? Noble
friend, to us thy sight is bliss.”
Tadd Macready’s beautiful translation of the best of the
Sinhalese sandésas, viz., Totagamuwa’s Selalihini-sandésa :—
ifs
“Oh! mayst thou live long with thy kin, beloved
Selalihiniya, thow who wisdom hast
Like thoughts of statesmen: thou who ravishest
With thy sweet strains of soft auspicious notes !”’
12 JOURNAL, B.°A, 8S. (CEYLON). | [Vol. VIII.
2
“Golden are these limbs, like pollen golden
Of full-blown flowers: yellow thy fair beak
As champac buds: thy comely feathers blue
As petals of blue-lotus : wherefore, when,
Like an image flower-wrought, thou comest
Through the sky: have not young goddesses
Placed thee among their long black locks? or bees
Tn lotus dwelling ofé encircled thee ?
Have not the wood-nymphs thee their ear-drop made?
Hast not met hindrance on thy way, my love?
Where thy affection rests it never leaves
That spot, but there it grows: then wherefore seek
We other joys! Enough thy sight for us.”
3
““ Blessed by the sight of thee, in whom abide
Hndearing virtues, like the spotless moon,
Whose shining limbs are delicately formed
As the white water-lily, and whose voice
Is sweet, sweet as the wishing gem, that gives
Both joy and wealth: by sight of thee assured
We know that we have deeds of merit done.”
No. 26.—1883.] THE PANIKKANS OF MUCHALAI. 13
THE PANIKKANS OF MUCHALATI.
By G. M. Fowuer, Esq., C.C.8.
(Read 23rd October, 1883.)
I HAVE been unable to ascertain when or by whom this
mode of catching elephants was introduced. ‘There is one
family, the members of which boast that they are the lineal
descendants of the first Panikkan, but i fancy the genealogy
is apocryphal. Whoever he was, the first sailor needed a
“ heart of oak’’ scarcely less than he.
The equipment of a Panikkan is simple in the extreme,
and would put to shame an English sportsman who sets out
in pursuit of the same game with half a dozen elaborate
rifles. It consists merely of a rope of raw hide, about 25
feet long, with a large knot at one end and a slip noose at
the other. Besides these ropes, a number of ordinary ropes
are carried by the attendants, which are used to tie the
elephant after he has been noosed.
The hide rope will stand a great strain, but as might be
expected, frequently snaps, and sometimes an elephant will
break a dozen ropes before he is safely tied up.
The title “Panikkan” is properly applied only to those
men who have succeeded in putting the first noose on an
elephant which has been ultimately secured.
Hach party of elephant catchers consists of four or five
Panikkans and about twenty assistants and coolies who are
learning the art, and who carry spare ropes. When the
party has succeeded in approaching a herd of elephants
without disturbing them, the Panikkans go on in advance,
and when sufficiently close alarm the elephants by shouting,
and as the herd takes to flight, each singles out an elephant,
and endeavours to slip the noose over its hind leg as it runs.
As soon as the Panikkan has succeeded in getting the noose
round its leg, he slips the bight of the rope round a
14 JOURNAL, R. A. §. (CEYLON). [| Vol. VIII.
tree, and makes it fast by passing the knot through the
loop. This is done with marvellous dexterity, and the
elephant is brought up short with a tremendous jerk, which
either snaps the rope, or sends him on to his head ; the
assistants then come up, and in a very short time the
elephant is made fast with a rope round each leg, and another
round his neck.
If the first rope breaks, another is handed to the Panikkan,
and he pursues the elephant until it is noosed, or escapes into
thick jungle where it is impossible for the Bo one to
keep up with it.
Sometimes an elephant is savage, and charges instead of
taking to flight with the rest of the herd. In this case itis
not unusual for one man to stop and take off its attention
from the rest, by inducing it to charge him, while he dodges
behind trees, and in this way leads it away, while the other
trappers pursue the herd. When it is at a safe distance he
easily gives it the slip, and joins his companions.
The Panikkans are avery fine set of men, physically tall,
well built, and muscular, but they are very ignorant and
inconceivably superstitious. The forests are, to them,
peopled with demons of every kind ; every animal, tree, or
rock has its attendant devil, who is dangerous if provoked.
This belief is turned to profitable account by certain indivi-
duals called ‘ Annavis,” who are magicians, and who
undertake for a consideration to propitiate the demons who
are in charge of elephants.
Every party that starts for the junele i is accompanied by
one of these imposters, and in spite of the repeated failure
of his predictions, their faith in him remains unshaken.
‘The Annavis are of course fertile in excuses, and there is
generally a saving clause attached to each of their
predictions.
Before starting for the jungle, the Annavi collects from
the members of his party a cocoanut, a quart of raw rice,
a large kudddn or cake of jaggery, half a quart of rice
flour, and a white cock. These things are heaped together,
the Anndvi says prayers over them, and they are then packed
up for subsequent use when an elephant shall have been
caught. Besides these things others are required to
No. 26.—1883.] THE PANIKKANS OF MUCHALAI. 15
_ propitiate the demons who accompany each elephant, The
demons are five in number, and are called Kali, Karuppan
Kadéri, Kancha Virapattiran, Narasinka Vayiravan. :
(I have not been able to find out any particulars as to
_ these demons, and do not know whether they are recognised
in Hindt mythology. Kali is not, as faras I can ascertain,
identical with the goddess of the same name. The
Panikkans are all Muhammadans, as far as they have any
religion at all.) :
_ The sacrifice to these demons consists of a cocoanut,
some sandalwood dust, benzoin, three arecanuts, and three
betel leaves. These are placed in a heap, and the Annavi
offers them to the demons, reciting certain prayers or
charms over them. A circle is then formed with a piece of
jungle creeper called pirandaik-kodi, and the Panikkans
and their men take their stand within the circle.
The Annavi breaks the cocoanut, and the result of the
expedition is foretold by the position in which the two
halves rest on the ground. If the nut breaks into two
- equal halves, and rest with their convex sides on the
ground, atusker will be caught; if one half has the convex
_ side on to ground, and the other the concave, a femaie will
be caught ; and so on. When these ceremonies are over,
the party is ready to start, but, in spite of all precautions,
the expedition may prove a failure through the machinations
of enemies. |
It seems that formerly the Annavis alone were able to
work charms and counter-charms, but now-a-days they say
that any one—man, woman, or child—can frustrate all the
efforts of Panikkansand Annavis combined. Owing to this,
a Panikkan will not even punish his child for juvenile offences
when he is about to start for the jungle. This change is
easily accounted for. Before elephant-catching was stopped
by Government, the Panikkans were so expert that the
Annavi was rarely called on to account for failure, but
during the years that elapsed before the restriction was
removed, the Panikkans lost their skill, and during the last
two or three years the Anndvis have been hard put to it to
find excuses for their erroneous prognostications. It was
obviously easy for them to lay the blame on counter-charms,
16 JOURNAL, R. A. 8. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIL.
the old device of the baffled wizard. Ihave no doubt that
as the Panikkans regain their skill, the Annavies will
regain their power. 3
There are endless charms employed to bring bad luck to
the Panikkans. Most of these are common everywhere among
the natives, such as tying up a coin in a piece of rag and
placing it in the roof of the person whom it is desired to
injure, but it is believed that each of these charms works
in a different way ; the above charm, for instance, does not
prevent the Panikkan from seeing elephants, but from
catching them, But if one watches the path by which the
Panikkan goes to the jungle, and then carefully effaces his
foot-prints with a piece of pirandaik-hodi, the unfortunate
Panikkan will wander about the jungle without ever seeing
an elephant atall. Another more elaborate and particularly
spiteful charm is to invoke the aid of the aforesaid five devils,
Kali, Karuppan, &c., An offering is made to them of seven
arecanuts, seven betel leaves, camphor, benzoin, roasted paddy,
and unleavened bread made of grass seeds. ‘The inevitable
cock, (in this case a black one,) is sacrificed, and
mantirams or charms are said over it near the path by
which the party went to the jungle. This charm does not
prevent the capture of an elephant, but after it is caught
it will inevitably die of a peculiar disease, bleeding at the
mouth and trunk.
In order to avoid these hostile charms, the Panikkans
are careful to keep secret the time when they intend to start,
aud when they dostart they set out in the opposite direction
to that which they intend really to follow. Ihave known an
instance where the Panikkans packed all their ropes, &c., into
bags and set out with tavalams of bullocks, pretending that
they were carrying paddy; in this case they got safely into
the jungle, and captured two elephants in a very short time,
—no doubt the knowledge that no one had attempted to
interfere with them had much todo with their success ; but
any lingering doubts they may have had on the subject of
magic must have been for ever dispelled.
After an elephant has been captured, further ceremonies
are necessary. The white cock, provided at starting, now
meets his fate, and goes into the chatty with the rest. But
No. 26.—1883.] THE PANIKKANS OF MUCHALI. _ 17
if the cocoanut proves rotten, or if the jaggery is bad, the
elephant that has been caught will become blind.
_ It is a very common thing for newly-caught elephants to
become blind, owing to want of sleep, and the unaccustomed
glare of the sun ; so the Annavi in whose charge the cocoanut
and other things are, has here a grand opportunity of
establishing his reputation as a prophet.
The Annavi’s share of the proceeds is, as a rule, 125 per —
cent. of the value of the elephant, besides Rs. 10 as fee for
his charms and ceremonies. Twenty per cent. is given to the
Panikkan who first noosed the elephant, and the balance is
divided equally among the rest of the party, the Annavi
getting his share in addition to the 124 per cent. already
received. Thus, if the elephant is sold for Rs. 300, the
_Annavi’s total share will amount to Rs. 57, supposing
twenty men form the party.*
* Further interesting particulars of these Elephant-catchers appear in
an account communicated through Mr. G. P. Sanderson, Superintendent,
Indian Government Kheddahs, to the ‘ Pioneer” on September 15th,
1881, and copied into the ‘ Ceylon Observer.” — Hon. Secy.
Cc
18 JOURNAL, B. A. 8. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII. —
NOTES ON ANCIENT SINHALESE INSCRIPTIONS.*
By Dr. E. Mutter.
1.—InscrIpTION OF ABHAYAWAEWA.
(Report on Ancient Inscriptions in Ceylon (XXV., 1881,
No. 8) and Ind. Ant. Vol. VIIL, p. 223).
dasanawawanne:—“the 19th.” The termination
manne stands for Skt. guna. Cf. tunwanne (Wadurag’s
inscription at Polonnaruwa, Anc. IJnser. No. 119, A 4);
pasaloswanne (Mahdkalattaewa No. 110); later, waent ; in
modern Sinhalese, went. Comp. Childers’ Notes, II., 4.
Maendindinne :—old Majimodint (Habarane No. 67,
10) = “ March—April;” later maendiniyae (Parakrama-
bahu’s inscription at Polonnaruwa, No. 187, 37); and
present maendina.
Bayaéawaew:—for <Abkayawaewa. The first a is
dropped as in disow and several other instances. The
modern Tamil name derived from this is Bassavakulam.
Mawal:—most probably from Mahdwila, “the great
tank,’* with change of 7 to a. At present there is a place
called Mavil in the Eastern Province.
karwanukot :—the last part = kritvd; whilst karwanu
stands for karumanu, anace. pl. of daruwa = karaka. Comp.
Ambasthala (121) A 47, Wandartpa (153) 11.
* In the MS. of these Notes, Dr. Miiller’s transliteration differs from
the system adopted by the Ceylon Government (Minute, November
16th, 1869) and followed usually in the C. A. S. Journals, in that he
employs the circumflex instead of the acute accent on long vowels, as @
for d, 9;
also, @ for ¢,
é ofor ch, ©
6. for 5,3. @
Mm 10Tr "2, ve
Owing, however, to the want of the necessary type, the aeule accent
is here retained, ae is used for @, and n for m.
No. 26.—1883.] siNHALESE INSCRIPTIONS. | 19,
wat :—general formative (originally gen.) of the plural.
Comp. Journ. C. A. 8. 1879, p. 29.
- waddleyin:—composed from waddla, past participle of
nadaranana = avadhareti, and heyin = hetund.
kanae :—may be derived either from skhanna, “embank-
ment” (as in Habarane, 2), or more probably stands for kona,
— corner.”
pahanak :—for pashaéna “stone.” This is one of the
first instances of the so-called indefinite declension in ak.
hinwaé :—gerund of the causative of Canam, modern
innawa.— J sad.
Mas = matsya; modern malu.
maeru:—gerund from maranawd. Comp. naengia and
laengi in the inscription of Ambasthala. The termination
of this form seems to have been é and “, but sometimes
also a, as it is at present—e. g. pald and tabd (Amb. A 57.)
The change of a to aé in maeru and naengéz makes it
probable that originally there was an 2 or y in the termina-
tion.
kenekun :—Comp. Childers’ Notes re 12.
raekae:-—infinitive of rakinawad; and coe of genana.
- These infinitives were very common in the 10th and 11th
centuries, as can be seen in the inscription at Ambasthala
(No. 121).
paetwu:—the same form as maert%, with uw shortened.
About the meaning, I am not quite certain.
ladda = Skt. labdhvd. Forms of this verb are very —
frequent in inscriptions,e. g. lad: = labdha (Mahak. 110, B);
ladi = aladdhi (Mahak. D); ladu (Galpota, 148, A 3); DOP
(Galpota, A 7); and daddan (Wewelkaetiya, 122, 24; Kon-
gollaewa, 112 C.)
atin :—most probably from fasta or anta ; but the form
is difficult to explain. ‘he termination belongs to the
ablative. Comp. Minneri (123) A 47.
hanak:—a measure; perhaps = suvarna. The word
occurs in Pardkramabahi’s inscription (137) 21 and 31 in
the form hanekhi and hanhi, in connection with kamata yedt ;
but I believe this is rather a derivative of Skt. gana “ pace,”
Pali sanikam, and modern Sinhalese hanihi.
20 JOURNAL, R. A. S. (CEYLON). — [Vol. VILL.
_ madae biya:—?
karaware (B5):—read karawanu, and comp. above
_ karwanu.
kasawa: = Pali hasdya or kasdva “ sin.”
kewul: = kaiwarta, Pali kevatta, Magadhi kevata, (Cun-
ningham, Corpus Inscriptionum, p. 42.) The cerebral /seems
to be ie original,
2.—Kasappad’s INSCRIPTION AT MIHINTALE (115).
weherin:—abl. sing. The terminations of the instru-
mental in 7” or genarealso used for the ablative in inscrip-
_ tions of the 10th or 11th centuries : comp. Journ. C. A. 8.
1879, p. 10. In the oldest inscriptions the ablative is
formed by the affix da = Skt. tas e. g., padana galida
(Tissamaharama, 67, 8.)
dunumandlan:—stands most probably for tunmandala,
Pali tomandala, i. e. “the robe of the Buddhist priest which
covers three circles.” Here as well as at Mahdkalattaewa
(110), it simply means “priest.”’ The form is the acc. pl.
ganna:—comp. Amb. A 48, B 42. This, as well as
madna,is a peculiar form of the infinitive, only used in a
certain context of words: the common form is genae.
Most probably the modern infinitives, like karanne, are
derived from these forms.
mahanar: = mahapara.
madna:—a verbo wadinawa, “to enter.” Comp. Amb.
B55; Mahak. B; Journ. C. A. 8. 1879, p, 382.
mangdiwa pediwa:--The second part of these two
words is derived from /dhdv; the first part of the first
one = margé “road,” and of the second = pada “ foot’’:
this word is generally found under the form piya e. g., prya-
giya = padagata, (Mahak, C; Amb. B 53.) Pe is most
probably contracted from piya, similarly as in welanawa
“to dry,” older wiyalanawad. This explanation seems to me
more natural than to recur to the form peda in pedenpeda
(Kavy. III., 4), which looks like a forgery of the Pandits.
The wordis i be found besides at Log Tees (113) B 24;
Kongollaewa (112) A 16.
wadatalan:——“palmyra;” composed from wada “high,”
and tal = tala.
No. 26.—1883.] SINHALESE INSCRIPTIONS. 21
pulapan :—“ cocoanut” (Nim. 136.) At Mineri (1238)
A 49,we find pulup kol. The word is probably derived from
phala by the same suffix p which we have in watup “ garden”?
= matu (Kavy. X., 99), Pali dramavatthu in Mahavagea
IIl., 5, 6, and in watup “wages” (Nam. 209; Gutt. 176;
Kavy. XIII., 64), spelt waetum at Amb. A 47. If go, the
dental / is the original.
minman:—pl. of madhika, spelt miwan, Amb. A 50.
The older form madhuka occurs (Kong. D 4).
sinibalén:—“ferns’: comp. sinidda and olidda.
(Nam. 127; Glossary Dhammapada, 54.)
kapanu :—infinitive of kapanawa: comp. Journ. C.A.S.
1879, p. 21. The Amb. ec epeen has kaepiyae in the same
context.
haepu:—gerund from the same root. See above maeru.
kamtaen: = karmasthana.
genae:—infinitive from genawa (Journ, C. A. 8. 1879,
p. 39.)
dat :— ?
panwu: = parvata.
sangwaella :—nom. from the thema sangnwaeh = san-
—ghavaluka “the ground (lit. sand) of the priesthood,”
simply “the priesthood.” Comp. Amb. A 39, B 21.
adakkalam:—“ 4 kalanda.”’ Kalam is the Tamil and
Malayalim form of the Simhalese kalanda, which we find at
Mineri (123), A 48. Comp. Gundert’s Malayalim Diction-
ary. |
aety: = ast.
kiyaé :—infin. from J hath : comp. kiyz (Amb. A 12).
ayat :—“taxes” (Amb. A 52; Dambulla, 143, 7), most
probably = sativa.
ganmin-:—participle from genawd. The termination
min is the old mana of the A’tmanepada.
sitiya:—part. from sitinana.
wadalamhayi:—I\st pers. pl. ofthe past tense of wada-
ranawa, “to declare.” The terminating 2 is 22, and the y
is inserted; so that the real form is wadalamha, which
stands probably for waddélamaha with an a added to the
Skt. termination mas, and change of sto 4. Similarforms
22 JOURNAL, R. A. 8 (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII.
are dinamaha (Tiss. 67, 18); dunamaha (W. P., D. 14);
danamhayi (Gp. B 21.)
droghya sidhi:—is a tatsama.
3.— INSCRIPTION AT WANDARU PA WIHARA (No. 153.)
pacmini :—comp. paemunu in inscription at the Ruwan-
waeli Dagaba (145) B 25; pamini (Gp. B 15.) This is
derived from pat J dp, Pali pdépundati, with change of p
to m; like Jaina Prakrit mandma for mandpa. The ae shows
that the forms with 2, pamini and paemini, are the original
ones; although pamunu agrees better with the Pali form.
We find two other forms of the same word besides, where the n
of the derivation is changed to JZ, viz., paemili (Mayil. 20, A 4)
and pamili (Dambulla, 1). These forms would be dificult
to explain by themselves ; but the context shows that they
must be identical with those above named. Forthe change
of » to @, comp. pirthela, pirihelima a verbo pirihenawa
(Nam. 62; Parakramabahu’s inscription 137, 20, 25.)
dewana :—‘ The 2nd,”’ modern dewent (Childers I., 4).
patan : = prasthana, “since.”
sisadrad:—gerund of sisaranawa = sancaratit. Comp.
Gp. C. 2, Ruan. D. 23.
Samanola :—older form for Samanela = Samanakita
“ Adam’s Peak” (Mahav. 68, 6).
digantarayehr oom dic and antara, with change
of ¢ to g.
satra:—comp. Dambulla, 21; Ruan. D. 14; generally
translated “resthouses.” At Gp. B22, wehave ddanasatra,
of which a synonym is kudadanasdla (Inginimitiya, A 22);
another form is saetraya (Thuparama VIII.), and the Tamil
equivalent cattiram. About the origin of the word I am
doubtful ; but I believe it has nothing to do with Skt. chattra,
“canopy, of which the genuine Simhalese form saé occurs
at Ambasthala, A 3; Hllawaewa Pansala, A. 12.
nanwa :—only used with satra, and once with dewalayak
(Gp. B20), As it only occurs in inscriptions of Nigganka
Malla we are justified in considering it as a corrupted tat-
sama—similar to ruswa for rucitud (Amb. A. 6)—which
replaced the old /aengu in the inscriptions of the 10th and
11th centuries. At Amb. B23 we find a form xanga, which
No. 26.—1883.] SINHALESE INSCRIPTIONS. 23
seems to be only aclerical error for naengit, (line 24, 25 ;) but
may be also an intermediate state between this and nama
of Niccanka Malla’s inscriptions.
walan :—* bracelet,” Skt. walaya (Nam. 169; Gp. A 19,
B 22); more modern wael (Kavy. XIL, 81). The cerebral
J cannot be accounted for.
nadali:—?
naengi:—comp. nanwa. This form, as well as naengi,
occurs at Ambasthala (Journ. C. A. 8. 1880, p. 11), and
seems to be a genuine form; whereas daengu == Pali lan-
ghetva, and nanwa, are tatsamas.
dukpatun :—acc. pl. = duhkhaprapta.
sumapat: = sukhaprapta.
naka: = nikaya (Amb. A 20; P. P. 13.)
samanga ; = samagra.
da: = dhatu.
kaemaeta: = kama+asti. The. of the last syllable
has influenced not only the preceding a, but also the first
one: comp. kaemae stamunta (Dambulla, 16; Sdhasa Malla’s
inscription, 156, B. 31.)
baegae: = baegin at line 7; the locative used for the
instrumental.
kiyaé :—see above Kassapa’s inscription, C 3.
ganit:—comp. Nigcanka Malla’s inscription at Polon-
naruwa 23; Gp. A 17. Itis the 3rd pers. pl. of genawa; a
- similar form is kaenditi (P. P. 32.)
kaeraewu :—past part. of kararananwa.,
wehedayi: = wedayi (Ruwan. D 10; 8. M., B. 16; Gp. A.
21). This form seems to be the original one, and the other
a contraction ; but I am not sure about the etymology of
the word.
piyumak: = padma, Pali paduma.
saepat: = sampatti. Comp. Gp. ©C 11. A corrupted
tatsama of the same derivation is the modern sanipa
“ healthy.”
dewa: = dattvad, corrupted tatsama derivation from
denawa ; just like enwa from enawa (Amb. A 58).
— -utté:—? )
sakak: “six,” older form caka (Hab.4). This seems to
24 JOURNAL, RB. A. S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII. —
be a composition of saka + aka = aksha, asis shown by the
following hataraka and tunaka.
paessé: =pagcima. Comp. Gp. A. 17.
niyayen:—comp. Gp. A 17; Ruwan. D 27.
nmyanwastha :—tatsama corrupted into wawastama (Mayil.
A 25).
4,—SITULPA WIHARA (16.) |
malu:—= Skt. kumara, later malanuwan (S. M. A 27),
modern malaya. The cerebral Jis the genuine transform-
ation of 7, as halu for kshara, aetulu for antara, etc.
tabiya:—Skt. sthdpita. From thisis derived the modern
tibenawad. In the 10th century we find tudu (Mahak.), and
in the 13th century we have the following forms, tabanawa
(Sidat Sangarawa L, 6), taba (S. M., B. 24.)
aleya:—‘‘canal,” Skt. and Pali ai, as in dlinsaro daka
(Mahaw. I. p. 221; II., p. 195; Jat. I., 336.) We find the
form ali in the inscription at Sandagiri wihara (23) ; later
on aelu (Gp. A 20); and aela (Nam. 91,8. S. 22.)
akala (Hab. 7): = akrita.
kana :—“ embankment,” = Skt. skhanna.
maya:—another form of wam = vapr “tank,” which
leads immediately to the contracted form waé. There seems
to be a contrast between the aleya wam, “the chanuel tank,”
and the kana waya, “the embankment tank ;” but it is diffi-
cult to say where the difference lies.
mudanatiyata :—most probably from muc. Comp. midi-
nawa (Tiss. 95).
jinapalisatari :—comp. Journ.-:C. A. §41879 p. 12.
_ dini:—srd_ pers. past tense from denawa. Comp.
diniht (Hab. 9), Ainiyihi (Tiss. 5.) The fz is the termina-
tion of the Skt. s aorist which was dropped later on.
Comp. Journ. C. A, 8. 1879, p. 7.
5. Tonreara (1.)
acagirika and acanagaraka:—The second part of
these words requires no explanation ; the first I consider as an
equivalent of Skt. accha “clear,” “open’’ as we find it in
acchagalaka (Mahaw. I., 127) the opposite of rahagalaka.
The signification of these words would be “the open,
a No. 26.—1883. ] SINHALESE INSCRIPTIONS, | | 25°:
a unfortified mountain,” and “the open town.” The opposite
of acanagara is tawirikiyanagara, “the fortified town,”
Skt. sthavara. I give this explanation, with all reserve, as
a mere hypothesis.
6.—GAJABAHU’s INSCRIPTION AT THE RUWANWAELI
DAGoBA, ANURADHAPURA (9.)
manumaraka:—= Skt. manorama, isthe common expres-
_ sion for ‘“‘erandson”’ in ancient inscriptions ; modern Sinhalese
munubura.
araba:—Skt. arabhya “ beginning from,” that is to say,
“others are following.” I prefer this explanation to that of
some commentaries, which identifies araba with drama
“ arden,” ancient Sinhalese arwb (Amb. A 18, 46.)
karaya and rakawiya:—tThese are the ordinary forms
of the gerund in old inscriptions. Later on the final a is
dropped and we find nimaway (Amb. A 10,) haray (16. A 5).
Still later the y is dropped also and the @ lengthened
instead, which gives us the modern forms.
bajrka :—stands for bajikahi or bijakahi in Meghavanna’s
- Inscriptions at Mihintalé (20), and Ratmalagala (6). Per-
haps both readings are incorrect, and we should read bojikahi,
as we have dgjiya in the inscription of Habarane (5, 6).
— = patisawmanak:—most probably for Pali patissawa,
= faith.”’
tira :—Skt. sthira.
papataka :—most probably = Pali papatanam ; but the
reading is not quite sure.
_ patisatara:—more likely = pratisanskéra, as we find
change of ktozalso in anit for amk = anyaka. In this
cease the translation should be, “having restored the decayed
- buildings.”
diné :—is most probably the same as dint at Situlpa-
wihara.
bikusag aha ataya:—This is the old form of the dative
composed from the genitive in ha or sa = sya + ataya =
‘Skt. arthiaya.
| paceni : = pratyaya, later on pasa in the inscr. of Lag
_ Wijaya Sinha (157). For the termination, comp. Pali
apassenam for apassaya.
paribujanak : = paribhgjana.
26 JOURNAL, RB. A. 8. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII.
7. ALUTGAL WIHARA (52.)
bikawa mya : = bhikshuvapr.
sagawa Wry G : = sanghavapt.
talataramwi ketahi: = tuladhéravrthi kshetra, “ the
goldsmith’s field.”
uliwawiya :—most probably the modern ulu “tile,”
prick’ == ishiika.
wihiraka ketahi:—This occurs again at Ratmaldeals,
but the signification is not quite clear.
8. KarkAWALA winhra (13.)
jita: = Skt. duhita “daughter,” Bengali jh2 (Beames
Comp. Grammar I., 192.) This is the oldest form of the
word we have in Sinhalese; later on we find du (Gp. B3;
Saelalihiniya, 36) andduwaniyan (Wewelk. 34; Kavy. X, 84.)
In this latter form the termination nya is honorific as in
maeniyan “mother.” Another form diyani occurs (Gp. B
24; Nam. 154.)
amett:—a common word for “ minister’ — Skt. amatya.
9. Mainacastera (120,)
kaeta: = kshatriya. Comp. Ruwan. D15; Dambulla 9.
Another form is het. (Gp. A 16.)
— paemili:—See above Wandarupa wihara.
parapuren (Hl. P.; Amb. Al, 48) parapurehi (P. P.
P.1):—This form is aes used in the beginning of inscrip-
tions for Paéliparampard “insuccession”’ (Mohay. I., 218); but
later on in the text we find the tatsama form parampardyen,
Co.) PP Ge,
bat :—“descended from.” Part. of ,/ pura, modern
bahinana.
purumunmanat:—dat. pl. of purumuwa = parumaka
(Journ. C. A. 8. 1879, p.2.)
poloyon: = hee ee written polowa (Gp. A 14,
B. P. A 7, etc.)
himt: = svdm. 3
upan: = utpanna. Another form of this word is upaent
(Amb. B 21; 8. B. M. 2) and wpdni (Amb. B 9.)
niy ae (Attanaydla, 10; Nam. 52):—I believe this form to
- No. 26.—1883.| | SINHALESE INSCRIPTIONS. 27
be an abbreviation of niyana =jadna, from which also naena
and nuwana are derived.
karand (Amb. A 21, B4) eee ised in connection
with nawam = ae “repair.” The original meaning
of the word is “ box’ or “ basket ;” but here it means most
probably ‘‘the inner room of the temple where the ordination
of the priests was held,’”’ and in the Ambasthala inscription
has adopted the signification of “ treasury” or “revenue.”
utumhi:—loc. of utu = ritu.
mahanam: = mahanakarma, later mahanuwam (Gp.
A 23) “ordination of a priest; mahana — gramana, fem.
mehent (Mahak. A.)
UWANLS?t:—most probably an old aorist from upanicri
“to establish.’’ Comp. ms: from the same root, Pali nissita
(Amb. A 7, 24, 41.)
manastama:—corrupted tatsama for vyavastha.
haer aé :—infinitive used asgerund. Comp. the identical
passage vyavasthaxota (Dambulla 10.)
radahara:—* royal taxes.”
6111 :—“ offerings” (Nam. 270) = Skt. dali.
bun: = bhagna? but the meaning is not clear. Comp.
sunbun on the slab at Kaelani. |
maerryan:—comp. Mahak. C, and Goldschmidt’s re-
marks on the passage. |
samdarunwan (Kong. C 9; W. P. D 5; Wewelk. 46;
Minn. A 48):—always used in the same context rada kol
samdaruwan. At Mahak. C we find instead of this rad ol
kaemiyan, where kaemiya = karmika. Ihave no doubt that
samadaruwa is the same as haemiya, and that we have to
translate ‘‘the officers of the royal family;”? but I am not
sure about the etymology of the word — samadhdraka?
bisammat:—bisam I take as plural of disow “ queen,”
with m instead of x, the ordinary sign of the plural. For
the meaning of wat, comp. Journ. C. A. 8. 1879, p. 28.
10. Inernmitiya (113.)
sawanaga puridase:—puridase is the same as
puradasa (W.P A 4) “the bright half.” As to sawanaga,
‘I am doubtful whether it means “the sixth” and is a
formation analogous to dewana, “second,” tunwana, “ third,”
M4 he's ver bs
ie sh th aT FDIS Ge Te ae
Sap oh ic BE
oh olan eo ~ ae Sion’
28 JOURNAL, B. A. 8. (CEYLON). : Vol. VIIL.
or whether it is derived from crdévana, as Dr. Bureess sug-_
_ gested to me. See Ind. Ant. VI., 68; [X,, 271. ?
mahapanan ee Die; Gp. B 4): = mahaprajia,
“the great sage.’
paraparawen:—another form of parapuren (see
above).
danakudasalé :—most probably the same as Hania
in the inscription at Mediyawa (Report XL, p. 6.)
radol (Wewelk. 17) : = rajakula “ hbadenan
denamo :—* we give” (Mahak. A; Wewelk. 8; Journ.
©. A. &. 1879, p. 26.)
Ainginiprt.:—later Ingini (SB. S. I., 22) “the clearing
nut.” This seems to be the older name . the present village
Inginimitiya.
atsani:—the same as atidni (Mahak. B; Kong. C 13;
W. P.D 11) and always in connection with paerahaer =
parihara. ‘The s is most probably a blunder of the mason ;
but attani also is difficult to explain. Goldschmidt derived
it from diman, which, however, gives regularly ¢wma in Sin-
halese.
anan:—‘market” (Gp. A 20) = apana.
melattina :—generally melat (Amb. B 53; Mahak. C;
Mayil. A 33; K. M. A 14) “assembly” ?
atanin nepannd :—* dependent upon themselves ;”
for Pah attana nipphanna. Ataninis aregular instrumental
of an @ stem. |
pandur: = pannakara.
nasnd:— J nag “to destroy.”
11. Damsuria (148.)
apiriyat: = aparyanta “ endless” (Attanaydla 1); at
Devanagala we have apwimat.
thut: = atikranta.
gunamulin uturat:—mulin instrumental of mula ;
utumat = atirikia “« exceeding.”
Dambadinuhi :—locative.
an:—= anya; modern form anit = anyaka.
pamilt :—see above paemini (Wand.)
pralaya:—tatsama. The cerebral / isa mistake for tbe
dental.
No. 26.—1833.] SINHALESE INSCRIPTIONS, 29
kot ae: = kritva, older kot (Mahak. B; Amb. A 22.)
parampardyen:—identical with parapuren; the
second is the correct Sinhalese form, the first a tatsama.
nomin:—“* multitude.” —
gauembara:—modern jacmburu = gambhira.
teda: = tejas “glory.”
nisal: = nigcala.
dan: = dana.
sirin :-—instrumental of eri.
Udagal:—“the mountain of the dawn,” is generally
written with cerebral d: e.g. udgalae (Amb. A34), but udagal
with the dental also at P. op. Bold Gp. A 12.
| mundan: == murdhan(P.'P. P. A123; Amb. A 25, 56).
_ The nasal is eed as we find it often in Sinhalese.
pat: — prapta.
LEO: — Cav.
madulu: = mandala “ like.”
satur:—“ enemy,’ pl. of catru (Gp. A 13, B 21.)
anduru: = andhakara, “darkness,” Maldive andiri
(Gray 15.)
duruld: = durikritvad, modern Sinhalese duralu. The
- change of ¢ to / is the same asin dala = krita; but duruld is
always written with dental 7, Another derivation given by
the commentaries, is from lanawa, the same verb which,
according to the Sinhalese Pandits, forms the second part of
Sthala “ Ceylon;”’ but as this verb does not occur anywhere
in inscriptions, I prefer the derivation given above.
Saet: = chatira.
_karawuwara:— Royal revenue,” Pali kara.
haerae: (Rank.D2; Gp. A 16,) nets (Amb. A 25,
08) a verbo harznawa.
dimwel:= jiwel (Amb. A 45) “ gifts of land.”
wahal:—“ slave’ (Nam. 184; Kavy. X, 142. )
sarak: = cakwara by metathesis.
pamuna:—?
matunana:—“future”’ (Ruwan. D 32): matu = mastaka;
mana from wenuwa. |
nada genae:—“having increased.” Wada from J oridh;
genae from gannawa. The two forms genae and ganna are
used alternately already in the inscription at Ambasthala
99
30 JOURNAL, R. A: 8. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII.
(A 28, B 42; Gp. A 17.) At Amb. A 32 we have genae .
spelt with a cerebral x; the form with the dental occurs
besides at Wewelk. 30.
macnaenwaeyt: = mandpamast: (S. M. B. 25; Ruwan.
D 7; L.V.K.C.)
sité:—“having thought,” , cimt, modern gerund with
the termination 4.
mandara:—a measure (Gp. A 17.)
saka:—“six.” See above sakak (Wandar. 14.)
kaett aya:—‘the Royal half.”
katu:—“‘thorn” = kantaka (Amb. B 46,)
hanu: = Pali khénu, Skt. sthann.
6a4:—from bahinawd. Comp. Kavy. XI, 21.
heyin: = hetuna.
haemae: = sarva with suffix ma, contracted from
saeruma.
dasakam: = ddsakarma, ‘‘ compulsory labour.”
kalavunta :—dat. pl. of kritawan.
dena: = jana.
hira: = surya, modern ira.
pamunu: = pramana.
meyan:—pl. of reya = upacika, “white ant.”
miyan:—pl. of mi = mishika, “ rat.”
sopadrawa :—tatsama, ‘ exposed.”
talpatae : = talapattra, ‘‘ palmyra leaf.”’
liya:—A lkh gerund, modern liyanawé.
diye:—loc. of diya = udaka “water.” This word
disappeared from the language shortly after the time of
this inscription and was replaced by watura (so already in
Gp. and Thup.)
haendi:—“surface.” Comp. haenda = dchadana (K. J.
D1; Amb. A 10), haendae (P. P. 31.)
hiri:—“‘a line” (Nam. 280; Kavy. IL., 28.)
panatna :—from pawatinanma, ‘to continue.”
tambapatae :—tamrapatra, ‘ copper plate.”
hasun: = ¢dsana.
liyamw a :—gerund of the causative of liyanawa.
pawat: = pravritt: (Nam. 60.)
yalak(L.V.K.B; Ruwan. D 31) and yaela(P. P. 50):—
No. 26.—-1883.] SINHALESE INSCRIPTIONS. 31
the etymology of the word is obscure.
paedakunu: = pradakshina.
bala:—“ having seen,” from balanawa = avalok.
gaéniya: = grihini.
- anaengi: = anargha, “ priceless.”
hkumukda:—“what;’ kim with the termination of the
indefinite ak. From this is derived the modern mokada by
apocope of the first syllable.
kiyana :—from / kath.
wal: = vana, “wilderness.”
semehi:---*‘in peace,” loc. of kshama.
tabad:—gerund of tab = sthép. See above tabiya at
Situlpa-wihara. |
dwanda:—? |
dewarak :—“twice,” dva + vara.
maedae :—‘‘ having struck.”’ This word occurs in the
form waedae with dental d (Amb. A 49; P. P. 29.)
emu :—gerund of the causative of enamwd.
elawa (Gp. B. 9):—a verbo elawanamwa.
genwa :—“ having taken,” gerund from genamda.
macda hindae :—comp. waedaehun (L. V. K. A.), wae-
daesitae (Gp. A 14.) Waedae is the gerund of wadanamé,
which is joined to another verb when a king or person of
great importance is the subject.
wire: haying tilled’ (Gp. B6; FP. FP. 1.)
simuranga : = caturanga, “ four-fold.”
naewaetae:—from nawatinawa. Comp. P. P. 50.
tewald: = tripitaka. Comp. walt = pitaka (Amb. A
12.)
miyadam:—* expenditure” ,f yac. Comp. yadinawa.
12. SAnaAsA Matua’s Inscription at PoLonnaruwa (156.)
mirudu: = viruddha, “strong,” Comp. Gp. B 14,
sakwala: = cakrawala.
baénan :—‘ brother,” composed from bae = bhratd, and
nan the honorific termination, as in rdjdnan, pryanan, ete.
This word means ‘‘the elder brother,” opposite to malanuwan,
the “younger brother.” Another derivation is from bhdgi-
neya, ‘“ nephew,’ but the sense is evidently in favour of the
first.
MALE Ss oda wetigd Ne, Wiel y nun aiy eae y or
pee ke Bvt
Beri
32 ‘JOURNAL, RB. A. 8. (CEYLON). [Vol. VII] —
pasu: = paccat. | a
khipa:—most probably= Pali kéva with hardening of v to p. —
gilt: =glana, but generally gilan (Amb. A 11; P. P. 82.)
sanda: = candra ‘‘moon.”’
uda:—for udaya tatsama.
lat: = labdha, generally ladi or ladu (Gp. A3; Amb.
B 37.)
andurunwae :—loc. of anduruwa, “ darkness.”
tubu (Mahak. B):—the same as ¢abd.
- abonadwan:—comp. bonawan (W. P. B 11.)
sanda: = kshana.
yedi:—,J yuj, gerund ; other forms of the same are yeda
(PE. P25), yedu (P. 2.51), yoda (PF. P. 243) Gp, C7
yodt (P. P. 16 ;) infin. yedenawa (P. P. 20).
budalnawan:—stands for mudalnawan, derived from
the Tamil mudal, “ money.”
rajahu:—-nom. sing., with the termination fy, as in
maharajhu (Amb. A 3) or maharadhu (H. P). Comp. 8.
i cOs, |
niyamawa: = niyamaka, “steersman.”’
naewak:—“ ship,” probably corrupted tatsama.
pawatneyae :-—see above.
hobaneyae:—a verbo hobanawé or sobhanawd, Jf gubh.
The three forms hobanayae, pawatnayae, and wanneyae re-
semble the Pali optative, but are the only forms of this
kind I have met in Sinhalese.
anasak: = ajiacakra.
manney ae :—from wenawa.
mul:—pl. of mila.
—miyalak:—“dry land” (Nam. 271; Kavy. XIII, 42)
Comp. welanawa, ‘to dry.”’
_ tenaeyae:—most probably a mistake for taenaegae =
sthanamasti, but the change of ae to e may be genuine ;
_ just as ket (Gp. A 16) for older kaet = kshatriya.
malanunan:—See above bdenan.
yanwa :—causative of yanawd.
wada awut:—wada is the same as waedae above in the
Dambulla inscription, and awut = dgata.
— losasun: = lokacdsana.
rakumha:—the same form as wadalamha (K. M. ©, 10.)
ga Red Me yl ie Ge <M a pa Ma. Se ae Pra Nae pete Soe
aN. i Soreh te ‘s eanhels A et
Po Cy ee “ote be Hey hy
re
No. 26.—1883.] SINHALESE INSCRIPTIONS. 33
baénae:—gerund of baninamd. Comp. Amb. B 2.
maest: = vasi “living.” Comp. P. P. 40, Gutt. 90.
peraharin:—instrumental from parthara, older paerae-
haer (Mahék.) Here also we find the secondary change of
aé to é. : :
dekata:—dative of deka, “ both.”
pohosat: = pragasta (P. P. 23); later on it was con-
tracted into po (Kavy. X., 89.)
rakna :—participle of rakinawa. (Amb. B 37.)
pata :—gerund of patanawa = pra + arth.
sadha:—“ having overthrown” (Gp. B 15.; P. P. 22.)
punsanda: = purna candra.
naeng ae: = “ having risen,” infinitive instead of gerund.
Comp. above, naengi.
pana :—* shining,” derived from pan = pahan, “lamp.’
mohothi :—loc. of muhirta.
muhurdu: = samudra contracted into mindu (Gp. B14.)
pasae:—“ back” = prishta.
manga petae: — finding their way.’’ About the ety-
mology of petae Iam doubtful.
Tri-Sinhala :—“ the three parts of Ceylon,” Maya, Pihiti,
and Rohana.
ratpataé :—“ared girdle.” Comp. patabandinawd, “to
confer a title or office by lying on the forehead a flat piece of
gold engraved with the name, title, &c.”’
situmd:—gerund of Jf cint. See above sitd.
— mewaeni:—“ such”; waent = guna.
darunan:—pl. of daraka.
manunta:—dat. pl. of manu, “* mother.”
maedi: —= vriddhi, “ increase.”’
manawedayt:—Comp. P. P. P. 30.
maéniyanta:—another form for “ mother,’ with the
honorific suffix neyan.
gamnwara:—This is the older form of the plural instead
of the modern wal. We find it besides in the inscription
of Amb. pereliwar (A 38), dawar (A 44), gamanwar (B 24),
and in Ndmawaliya surawara, ukulawara. As to the
explanation of these forms compare the Introduction to my
‘‘ Ancient Inscriptions in Ceylon,”’ p. 9.
3 Bie Pt fam tere Me ae hes aise
i Se oti te, Seer
aa ty VS SSR Bye Sia ae Best a
od OUENADA RAYS (cevtox). [ok vi
siyalu: : = sakala. a : rae
sampattiyata:—tatsama. ‘The Siphalese is saepat.
Ralawun:—See above.
kiritma (8. S. 10; P. P. 13, 31, 37):—A verbal noun
most probably contracted from irikarma, just as senim,
sitim, &c. (Journ. C. A. 8. 1879, p. 24.)
paridden (Gp. B 8; P. P. 9, 16):—instrumental of
paridi = Skt. paridhi, “ according to.”
wadalaseyekae :—modern waddlaseka. The origin.
of this honorific form is not quite clear, as we cannot trace
it back beyond the time of this inscription.
kt :—gerund from kiyanawd, J kath.
deya: = dravya.
mackuwa:—from f mraksh, modern wakanawa, “to
erush.”
kanudu:-—“ crow” = haputa (Nam, 142.)
13.—RuwanNwaELI DAcgopa, ANURADHAPURA (145).
Sésat:
g0s: = gaiva.
sorakam: = corakarma.
masu:—See Rhys David’s Coins and Measures of Ceylon,
p: 23 (note) ; Hardy, Manual of Buddhism, p. 218.
maenik: = manikya.
galawé (Gp. B 24) :—from galawanamwa, “ to loosen.”
ma :-—“by me,” instrumental of the personal pronoun.
dun: = Pali dinna.
nmirulusekae:—“in a heroic manner,” wiru is Skt.
vir.
naengemi:—stands for naengimin, part. pres. 4tmane
pada. Comp. ganmin (K. M. C. 7).
ureht :—urasi, loc. sing.
da: = jata.
agamesun:—contracted from agamehesun.
wotunu: = veshtana, modern otunna.
saedi:—gerund of saedinamwa, “ to decorate.”
paenatw da :—from pawatinawa, “to continue.”
daenae:—“knowing,” infinitive from “ danawd,” used
a8 a participle.
kilutu: = klishta, corrupted tatsama.
“
No. 26.—1883.] — styHALESE INSCRIPTIONS. 35
SimUrU : = civara.
halanwunta:—from harinawa, “to throw away ;” just
like kalawunta from karanawé in the Dambulla inscription.
See above.
katayutu :—“ duty” (P. P. 27, 37.)
pili :—patika “ clothes,” (Amb. B 8, 21.)
— yakada:—‘iron,”’ composition with kzda; just like
lakada and malakada. The first part of yakada seems to be
Skt. ayas with loss of the first syllable.
dae: = dravya, see above deya.
palibodha:—* reproach,” tatsama.
wnunanmand:—comp. wuna (P. P. P. 55; Gp.C 11.) -
naé:—“relation” = napat, old napa (Galwana), later
cs) natuna.
$imu: = catear.
pasaya: = pratyaya. Comp. pas (Amb.)
paturuwa :—gerund from paturumanana.
wasanaseyek :—See above wadalaseyek.
pinisae (V.K,B; P. P. 26.) The-origm of the
word is doubtful.
satarawannehi:—“in the 4th year.”
nikmae : = nishkramya. :
penena:—from penenawa, Pali paniayati (Childers
II., 15.)
manayehi :—“ distance.”
baesae:—inf. from bahinawa used as participle.
maluna: = malaka.
wally: = valuka, “sand.”
tawaranna :—from tawarannana, “ to sprinkle.”
atutae : = astritva.
pudunna:—J pu. Comp. pidi (Gp. A 11) and py-
nunat (Amb. A 35.), modern pudanawa.
§tsara :—See above, wandarupa.
atapaniwéraya :—“protection from sun,” tatsama.
_kapura:—“camphor,” Skt. karpura.
sumanda: = sugandha.
kaluwael :—“ incense’ (Nam. 132).
gannak: = gavytti, “a gow.”
hatpasin:—“ around.”
satun :—pl. of satiwa.
36 JOURNAL, R. A. S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII.
haekkaeyr:—?
_lawad:—from lanawa (P. P. 22; Gp. A 21.)
wae:= waewa, Skt. vapi.
badana:—most probably from ,/ vadh, “ to sink kale’
asad:— having heard.”
Mirisawiti:—There is a temple of this name about 14
miles from Colombo on the road to Kandy, but I do not
think that this can be the identical one. Another one of
this name is at Anurddhapura, but this was built by
Dutthagdmini.
14. NiccanKA-Mata’s Inscription AT POLONNARUWA
(149).
piliwelr: = patipati (Amb. A 2.)
paelaendae (Gp. A 7; Kavy. X 180), derived from
pilandhana, Skt. pinah.
keremin: = kriyamana, part. atmanepada.
wasanaseyek :—See above.
kahanunu: = karshapana.
gim :—grishma.
nimu :—from niwananwa, Skt. nrvd. Comp. nimi (P. P.4),
mma (Gp. A 19, B 18.)
daekae (P. P. 7) :—a verbo, dakinawa.
kalamha:—Thisis the first person plural derived from the —
part. kala = krita; just as wadalamha (see above) from
madala.
kotalu:—kota = krita, + lu from lanawa.Comp. 8.8. 57...
ganit:—8srd person plural. See above.
dohoyi (PR. P. 9) :—interrogative particle.
nadaranaseyek:—honorfic instead of wadala in the
older inscriptions.
aes: = Bee
denna :—“ giving,” part. of dena.
hatayutu a for Skt. kartum ae older katae
(Amb. A 8) for hata (Gp. 6, &e.)
kalahu:—srd pers. pl. derived from the part. hala.
‘Comp. above kalamha.
kaewo:—seems to be dof from kaewa, part. of
cananwa ; but this part. I have not found anywhere else.
tumu: = dtman. Comp. tuma (BH. P.) tumaha (Hab. 7.)
No. 26.—1883.] sINHALESE INSCRIPTIONS. __ 37
nasiti:—srd pers. pl. from J nag, “to destroy.”
ekhnu:—“‘together”’ — ekabhita.
misiya:—(Amb. A 20, 48.) i
yutteyae :—corrupted tatsama. Comp. Gp. C 15, 22.
Sitiyawun: = sthitawan, J sthd.
rdjanarun; bisowarun:—oldform of the genitive
plural.
taekiya :—a verbo takanawa.
perel1:—Comp. Amb. A 38;58. 8. 14.
haenahiléa :—“jackal” (Ndim. 141; Gp. C 17.)
g0%t: = gopaka (Gp. C15.) Another form of the same
word is gowu (Amb. B 37.)
waenda:—from wandinama.
laddahu :—3rd pers. pl. derived from ladda = labdha.
kiwan : = khathitawan.
paemunu:—See paemin (Dambulla).
karanndha:—future of karanawad, Comp. Journ.
On A. S. 1879, p. 27.
soya:—from soyanawa.
15, ParAKraMA-BAnov’s INSCRIPTION AT THE GALWIHARA,
PoLoNNaRUWA (137).
tisa: = trimeat.
param: = param or paramita.
purd:—“having fulfilled,” gerund from J par, which
is regularly changed into pur. Comp. puramin (Gp. A 7),
pura (P. P. 21, 24.)
maedaesitae :—See above.
sewemin:—from soyanamd, part. dtmanepada.
nimamin:—part. from niwanawa.
abiyes :—“ neighbourhood,” corrupted tatsama.
Kusinar é:—contracted from Kuginagara.
dhatumwen:—Sinhalese instrumental, from a tatsama.
The genuine word is da.
dint: =jiwita (Gp. B 6.)
sadra:—contracted from catvar, modern hara in msihara
(Nitinighanduwa 5.)
piriwemin:—from pirimenawa or pirihenana (Gp. A 15,
C 10), part. 4tmanepada. ‘The x is elided before the m.
35 a . JOURNAL, R.A. s. (CRYLON). [ Vol. VIIL
telehi:—loe. of tala.
wadanuwan:—composed from wada and -nuwana =
jitdina. |
manaent:—“ like me,” composed from mé and guna.
kilutak :—corrupted tatsama from klishta.
nassi:—from nasanana, ‘ to destroy.” *
sathu:—nom. pl. of sattwa with the termination hw.
See above.
bhéga:—most probably tatsama for bhagu.
meti:——3rd pers. pl. from wenawa.
dahasa: = sahasra.
panatwa :—from pawatinawa.
dosenanwarjjun :—acc. pl. of a tatsama.
hawurun: = Skt. katara.
paridden :—See above.
kerem:—I\st pers. sing. pres. of karanawa.
dohoyt :—See above, P. P. P. 24.
— sitd: __ cintayited.
maedae :—a verbo madinawa,
gatahuru:—?
naka: = nikaya.
hirimen:—instr. of kirima, verbal noun of karanana:
mahaaegr: = mahargha.
keremin: = kriyamana.
elabae :—“ approaching,” from elabanawad = avalamb.
dhuralayehi:—tatsama for dhuralaya with cerebral l.
Comp. pralaya (D. T. 1; Gp. A 13.)
— yodt:—from Jf yuj, Poleaily yedt.
alepa and cajata:—?
asa :—“having heard,” from asanawa.
sandaha:—Pali sandahati.
wrihidae :—from wihidenawd, Skt. vicri. Comp. wihida
= vigirna (Nam. 114; Kavy. [X., 71 ; Gutt. 66.)
detu: = jyeshta.
atureht: = antara.
nisadennata and mindennata:—nisa = nigcaya
and min = manas (Nam. 52; K. J.125). Dennata is an
infinitive of denawd with the dative termination.
masannanun:—acc. pl. of the part. of wasanana.
pama: = pramada.
No. 26.—1883.] — sINHALESE INSCRIPTIONS. 39
w1yae :—infinitive from venanwa.
di: = dativa. :
yaetat: — adhastat, older yata (Amb. A 34.)
prriseyin:—tfrom parisa, “ assembly” (Nadim. 16; Kavy.
L., 18.)
Kudusikha:—“‘the Khuddasikkha,” a separate text
belonging to the Vinaya literature.
Pamok: —= Patimokkha.
sadawana :—part. of the caus. of sadanana.
pirtheliyae:—verbal noun from pirihenaméd = piri-
wenama. See above (Amb. A 15).
yedennawun :—part.from yedenawa, /yuj. Seeabove
- yods. |
piraewa :—infin. from pirenawa, J par.
iriya :—Pali iriya, Skt. irya.
pinsuda: = parisuddha,
palaha:—? |
hunu:—comp. gatahunu (13.)
attanam ewa padhama pariripe nivesaye :—
Pali quotation. “ Let him first establish himself in what is
vight.”” (Dhammapada 29.) Pariruipe is a mistake for
patirupe.
atwaeda; parawaeda: —atwaeda “profit,” from
hasta + vriddha. Comp. atwatu (Amb. A 56), from hasta
and vastu. The meaning of parawaeda is not quite clear,
sadhamin:—patt. of sadhanawa.
hena:—part. of henawa. :
lawa :—-from lanawa, used in the modern language like
a preposition.
sekhiya:—Pali idem, Skt. caikshya.
pot: = pustaka, ‘ book.”’
WiNIGA: = vinigcaya.
vic ala :—part. from mcaranawa.
pohosat: = pracasta.
menehi karawd:= manasi kritva.
hddard:—from hadaranava, “ to repeat.”
nimi: = nirmita.
ugann a:—from ugannawa, “to learn.”
yanwanu:—part.of the caus. of yananwd.
40 JOURNAL, R. A. 8. (CEYLON). — [Vol. VIII.
pacwaetwiy ae :—infin. of the caus. of pawatinana.
herana:= samanera (S. 8S. 57.)
kela: =hoti (J. K. 42.)
hikmaewiyae:—false spelling for :kmaewiyae, infin. of
the causative of atikram.
haemmena:—part. of the passive of han.
waedae :—infin. of wadinawa.
kanawaenda :—‘‘ widow.”
bunangana :—“ sister.”
sabramsarun : = sabrahmacari.
singadyana :—“begging” (Nitinighanduwa 10.) This
form is most probably identical with the Sanskrit bhiksh.
See my Contributions to Sinhalese Grammar, p. 20.
kiwaewun :—past part. from kiyanawa.
behedak: = bheshaja.
paewaer u:—gerund from pawaranawa.
prritat :—dat. of purit = pariira.
meyin :—instr. abl. of the pronoun me.
pitat: = prishthatas.
yannanunta:—part. of yanawa.
dat:—3rd pers. pl. of denawa.
dukula: = dukkata.
aenmaet :—‘ guilt” = apatti.
poho: = uposatha.
danna:—a verbo dannawa, “to know.” Comp. ganna,
verbo genawa.
MASAWAN :—Caus. of wasanawa.
hun :—part. of hinnawa, modern innawa.
paewrd :—a verbo paenidinawa = pravraj.
dack ae :—infin., a verbo dakinawa.
maesaenmry ae :—caus. of wasanawa.
nindi: = nidra, “sleep.”
SEWUMIN: = SEmamana.
siriru :—carira, (K. J. 61.)
maendinayaemae = HOU OAS “the middle watch
of the night.”
sampajakuyen :—corrupted tatsama for Bn Ske
satapa :—from saetapanawa.
aluyaemae:—loc. of aluyam, “morning” (Nam. 48.)
For the following passage comp. Amb. A 9.
99
No. 26.—1883.] SINHALESE INSCRIPTIONS. 41
kamata hanhi yedi.:—Comp. kamata hanekhiyedi.
flan means “ quickness” according to Ndam. 26; so the
whole sentence most probably signifies “having quickly
gone to work.”
hindae; sitae:—parts. of hinnawé and sitinand.
sakman: = cankramanam.
kiritmen:—ainstr. of kirima, a verbal noun from hara-
naw.
gema:—gerund from gewanawi = kshepeti.
puhunu:—‘ lesson.”
pirinaha:—Comp. piriwahannd (Amb. A 20, B 5; |
S. B. M. A 3.)
SIMUL U:—Civara.
Sakasa: = Sanskritya.
haendae; pirawae:—part. of handinawd, J chad
and porawanawa = parupati.
daehaeti:—older daehit (Amb. A 10) = danta-kashtha,
“ tooth-cleaner.”
Rusa: = kritya.
nimanwa:—gerund of nimawanawa, older nimawas.
aeduru: = acarya.
SENASUN: = Gayandsana.
Sapay a:—a verbo sapacganawa, “ to procure,”
kanda:—* food,” a verbo hanamwa.
danwnana:—part. of the causative of denama.
hal: = sala.
elae bae :—See above,
haenditi:—srd pers. pl. of kanava.
watdwat:—‘attending.”’
ekbittehi:—‘ afterwards ;’’ etymology obscure.
pat: = prapta.
ikman:—from atikramana, “ quick.”
aetiyawun:—part. derived from aeti = asti; a con-
traction of this form is aetawum onthe eighth pillar at Polon-
naruwa, which was misunderstood by Rhys Davids. (Indian
Antiquary II1., 248.)
sessawun:—“the rest.” Comp. sessuwar (Amb. A. 45.)
yan &:—gerund of the causative of yanawa ; danasyana
means “ daily.”’
F
42 “JOURNAL, R. A. §. (CEYLON). —_ [Vol. VILL.
gihiminis :— the householders, laymen,” opposite to
paemyiyan, * priests.”
sansattha:—Pali tatsama.
potona:—?
raeswh:—“ assembling ;” raes = rag.
“sannipatitananvo bhikkhave dvayan karanyan
dhammi va hatha ariyovd timhibhdvo”:—quotation from
Pali.
dekin:—abl. from deka, “ two things.”
pitat: = prishthatas, “ except.”
semiy ae :—infin. from soyanava. See above sewumin.
ebena:— part of ebenawa.
manggi: = margagata (Mahak. C.; Mayil. B. 10.)
pasili:—* ascetic.”
_pael:—* shrub” (Nam. 260.)
hae pa :—“ proper, fit.”
laegum:—a verbo laginawa.
hipt: — kupita (Gp. A. 7.)
keli: = hridita.
tepul:—* talk,” “words.” (Ndm. 59; Kavy. X., 118.)
manun:—pl. of man, “ mother” = mata.
maltlakudu:— virgin.”
ladaru :— child,” generally written with the dental J.
(Nam. 150.)
makallawun:—pl. of mahalu, old” ; Pali mahalaka
(May.) mahalaka (Burnouf, Lotus, 367.)
dawn a (Gp. B 15) :—gerund a verbo danawa.
dachaewili:— great anger,’ (N4m. 70) derived from
dah, “to burn.”
ayati: = ddatta, “ belonging.”
_ yakaduru bhallan:—? perhaps dhallan is the same as
baikaraya (Journ. C, A. 8. 1855, p. 74; 1875 p. 12.)
genemi:—stands for genemin, part. dtmanep. of genawa.
anmalawiya:—See above lawa.
wigamana:— departure.”
temen :—instr. of tema = stutikarma (Nam. 259; Kavy.
IX., 74.)
ebandu:—* in that way.”
mihita:= smita “ laughter.”
bind
No. 26.—1883,] SINHALESE INSCRIPTIONS, 43
sina:—“ laughter” (Nam. 69) ; another form is send
(Kavy. XIII 27.)
vr.hidaé :—See above 18.
muna: = mukha.
sanhindena:—a verbo sansidatv.
“lekha asanjantena bhikkhuna’ and “ amisavtaya lolata’
are Pali quotations,
‘ nea
ep nore ee:
ae y
rar 4
{
44 JOURNAL, R. A. S. (CEYLON). [Vole V Lit. .
SINHALESE CUSTOMS AND CEREMONIES CON-
NECTED WITH PADDY CULTIVATION
IN THE LOW-COUNTRY.
By H. C. P. Brut, Hsq., C.C.S., Honorary Secretary.
(Read February 15, 1882.)
On nearly all that pertains to the general process of
native tillage in this Island, the curious enquirer need but
consult the quaint description given by Robert Knox in his
“Historical Relation of Ceilon,” or more recent writers,
notably Pridham and Campbell,—who have, however, done
little more than condense Knox’s account.*
It is proposed here rather to follow out the particular
branch of enquiry taken up by Mr. R. W. levers, C.C.S., in his
interesting paper contributed to the Society’s Journal for
1880, by dealing with the superstitious beliefs and practices
which continue to this day—though, be it noted, with marked
diminishing foree—to centre round and form an integral
part of the agricultural operations of the Sinhalese culti-
vator.
A record of these semi-religious rites and ceremonies ig
important, not merely for purposes of comparison with those
found cropping up under one form or another all over the
world, but as tending to bring out, more than ought else,
the actual, if confused and undefined, religious ideas and
aspirations of the unenlightened goyiyd.
The faith of the Sinhalese is a strange mixture of demono-
latry (including the worship of devils or Yakseyé and
demi-gods or Déviyo) tempered more or less by Buddhism,
but withal showing unmistakeable traces of that older
“nature worship,” which preceded both, and dates from the
* Pridham, ‘Ceylon and its Dependencies,” Vol. I., pp. 362-7, 1849 ;
Campbell, “Hxcursions, &c., in Ceylon,” Vol. I., pp. 34-48, 1843;
Knox “ Historical Relation of Ceilon,” pp. 7—11, 1681.
. >?
; PE er i
2 ‘ fy
No. 26.—1883.] PADDY CULTIVATION CUSTOMS. 49
childhood of the world. The power of sun, moon, and stars
are invoked jointly with the dreaded spirits of evil—those
“unknown gods,” to whose baneful influence is attributed
the many changes and chances incident to daily life—and
the less malignant Dévatavo, to appease whom resort is had
alike to the priest of Buddha, the Kattadiya, and the Kapu-
rala,
That the ignorant cultivators should themselves be unable
to account for the performance of these ceremonies—the
inheritance of ages—is not surprising ; but, though they are
slowly and surely dying out with the spread of knowledge,
the majority of villagers in inland districts attribute the
short crops of the past few years to their non-observance
and the waning faith in their efficacy.*
in no other occupation are superstitious practices more
rigorously observed than in agriculture. This is only
natural, when the vital importance to the goyiydé of ensuring
against precarious seasons and failure of crops is held in
view.
PRELIMINARY OPERATIONS.
From the first commencement of agricultural operations
until the harvest is fitly closed by the feast of thanks-
giving to the gods, every stage is made dependent on the
occurrence of a “lucky hour,” or, to speak more accurately,
the position of planets and asterisms at specified moments.
At the outset the astrologer (neketrald) is interviewed
with the du/at-ata or usual fee of 40 betel leaves and a
leaf of tobacco, and asked to name a suitable time to start
work.f |
* «¢ And indeed it is sad to consider how this poor people are subjected
to the devil; and they themselves acknowledge it their misery, saying
their country is so full of devils and evil spirits that unless in this manner
they should adore them, they would be destroyed by them. ......... Ifa
stranger should dislike their way, reprove, or mock at them for their
ignorance and folly, they would acknowledge the same, and laugh at the
superstitions of their own devotion; but withal tell you that they are
constrained to do what they do to keep themselves from the malice and
mischief that the evil spirits would otherwise do them, with which, they
say, their country swarms.”—Knox, Ceilon, pp. 77, 83.
f Note 1.
ae
Be Gee Ee
46 ae JOURNAL, R. A. S (CHYLON). ~[ Vol. vr 2.
At the appointed hour, on arriving at the ground, one of
the cultivators, who has the credit of being fortunate, begins
the work (puravadanava) by clearing the boundaries of
jungle with a bill-hook and mamotie (dadamwetiya gahanavd
or danawa) ; and at the second lucky hour he and his com-
panions go to the field with the required number of buffaloes.
These are yoked together and driven about the field for the
purpose of trampling down and destroying weeds and grass,
and puddling the soil. This is the first mudding (puran-
medavuma): if the fields are dug up by men with wdali, the
proper term is puran-kotanava: if kekulan fallow, land
has to be broken up, oxen are used to plough it (innegan-
hiya).
The dams are then repaired and sloped with mud, open-
ings for the water cut (vakkadaval kapanavd), and again
closed at points of exit (vatura bandinava ),and the channels
for irrigation (depa ela) cleared.
If at the expiration of five or six weeks from the time of
the first ploughing the grass and weeds are not sufficiently
decayed, the fields are mudded or ploughed a second time
(de-medavuma ; de-hiya) though with less regard to a lucky
hour. In some Koralés a third ploughing (edduma) is
found necessary.
In the low country the fields are usually swampy, neces-
sitating considerable labour to drain. The day before the
seed paddy is sown, a yotumana™ is erected on the boundary
dam (vélla) at the lowest part of the field, where the water
chiefly accumulates and can be readily bailed out into the
channel intended to carry off the surplus. The bailing goes
on throughout, the night, the men whiling away the time by
songs.T
* A yotumdna is generally constructed as follows :—Six bamboos are
planted on the dam, three on either side and about two yards apart, so
as to meet about 8 or 9 feet above, and form three crutches. Across
these is laid an arecanut stem, and the whole structure made fast by
two extra bamboos supporting the ends. To the arecanut cross-pole
are then suspended as many yo/uas may be needed for bailing. ‘hese
yotu are elongated canoe-shaped scoops, about 6 feet long by 3 in girth,
hollowed out of logs, one end of which is to serve for a handle.
+ Note 2.
aA
a
wo“
No, 26.—1883.] PADDY CULTIVATION CUSTOMS. _ 47
A few days prior to manuring, the fields are trampled by
men to crush the larger clods (eta paganava) ; after the
bone manure has been sprinkled about, it is trodden into
the mud (mada kakul ganava), often by boys. The liadda
(space within four dams) is then levelled and divided into
small beds (patti) by a mamoty.
SOWING.
When a favourable hour has been ascertained, as before,
the cultivator, taking a handful of seed paddy, strews it
over a corner of the fiadda he has raised with mud, and
in the centre of which he plants a hadarala plant or an
arecanut flower with as many nuts on it as possible.* The
rest of the field is then sown with germinated paddy mixed
with bone dust.t For some days after the seed has been
sown, and until the paddy plants have attained a height of
3 to 4 inches, the field is bailed nearly dry of water every
morning ; subsequently a few inches of water are allowed
to remain, the openings through the dam being stopped with
mud.
To prevent the young plants suffering from the ravages of
insect pests, such as getapanuvd, kokkannavé, and godavéllu,
charmed sand or ashes are thrown over the field at different
stages of the growth of the grain.
This ceremony is performed by a Kattddirala at dusk.
Taking the sand to the field and removing his waistcloth
(which he wraps round his head), he proceeds to scatter the
* Note 3.
ft Seed paddy is prepared in the following manner:—The paddy
is put into an earthen or wooden vessel, full of water, and allowed to
soak for 90 péyas (86 hours). It is then taken out, strained, and spread
- upon a mat covered with plantain and arecanut leaves. More leaves of
the same plants and another mat are placed over the paddy and kept
down by weights for 150 péyas (24 days). ‘The seeds which adhere
together are finally separated from each other by gently rubbing between
the palms.
Another way is to keep a bag of paddy in water for 90 péyas, after
which it is taken out and covered with leaves of the burudlla, habarala,
and wereniya during the day, and put in water again at nights until the
paddy germinates.—See, too, Knox, p. 10. _
48 JOURNAL, R. AL 8. (CEYLON). [Vol. VILE.
sand about the boundaries of the field: then, without a word
to any one, or allowing so much as a quid of betel to pass
his lips, he retires for the night to a deserted house; other-
wise the charm will have no effect.
It is considered advisable to protect the paddy plant by
the performance of a separate ema, or charm, as it attains
each of its nine nodes (geta ; puruka), or rises each inter-
node (petta.)*
When there is every prospect of a very good crop, a
Gard-yakun ceremony is resorted to in the hope of warding
off the baneful influence of evil-eye (es-vaha) and evil-tongue
(kata-vaha ), as Mr. Ievers has noted in the Kégalla Dis-
trict.
REAPING.
Similarly, when the crop is ready for the sickle, a lucky
hour is named, and the cultivator, after bathing and putting
on a clean cloth and eating iridat,t enters the field, and at
the set time cuts three handfuls of ripe ears. Theseare kept
apart for Kataragama Déviyo on a tree, or post, close to the
field, and at the close of the harvest used in the Deviyanneé
danaya.§ Reaping is then commenced in earnest, men
and women working jointly and “beguiling their labour”
with cheering songs.|| The unthreshed paddy is stacked in
ricks or cocks (goyan-kola keti) frequently encircled with
young cocoanut leaves or jungle creepers, round, or within,
the plot of ground reserved as the threshing-floor (kamata ;
kalavita ; pdvara.)
THRESHING.
Two or three days elapse before the important business of
threshing begins.
* Note 4. t Journal C. A.S., 1880, pp. 47-8.
¢ Rice pudding made with cocoanut milk and a little salt in a shallow
dish (vattiya) and cut or pressed into convenient pieces for eating.
§ “ When ye be come into the land which I give unto you, and shall
reap the harvest thereof, then ye shall bring a sheaf of the first fruits of
your harvest unto the priest, and he shall wave the sheaf before the Lord
to be accepted for you,’’—Leviticus, xxiii., 10, 11.
|| Note 2.
No. 26.— 1883.] PADDY CULTIVATION CUSTOMS. 49
In the preparation of the kamata, scrupulous attention is
paid to minute details, which vary considerably in different
districts.”
In the Rayigam Kéralé, before the sheaves are removed
from the ricks, five, seven, or nine large mats (magal),
about 4 feet 6 inches by 25 feet, are spread on the ground,
‘and three concentric circles traced upon them with ashes
(aluhan vadanavd.) Two straight lines bisect the circles at
right angles, H. to W. and N. to S., and within each segment
of the innermost circle are drawn representations of four
agricultural implements, v1z., porwoe or scraper, deti-goylya
or pitch-fork, kulda or winnowing basket, and a daha mea-
sure. {Diagram No. 1.} At the centre of the figure is
placed the mutta. This consists of a large conch shellf (with
seven points, whenever procurable), into which are stuffed a
little gold (beads, &c.), silver, copper, brass, iron, ashes,
cowdung, a jak flower (waraka-mala), and, if obtainable, a
gongohoré—or clot of hair which certain bullocks are sup-
posed to vomit—wrapped together in white rag. A smaller
conch serves as stopper to keep all in; after which both
shells are further covered with éoladé leaves, hiressa, and
three sheaves (uppidi) of paddy, and tied into a bundle with
barava-madu-vel creeper.
At the lucky hour, a goyiyda, reputed fortunate, placing a
sheaf of corn on his head walks thrice solemnly round the
mutta, bowing towards it each time at the four corners of the
mats. Then, looking in the direction fixed by the astrologer
with reference to the nekuta, he deposits it upon the mutta
and thrice salutes it with joined palms. After this, the
corn is brought in by the rest and spread out on the mats,
round and over the mutta, the ears pointing upwards. Six,
or sometimes seven, bullocks yoked with ropes in two lots,
are now driven over the corn round the mutta, until all is
roughly trampled out.
A ceremony termed dndu-karanavé is next performed.
The chief goyiyé on the kamata taking deti-goyiya lays it
* Note 5.
_ t Conch shells may be commonly noticed on the necks of bullocks as
talismans against the powers of evil.
G
50 JOURNAL, R. A. S. (CEYLON). (Vol. VIII.
across the back of his neck, with some straw hanging from
its ends, and two other cultivators do the same with sticks.
The leader then walks seven times round the corn whilst
the bullocks are in motion, repeating this refrain (goyi-
basa), the other two following him. At the completion
of the seventh round, the three shout in chorus the last two
words :—
cH MVM eH
BODES OMA 3
oOmed 63 OMIA ¢3
ADEE D0 E600 BME OANA: ¢ 53
D263 conn B63 ENO Ose a@as gdas3
Dag Oa HE O86 DESHI OEaahBags
Sco! OGRa YE OEHOc? OE Oexs3
GIS a), GSS)
Deti deti humana deti
Samanalin gend deti
Kos deti hosumba deti
Katupila geta demata nikada hobbé deti
flan deti ridi deti
Kran detten eran ukulata kola salabdé puravati
gal megal tada meragal malarandé malabodado
paruwatadé malagiya mala denage mala wassd.
Andu, Andu.
Deti, what deti?
Deti brought from Adam’s Peak,
Kos deti, kosamba dett,
‘atupila, geta, demata, nikada,
vohbé dets.
Gold deti, silver deti:
With these golden dett toss the corn and fill the golden
centre.
© dead calf of the dead cow, are you sturdy as this rock, or
that rock, or Meru rock, or like dead gold, a malabada
(tree), or mountain ? :
Peace! Peace !*
In the Siyané Kéralé the procedure differs slightly. The
silan or trisila is introduced more frequently into the dia-
gram drawn on the kamata, and a hole (arakvala) dug at
* Note 6.
LT
No. 26.—1883.] PADDY CULTIVATION CUSTOMS. Dae
the centre. Inside this hole are arranged seven divi-kaduru
leaves, and upon them is placed either a small margosa-wood
plank (hohomba-lélla) 3 by 4 inches (on which two circles
to represent sun and moon have been described), with a knot
of korasa creeper (horasa-geté), a pointed conch shell
(katu-hakgediya), and a stone—or, more commonly, outline
representations in ashes of these articles and of a scraper
(poruva), flail (deti-goyiya), broom (Golatta), measure (ydla-
aoyia), andura, and Buddha’s foot (Budu-sri-patula ).
| Diagram No. 2. |
The cultivator at the fixed time looking towards the field
from which the paddy was reaped, and reciting the Nava-
guna-gathawa, walks with some corn on his head seven times
round the arakvala, and, once more looking at the fiéld
places the corn into the hole. The whole of the corn is
then put onto the kamata, and some six pairs of bullocks
driven over it. Within a short time the corn on the borders
of the threshing-floor is tossed onto the centre heap with the
deti-goyyya, the bullocks made to trample it, and the straw
(vata-kedu-meduvan) thrown outside the kamata.
Of the corn that remains unthreshed, two-thirds are
separated and winnowed (haldbanavad) and again thrown
under the bullocks’ feet, and the resulting straw (mahe-
meducan) removed as before. :
The rest of the corn is once more tossed about, winnowed,
and made into aheap, over which the bullocks are athird time
driven, and the straw (goyikamé-meduvan) finally cast aside.
The paddy is then collected (rahi-karanava ) into the heap
(vi-varuva) ready to be measured.
To return to the Kalutara District. At the conclusion of |
the andu-kerima ceremony—during which the bullock-drivers
ran the risk of getting a sound rap on the head with the
deti-goyiya should they forgetfully shout to their animals
(andaherat. yanava)—the threshed corn is piled in heaps
at. the four corners of the mats, and the men begin to win-
now (halabanava) the seed (deta) from the straw (meduvan.)
Every time the men stoop to remove the grain from the
straw (meduvan-karanava) or to sweep the paddy towards
the mutta (bolati-yanava) they bow in adoration of the corn-
heap ia the centre.
52 JOURNAL, R. A. 8. (CEYLON). (Vol. VIII.
When about three-fourths of the corn is reduced to grain,
all the ears of corn, except those on the mutta, are taken off
the heap, separated from the grains (scattered round), spread
out, and threshed as before (vata-nelanava.) After the grain
has been threshed out of this, and the straw put aside, the
bullocks are driven outside the famata, and the heap of
paddy (pavara) further freed from chaff with the hands
(pavara-sudda-karanava.) The ears of corn on the mutta
are then removed, husked, and spread round it on the rest
of the paddy, the bullocks being driven over it for the last
time (palla-pellanawda.)
Meanwhile a cultivator prepares the amdaketé,* a whisp of
straw six inches long and of the thickness of the wrist, in
which are enclosed a few seeds of paddy, some ashes, a scrap
of the bullock horns, a hair or two from their foreheads and
tails, a little dung of the two bullocks moving immediately
round the mutia, a bit of the rope yoking them, and chips of
the driver’s rod, of the deti-goyrya and poruwa.
After all the grain has been freed from straw, the chief
goyiya steps into the centre of the paddy and stands on the
mutta, whilst the others pile the paddy round him knee-
deep, covering the heap with a mat, and hand up to him the
amaketé. He changes it from one hand to the other round
his legs, repeating each of the following lines three times,
and at the end jumps down backwards :—
EDAMOE OGM MAaaE
MAI DED DHCUEG
Onen® BE sg CHO
HONE BS HE CHO
HE GOOG Hon AiAst
SOE ODOC Hoan arHst
EQVOmMGde Roda AarwaI
7g gCdsY OD MOMI
Amdketada gontembilr
Taba muduna nahara wel
Makkama Siripada usata
Samanala Siripada usata
* Unknown in the Siyanég Koralé. Grass sods turned up in plough-
ing are termed amakankete.
No. 26.—1883.] PADDY CULTIVATION CUSTOMS. a0
Thala velé tibena betat
Pahala velé tibena betat
Atu-hotu-vala tubena betat
Lida puravan mé kamatata.
O sweet grain-cock ! O ¢tembili-hued oxen !
Place creeper (yokes) on (their) heads.
May the paddy in the upper fields—
The paddy in the lower fields—
The paddy in lofts and barns—
Be drawn to fill this kamata,
As high as Mecca’s sacred foot,
As high as Samanala’s sacred foot !
Ashes are given him at once and with tliem he lays three
lines, one above another, round the grain. Two other culti-
vators next join him in placing five or six empty bags a-piece,
mouths in front, on their heads, and walk thrice round the
paddy, bowing to it each time at the four corners of the
mats. Two or three men then cautiously open just enough
of the mat covering the paddy heap to allow of their hands
being introduced, and briskly fill the bags which are handed
to them from behind. Meanwhile the principal goyiya
remains kneeling on the opposite side with his fore-head
resting on the grain, and repeats the Navaguna-gathawa :—
@3 Bos HOD) FORM HYD) BOh) Oa?
SDS BOSONS BOOS) OID Se
EDOOAG GoOandOD a163 zh Od
DH]EAID AOA MHoOWD
Iti piso bhagava arahan samma sambuddho
vyjacharana sampanno sugato loka vidu
anuttaro purusadhamma sdrathi sattha deva
manussanan Buddho bhagavdait.
Lo ! that Blessed One is sanctified, is fully enlightened, endowed
with knowledge and conduct, the Auspicious One, acquainted
with the world, the unrivalled trainer of the human steer, the
Instructor of gods and men, the Wise One, the Holy.
Silence is strictly enjoined throughout the performance of
the améketé ceremony until the paddy has been put into
bags, all requirements being indicated by motions of head
and hand.
o4 JOURNAL, BA, 8. (CEYLON). | (Vol. WITk..
Indeed, little licence is permitted inside the limits of the
kamata from the commencement of threshing operations. It
is unseemly to stand on one leg or to place the hand under
the chin, whilst the presence of certain persons and articles
of food is absolutely tabooed. Any one who may have eaten
of meat or fish which is held unclean—names ending in ran
are impure—is not admitted : nor are (unless after bathing
and putting on clean clothes) persons who have attended a
funeral or come from an “unclean house.” After threshing
has once commenced, women are prohibited from entering
the threshing floor altogether.
The tabu extends even to the words employed at the
threshing-floor. All terms conveying a negative or unlucky
sense are discarded, and, a fortiori, the names of Yakseyé
never breathed.
Mr. levers has already drawn attention to the strange
conventionalism adopted by Sinhalese cultivators of substi-
tuting an odd shibboleth for the ordinary colloquial talk of
scree life.
This go yibasa or threshing-floor speech, as miiiet be
expected, varies in different localities. A comparative list
is appended of some of the words in use in the Kégalla
District, the Rayigam and Siyané Koralés of the Western
Province, and a portion of the Galle District, which,
however incomplete, may serve as a nucleus for further
investigation into this branch of the subject..*
If threshing is done by men (minissunnen paganava)
a katura is erected. This construction consists of four poles,
placed so as to form two crutches, across which another
pole (pdvara-liya) is laid horizontally, chest high. Mats
are spread underneath, and the corn from the heap gradually
trodden out by men, who hold on to the cross pole from
either side to make greater play with their feet.
When all the grain has been threshed, the mats are taken
up and the bags covered with straw to protect them from
rain. The paddy is winnowed (hulan-karanawa or gaha-
-nawa) finally a day or two days afterwards and dried for
two or three ae more as required.
ts a I EE Lm ny SE PL a a a oO
* Note 7.
on
Cr
No. 26.—1883.] PADDY CULTIVATION CUSTOMS,
MEASURING AND STORING.
Then follows the measuring of the paddy, which in some
districts at least is carried out with equal superstitious
scrupulousness of detail. A mat is first laid on the ground,
and a large picked-bag of paddy (paturu malla) placed on
it and covered with one end of the mat. The person about to
measure the grain bows thrice to the bag, and thrice moves
the daha measure, bottom upwards, round his legs; then,
pressing it between his body and the bag, he rapidly places
the fingers of one hand over those of the other upon the
bottom of the measure three times, and turns it again round
the legs thrice every third time the hands are shifted.*
After this he sits down on the mat, tilts the bag over towards’
him, and after saluting it thrice proceeds to measure.
The cultivators of some part of the Galle District, before
proceeding to measure the paddy, consider it essential to
draw on the heap with both the palms a rough representa-
tion of the ¢risula, or trident, the signification of which
they do not profess to understand.
The paddy is taken home at another lucky hour. There
the seed paddy is first dried in the sun, and put up in bags
of 12 or 15 kurunt each. The rest of the paddy is similarly
treated, except the portion—a daha or two—set apart for the
gods (akyala; Deéviyanné vi)t at the threshing-floor, which
is so dealt with last. Ata further lucky hour the bags of
seed paddy are first secured in the loft, and afterwards the
* To the world-wide prevalence of this ‘‘ mysterious practice of touch-
ing objects to baffle the evil chance,” the Sinhalese goyiyd and the Tamil
or Moor cooly are no Jess witnesses, when ignorantly striking the ldha,
or the bushel-box, with open hand before measuring grain, than was
Royalty some centuries back by assenting to touch for “ the King’s
evil.”
T The trisiéla, Shiva’s emblem (especially common in Coorg at places
connected with superstition), denotes that the three great attributes of
Creator, Destroyer, and Regenerator are combined in him.
{ “There is yet another due ockyaul, which belongs to their gods, and
ig an offering sometimes carried away by the priests, and sometimes
they bestow it upon the beggars, and sometimes they will take it and
hang it up in their houses, and at convenient time sacrifice it them-
selves. It is one of their measures, which is about half a peck.’—Knox,
p.. 101-2,
‘ }
56 JOURNAL, (Rs 4.18. (CEYLON). |) Sf Vol Ba.
remainder, leaving sufficient for the New Rice Feast (alut-
bat-kéma.) The Déeviyanné v1 is stored in.a separate part of
the loft. Mantras are occasionally resorted to for the pre-
servation of the paddy from rats.
Anut-Bat-K EMA.
Where, as is too frequently the case, the cultivators are
poor and in want of food, the Déviyanné-dqnaya, or offering
of the first-fruits of the harvest to the gods* is deferred
until. after the New Rice Feast, though such action is
generally admitted to be irregular and only justified by
necessity.
The Sangha-dané or almsgiving to Buddhist priests, also
precedes or follows the New Rice Feast according to the
religious fervour of the goyiya donor.t
Timely intimation of the day appointed for “eating the
new rice” (alut-bat-kéma) is given to friends and relations.
On the day itself sufficient paddy having been previously
dried and husked, first by pounding on an ox or elk hide
(vt kotanawa) and finally in the usual wooden mortar (hal
pahinava ), the resulting rice is cooked, as well as vegetables
and fish, none of which may be tasted during preparation.
The lucky moment for commencing to eat is marked by the
chief man of the house tasting the food; after which he serves
those assembled and seated, with rice and curries upon
plantain leaves.
DEVIYANNE-DANAYA.
To name a suitable day for the Déviyanné-dané, the feast
in honor of the gods, a Kapur4la or Pattinihdmi is called in.
Upon the set day the house is well cleansed and the Dévi-
yanné-v, taken out, divided into three portions, oneof which is
* Corresponding with the ‘Sing Bouga’ of certain Hill Tribes of
India. ‘ It-is solemnised in August when the gord rice ripens, and till
the sacrifice is complete the new rice must not be eaten. The offering
in addition to rice is a white cock. ‘This is a thanks-offering to the
Creator and Preserver. It is called ‘Jumnama,’ and considered of
great Importance,”
The close similarity between the Sighalese goyiya’s offerings and the
sacrifices enjoined upon the Israelites at harvest time by the Levitical
Jaw will not fail to be remarked in the ensuing description of the Dévi-
yanné dane.
¢ Note 8.
No. 26.—1883.] PADDY CULTIVATION CUSTOMS. De
reserved for a succeeding ceremony, Rdalahami-pidima or
Kuda-yakun-pidima. The other two portions, after being
again dried in the sun on clean mats, are husked by about
a dozen women, who have purified themselves by bathing
and putting on clean cloths (piruwata.) ‘The rice is then
put into bags and kept in the dané-pela or cadjan covered
alms-shed, which is erected opposite the space where the
Kapurala is to perform. Inside the peda are also placed
the different vegetables brought by those attending the
dané,aud a hearth roughly built for cooking. The Kapurdla
requires to be got ready for him 80 sticks, 6 young cocoanut
branches, 4 arekanut flowers, 6 young cocoanuts (gobalu ) a
bundle of vadla fibre, 2 clean cloths for each man, 50 torches, ©
a clay oven (gini-kabala), and 5 chatties—a otalé, a small
hattiya, and three kelagedi. A boy is sent ahead to erect a
small shed (huduwa; koratuwa; mal-pela; pahan-pela),
adorned with young cocoanut leaves, flowers, and encircling
lamps.”
On arriving in the evening with three or four assistants,
the Kapurala first places his box of bangles (deyiran-haran-
duwa) on two chairs cleansed with saffron water? and covered
with a white cloth.
Then the pé-dat meal, consisting of untasted rice and
vegetable curries, is served, and the Kapurdla with the
ether persons assembled there sit on mats and proceed to
eat from plantain leaves, after the Kapurdla has invoked
the gods’ blessing (yaga-karanawa ) and first tasted the food.
Dinner concluded, four or five women, dressed in clean
cloths, repair to the dané-pela and begin cooking, while the
Kapurala, tying a cloth round his head, enters the mal-
pela and makes obeisance to the red cloth arras ermbroi-
dered with representations of deities, and taking a tom-tom
* «When they worship those whom they call devils, many of whom
they hold to be spirits of some that died heretofore, they make no
images for them, as they did for the planets; but only build a new
house in their yard, like a barn, very slight, covered only with leaves,
and adorn it with branches and flowers.” (Knox, p. 77.) He adds
that “victuals” are placed on “stools at one end of the house, which
is hanged with cloth for that purpose.”
T See U. A. 8. Journ, 1865-6, p. 58, note (*).
H
= =
58 JOURNAL, B.A. 8. (cEYLON). » [ Vol. VIII.
(udckkiya) aad dancing in front of the seated house-inmates
(dturay6) recites songs (yddini) in honor of Pattini and
Kataragama Deviy6.*
Having continued this performance for some time, the
- Kapurala calls for a pehidun-tada or pingo of three neli rice,
six cocoanuts, a bunch of plantains, a pumpkin, and a packet
of chillies (miris-mula), and smoking it with dummala
(resin) incense,f places it in front of the figured curtain
inside the mal-pela. Again chanting awhile, he has brought
to him some untasted oil in an arecanut leaf cone (gotuwak )
covered with aclean cloth, which, after perfuming, he pours
into one of the lamps (scooped out of half papaw fruits by
the Madupuraya, an assistant, and hung round the peda),
lights the wick and bids the dtwurayo light the rest. When
this is done, and he has recited more yadini, the Kapurala
desires them to bring their panduru or money offerings,
which are sprinkled with saffron water, saluted and
deposited with the tada. Next, the Kapurala, still singing,
covers himself entirely, except the face, with a red cloth and —
opens the bex containing the deyiran; then washing his
hands, and perfuming the bangles, puts them on his wrists
and begins to janggle them (halan-pawadenawa), finally
appealing to the dturayoé to.offer. them panduru.
Continuing his chant, the Kapurala drives a stake into the
ground together with a piece of a plantain stalk to which he
affixes twelve torches at the bottom, and puts some cocoanut
refuseroundthe foot. ‘Then taking three betel leaves he holds
them over the lighted torches, rubs them on the heads of
the daturayd, and tosses them once or thrice into the air.
If the majority of the leaves fall face upwards, it is looked
upon as a good omen ; if otherwise, the gods are not satisfied
( Devi-dosa).{ Subsequently two additional six-furunz bags
of paddy with two cocoanuts in each are placed near the
chair on which the Aalan box stands. The Kapurdla recom-
mencing his incantations, separately ties to three pieces of
cocoanut stalk, a cocoanut flower and a pair of young cocoa-
nuts, and directs the aturayé to touch them ; after which he
* Note 9. 7 See C. A. 8. Journ. 1865-6 p. 62, note.
t Cf. Mr. Fowler's account of the Panikkans’ similar ceremony, ante
p. la.
No. 26.—1883.] PADDY CULTIVATION CUSTOMS. og
carries them three times round the deyiran box, and ends by
planting them in the earth in a line, exclaiming ‘ Boho bo
venda, pura, pura!’ * May it be (a harvest) of great plenty !
full, full’* At the same moment the Madupuraya breaks
a cocoanut with a bill-hook (gana-deviyan-gahanavd ).
Once more the dturayo are invited to contribute panduru
for the deywran.
The night is generally well advanced before the above
rites are carried through. When dawn is approaching, the
Kapurala turns his attention to the last ceremony preceding
the actual feasting, known as hiri-itiravima, or ‘ causing
milk to overflow.” Hntering the pahan-pela he ties a piece
of white cloth over his mouth, and places three new clay pots.
on three ‘gipsy-kettle’ supportsinarow. Intothepotshe puts
some rice with water, and kindlesa fire under each, fanning
the flames, but taking care not to blow the fire with ne aii
As soon as the water boils he pours in untasted cocoanut
milk and allows the whole to boil over. Much weight is
attached to the direction towards which the scum runs over,
as on it is believed to hang the cultivators’ fortune for the
ensuing year. Ifit fall Hastwards or Southwards all will be
well (subha) ; if to the West or North it portends the form of
ill-luck, called respectively Devi-désa and Yak-dosa. The
boiled milk is then poured into another chatty, and the
aturayé sprinkled with it by the Boporale, whilst chanting
something more.f
Meanwhile, during the night women have been cooking
the dané—a meal differing in some respects from that con-
* Just as many an old orchardist in the cider districts of Devon and
Cornwall will dyink to his apple trees on the eve of Mpiphany some such
toast as this. (Notes and Queries, Vol. 6, 2nd Series) :—
‘«‘ Here’s to thee, old apple tree!
Whence thou may’st bud, and whence thou may’st blow,
And whence thou may’st bear apples enow!
Hats full,—caps full!
Bushels full,—sacks full !
And my pockets full!
THuzza!”
Hd, ha, purd, hondayi, Deviyanné pihitayi! is a common sighalese
ejaculatory praycr preceding any undertaking.
tT Note 9.
‘
“ x
60 | JOURNAL, R. A. 8. (ceYLON). —- [ Vol. VIII.
— sumedat the subsequent feast which closes Ralahami-prdima,
and consisting merely of untasted rice and vegetable curries,
kiri-talapa,* and the inevitable betel. Anything fried
having special attraction for the Yaksayo, flesh and cakes are
invariably excluded from the gods’ dané.
When all is in readiness for the feasting itself, the Kapu-
rala, or an assistant, places not far off a gotuva (which he
has filled with a little of each kind of food provided) upon
a three-cross-stick stand, and a chair covered with a clean
white cloth (etiril/a) on which is put a plantain leaf with
a similar offering, panduru, a quid of betel, and may be a
cheroot.
Sometimes for the single gotuva and chair tattuva, are sub-
stituted two gotu placed one above the other on the same
frame, some space apart—the upper for the celestial beings,
the lower for Mahikantava the female Atlas of A’ryan
mythology.
The gods are now considered to have received all their
just dues, and nothing remains but to partake of the
meal.
First, all the women who have prepared the dané are
sprinkled with saffron water, and atonement made to the
eods by the Kapuwa for any fault they may have unwittingly
committed. The Kapurdla and the rest of the persons then
sit down and proceed to eat, after the former has blessed the
food with an incantation and tasted it. The meal over, the
Kapurdla and his assistant carry away the food and pan-
duru collected since the evening.f
RALAHAMI-PIDIMA.
Some days—at least three—elapse before the Ralahdmi-
pidima or ceremony and feast to propitiate Kosgama Deviyo,
* A kind of custard pudding made of rice flour, cocoanut milk, and
honey, boiled to some consistency, and eaten with rice as sweetmeat.
ft “ And all that time of the sacrifice there is drumming, piping, sing-
ing, and dancing; which being ended, they take the victuals away, and
give it to those which drum and pipe, with other beggars and vagabonds,
for only such do eat of their sacrifices; not that they do account such
things hallowed, and so dare not presume to eat them; but contrariwise
they are now looked upon as polluted meat, and, if they should attempt
to eat thereof, it would be a reproach to them and their generations.”—
Knox, p. 77.
No. 26.—1883.] PADDY CULTIVATION CUSTOMS. 61
the bane of crops and cattle, whose good will it is essential
to win over by a special sacrifice.*
On the day selected, four or more women, after bathing
and dressing in clean cloths, husk the paddy previously set
apart for this dané, as before. When well beaten out they
place it in a room, which has been thoroughly cleansed, and
inform the Kapuwdé summoned to officiate, who, filling a
chatty (némbiliya) with the rice and muttering some incan-
tations, hands it over to the women. In the same room is
collected the rest of the food intended to be consumed at the
feast—e.g., oranges, sugar-cane, toddy, arrack, opium, fish —
and meat, salt, milk, honey, vegetables, biscuits, cocoanuts,
and three kinds of plantains (as ratnamdlu, pivdlu, and
hannannoru).
Some of the women-cooks pound the rice to flour, extract
oul, and fry cakes, seven of which they put into each of three
bags. Others are employed in cooking the dané, for which
are required, in addition to the cakes, three chatties of boiled
rice (each containing three eli)? and seven curries made
with seven different kinds of vegetables. MHverything should
not only be untasted, but prepared without so much as
blowing the fire with the mouth.
Whilst the cooking is proceeding, the Kapurdla constructs
a shelf (yahana) waist-high, and over it a cloth canopy
adorned with flowers. The cooking over, and all being ready,
the Kapurdla, tying a piece of white cloth across his mouth,
enters the room. Upon the clean white cloth spread over |
the yahana he arranges five plantain leaves, and on the
floor he lays a mat with a white cloth, and puts two other
plantain leaves there; lastly, he uses a chair as a mal-bulat-
tattuwa. The dishes as cooked are placed ina line, the first
chatty nearest to the shelf, andso on. The Kapurala puts
some boiled rice into a némbiliya, and from it deposits a
little on each plantain leaf three times. With a cocoanut-
* Note 10.
+ This is the number usual in the Galle District. In the Rayigam
and Siyané Koralés, seven chatties of rice are provided, and seven plan-
tains; and in the latter Korale the pounding of the paddy is done by two
men, called Koftéruwé, who have to purify themselves before com-
mencing.
ind N
62 JOURNAL, R, A. 8. (CEYLON). (Vol. VIL.
shell spoon he then mixes in the némbiliya a little of
each of the seven curries taken thrice, thus forming a hat-
mdluwa, which he adds to the seven rice heaps, perfuming
them and muttering mantras (hepa-karanava). Next he
takes the three cake bags, and after incensing them puts all.
the cakes (one from each in turn) on to the several heaps.
So with the three plantain bunches, from each of which
seven fruits are taken : a little horiyja (boiled cocoanut-milk
remaining after the oil is skimmed off) is further added.
The “ dessert’’—the oranges, biscuits, &c.—is also incensed
and placed on the shelf in a vattiya dish, so that any demi-
god or demon may help himself at pleasure.
This done, the Kapurdla makes a cone-pouch ( Kadberi-
gotuva) out of a plantain leaf, and putting rice and other —
articles of food into it, formally deposits it for Kaberi- Yaksaya
on a support made of three-cross-sticks (hattirika). The
last cooked chatty of rice he covers with a plantain leaf, after
putting inside three cakes and three plantains : this chatty is
called yahan-heliya, When everything is thus arranged, the
Kapurdalasupplicates the godsand demons to receive the offer-
ing, perfuming all afresh and reciting over them a hannalavu-
yatikava,* followed occasionally by some powerful mantra.
After this propitiation (kepa-gannava ; disti-lanava ) the
Kapuwa comes out of the room and locks the door.
About a peya afterwards he knocks at it, as though seeking
permission from the Yaka to enter, and opens it. Accom-
panying his dancing with further invocations, he closes
the door again, bringing out the Kdberi-gotuca, which he
leaves at the back of the house. Then taking panduru
and a quid of betel from the dturayo, he re-enters the
room, as before, and laying them on the yahana recites some
stanzas; and whilst so engaged takes one of the empty
cake bags and a plantain leaf, and on them puts a little
of every kind of food as well as a lighted torch. This offer-
ing he carries to the stepping stone in front of the house,
(after locking the door for the third time) and there presents
it witha suitable mantra to Mélankada Aimand—the demon
known elsewhere as Kadavara-Yaksaya. Ue then returns
* Space will not permit of the insertion of the several incantations,
&c., embraced in the ritual of Rdlahami-pidima.
boy 7 r i
¥
Ay
y
No. 26.—1883.] PADDY CULTIVATION CUSTOMS. 63
to the room, and at his bidding the house inmates offer
more panduru, and are sprinkled with the holy saffron
water, as well as the women who have prepared the dané.
Finally, the Kapurdla taking some dummala (resin),
charms it with a kepa-harina-mantra and perfumes the
whole of the food about to be partaken. Those assembled
then seat themselves on mats in a row, and do justice to the
viands, only waiting for the Kapurala to first taste something.
The mal-bulat-tattuva and the seven plantain leaf offerings
are placed at a little distance from the house—left for dogs
and crows, into whom it is considered has entered the dist:
or perception of the Yaksayo.
As though the superstitious rites of the Deviyanné-danaya
and Lalahami-pidima were not sufficient “spots on their
feasts of charity,”’ the Sinhalese goyiya too frequently resort
to further devil ceremonies such as Devol-madu, Gam-madu,
which need not be described at length here, not being inti-
mately connected with the subject in hand.*
NOTHS.
(1.)
ASTROLOGY IN AGRICULTURE.
THost who may care to become thoroughly versed in the set
“times and seasons,” which ought to be observed in native
agricultural operations, will find full particulars in the Muhurita-
chintdmant, a metrical treatise on the subject, by the famous
astrologer E’pa Appuhami, published at Colombo in 1876.
The following extracts from a similar ola MS. in the writer’s
possession give some idea of the extent to which “the stars in
their courses” influence the action of the Sinhalese cultivator.
* In other districts (Siyané Kéralé, to wit) instead of the ‘ gipsy-ketile’
support, a post (evari-kanuva) is planted outside the compound with
a light upon it, and the plantain-leaf-cone there offered to MKada-
vura Yaksayd. The yahana, too, is constructed in the compound, and
64 i JOURNAL, R. A. S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII.
Degen:
I. —The following are the twenty-seven asterisms (nehet).*
1.—Asvida. 10.—Manekata. 19.—Mula.
2.— Berana. 11.—Puwapal. 20.—Puwasala.
3.—Keti. 12.— Uttarapal. 21.—Uttarasala.
4,— Rehena. 13.—Data. 22.—Suvana.
5.—Muwasirisa. 14. —Sita. 23.— Denata.
6.—Ada. 15.—Sa. 24.—Siyawasa.
7.—Punawasa. 16.—Visa. ' | 25.—Puwaputupa.
8.— Pusha. Weenie). 26.— Uttaraputupa.
9.—Aslisa. 18.—Deta 27.—Reévatiya.
II.—The fifteen lunar days (ééhi) during which the moon
waxes are named :—
1.-—Pélaviya. 6.—Satawaka. 11.—Ekoloswaka.
2.—Diyawaka. 7.—Satawaka. 12. —Doloswaka.
3.—Tiyawaka. 8.—Atawaka. 13.—Teleswaka.
4,.—Jalawaka. 9.—Nawawaka. 14.—Tuduswaka.
5.—Viséniya. 10.—Dasawaka. 15.—Pasaloswaka.
The same order should be followed for the fifteen titht she
wanes—the 15th day being termed Amawaka.f
not inside the house. he house inmates are directed by the Kapurala
to stand by the evari-kanuwa and yahana in bowing attitude with joined
palms, whilst he chants yddint regarding Kadavara Yaksayd’s birth and
power, invoking his aid to ward off Lelness from them, and to prosper
their tillage and trades. The Kapurala then tastes each of the seven
heaps, and the whole are afterwards eaten by all assembled. If the
ceremony ends with the eating of this rice, it is called Kudd-yakun-
piduma, but hellun maduva if the dancing and tom-tem beating is con-
tinued till morning.
Many other Yaksayé are jointly propitiated, such as Dunumdla-yakun,
Moratuwé-yakun, Katugampola-yakun, Kalu-kumara yakun, Viramunda-
yakun.
* Strictly speaking there are 28 neket or asterisms: the nekata < Abiyut’
(a fractional or occasional ‘‘mansion” only, consequent on the moon’s
periodical revolution occupying 27-8 days) lies between ‘ Uttarasala’ and
‘Suvana.’ The Méldivians retain the full number of “lunar mansions,”
but place ‘Avihi’ (Abiyut) last, save ‘Reva’ (Révatiya), thus: —Assida, Burunn,
Keti, Ronu, Miyaheliha, Ada, Funds, Fus, Ahuliha, Md, Fura, Utura, Ata,
Hita, Hé, Vihé, Nora, Dorha, Mula, Furahala, Uturuhala, Huvan, Dinarha,
Hiyavihé, Furabaduruva, Fasbaduruva, Avihi, Réva. “The tithi and
mekata of any day or time are those in which the moon is in her course
through the zodiac in that day or time.”
+ The lunar month is divided into pura or purva pakshé (from the day
after the new moon to full moon day), and ava or apara pakshé (from day
after full moon to new moon day).
i f
No. 26.—1883.] PADDY CULTIVATION CUSTOMS. 65
III.—The seven days are :—
1.—Ravi ae He Sun.
2.—Chandra ... mele Moon.
3.-—Kuja tee af Mars.
4,—Budha S00 566 Mercury.
5.—Guru ee Bb Jupiter.
6.—Sukra or Kivi Bas Venus.
7.—Senl is one Saturn.
I1V.—The twelve signs of the Zodiac (rdsi) are :—*
1,— Mésha. . 7.—Tula.
2.—Wrishabha. 8.— Wrischika.
3.—Mithuna. §.—Dhanu.
4.—Karkataka. 10. — Makara.
5.—Sigha. 11.— Kumbha.
6.— Kanya. 12.— Mina.
Commencing Operations.
V.—tThe neket Pusha, Sa, Uttarapal, Uttarasala, Uttaraputupa.
Sita, Anura, and Berana, and the éthi Pélaviya, Diyawaka, Tiya-
waka, Viséniya, Satawaka, Dasawaka, Ekoloswaka, and Pasalos-
waka, and the days Kuja, Guru, and Budha, in the rast assigned
to the planets, Guru, Sukra, Budha,} are auspicious for entering
upon a field to commence cultivation.
Ploughing.
VI—For ploughing adopt the following nekeé :—Puwapal,
Puwasala, Puwaputupa, Hata, Sita, Manekata, Deta, Mula,
Réwatiya, Anura, Punavasa, Suvana, Pusha, Uttarapal, Uttara-
sala, Uttaraputupa, Sa, Vis4, Muwasirisa, Denata; oja tithe
having no riktd;{ the days Ravi, Budha, Guru, Sukra; the
* “The Sun, Moon, and Planets move through these rds? in their courses.
Avurudda (‘year’) is the time during which the Sun travels through all 12
vdst in his course, beginning from the first point of Mésha rdsi ;” and the solar
month the time during which the Sun continues in any one 7asi.
+ Of the twelve rdsi, that called Sinha (Leo) is allotted to the Sun, and
Karkataka ( Cancer) to the Moon; the rest are given to the other five planets
in the order of their position with regard to the Sun. Mithuna and Kanyd,
the dst bordering “the mansions” of the Sun and Moon, on either side,
belong to Mercury : the two beyond these, viz., Wrishabha and Tuld, are
assigned to Venus: the next two, Mésha and Wrischika, to Mars: Mina and
Dhanu to Jupiter: and the last two, Makara and Kumbha, to Saturn.
t “Oja tithi” are the eleven tithi from Dasawaka of pura paksa to Viséniya
of ava paksa. Of these, Tuduswaka and Jalawaka are “riktd,” and rejected
as bad for all work.
I
OG. : JOURNAL, RecA g. . (cEYtoy). VoL. VIE.
Loe Wich ble Karkataka, Makara, Mina, Mithuna, which
are best ; Tula, Dhanu and Kanyéa, fairly good. At these nefket,
and observing the lagnas, wak, &e., make one, three, or five
furrows, with the plough gazing Mastwards, without stooping or
looking down. :
Introducing Vater.
Vil.—The following neket are good for admitting water into a
field :— Mula, Puwasala, Uttarasala, Suwana, Réwatiya, Denata,
Manekata, Muwasirisa, Puwapal, Deta, Sa, and Berana.
Sowing and Transplanting.
VIII.—Sow seed paddy at the neke¢ Mi, Hata, Mula, Tuna-
turu,f Pusha, Siyawasa, Anura, Sa, Muwasirisa, Réwatiya, and
Suvana; on the ¢¢ht Viséniya, Satawaka, Ekoloswaka, Teleswaka,
and Pasaloswaka ; and on the days Sandu, Budha, Guru, Sukra,
also observing the dagna which these planets belong to,
For sowing paddy according to the kekulan system, adopt the
neket Tunaturu,t Punawasa, Pusha, Anura, Hata, Ma, Rehena,
which are to be taken for transplanting also. |
“On Sunday mornings in the month of Mithuna and Sinha sow
el paddy.
Reaping.
1X.—Reap corn on good days (i.e. days having no ava-yogat)
at the nekeé Keti, Rehena, Ada, Pusha, Sa, Denata, Siyawasa,
Puwaputupa, Tunaturu, Anura, Ma.
Threshing and Measuring.
X.—Threch corn at Anura, Réwatiya, Mula, Pusha, Sa, neket ;
and at the /agnas, Mithuna, Dhanu, Kumbha, and Mina, and when
the planets Guru and Sikuru are in the said lagnas.
All work connected with paddy cultivation should be performed
when the tide rises from the first peya for eight peyas, and from
* The day of 60 peyas or 24 hours (Adrd) is in astrological calculations
further divided into 12 lagnas, each lagna comprising roughly 2 héras.
The lagnas are synonymous with the 12 sdsi, and rotate in the same order,
the first Jagna of each day always being that of the particular 7dst, or month,
through which the Sun is passing. See, too, C. A. S. Journ. 1856-8,
pp. 181-194. “The Principles of Sinhalese Chronology,” by Rev. C. Alwis.
+ Tunaturu, ie. Uttarapala, Uttarasala, Uttaraputupa.
{ Ava-ydgqa, ie. the unlucky conjunction of certain neket with special days
Thus on Sunday, Ada and Deta, on Tuesday, Deta and Suvana, on Thursday.
Ada, on Friday, Visd, and on Saturday, Pundwasa and Suyana, are avaydga,
There are 10 bad (dasa maha désa), and 4 good, ydgas.
No. 26.—1883.] PADDY CULTIVATION CUSTOMS. 67
the thirteenth peya for eight peyas of the nekeé Keti, Rehena,
Muwasirisa, Uttaraputupa and Réwatiya.
The tide rises (dtya-wadi) from the first peya for eight peyas of
Pélaviya and Diyawaka, again at the 47th peya, at the 2nd,
25th, and 50th peya of 'Tiyawaka, the 20th peya of Satawaka,
the 22nd peya of Hatawaka, 23rd peya of Atawaka, the 20th
and 55th of Dasawaka, the 20th of Ekoloswaka, the 20th of
Doloswaka, 8th and 25th of Teleswaka, the 8th peya of Pasalos-
waka. At all these times from the commencement of the peya
the tide flows for 8 peyas.
At the fourth pdda of the four lagnas Mésha, Wrishabha,
Mithuna and Karkataka, water willrise. For threshing corn and
measuring paddy, if the moment when nekata, tithi, and lagna for.
the rising of the tide are contemporaneous can be taken, it is best :
if two agree it is good: one alone is fairly good.
Storing and Consuming Paddy.
XI.—For storing paddy the neket Hata, Ada, Ma, and Rehena
and the lagnas Wrishabha, Sinha, Wrischika, and Kumbha
should be taken, and (if possible) when seen with the planet
Saturn.
On Sunday at sunrise at Rehena mekata consume paddy.
Eating the New hice.
XI.— For alut-bat-kéma observe a good tithi, avoiding Mina
Mésha, and Wrischika, at the neket Sita, Asvida, Hata, Puna-
wasa, Pusha, Suwana, Anura, Tunaturu, Muwasirisa, Denata,
Rehena, Réwatiya, Siyawasa, Sa, Mula, Ma, and Visé. )
In spite of the well-meant efforts now being made to convert
the goyiyd from the error of his ways by opening a School of
Agriculture, and the introduction of modern appliances, it is to
be feared that years must elapse before his mind is disabused of
the conservative notions he shares with the American “ Farmer
Ben” (Notes and Queries) :—
b)
“‘T tell ye it’s nonsense,” said Farmer Ben,
This farmin’ by books and rules,
And sendin’ the boys to learn that stuff
At the agricultural schools.
Rotation o’ crops and analysis!
Talk that to a young baboon!
But ye needn't be tellin’ yer science to me,
For I believe in the moon,
68
‘
a a ge rs \ re. Picab ales
JOURNAL, R. A. 8. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIIt.
If ye plant yer corn on the growin’ moon,
And put up the lines for crows,
You'll find it will bear, and yer wheat will, too, -
Tf it’s decent land where’t grows.
But potatoes, now, are a different thing,
They want to grow down, that ts plain ;
And don’t ye see you must plant for that
When the moon is on the wane.
So in plantin’ and hoein’ and hayin’ time,
It is well to have an eye
On the hang of the moon—ye know ye can tell
A wet moon from a dry.
And as to hayin’, you wise ones, now
Are cuttin’ yer grass too soon;
If you want it to spend, just wait till it’s ripe,
And mow on the full 0’ the moon.
*¥ * * * %
With farmers’ meetin’s and granges new
Folks can talk till all is blue;
But don’t ye be swollerin’ all ye hear,
For there ain’t more ’n half on ’t true.
They are tryin’ to make me change my plans,
But I tell ’em I’m no such coon;
I shall keep right on in the safe old way,
And work my farm by the moon !
(2.)
CULTIVATORS’ Sones.*
1.— Whilst bailing Water.
QaAIECD gdac oO] om VE
3a) Bins Dod BTae
Qa) Bawa O29 S83 O82
OO BHNN6i DA OMAHA OE
OMODES MOVS SHAD A
OVNI BiB FI SO &
OC DOES OSIB SH WMEOCST Di
Qt 16 OW OD OMQCHA D1
AOD GAOiD MPVS) OOH
QWAHOWMS QQG DB Va
J OD MSH QA EQovn
Jod DAVINA 8s HOaTH
meaning is in places very obscure.
* The specimens given are throughout ungrammatical and disconnected,
but just as taken down from the mouth of an ordinary illiterate goyiyd.
The
No. 26.—1883.] PADDY CULTIVATION CUSTOMS. 69
4. Sdae &di eHhagw dn ¢o Osy
ANKOMYA EWAN eamd SO ast
AMA CO OSSORVE Oe QD ast
Bse oS 8Sast Gand Ost
5.* O@OD DDH QW Gast ost
QOD BHI SSO SMSOsT ost
GiO® DON amHagd OO oesd Os
BOD Bsdaess DOE OTIOsIT ost
6.* EDT o¢ss DY O@100 oed as
SDDS HHO aOoEeD a@2aQdsF Os
CAS BOOS SY oj Oss
OED Dds} DHEo Dcoesd ass
7.* @HAHO DO SS ast ACTS ost
CIHO somist Ast gdds3 ast
BXDO AWG Se oSTsd assy
CBIH® BD eset VEST ast
1. Like the moon shining in full splendour,
My beauteous endearing lord.
Since the day of departure thou returnest not as yet:
Till I may reach thee where wilt thou remain ?
At a desolate town of Negroes I arrived,
Leaving kith and kin for a foreign land.
With scalding tears I bathe my breast ;
By him deserted, how may I sustain my grief!
Though the friendly earth quake and tremble,—
Maha Meru thunder with torrents of rain—
Though these, and such like portents, thou beholdest,
Whatever thy undertaking, it will not prosper.
A woman empty-handed, or bearing empty pot,
A beggar, be he deaf or be he blind—
These in good journey shouldst thou meet,
Fruitless will be thy going.
Hear me, ye learned, that benefit the world,
Consider it with mind unfettered :
Ganadevi, grant me to receive wisdom:
May the assembly not find fault.
Fellows, a mighty boon is seed ;
Desired of every creature ;
In fruitful land it multiplies :
Worship oft the Teacher.
Of land acquired spy out the low places;
Cause rice received to be served with glad heart ;
From stumps and roots ever strive to rid you,
Building dams for tanks acquired.
* These three stanzas will be found in almost the same form in a small
pamphlet of Harvest Songs styled Goyam-madlaya, printed in Colombo, 1881.
70
1.
there : ; ;
ye \\ f i : x eae
JOURNAL, R. A. 8. (CRYLON).. : [Vol. VIIL
| IIl.— Reapers’ Song.
QSOESHNMN| OLNHY DESHI a Qaqdeaci ebed oest ost
BIDOEDSTOOS FISH C6OM OMEMSGTB axwais o¢s ost
SBD OSs DE SHAMS BBS FSO Ge dacs Ooy
GE O© Hoe BseoamMsA® OeCHnogdoal oastogst avy
DAO HHH eqiddaqioal oD sHasdesT OHIO DM oO
DHDOVA 612153 BOND FOONM EOHMMO Sov ocHDe asi
OMDIDBOEIVWAI OGISOH DAHO gisoswsy OD OO 518 Ez o®
BOD BSD O@2 Dd OMsy Ea GHSSHD OS sdasd aoy
QS? SHOES VDAsI ONNI O86 Hood ee esd eqGestios
dee 06s SHIH ONM6Es EBM EO DdOdSS ost
Kaw odin Seoasd Bad oMnqcVdeosaTOS eT esd od
Ace O8 O83 Roan sotAiRBacdaal edad OOoes asd
HET GdNOD dEQDODICON? sd aPos DVHBa oe
ROAD PED DSOCS REEO eMomd650a omens oe oad
NG QOD cdsmasad ANd Bqdoo8ow OE ko oes
ODES OO DCVC GEDDY Wi Moss eadWInocs Sysmeacd
COEKIS esd DODAIOODNNS; OEGSEROS RE SUIMDDVDQ E
@AKO OESHE GHEE CadsE OCH ocdoal oasy es) ast
ee €S RQ M5 Bee GOGE BYOD wewmd Edad @
OD BS1O2) D1) QVSGVWSIO FE @ENVE GIAS Kow& @
QOS D6iM OD ROG SEMS OGTEB FDUS OO O€s¥ at
FOG AB OE CTO S180 EHEMOOD O8H SBoest asd
Sa DHS6BO BANS Hon” Ya we DO S8Boesd ost
BoP S113 OG SDIVST 61H ESEMOD OSHA SHocst asd
GO DHS O@ 9 S1CIWBod O38 GH WA) Gana oeKk mM
CHOMEEE Ed) DOAN DMEM OQOOCKHOTD HCOOG CAM
OEAUDOE YEOSD BWI 4 O28 OCKLOD OM A wastast
OMBHDEOC SD ViH OSHS can OCSOMEoD ¢S daasios
® 6SOUFEG O68 O63 ODEE ©8816 8G WE SED GO OTT
DOOST E1rF EWDHOSS wE eE coGiG EYG Tacs osd
BES BOS OVIEEE BG® ay ONVD O MONG VEHO ast
CRW BVTDOEgS DTsd GRAD sOst GHoOG eB, awd
wooo asiacon He ame Dad EDO opm BE oD
VSS CMDOOM O€5003 TOMAR sdanod ogidss SE od
DOSS MOAT HAE GOuEmoasy on Ss @®
BEBO O© O@OD Bae ga dEBOsI sVYNHe Ss ao
May all the gods permit us to enter the field after worshipping
the sun god:
The gods’ consent obtained, O goyi lord, give us sickles.
May the clouds keep us cool, shading the sun's rays,
And the gods deliver from all evil, granting peace these 30
peyas. |
* These stanzas probably form part of the Zala-mala-varnnandva.
No. 26.--1883.] PADDY CULTIVATION CUSTOMS. 71
2, The god of the sun's rays shining on the hill has now shaded
a
see our gang :
With fortune- cirineine sicles in right-hands invoke we ens
on the Mother.
Should the goyi-lord on the highland hear me, I shall receive
reward :
May all this company, great and low, recite songs without
bickering.
Sakdevi, descending from his abode, begs alms in his ascetic garb
of yore :
The corn sown on the mudded golden rock bends down ripened
ears :
With boiling water dressing food by supernatural power the alms
were given.
May goddess Pattini grant me permission to compose and recite
these verses.
In Rayigam Koralé renowned there grew the far-famed palm tree,
Fair beyond words of poet, with manifold beauty crowned ;
From hamlet unto hamlet known, like lotus petals, expanding on
the tree,
Rarely this palm-flower bloomed glorious in colour.
Half the day has passed sinve morning, nor failed of god’s pro-
tection,
From head to: foot thro’ every limb god has blessed and pre-
served us;
The songs in rhyming measure we loudly sang to-day have made
the welkin ring.
Will leave be blithely granted to forego work the rest of the
day ?
Cod, grant me to tell in verse the flower’s fame,
Of the lovely tank lily’s golden hue, its petals spread in ten
directions,
As o’er the water’s surface the Ma-nil’s scent is scattered :
Its petals spread in ten directions, golden-hued as the lovely
tank lily.
The seed was sown and sprouted, and like a grove rose the tree ;
Like boughs of bamboo shoots entwined, the palm-flower’s
pageant seemed :
Lur’d by sight of the flower-petals the wayfarer his journey
forgets.
Lo! trom Gosna lake descending the evil to avert, in safety
keep us God (of mercy).
MPA DERE Ae ot A Ne
2 | FOURNAL, HAL (cuyzoy). [Vol. VIII.
8. Orchard of golden ¢embili,* lime, orange, beli,f mora,t gira,§
-and mé mango ;
Adjoining grove of indi,|| palol,§| déwul,** mi,tT and sal ;if
And garden of sandal, bédili,$§ with flowers of jasmine, lotus,
lily, and fragrant champak :—|\||
Such the famed splendour of Saman forest named of noble
Saman-devi.
9, That day seven goddesses offered celestial vestures and flowers ;
The god empowered, with both hands offered flowers of Indra’s
tree ;
Golden kadupul lotus of the Naga world divine Nagas offered :
Thenceforth continuously all people of the world worship
Samanala.
IlI.—A¢é close of Work.
1. 608 9a M5 Race) Bwans q to)
HOS Dons M5 gaa) MV6aEE O53 Ost
#50 Sx1OM GE GDA EMO ESI ods ass
DN OOH ag OQed ¢EHI wOo dad ass
2. BE, BE, OIE OSGCD DaGsnNo® ost asd
Quad Ba OnNas Ms angamdagsy oss
BHTACRS OHNO HDI samMdSa OE 2)
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1. I came intent on singing to while the livelong day—
Say when again, my comrades, ye’ll listen to my lay.
If kinsfolk now stand by us, all trouble will seem light,
And in Maitri Buddha’s feast with one accord unite.
2. With sport and jest full varied our pilgrim path we cheer,
Hark! the band before us shouts sddus echoing clear :
The palace-shrine who beautify, to crowds the land gives birth,
Saffragam’s fair temple, the frontal-mark of earth!
3. As surge the waves of ocean, the thronging lines go by,
Their hair-knots bound in circles dark, like stars in midnight sky;
Like jewels gleam the torches, adown the four-spread Jane,
The patron god in howdah rides, as in a wedding train.
* The king-cocoanut. ** Feronia elephantum.
} Augle marmelos. tt Bassia latifolia.
{ Asclepias acida. tt Shorea robusta.
§ Mangifera indica. eA ee aes t
| The wild date-palm. SS ature ce coon
€| The trumpet flower (Bignonia || Michelia champaca,
suave olens.) |
N\
No. 26.—1883.] PADDY CULTIVATION CUSTOMS. 13
(3.)
TABU.
This tabu resembles the custom of “ Pomali” practised by the
Dyaks of Borneo, the Alfuros of Celebes and Timor, and the
Mentamei Islanders.
“The only outward indication that Pomali is being resorted
to is a bundle of maize leaves stuck into the ground, or bushels
of rice suspended from a bamboo post, either in a rice field or
under the house of a person who is ill. All strangers are for-
bidden to cross the threshold of a house where the signal is
placed. .
“Mr. Hugh Low, in his ‘ Sarawak,’ also mentions three kinds
of Pomali, or, as he calls it, Pamali. )
“The Pamali omar, or tabu on the farms, occurs immediately
after the whole of the seed is sown. It lasts fuur days, and during
that period no person of the tribe enters any of the plantations on
any account ; a pig and feast are according to their practice also
necessary.”—Carl Bock, “‘ Head Hunters of Borneo,” p. 230.
The Oraons and Mundaris (hill tribes of India) observe similar
precautions to propitiate Desauli and Jahir Barhi for a blessing on
the crops in their ‘‘ Hero-Bouga” and “* Bah-Towli-Bouga” sacri-
fices, to which the ‘‘ Karam” of the Kol villagers is nearly allied.
** Each cultivator sacrifices a fowl, and after some mysterious
rites a wing is stripped off and inserted in a cleft of bamboo and
stuck up in the rice field. if this is omitted, it is supposed that
the rice will not come to maturity.”
(4.)
Kem, or CHARMS.
(1.) Against Getapanuvo (Grubs).
(a) |
sos AE Ohdnsdasod dtr cBa Cwd Dd; SNNé 6
2) OE GHD OES; Oey Ho Heian CWO OQIBSY eGO2%; e@e@2
9 mnée Ose ga; JB 5 D1g61d; DONE SCQodIsH omacod
MOSHODI D2; ast Dfoaay Diqds; Ag cchnsdnTodod
HANOI J sQyedi gnsiod<Hd edd; O80 FT sq_odi enat
EC; BSOVS OS TIODTE SSDS MSGS DQs»; J MOCO asd OH
G29 Qreoel 014999; DSOaT ae SOchaTdosIodoct qm aqQaodHa
Q@G0ds; O50 gnaigsan; eBist J Sa om0@, Vs Es, GIT EWS
O20 Eon; THg chnsdasiodoad goaQeoelsd gest gaat
OOM OO.
K
74 JOURNAL, R. A. 8. (CEYLON). | [Vol VILL”
‘“Pasé Buddha went to Ratel Rusiya, who had nothing to offer as
alms. He went and begged of Maha Brahma, who gave him rat-el (hill-
paddy). He sowedit. ‘I'he first leaf was covered by gefapanuvd of
seven kinds. Then he prayed that through the power of Buddha the
grubs might leave: the grubs left. When the plant grew to its seventh
node, it bore an ear of golden hue. This ear was covered by seven
kinds of flies. Then also he entreated Buddha’s supernatural power,
and the flies disappeared. That paddy was then pounded, the rice
boiled and offered for that day’s noon-meal of the said Buddha.
“ By the influence of the same Buddha let the worms quit the plants
to-day also.”
Walking round the field repeating the above is supposed to
destroy getapanuvd.
(6)
Seven of these grubs are collected from a plant, and the follow-
ing pire repeated over them :—
GIG OBE Ga) GomMes Hs,
B66, BS HOGDOdS eae oH GoM.
“‘ May the all-auspicious goddess of speech (Saraswati), the bestower
of the essence (of wisdom and eloquence), who dwells in the lotus-like
mouths of the illustrious and eminent sage Narada, &c., preserve you
(from all evil).”
Three are then burnt with pas-pengerz (five bitter kinds of
wood), and the remaining four enclosed in four pieces of reed and
buried at the four corners of the field. During the performance
of this ceremony the Katiddiyd should be naked, and at its con-
clusion remain dumb for seven peyas in an unfrequented place.
(1I.) Against Kokkandvé (Grubs).
After dark a man steals three dlapata (ekel-brooms) from three
different houses. I'hese he ties together with hehipittan-vela
(creeper) and hangs it to his waist-string behind. Proceeding
to the field, he walks three times round it, buries the bundle in
the main vakkada (opening through the dam) and returns home
unobserved. ‘The whole time, and if possible till next morning,
he remains mute.
(III.) Against Messé (Flies).
(a)
The Yakdessa should spend the previous night in a lonely spot,
after having put on clean clothes (piruwata) and eaten ‘“‘milk-rice”
(kiri-bat).. The following morning, without communicating with |
any one, he should go to the field. Having caught a fly, he must
No. 26.—1883.] PADDY CULTIVATION CUSTOMS. 75
hold it for a while in rosin smoke, over which he has muttered
the following charm 108 times, and afterwards release it in the
field :—
ANNOO! esost alg CGnwTonsIod Seq ON Qo6 Snes
OHNND EQMIAMD Is pamadss, ¢est OF OMA, OS Oost,
a® Qow, amd&at Odas!, aomvSE SQads, amBO 82a OH
Jed)o2
HOOI HSQWMNDS CCASOCGUOIMHastd MSsd cos ast Oe
Oxnie, est AST Ostoals, ee) OiWdonia, eo QiWdowla OF omast
O58 ®o Go ASosTsad.
O'nnamé ! By the power of Lord Buddha who came to dispel the
pestilence of the great city Wisdla, this very day all ye flower-ties,
black flies, proboscis-armed flies, and earth grubs of this field, away,
away (ddu, 6du); stay not. Letit beso! (E’suvah ).
Namé! Ye flower-flies, proboscis-armed flies, tiny flies, ash flies, born
from the mouth of Gaja-kumba-dala-rdksha-déwatdwd, go, stay not in
this field. In the name of the Triad (O'n Trin) and Kataragama
Deviy6 ( Baranét). Be it so!*
(b)
The following well-known gdthdwa is recited 108 times over
some sand, which is strewn in the field at dusk, while four lamps
(the oil used having been prepared without ae tasted) are kept.
burning at its four corners :—
CHVVESISELS PINS Mo
ADCO CSHOsE,
BOIUMSS Od ESM
OD QSIDHIWDe
Abstain from all sin ;
Acquire merit ;
Purify the heart:
This the Buddha’s commandment.
“ Evil swells the debts to pay,
Good delivers and acquits.
Shun evil, foliow good; hold sway
Over thyself. ‘This is the way.”’
(Light of Asia. )
Throughout the performance of this hema, and until next morn-
ing, the person so occupied must not converse with anybody.
* Almost every charm begins with the words O'p Trip, which in Sanskrit
are an invocation to the Hindi Trinity.” The Kattdédiyds not being wor-
shippers of that Trinity, and not understanding the purport of the words, but
attributing to them some mysterious mayical properties, freqient'y add them
to Sinhalese charms, in which the virtues and omnipotence of Buddha are
dercribed, in very grandiloquent style, to the exclusion of those of the Hindu
rs Ee Mishel aed orga (
, ere i
76 . JOURNAL, R. A. 8S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII.
: (e)
With red sandalwood, ground to powder, this stanza is written
on a rabana, or the drum of a tom-tom :—
BON IKEA SCSES DaeyVQODs SHE Moo}
ammaes SSRAE Md BEAVIHd SHERNSRS
DHaHVoSS © Sexs Gana OeG83 Ars PMOQAI A Dpo
QECEBOH CNBEBA> OONH BOLDHN wDsiGond).
By the receiving of perceptive power (in religious studies) these
three (false) pursuits, viz., worldly desires, doubts, and unorthodox
observances, are dispelled: he escapes from the sufferings of the four
hells: he is incapable of committing the six great sins. In the Sangha
this gem-like state is noble. By this truth may all (sentient) beings
benefit.
A lamp fed by méted (oil of the Bassia latifolia), which has
been hallowed by the recital of the gdthawa over it, is placed in
the field inside a mal-nelak (temporary altar decked with leaves
and flowers). At dusk a man should walk round the field repeat-
ing the same stanza and beating the said tom-tom with a piece
of kayila-vela (creeper). Thisdone, he must retire by the entrance
he came in at, elosing it, and sleep that night in an untenanted
house.
(5.)
THe Kamata, or Toresuine-FLoor.
“When they are to tread their corn,” writes Knox (p. 11), “they
choose a convenient adjoining place. Here they lay out a round
piece of ground, some twenty or five-and-twenty foot over, from
which they cut away the upper turf. ‘Then certain ceremonies are
used. First they adorn this place with ashes made into flowers
and branches and round circles. Then they take divers strange
shells and pieces of iron, and some sorts of wood, and a bunch of
betel nuts (which are reserved for such purposes) and lay all
these m the very middle of the pit, and a large stone upon
them.”
See also Mr. Brodie’s Paper in C. A.S. Journal, 1849, p. 25,
and Davy’s Ceylon, p. 275 (where a wood-cut is given),
triad. Sometimes, however, the names of Brahma, Vishnu, Siva, and other
Hindu deities are found mixed with those of Buddha and other Buddhist
divinities in irretrievable confusion inthe same charm. Nearly every charm,
Sanskrit, Sinhalese, or Tami], ends with L’srdj—a corruption of the Sanskrit
Sudha, corresponding to “ Amen” in meaning. (C. A. S. Journ. 1865-6, p. 53.)
> es). Ti water) Fond fete, ee |
a eee? ad
is oy sai] .
Vest ita") *
ve
en :
No. 26.—1883.] PADDY CULTIVATION CUSTOMS.
~t
~~?
Much the same ceremonies have been noted in India :—
- Idangal panni sutti seyté
Lita pida mitilé
Adanga nirum puje seytu
Arun davangal pannuvir
‘Clearing a place, an altar
Ye raise upon the site ;
And heaping ashes on it,
Perform ye many a rite.”
(“ Tamil Popular Poetry,” by Dr. Caldwell, in Ind. Ant., Vol. I.)
“ When Gonds, Kurkus, or Bharias start together in their él
crops, they take with them some ashes and Indian cornseeds, and
as they go along they keep making circles with the ashes, and place
in their centre the seeds of the corn. ‘This practice is supposed to.
keep away allthe bad will of the devas.”—( Notes on the Bharias,
by C. Scanlan, Assistant Surveyor, in Ind. Ant. Vol. I. p. 159.)
According to Mr. Ievers (C. A. S. Journ. 1880, p. 52, Diagram)
the figure described on the threshing-floor by the cultivators of
the Kégalla District consists of no less than seven concentric
circles with four cross lines.
This is a noteworthy departure from the diagram usually seen
elsewhere. Throughout the low-country not more than three
concentric circles with two diameters between the cardinal points
would seem to be drawn.
Precise directions regarding the preparation of a threshing-floor
are laid downin the Muhurtta-chintdmant (stanzas 257-261) :—
MECISayzSY.
257
ig MD HH OB ocRdat KB Ew
OMgET DS TY e5occoe BD eH
QVENY DONMBKonM Bd, DiMA &
GDH OSHS) MESS am &Eove
Ce. © ©
Pe yt As-< | Abas oA > SEN eT RE hes Pe DP he Rs ee eae
* ¥ *
Ae ¥i\7 i ; ;
c , > are 4 a Hea x : “ POA hay
rs bie Pint r 2 ie! ’ A eaten stat ANSE ats
te : 5 = if y »
A
78 | | JOURNAL, RLCk Ss (CEYLON). | [Mol Vi = 3
ae 258
BO MD ocodd MODES omen Kamo
DDOMID yEDHOIO MD FO Ho
QieBNEMS OadsaOIMa.M ado®
MAA BGOMDOODS HOIMOCS OO62S8
259
O26 @8DG SOY omens BS
OSSED CGHSHDDWOOGM AGO
96 At MDD DCiq BANOHIGY O©
DS OCES Oa _Aada OHo®™
260
6A ANE DiEeMeTsyd dato
BA DAIEHO OVA VS OH F1
BA CBB BEoe~m ¢Ad3 Mco@
HAD, eHow ones ma go6sjo
261
| SiHsd ee ANAM 0d)
OMOE OTT BRBOES aE OSB ap
ESODSS &O DATS “HdMom
HDQMOss OF Gig HS MOM
865 8
& & & §
QA
OMOMOMO,
To make a Threshing-floor.
257.
Draw three circles and two diameters between the four cardinal
points, and place the twenty-eight neke¢ in the four directions on the
sides of the lines. Calculate the threshing-floor circle towards the right
from the nekata on which the sun stands, starting from the East.
258.
The-sixteen neket standing on the outer and second circular space
towards the four directions are profitless and bad : likewise the eight
on the third space : the middle four are fortunate. Reckon Southwards
from East to West finishing again at Hast.
259.
Of the 16 portions of ground described by ancient sages” select those
* The sixteen portions of land, as given in the Mdydmataya, are the
following :—Sinhdkéraya, Sérdékdraya, Brahmakdraya, Subhrdékdraya, Gajd-
kdaraya, Gdéndharvdkdraya, Chatrdkdraya, Patrdkdraya, Karasedidkdraya,
Chaturtvékdraya, Rékshamukhékdraya, Trisuldkdraya, Gangdkdrdya, Varahd-
karaya, Kurmmiakdraya, Nandakéraya. Jalatalékdraya. To these are some-
times added Karatalakdraya, A’yatandkaraya. In pdda-bedima, or dividing
into building lots, the subdivisions are:---Brahma-pdday4, Dewa-pddaya,
Manussiya-pddaya, Preta-padaya, of which the last is never selected as a site,
nor those portions of the others called technically deli and katura.
i
af
f
chy
‘
No. 26.—1883.] Pappy CULTIVATION CUSTOMS. 79
lying Hast and North. Choosea lucky héra* in Tunuturu neket (Uttara-
pala, Uttarasala, Uttaraputupa) on Guru (Thursday). The threshing-
floor thus constructed will ensure success as desired.
260.
In the midst of fortunate Bamba (Brahma) portion, dig the arakvala
(lit. ‘protection hole’), clear the boundary drain, and have the arakgala
(‘guardian-stone’) brought and placed by the hands of a male child with
perfect features like Zurupati (moon.)
261.
Joyfully bathe the body with perfumed water: there sacrifice duly
to the demons, offer ashes charmed by maniras, and encircle the thresh-
ing-floor with a thread hallowed by the Navaguna-gdthava.
The MS. from Pasdun Koralé gives a somewhat different dia-
gram.
MSS ODS.
E
eo
OL TOH OEOQIICH FO eH® SD
OE OE GONADS 9A SCE OONSE
SSVEOSIE? EPMO BOM
MH esd am ooChD ¢H Rs
5888
Threshing -floor Diagram.
The eight neket next the twelve at the cardinal points are unlucky.
Know that the middle eight neket will bring luck. Place ivi (sun) at
the top (starting point) and calculate Southey ards. Thus counting,
resolve the Beresipae oer diagram.
* “ Astrologers suppose that the same seven gods to whom the supervision
_of the days of the week are appropriated, preside over each successive seven
hérds, beginning from that one to whom the day belon gs, but in the following
order, Sun, Venus, Mercury, Moon, Saturn, Jupiter, and Mars,”--C. A.S.
Journ, 1856-8, p. 182.)
BO JOURNAL, R. A. &. (CEYLON). [ Vol. VIII.
(6.)
(1.j\—Tue AnpuKkerI/MA CEREMONY.
The form of the A’ndukertma ceremony (though not known
under that name) as practised in the Siyané Kéralé differs to some
extent.
After the corn is threshed and before removing the straw from
the kamata, five cultivators, each taking a deti, repeat the fol-
lowing words thrice :—
Q56, DNMDODD SZONHECHCOMDIS YBCToOIT wot ArHast
OHDHD: OsciBS o¢8 BDDVOSD BEOD OSIC1MI9) EWCOE E19
BY0a) AcIoss OCOSH DNdOGS SHoss soon anoosée
Aamaeeg SE ROME SB MES0a Hxsd ocasl me
2@EOO ¢®
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653 653 Oe.e53
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SAHOCONDMNSO OAMCAC) 41CS
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OESowt DNB
OMISOGI Dj DNS
OLE OD SSMDOVNY
9) anes ooE
Iridé mé nekatin Samanalagalabodin ela migon sat banak gennava ekst
desi tunsiyen sali mada poru gdva elaval era biju vada ekpeti depett
tunpeti paspeti sapeti satpetidi bandialvd pidi hiriveda pest kalavitak
sassavd goyan hapa kalavitata dama.
Deti deti humana deti
Ran deti ridi deti
Katupila nika demata kobbé koson dett
Menan deti pasak gena
Pas denek sita kola sala elate
Dennek gon dakkati
Deviyo veda sititr
Goviyo veda karati
Meda mé raja kamatata
Ita yahapati polt.
Seven yokes of white buffaloes having been brought from Adam’s Peak
at Mdnekata on Sunday, when the first, second, and third ploughings
have been performed, and the mud Jevelled, with poéru, channels opened,
seed sown, the paddy (plants) risen to their first, second, third, fourth,
fifth, sixth and seventh nodes, and become pregnant with ears, the ears
appeared and the grain matured. After the threshing-floor has been
PEE th, |
No. 26.—1888.] PADDY CULTIVATION CUSTOMS. Sl
prepared and the crop reaped and placed on the threshing-floor, five
persons separate the straw (from the paddy) with five deti-—
Deti, dett, what detz ?
Gold deti, silver detz,
Katupila, nika, demata, kobbé, koson dete.
Taking five of these detz,
Five (men) stand and toss the corn:
Two (men) drive the bullocks :
The god looks on:
Cultivators work.
May manifold return attend this royal kamata this
(harvest) time!
Compare the Harvest song (Huttari) of the Coorg ryots
(Gover’s Folk-songs of Southern India, p. 121) :—
“‘ First they pray that God’s rich grace
Still should rest upon their race.
Waiting till the gun has roared
Milk they sprinkle, shouting gay,
Polé! Polé! Devaré!
Multiply thy mercies, Lord !
(II.)-—-Tae AmAketh CEREMONY.
It is interesting to find an analogous custom, mutatis mutandis,
existing to this day in many rural districts of England, and
markedly Devonshire and Cornwall.
The custom of “crying the neck”—a relic of old heathen
worship, whether of Teutonic or Celtic origin, to the goddess who
presided over the earth’s fruits—is thus described in Mrs. Bray’s
“Traditions of Devonshire” :—
‘** When the reaping is finished, towards evening the labourers
select some of the best ears of corn from the sheaves. ‘These they
tie together, and it is called the zack. ‘The reapers then proceed
to a high place. The man who bears the offering stands in the
midst, and elevates it, while all the other labourers form them-
selves into a cirele about him. Each holds aloft his hook, and in
a moment they all shout these words: -Arnack (or ah nack),
arnack, arnack; wehaven (pronounced wee-hav-en), wehaven,
wehaven. ‘This is repeated three several times.”
Arnack, meaning “a bunch of ears of corn,” when thus coupled
with wehaven expresses either a wish for a prosperous (Norse,
velhavende) harvest, or the joy that its labours are ended (we-
have-it), See Notes and Queries, 5th Series, Vols. VI., IX.
L
[Vol. VIIL
‘
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(Apped) 300) |
7
[Vol. VIII.
JOURNAL, R. A. 8. (CEYLON).
84
“m0 190 7) 200 edipop |-ee vavdrpop oe BAAG | °°° euryqsung
“mL ee “m0 “se ueanpow — se nanpid |*** MBIYC
Ze, e eAtkos-naod |*"° vktkos — a eansod |*** parvoq Sarqjooug
eaguuedly | * eqyo39p | vavuuedyy ore a 29999 |" SPLOIS |
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ekoq-nury |" vuyq |**° efoq-[oa — ee eueg |" (ayo) odoy
Teq-tpeasl yo yedejequy | Ty pea = ie yedvyeqey j"* (pepunod) oory |
navqqnd |* unaoqqud |*** “mu 5a uvanaeqqnd |*** qeq |'"* (payooo) sory
a ee ‘m2 see “ 560 uvdigdd |->: yi" (mea) v01y
1pes-ly “pr 208 eleyeq j°°° NANG UIe}-Urq |*°* eylezeq |**° (Jo0MS) 003840q
ehoq-uvysquied | uey-josoy |" tavped-eyea | peu-ejeyey [or Udy-[Osoy | "°° UrIezUB[ I
Ree eee
oe a pan | eg ftanqeiog | * edvavyey | em |" Sty
“pr 660 “pu eee “pu Oy ‘ 49q coe TA coe Appeg
—_ at 12 — e CIVABATD-NpeA |*** (Oise = IO |
pr ore “mt vee 1hoq eS eee du s00 ON
peat eS ZANUITCA =e eek vtepogqrva |°** BUUTUIIT ‘eALUAT@A |*"* Igdp INojy
BANUIT[IA § , / fees “
BUOS-SRS | waInpura — ves edipos-njex |""° yanpuea|“* (faa) Lesuoyy |
eAvquid-BiId |**" BALTLT — nee YUBYBO-Sdy |" : Bavria | Cumorq) Loyquojy |
womamo | ERT | iam | AST | GSS | west
“panuruoo7—JOOY-SUIYSoIY], OY} 7B posn SuIIO], [RUOCT}UPATIO/) esoTeytirs jo LSI] DALLVAVAWOD
8)
1883.]. PADDY CULTIVATION CUSTOMS.
No. 26,
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86 JOURNAL, R. A. 8. (CEYLON). — [Vol. VIII.
(8.)
Bai, or Dees.
Strictly speaking, orthodox Buddhists are enjoined to set apart
from their ‘‘ worldly goods” five dues (bal) :—
. Rdja-baliya, the tithe due to the king.
Deva-baliya, the portion offered to the gods,
. Nati-baliya, the share given to kinsfolk.
. Atithi-baliya, the guests’ or wayfarers’ portions.
. Pubba- Préta-baliya, the portion allotted to the shades of
the departed.
Of these bali, the first three are specially required of culti-
vators: the other two should be discharged by all persons.
The Raja-baliya ought to be paid over in the field itself; the
rest at home.
In former times grants of land were apportioned by the Kings
to different Devdalés and Koyils, where distinct gods were not
infrequently worshipped.
Thus, to this day, the adjoining hamlets of Kalutara, on the
north and south of the Kaluganga, retain the names Désapura or
Deésastara, and Vélapura. ‘The former is said to derive its name
from Deévasdstra, a synonym of Vibhisana, brother of Ravana,
the mythical ruler of Laika and abductor of Sita ; the latter from
the war on the seaboard (Véld) in which Kanda Kumara also
rendered substantial aid to the bereaved Rama against Ravana.
On this account it is asserted that Kataragama Deviy6 is espe-
cially honoured south of the Kaluganga.*
—
cr wb 69 LO
(9.)
INCANTATIONS USED IN DEvVIYANNE DANAYA.
(l)-DASQVocSadtod cod oc od@dd
BSD co»SsavIay.
DOODMNES HHDOSN FOHOIY BOMHDH) ras.
Gad !
1. mesancgeat agosva:
DCADBANEGANIO AEOSTVA:
QOHE SIA BWODSY YEISA :
QOMNES EHHMO FACES:
EHHAMDO BODBSHND MES :
COBMDO HIGIZSND MEVENamMe ahedsya !
* The above ingenious but fanciful derivations are given for what they
are worth.
No. 26.—1883.] PADDY CULTIVATION CUSTOMS. 87
2. MOE OO cngnnst ae DOSGoed NVWSIH anes
DD WMAQWAosi onIwwm nade!
BSIOBTIHNOS :
Bade SBOE DE OmMaS :
3. MIE DEH DIAHD® SLaD HawNaMom GIGqyEdso
OBADADOHDADSOOSIS PDIADONASIOSO RaNMHNneYd onm
260298,
BSAIORDRNVS :
Badlde 28015 VE6OMIS :
4. DDE O€OEHO@ION FHS QHEWMGOsIoMOMAnDT Vosts
BSOSNVE:
Bae 2915 DOM;
BATIaONHNYS:
5. MVE FDS S.OB EUQOD WNOKHSD FDS EDnaqoardinnoOas
DdIVANIS,
BSOMOIS :
HaddEe 68OIS DESMIS :
BsIodNoS:
6. MVE GOOD GSEeMAID®D ender HoIdsavest meoen
BBlia GOROCIDG BMmnOQa adcqnnsdonodod osed
SAHBaaay SONS HAMAS BMEDAOSIODUMNS Dostoxd
OHSS endD © EAD BWIESIS MOGMO NM FIOM GDS
SHOODANS BOCISC 486 Ds) DOLWDIHINGiWD DI DBINDO
Bd Ges HOSInnOwNs3 Von,
EHSOTNOS:
Bae 28015 DES MIS:
7. RAGE YET eODoOMAaIaAGE SBan Gnas aDdoO
DEEDIS DYEiTT VOSS OEY SNES OG2WICHV ODmmMNISad od
DESY HS) MDIOOD OCHEHD GHHHSD Olea ongrewe
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SHWVO NIA DYNES SOKO RAD MNNCV EddMd MDM
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BSsaTNOS:
8. MDE OD FHIOHMCOsK SHoIB mso Aeodsa Dead
PBHAIMS VDRIAD SMEs GOSIDHIHMOAIOH ss,
SBSIONdOIS :
Bae 26015 DEOMDE :
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9. MDE BODHAMO SHMGO, GDHemdDd, cOHe Swasadso
BO, HASOD OEMESHD VDEOMS D6 BaVYHeEWagosian®ca
NIWNS,
BSOTINVWS :
BIIE KBOIS DE OMIA.
88 JOURNAL, R. A. S. (CEYLON). — [| Vol. VIII.
Namo Tassa Bhagavaté Arahato Sammé Sam Buddhassa.
Permission !
1. Be thou Buddha to the end of a kalpa:
Be thou Buddha for immeasurable time:
Be thou Buddha whilst sun and moon exist :
Be thou Buddha for a thousand full kalpas :
for a thousand intermediate kalpas :
for a thousand samavarshaptana kalpas :
for a thousand dyu-varshaptana kalpas !
2. O Sahampati, mighty lord Brahma, who with one finger supportest
these 10,000 universes (sakwala),
accept our merits :
pardon our offences :
hear us!
3. O illustrious Vishnu, great heavenly king, who residest on Vayi-
kundika Mount, listen to the prayers addressed to thee,
accept our merits:
&C., &e.
4, O Sakra, mighty king of heaven, lord of two god-worlds,
accept our merits :
cece &c.
5. O great heavenly king I’svara, the presiding deity of the I’svara
cycle of twenty years,
accept our merits ;
SEC Ore:
6. O great Vishnu, heavenly king, who art seatedst on the back of a
full-grown garuda, of blue colour, of eminent valour, who measuredst
out this Latika in three footsteps, when entrusted to thee by the
heavenly king Sakra, during the existence of Buddhism, of our
omniscient, true, and perfect Lord Buddha, Teacher of the Three
Worlds (Buddha-sésanaya) that will last 5,500 years, to show to the
inhabitants of this glorious Latika the path to the bliss of the great
‘‘death-ceasing” Nirvana,
accept our merits :
&e., &e.
7. O Kataragama Kandaswimi, of the race of the four gods, Upulvan
(Vishnu), Saman-boksalla, Vibhisana, and illustrious: Narayana Katra-
gama Kandaswami, who presidest over Devundara Dévalé, Maha
Kataragam Dévalé, Kuda Kataragam Dévale, Punnaswaram Dévalé,
Sellandawa, Rankanda, Ridikanda, Menikgangava, Trinigangava, Wala-
végangaga, Tembilivimanaya, Kiri Vehera, listenewith divine gracious-
ness to the prayers addressed to thee,
accept our merits :
SC., &c.
No. 26.—1883.] rpapDDY CULTIVATION CUSTOMS. &Y
8. Oheavenly king Nata, who hopest to become a Buddha when five
kalpas have expired, ©
accept our merits :
&e., &e.
9. O heavenly king Saman, presiding over Samantakuta Parvata
(Adam's Peak), Divaguhfva, sacred lotus-like Samanala Sripada,
Sabaragamuwa Dévalé,
accept our merits :
(vat ae &e.
(Il. )—-SSensSOo Han oEsvar.*
aSSAS oo8BSCD Dasoacd 8 eo8™
BSCMI cM SrDSedomBst
ODINSED® 3dS DAM SDONICK ST
HYIDA od aos OMB OO o=m I Hodsd
BOdOnsS eHoe Voz GODS sty
EMIDOHDD 6RHO EA COHIORMIMBEDSEODES
OCVODST OE Dae BODDVOCrOBST
GCETdacd ec ODAC ASISODOAIS act
OniBad aacsyer SNS 68 OMEO@st
DEQSACDNO SG QOMONES) oBact
OGQDOV9O CE OOK 3 E1OGKRS O=Msocsst
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BASSO ESqest OD1O ODI TT ONA<HOs
Dawes esd Dost SINE) VaIEDs
|
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SrHeIsnoonsd ESomws 6YEWO
Qise O86 EsIAOESI ONEMACD C¢dSst
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SENSTIBS Est
SeomAedsooost
ONMASD ondMdact
ESCO ODICad
* This yédinna—a very disjointed and hardly intelligible account of
Pattini’s birth—is used during the “Airi ttaravimea” ceremonial.
M
90 JOURNAL, R. A. 8. (CEYLON). [Vol, VIII.
HAMowgstI OH ows BSDeEMOIOT
QQ Ooo Bst GaSD enSast
QiSi OBISASCree ESODHGD gatast
OMANI CavcomBost EIsd V6Eesteasd
BG CSEnonad GOS BOIS acHaast
OIE ELVOVEg OST OSD) OOBED
Q7VOD som Kast ENBANC SABWsIOo
1369360 DAGasT EQS) E@ssds
OGSO AN cmBan CONS Oa) Esso
CIL.)—ASEDIM O2EI99 Gas wd.*
1. B8acoosyd odsd 8 Od
BHoanoNes 159 8 os
DEN STH eRsd GB ot
233 OOOCS Sade ood
2. Goa8S Ga odeGao S)
OEDYHSIS TDS 2)
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RoD AEs oasst&a dD 3)
3. cad Qe scang Cu
DOWUAES BHA OE Ox
OHosd BSE ose Dida 1
DHIOD RO FEQVNA Ou
4. Bed0 SE oanRad oe
OWA KH AZEoD @as
DD GRWast eaaVst ogi
QBS ods BD @<I
5. gnonngde &d Gas
OMECH IG Veq SO ¢
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963 EA FQOH g
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GOB @Os Doxas & Q
623 ad de GO 2)
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7. 0S BO BRoea BEM @
OS ODES HEC OOM GO QS CE)
Bann etssidsae 013 OG @3
Qi03 OOH 6,8 Goud @
* A mere fragment in verse of the story of Pattini, recited subsequent to
the yddinna given above. For a fuller account of the goddess see: the
Pattin-héila.
No. 26,—1883.] PADDY CULTIVATION CUSTOMS.
8.
‘‘Parted from my spouse, I am left alone :
Left to stifle my heart’s love:
Lefé with the grief born on that day—”’
Thus mourneth Pattini.
“« My spouse has gone to trade
To the great city Madura.
How many gows is it distant?
Say, Kali; comfort me.
‘ Like the hare in moon midst,
So lived we in fond love.
My spouse is a good helpmate;
Why comes he not to this day ?
“Offered they not for the bracelets ?
Has change come o’er his mind?
Or mayhap some other sorrow
Has delayed my lord.”
Wiping tears that well in her eyes,
Cheeks, body, back, all,
W’en to her foot’s sole,
Lifeless as a log remain,
To milk the cow she forbiddeth,
Though the calves stand lowing ;
Breaking the pinfolds they burst forth,
By tens they seamper home.
OSE BCMDOONH QBs Va os
OSE DawsoOsy OOBs 2H ad
OSE aecos® BHowaE on ad
oasse daocsd esis ocd @cs
Q806390R3 B85 swmost os)
GEaG Vest gO Qrast ost
OOPIDOHOO BSN ogdss asd
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BOESas} 25 sass Oss H&a&.
SeqQocSow 25 mBmas ost Meas.
BNBEADOO, MS sndoHsy os M&ad.
MUMNOESS BS qHdast asd Hak.
BONagdSs BS sodost Os mess.
SHanocd BS modasi Os} HEaS.
AMocSoal 2S sWmost Oss MESS.
SHBAoacS BS wMmost ass BES.
Maea¢cds RS sdsnst asd MER.
OcodE o¢de BS mma oss
» Qoaeacdss RS Sodyost oss
y
92 JOURNAL, R. A. 8. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII.
7. The ground is hoed and neatly trimmed,
Pure white sand brought and strewn ;
For the advent feast of holy Pattini.
Descend to this city dispelling evil!
8. By irdi with the bracelets she came ;
By irdi came she on foot ;
By irdi the bracelets shone like fire.
Guard and bless us, Pattini!
9. Osun god! accept our milk offering :
Pardon the faults thou knowest :
Bestow happiness on these patients :
O Sun god! accept our milk offering.
10. O Moon god! &c.
11. O Vishnu! &c.
12. O Kanda Kumara! &c.
13. O Nata! &e.
14. O Saman! &c.
15. O Vibhisana! &s.
16. O Ganadevi! &c. —
17. O; Pattini! &e.
18. O Vasala Devi! &c.
19. O Devol Devindu! &c.
20. O Mangala Devindu! &c.
(10.)
Story or RALAHAMTI.
Long ago in Kosgama,a village of the Western Province,
there lived a man of respectable birth, called Kuda Ralahami, who
was suffering from the worst form of that loathsome disease,
parangt. ‘This man, as an outcast, was forced to live alone, apart
from haunts of men, in a pela, or small hut, for fear lest others
might be cursed with the same complaint. His meals were every
day brought and placed on a stone or other elevation not far from
the pela, by his relations, who shunned his very sight, under the
belief that his mere glance falling on them would suffice to com-
municate the fell disease.
One cold rainy evening an dndiyd, or fakir, took shelter under
his roof, and to keep them both warm kindled a fire near the hurdle-
chelf (messa) on which Ralahami slept, laying himself down
close by. During the night the pela took fire, and the fakir
perished in the flames,the leper barely escaping with his life naked.
No. 26.—1883.] PADDY CULTIVATION CUSTOMS. 93
The next morning the man who brought his meal as usual found
the pela burnt to the ground and the charred remains of a human
body. This he naturally concluded to be Ralahami, and returned
home with the news to the relations, who were secretly glad to be
rid of the burden.
Meanwhile the unfortunate man, who had been the whole day in
the jungle without food or clothing, made his way at night to his
own home, and knocked at the door. ‘Yo his surprise the door was
shut again as soon as opened, and a voice said: “ Hush! Ralaha-
mi, who was burnt to death, has come back to revenge himself on us
as a Mala-Yakd.” Understanding by this that it would be im-
possible to get the people to believe that he was still alive,
especially in his enforced nakedness, he resorted to a plan for
securing a regular supply of food and of milk, of which he
was in special need, as from its coolness it would give him at least
temporary relief,
The following night stealthily entering a cattle enclosure, he
managed to drive out unobserved some young calves, and to
tether them in the jungle. ‘The next morning the owners missing
the calves, made every search for them, but in vain. A day or
two after the leper cautiously approached at dead of night the
_houses of the persons whom he had robbed, and knocking at the
doors, said in solemn tones—“‘ Spare Kuda Ralahami milk and
food daily, and your calves will be found!” ‘Thus saying, he hid
himself before they could open their doors, and see who knocked.
As they could not discover anyone near about, with innate supersti-
tiousness the cattle-owners imagined that some deity or demon
had filched the calves and thus notified his wants. ‘The following
day, therefore,they took care to provide milk and rice for Ralahémi,
who on his part allowed the calves to stray back to the pinfold.
The practice was continued so long as he lived, and it is said
that on his death he was metamorphosed into Kudd-Vakd, more
commonly known under the names Kuda-hdlahami or Kosgama
Peviyd, to whom offerings of milk are greatly acceptable.
We have not improbably here (with just such divergence as
would follow from the nature of the respective religious beliefs)
the counterpart of “ Robin Goodfel!ow,” for whom not many cen-
turies past our “‘ grandame’s maids were wont to set a bowl of
milk,”’* and whose frolies,as ‘‘ Hobgoblin” or “* Puck,” Shakespeare
has made familiar in the “ Midsummer Night’s Dream.”
—
«<¢ Tells how the drudging goblin sweat
To earn his cream bowl duly set.” —L?_Allegrg,
TE SL TA TEA
RANE
aaa)
ete
JOURNAL
CEYLON BRANCH
ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY
1884.
VOu. VILL PART I.
“The design of the Society is to institute and promote inquiries into the History,
Religion, Literature, Arts, and Social Condition of the present and former
Inhabitants of the Island, with its Geology, Mineralogy, its Climate and
Meteorology, its Botany and Zoology.”
| COLOMBO :
GEORGE J. A. SKEEN, GOVERNMENT PRINTER, CEYLON,
18865.
C. A. 5, JOURNAL,
Vol. VIII. No. 27, 1884.
By an oversight, the pagination was not
run on from “Journal Vol. VIII., No. 26,
1393."
It is not possible to correct the paging
neatly, except in manuscript. Members
are requested to do this for themselves.
The pages should run from 95—192,
ane. Part 1’ on the cover should. ie
struck out.
JOURNAL
CEYLON BRANCH
ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,
1884.
VOL. VIIL—PART I.
“The design of the Society is to institute and promote inquiries into the History,
Religion, Literature, Arts, and Social Condition of the present and former
Inhabitants of the Island, with its Geology, Mineralogy, its Climate and
Meteorology, its Botany and Zoology.”
COLOMBO :
GEORGE J. A. SKEEN, GOVERNMENT PRINTER, CEYLON.
1885.
W)
REPORT
ARCHAOLOGICAL DISCOVERIES
TISSAMAHARAMA,
SOUTHERN PROVINCE OF CEYLON,
BY
HENRY PARKER,
F.G.S., F.Z.8., F. R. HIST. SOC., &C.,
Irrigation Officer, Public Works Department.
[ Presented to the Society by His Excellency the Hon. A, H.
Gordon, G.C.M.G.]
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ENERALS OFFICE, COLOMBO
7%
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ROYAL pos He Coss
CEYLON BRANCH.
EV ORT ON ARCHAOLOGICAL DISCOVERIES
AT TISSAMAHA’RAMA.
By Hayry Parker, F.G.S., F.Z.8., F.R. Hist. Soc., &c.,,
Irrigation Officer. —
INTRODUCTION.
TISSAMAHARAMA is well known to be in the south-east of
the Island—twenty miles by road to the north-east of
Hambantota, and about six and a-half from the mouth of
the Magama or Kirinde-ganga. It is also known as the
site of the large dagabas built by Mahdnaga, the third son
of king Mutasiwa, and his successors—the chief one being
the Mahardéma—and of the Tissa tank, or Tissaweewa
(commonly called Tihawa), presumably constructed by the
same son of Mutasiwa, which has been restored during
recent years. Five miles from Tissawewa and three
from the village of Kirinde is the village of Mégama,
said to be at the site of the ancient southern capital,
Magama, on the bank of the Mégama-ganga. A mile
to the eastward of Tissawzewa is a larger shallow reservoir,
long since abandoned, the bund of which now goes by the
name of Yddaydkandiya. This tank is probably the
Dura and Duratissa tank of the Mahdvamsa. The waste
water of Tissaweowa flowed into this reservoir by a wide ex-
cavated channel, and there can be no doubt that the object
of this larger tank was the irrigation of a considerable part
of the land lying between Tissawzewa and the sea; Tissa-
wewa itself being of small capacity, and evidently originally
intended to provide water chiefly for the use of the large
28—85 A
2 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). ~ (Volk vitk
monastic establishment of the Tissa Wihdras, and for
the numerous residents in its immediate neighbourhood.
As the early monarchs of Anurédhapura devoted their
energies (after the introduction of Buddhism by Mahinda)
to the construction of edifices in the sacred grounds
attached to the Maha Wihara, so in the south the kings of
Magama have left, on a smaller scale, an interesting series of
remains at Tissawaewa, to testify their devotion to the reli-
gionof the “ Enlightened.” Whatthe Maha Wihara with its
numerous priests was to Anurddhapura, the Tissa Wihdras
were to the Magama of the period. At both capitals the
Jay buildings have almost disappeared.
As in the northern capital, the digabas constitute the
most imposing rains at Tissaweewa.
There are four principal dayabas lying in an irregular
east and west line, and also the ruins of two other minor
ones, the names of which are not known. Beginning at the
east, the names of the larger ones are, Sandagiri, Mahd-
riiwna, Yatthala, and Meenik déigabas ; and all four are locally
attributed to Mahdanaga, or the next kings, including
Dutthagdmini. Itisonly certain, however, that the Maharama
dates from the reign of Mahanaga, but it is most probable
that the Sandagiri dagaba is also one of his constructions,
and that the others were also built while Magama remained
the capital of a semi-independent Southern Kingdom, and
were due to either the same ruler or his immediate succes-
sors. The Yatthala and Menik dagabas are comparatively
small, Through the energy of two priests, the Maharama
has lately been restored, and little but the spire now remains
to be added ; this will bring the whole height to about 130
feet,—low in comparison with the immense structures of
Anuradhapura, yet enough to make the dagaba a prominent
and imposing object in the flat field below the Tissa tank.
It would be out of place to give in this report a detailed
description of these ddgabas. Although varying in the
number of basal platforms, all appear to be otherwise built
of solid brickwork laid horizontally, either dry or in mud,
and to be after the usual ancient type as regards relative
proportions. The unrepaired ones are in a very ruinous
state, but the priests in charge of them intend to gradually
place all the larger ones in order, and the work of restoration
No. 27.—1884.] tissamAHARAMA ARCH@OLOGY. 3
has this year been begun at two of them. The two first-
mentioned digabas are situated to the south-east of the
Tissa tank, a short distance below its enbankment, in what
is now the adat field ; the other two large ones lie to the
west of the tank, nearer the river (the “Mécama-ganga),
which flows past at a distance of two miles from the tank.
I may note here that Dr. Miller has inadvertently fallen
into an error in stating that this river flows through the
tank. (Ancient Inscriptions in Ceylon, p. 40, footnote.)
The water is brought from the river to the tank by means
of a deep excavated channel, several mileslong. In former
a the tank was supplied with water in a eanlan man-
, but by a channel following a different course from
that now adopted.
Surrounding these dagabas are numerous remains of
buildings which were doul btless, for the most part, wihdras
built either by Mahanaga and ie successors, or, in some
cases, by rulers of a somewhat later period. The statement
in the Mahdvarhsa (ed. Turnour, p. 217), to some extent
confirmed by the inscription in the Mahardma (Ancient
Inscriptions, No. 4), that King Ilanaga “enlarged the
Naga Maha Wihdra to the extent of a hundred lengths of
his unstrung bow”’—that is, some 600 feet in length—will
give an oa of the area once covered by these structures ;
but now all that is to be seen above-ground usually consists
of the upper part of a few squared, upright pillars, which
formed part of the walls, or assisted in supporting the roof.
On the western side of the Tissa tank, near the Menik
and Yatthdla digabas, and not far from the river, there
are (besides the buildings which were occupied by the
priests) several other remains of edifices which appear to
have belonged to influential members of the laity, as well
as the ruins of whatis said by’some to have been the royal
palace,* a large hall about 140 feet long by 70 feet wide,
* I should note, however, that the opinion of Jinaratana Terunnansé,
the priest who has charge of this place and the adjoining dagabas, is
that this was not a palace at any time, but a building belonging to the
Bhikkhu Congregation, and either a dining-hall (danasdla), or more
probably a hall for prayers (banasdla_); and that in this case the elephant
tied to the Aitabenduwa may have been a temple replant, ‘This
opinion appears to be well founded.
A 2
4 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vol. VIII.
of which the plain, rough, monolithic pillars, mostly upright,
standing at present from 12 to 15 feet above the ground-
level, are all that is now visible. These pillars, measuring
in cross section from 1 to 14 feet by 2 feet, and about 10
feet apart, may possibly have supported an upper room,
and all have sockets cut in their top for the reception of
beams.
Near this building is a very substantial, upright, octa-
gonal monolith, the “ Autabeenduwa,” mentioned by Dr.
Miller as bearing an inscription of the 6th or 7th century
A.D. (Ancient Inscriptions, No. 109), which is deeply
worn by both the neck and feet chains by which the tusk-
elephant was attached to it; and also has recesses cut in it
near the top for the reception of the beams on which the
roof of the elephant-shed rested. The more important
private dwellings in this quarter were surrounded by a
boundary wall of rectangular plan, which in some cases
enclosed an extensive area, in the middle of which stood
the house. The largest of these buildings was probably
the palace.
On the opposite, or eastern, side of the tank were few
buildings of magnitude ; but two large, prostrate, octagonal
pillars have been met with, bearing short inscriptions of a
much older date than that on the Atébeenduwa, and appa-
rently of the first or second century A.D. (See Appendix,
Note 2). [have alsoseen pieces of tile and pottery extending
for fully half a mile into the jungle, from the tank ; and
there appears to have been a large population on this side
also.
The accounts of early Simhalese rule neglect everything
which was not intimately connected with the rulers residing
in the northern capitals, and contain only occasional curt
notices of the capitals of ‘the subsidiary kingdoms or
provinces which at one time existed in Ceylon. Hven in
this fragmentary state of the history of the southern metro-
polis, Magama, it is surprising to find no special reference
to the construction of the important d4gabas at Tissaweewa,
more especially when it is considered that the chief one,
the Mah4rama, was by far the largest dagaba of its time in
Ceylon, and that it continued to be so for 80 years at least.
it can hardly be assumed that the northern historians
No. 27.—1884.] TISSAMAHARAMA ARCHMOLOGY. 5
were ignorant of the building of this structure. When,
however, the merely casual references to the Mahiyangana
and Keelaniya déigabas—both of them, in ancient times,
more sacred edifices in the eyes of a devout Buddhist—
are taken into consideration, it is clear that the silence
regarding these southern works is nothing unusual, and does
not afford any evidence against their presumed early con-
struction. Thereis no reason to doubt that the Maharama
was built by Mahandga, the younger brother of King
Dewdnampiya Tissa, and the inscription in it, copied by
Dr. Goldschmidt, leaves no uncertainty as to its bearing
its constructor’s name in the early part of the Ist century
A.D. It is explicitly stated also (Mah., p. 130) that
Mahdndga constructed the wihdra bearing his name, which
must certainly have been close to the dagaba.* This
necessarily implies the residence of a considerable monastic
fraternity at the spot, for whom a water-supply nearer than
the river was plainly indispensable. There could be no
water at the site, except during and immediately after the
rainy seasons; and [am aware of only one ancient well in
the neighbourhood, at the presumed royal palace. In order
to construct the dagaba also, as well as to prepare the clay
obtained on the spot for moulding the bricks of which
it is built, a water-supply must undoubtedly have been
provided.
The only regular water-supply which has ever existed
has been furnished by the Tissa tank, and the conclusion
is inevitable that the tank is at least as old as the dagaba
and wihara. Possibly it may have been in existence, as a
small tank, froma considerably earlier date, as there is
some reason for believing ; but, in any case, it cannot be
assigned to a later one,
This Tissa tank was extended “in like manner” (i.e. made
of largerarea, just as the dégaba and wihdra were increased
in size) by King Ilandga, 38-44 A.D. (Mah. 217)—a fact
which will be shown to afford some proof of the age of the
remains now reported on.
* The term “ wihara” is now held to refer to and include all the
buildings at a Buddhist monastery ; but in former times it seems
often to have been reserved for the houses only.
6 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). — [Vol. Vill.
The tank and dégaba were again repaired by King
Kanittha Tissa, 155-173 A.D., according to the Situl-
pahuwa inscription. (Ancient Inscriptions, No. 16).
As the date of the construction of these works is inti-
mately connected with the subject of this report, it is
important to endeavour to fix the actual time with some -
approximation to greater accuracy than the ancient histories
can lay claim to. Mahdndga settled at Magama soon after
Dewanampiya Tissa succeeded to the throne, which, accord-
ing tothe Mahavamsa, took place in 307 B.C, This event,
however, occurred considerably later,—apparently about 62
years afterwards, In dealing with this part of the subject,
Ihave taken the opportunity of investigating thechronology
of the previous rulers of Ceylon, and of drawing up a
corrected chronological table for them. If this has been
previously done, of which I am not aware, such a table
is, at any rate, not usually accessible to students in
Ceylon.
If we consider King Mutasiwa to have been 45 years old
when his youngest son was born—(his ten sons—if not
his two daughters—are explicitly stated to have been the
children of one mother; Mah., p. 128)--the following will
be the probable ages and lengths of reign of the earlier
Kings of Ceylon, according to the Mahévamsa:—
King. Accession. | Length of Reign. Age.
B.C. Years.
Wijaya eee 043 eee 38 we 65
Panduwasa Dewa ... 504 foe Rael) ie 55
Abhaya vee AAS aise 26 Sad 70
Pandukabhaya ... 437 oes 70 sen LOT,
Mutasiwa one 367 S00 60 ate hy eelekG
Dewdnampiya Tissa. 307 08 40 we 2 LOO
Uttiya eo 26h eo 10
Mahasiwa ae 257 Oe 10 Aareriatse (5) 5
Suratissa Bde 247 re 10 ei es
Sena and Guttika -.. 237 a 2p, or —
Asela om 215 a 10 we = 204
Elira we 905. 25 OO aa eo
Kakawannatissa --- — ome — cee 64
Duithagamini © ... 161 Bae DAS ee 0 68
Saddhatissa e6 137 wee ee als S4
Of course such ages would be utterly preposterous, in
i
ad
’
s
No. 27.—1884.] vTISSAMAHARAMA ARCHAOLOGY. 7
whatever climate, and it is quite plain that this chronology
has been deliberately falsified ; probably, as Turnour pointed
out, to make the period of Wijaya’s landing in the Island
coincide with the date adopted as the beginning of the
Buddhist era. Hxcept that Saddhatissa seems to have
lived to a suspiciously great age, and Klara to have been
too old to engage in single combat, even on an elephant,
with Dutthagamini, there are no data by which to prove
that any inaccuracy exists subsequent to the reign of
Asela. |
Taking, therefore, the date of Hlara’s accession as the
foundation on which to build up a less impossible chrono-
logical table, and accepting the periods of the Mahavamsa
only when in accordance with probabilities, we have first
the fact that Asela died a violent death about 205 B.C.
(Mah., p. 128.) He was the ninth son of Mutasiwa, Kira
being the youngest son. As, apparently, all his brothers,
except Suratissa, had previously died natural deaths, Asela
appears to have reached anadvanced age when Hara seized
the throne. If he was 75 years old when he was killed (an
age attained by few monarchs),—he was born in 280 B.C.
Thus, his youngest brother, Kira, cannot have been bora
earlier than 279 B.C. Considering that, as above stated, all
Mutasiwa’s children were the issue of one mother, it is
most improbable that this king was more than 45 years
old when his youngest son, Kira, was born. This will
bring the date of Mutasiwa’s birth to 324 B.C. It might
occur later, but it can hardly be assigned to an earlier
date.
Panduwasa Dewa died at the timeof Pandukabhaya’s birth
(Mah., p. 58), and his son Abhaya reigned 20 years before
Pandukabhaya, having made Suwannapali his queen, took
the field with his troops in the 17 years’ fighting, which
was ended by his acquiring the sovereignty. There are
some discrepancies in the account of this desultory war given
in the Mahavamsa (pp. 60-64), but as it is distinctly
stated, both in that history (p. 67), and in the Dipavamsa
ced. Oldenberg, p. 164), that the campaigns lasted 17 years,
that Pandukbahaya was 16 when he came under the
guardianship of Pandala, under whom he remained while
his education was being perfected (A/ah., p. 60), and that he
8 JOURNAL, R.AS. (CEYLON).__ [ Vol. VILL.
was 37 when he became king, we must conclude that the
statement as to his being married at 20 is correct. In this
case the birth of his son Mutasiwa may have occurred
when he was 21. Pandukabhaya was therefore born about
345 B.C., and ascended the throne in 308 B.C. It is
evident (Makh., pp. 65-67) that he reigned many years.
Practicaily, he built the city of Anurddhapura, which
doubtless previously resembled a large irregular village, or
a cluster of hamlets, rather than a town fit to be the capital
ofa kingdom. This wasafter he had “ tranquillized”’ the
country, aud fixed the village boundaries throughout the
island, which alone occupied 10 or 12 years of his reign.
Altogether, the length of his whole reign cannot have been
much less than 30 years from 308 to 278 B.C., and pos-
sibly it might be a few more.
Abhaya succeeded to the throne at the birth of Pandu-
kabhaya, thatis, in 345 B.C.
Panduwasa Dewa is said to have reigned 30 years (.Vaz.,
p- 58), that is, from 375 to 345 B.C.; and as there
are no data for correcting this period, it must be accepted
as accurate. Ile was unmarried when he assumed the
sovereignty (Jfak., pp. 54-55), so that we may presume
his eldest son, Abhaya, to have been . born about
373 B.C.
Upatissa held the sovereignty, as provisional ruler, for
one year previous to Panduwasa Dewa’s arrival—from 376
to 375 B.C. |
Wijaya is stated to have reigned 38 years ; this will bring
the date of his landing in Ceylon to 414 B.C. (Mah., p. 53).
While this event cannot be considered to have occurred
before 420 B.C., it may very possibly have happened some
years later—bejween 400 and 420 B.C. In view of the
Simhalese tradition that Wijaya landed in Ceylon at the
time of the Buddha’s death, I would invite special attention
to Professor Rhys Davids’ reasoning by which the date
412 B.C. is arrived at for the commencement of the
Buddhist era. (Coins and Measures of Ceylon, p. 65.)
Regarding the time of the accession of Dew4nampiya Tissa,
we have the statement in the Dipavamsa (XI., 14) that
‘when seventeen years of that king (that is, Asoka) and six
months of the next year had elapsed, in the second month
No. 27.—1884.| tTISSAMAHARAMA ARCHAOLOGY. 9
of the winter season, under the most auspicious Nakkhatta
of Asdlhd, Dewanampiya Tissa was installed in the kingdom
of Tambapanni.’ Asoka appears tohave ascended the throne
in 263 B.C. (Duncker’s Mistory of Antiquity, Vol. IV., p.
525, f.n.), and this will bring the date of Dewanampiya
Tissa’s accession to 245 B.C. According to this chronology,
Mutasiwa died at the age of 79, which is quite in accordance
with the statement that he attained a great age (Mah., p.
76). This nearly agrees, also, with the chronology in the
Dipavainsa that places Mutasiwa’s death at 74 years after
Chandragupta’s accession, which Professor Duncker fixes
at 315 B.C., by means of Greek chronology (loc. cit,
pp. 442-443.)
_ Assuming Mutasiwa to have been 45 years old, as above,
when his youngest son was born, it is not likely that he
would be less than 28 at the birth of his third son, Maha-
naga; that is, Mahdnaga was born somewhere about 296
B.C. This prince was thus about 51 years old when
Dewdnampiya Tissa became king in 245 B.C. Very shortly
after this he came to Magama, say in 243 B.C.; and if so,
we must assigo the construction of the Tissa tank and
great dagaba to about 230 or 240 B.C.
It will be found that this leaves very little time for the
princes of the Southern Kingdom between Mahdndga and
Dutthagdmini, and that ifthe above dates are to be depended
on as being even an approximation to the truth, it is quite
incorrect to state (as Turnour has done, on the authority of
the Tika, I presume), that Yatthdlaka Tissa was born during
the flight of his parents to Magama. Most probably both he
and his son, Gothabhaya, were born before their father finally
left Anurddhapura, and there is nothing to show that this is
not the meaning of the words of Mahinda’s prophecy to Dewa-
nampiya Tissa (Mak., p. 97). Itis much more likely that
Yatthdlaka Tissa built the dagaba which bears his name,
than that he was born at the spot. If his birth occurred
there while his parents were coming to Maégama, the date
cannot possibly have been much earlier than 243 B.C., yet
his grandson, Kékawannatissa, lived 64 years, and died in
161 B.C. In other words, according to this statement,
Yatthdlaka Tissa was born only 18 years before his own
‘grandson.
r
ally) JOURNAL, RAS. (CEYLON). Vol WEE
The revised chronological table now arrived at for the
early Simhalese Kings is, thus, as follows :—
Name of King. Accession. Length of Reigr. Probable age
B.C. Years. Years.
Wijaya coe 414 ses 38 ae 65
Upatissa aoe 376 Os 1 Hee as
Panduwasa Dewa... Sip bel, 30 ate 55
Abhaya Kee 345 a 26 70
Tnterregnum (Tissa) She nas 7 ae oe
Pandukabhaya — «. 308 cae sf OWS ge 67
Mutasiwa oe 278 oe SBC a wee 79
Dewdnampiya Tissa 245 |
Uttiya to Asela, six fe 73 pees
reigns vee =
Elara ere 205 ec6 44 sree 70
Dutthagémini cee 161 i. 24 oe 68
Saddhatissa bint 137 Bs 18 aa 84
This gives a mean of 19°1 years for each reign, or
almost the same as the average reigns of the English
sovereigns from the establishment of the Heptarchy.
From Wijaya to the accession of Hlara, the date from
which the table is calculated, the average reign is exactly
15 years, which is the same as the average for Indian Kings.
(Report on Archeological Survey of India, Vol. 1X., p. 180.)
I now venture to refer to a collateral subject, more inti-
mately allied to my report, regarding which there have been
many conflicting opinions, and on which much writing has
been expended without any satisfactory result, viz., the
site of the first capital of Ceylon—the city of Tambapanni,
founded by Wijaya. For many years it has been locally
held that the place called Tammanna Nuwara, a few miles
from Puttalam, was this city ; the only apparent reason for
the belief being the similarity of the names. Dr. EH. Miiller
has already stated that this place does not appear to have
been Wijaya’s city, and having visited the site with Mr. P.
Templer, when he was Assistant Government Agent of
Puttalam, I can quite endorse his opinion. The Mi-oya,
which flows past at the distance of fully a mile, is usually
dry in the summer months; there are no wells to be seen
at the site, wor was there any better water-supply for the
No, 27.—1884.] TISSAMAHARAMA ARCHHOLOGY. It
inhabitants than was contained in three very small shallow
tanks. This would undoubtedly not suffice for the wants of
any large population. | |
When the extreme likelihood that there were no artificial
tanks —or, at any rate, none but tanks of the smallest size—
in the Island before the advent of Wijaya is considered, the
absolute necessity of a previously existing and unfailing
natural water-supply at the site of the city, such as could
only be found in one of the rivers, is apparent. In their
need of fresh water the invaders must, without any doubt,
have landed at the mouth of one of the rivers. On this, if
the water-supply were sufficiently good, and to be depended
on, and other things were favourable, their first settlement
would probably be founded. ~Tambapanui must therefore
be looked for near the mouth of a river wnich always con-
tains a good supply of potable water near its mouth, yet
which is not liable to have its banks overflowed in the wet
seasons. This considerably reduces the list of possible sites.
For one or the other of these reasons the north-western
rivers —the Malwatta-oya (or Aruvi-dru), the Médaragam-
oya, the Kald-oya, and the Mi-oya—must all be abandoned,
as well as many other sites which have been suggested as
likely ones. Dr. Miller has expressed an opinion (Ancient
Inscriptions, p. 23) that the settlers may have merely come
across from South India, in which case, as he states, traces
of the capital should certainiy be in existence near either
the Aruvi-aru (or Malwatta-oya) or the Médaragam-oya.
But from my acquaintance with the lower portions of these
rivers, I am able to state that no such ruins are to be found
near their mouths.
In this uncertainty we have valuable evidence in the old
historical works, particularly in the Dipavarhsa, which
Dr. Oldenberg has shown to be an earlier work than the
Mahavamsa,and most probably to contain, in some measure,
literal extracts from the original Atthakatha. I venture to
annex an extract from it regarding Wijaya’s landing, the
italics being mine:
“ That crowd of men having gone on board their ship, sailing
on the sea, were driven away by the violence of the wind, and
lost their bearings. ‘They came to Lathkadipa, where they dis-
embarked and went on shore.........+..- The red-coloured dust of
12 "JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vol. VIII.
the ground covered their arms and hands; hence the name of
the place was called Tambapanni (copper-palmed). Tambapanni
was the first town in the most excellent Lamkadipa; there
Vijaya resided and governed his kingdoms-e..e+ooeee Many people,
crowds of men and women, came together, (hence each) prince
founded a town in the different parts. The town of Tambapanni
surrounded by suburbs, was built by Vijaya in the south on the
most lovely bank of the river......0.0+ The king called Vijaya
by name was the first ruler who reigned in Tambapanni over
the delightful island of Lamka. When seven years (of his
reign) had passed the land was crowded with people.” (Dip.,
p. 162.)
The remark in this extract that Wijaya and his followers
were “driven away by the violence of the wind” can only
indicate a belief, at the time when the Atthakatha was
composed, that they came to Ceylon during the north-east
monsoon. Sailing from the east coast of India—whether
in the south or as far as north as the Ganges—no other
wind could drive them to Ceylon. If this were the case,
it is improbable that they would attempt to land on the
east coast of Ceylon in such rough weather, exposed to the
heavy seas from the Bay of Bengal. Rounding the south-
east corner of the Island, the neighbourhood of Kirinde
would be one of the first places where they would have an
opportunity of coming safely on shore. The sentence
above quoted may thus be taken as a proof that at least
74 years before Christ Tambapanni Nuwara, of the exact
site of which the compilers of the Atthakatha must have
been aware, was known to be near the southern or
south-eastern coast, as in fact is explicitly stated later
on in the same extract, if we adopt Dr. Oldenberg’s
reading.
The next piece of evidence is contained in the Rajawalliya
(Upham’s ed., p. 168), which describes Wijaya’s arrival as
follows :—
* ssescoeveeee And when the said ship was sailing towards the
country, Rina-Rata, in the midst of the sea, they perceived the
large rock called Samanaktita Parwata or Adam’s Peak, in
Ceylon, and there they concluded amongst themselves that it was
a good country for them to reside in ; and so they landed at the
place called Tammannatota in Ceylon.”
“x
No. 27.—1884.] wissaMAHARAMA ARCHMOLOGY. 13
Tammannatota means the landing-place, or ferry, or port
of (or for) Tammanna. From the neighbourhood of Kirinde
the top of Adam’s Peak is visible, and of course the extract
plainly indicates that the port for Tammanna was believed
by the compiler to be in the Southern Province. There
was thus a decided consensus of opinion in former times
that Wijaya both landed and founded his capital in the
south of Ceylon.
Practically, this is the whole of the evidence which is
available regarding the arrival of Wijaya himself. But
there is very valuable information respecting the landing
of Wijaya’s successor, Panduwasa Dewa, who came from the
same place, and presumably took the same route to Ceylon,
less than 40 years afterwards. If it were shown that
Panduwasa Dewa landed in the north or west of Ceylon,
that would be no proof that Wijaya landed in that part
of the Island. But if it can be shown that Panduwasa
Dewa landed in the south or south-east of Ceylon, we
shall have strong presumptive evidence that he took the
same circuitous route as his predecessor. It is most
unlikely that he would travel several hundred miles more
than were known to be absolutely necessary ; if he came
to the south, therefore, he took the usual route of vessels
from the Ganges. Vessels from the Ganges must at —
first have all come during the north-east monsoon, just
as ships from the Far West were compelled to regulate
their voyages by the prevailing winds. The Rajawalliya
even says explicitly that Panduwasa Dewa arrived at ‘the
haven of Tammanna Nuwara,” thesame spot as Wijaya’s
landing-place, after coming by ship from Sithhala Nuwara
_(p. 168).
There is not the least reason for doubting the state-
ment in the Mahavamsa that Panduwdésa Dewa landed
at the port of Gonagama at the mouth of the great
Kandara river; and also that the Princess Bhaddhakacchan&
afterwards landed at the same site. According to these
authorities, Gonagdma is therefore the same spot as the
port for Tammanna Nuwara. As to this place, where
Panduwdsa Dewa disembarked, no uncertainty need
exist. I am now able to suggest with confidence that
this great Kandara river is no other than the Migama
i4 JOURNAL. RAS. (cuyzoy). A Nol Nile
or Kirinde-ganga ;* and, in proof of the identification, I have
discovered that ' Gonneainie | is yet the name of a apr! tank,
locally termed a mda} (still bearing its original appellation,
the penultimate syllable being of course shortened), near
the mouth of the river, about 24 miles from the sea. The
village has, however, disappeared.
A confirmation of this identification is to be found in Dr.
Miiller’s words (Ancient Inscriptions, p. 57) regarding the
grant by the A’pé Mahinda—recorded in the Mayilagas-
tota inscription (No. 120)—to the Maha Wihara and
the “ Uda Tisa piriwena.” Dr. Miiller identifies the site as
follows: —‘‘ By the Maha Wihdra, most probably, we
have to understand the Nagamahawihdara at Tissamaha-
rima, and the Udatisa piriwena is perhaps the Uddhakan-
dara Wihara mentioned at Mah., p. 130.” Asis well known
at Tissamaharama, Uda Tihawa is the present name of the
upper part of the Tissa tank. It once formed a separate
tank, the bund of which is now to be seen inside the
present Tissa tank. If, then, the two names, Udatisa
and Uddhakandara, are applied to this one place, the
latter can only be taken from the adjacent river, the
Kandara, between which and the tank the piriwena
probably stood. The villagers inform me that there are
now a few pillars, which formed the remains of some such
building, in the jungle to the west of the upper part of the
Tissa tank. At any rate, it is certain that Uddhakandara
was in Rohana.
Reference is also made to a Kappukandara village in
Rohana (A/ah., p. 141), and at p. 146 there is mentioned
the Jawamdli ferry on the Kappukandara river, which
was certainly in Rohana. The context also clearly shows
that this ferry must have been not very far from Magama—
possibly in the upper part of the valley. Dutthagamini
* Formerly Karinda. MKandara = karanda by metathesis; compare
Panduka and Pakunda (Dip. X.9; XI. 1).
{ Golagamawila is mentioned on [lanfga’s inscription at Tissamaha-
rama, (Ancient Inscriptions, No.4.) ‘There is no other wila of this
- name in the district, A wila, (identified by Dr. KH. Miiller as Skt. veda,
a cave), and Tamil vidlu, is in every case a pool the bed of which is
below the level of the adjoining ground. Thus, without any embank-
ment it is capable of holding up a supply of water.
No. 27.—1884.] tTIssAMAHARAMA ARCH ZOLOGY. 15
marched from Magama against his brother Tissa, who was
stationed at Dighawapi in the Batticaloa District. After
being defeated in a great battle, the king and his prime
minister took to flight, and were followed up by Tissa. On
their way towards Magama the fugitives arrived at this
Kappukandara river. That their journey was towards the
upper part of the river, is shown by their escape from the
pursuit of Tissa at some mountain on the route, on reach-
ing which Tissa turned back. ‘There are no hills very near
the coast. If the Kappukandara river is not the upper
part of the Magama-ganga, it is certainly a river of the
same neighbourhood, a fact which will explain the appli- ©
cation of the distinctive adjective maha to the lower part of
the larger one.
At Mah., p. 201, it is also stated that. Thullatthanaka
built a Kandara wihdra while his father Saddhatissa
resided at Dighawapi. Whether Thullatthanaka or his
brother Lajjitissa resided at Mdégama, it is certain that
this wihara was in Rohana,
Lajjitissa also built a Kandarahinaka wine a, which may
have been or one of the hills in the valley above Magama
(Mah., p. 202).
As it may be suggested that some northern river perhaps
had a port called Gonagama, which may yet be discovered,
and as Dr. Miller has already identified the Aruvi-aru (or
Malwatta-oya) as the Kandarariver (Ancient Jnscrip-
tions, p. 22), Ladduce the further evidence in favour of my
opinion contained at Mah., p.55, where we find that Pandu-
wasa sent his ministers to meet the Princess Bhaddhakac-
chana, and escort her to his capital, Upatissa Nuwara (not
Anuradhapura, Mah., pp. 55, 57). The place where the two
parties met is given by Turnour (I presume on the author-
ity of the Vika) as Wijitapura. From this spot the
party proceeded to Upatissa Nuwara. Now, Wiitapura near
Kaladweewa was on one of the two great northern roads
from Mégama to Anurédhapura and Upatissa Nuwara—
(the other passed through Buttala, formerly Guttahala, and
Mahiyangana)—and it cannot be conceived that any
travellers from Mahatittha or its neighbourhood—(where
the port for Tammanna would be situated if Tammanna
Nuwara were on the Aruvi-aru)—to Upatissa Nuwara,
16 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII. 4
could, by any possibility, wander so widely out of their
way ; or that the king’s officers of State were so completely
insane as to proceed 50 or 60 miles southwards to meet
people coming from a point nearly due west of the capital,
and not more than 40 miles distant, along what must un-
doubtedly have been a much-frequented and well-known
road. It is plain that the ministers proceeded southwards
to meet the royal traveller coming from the south, and this
agrees with all the former evidence which has been given.
Leaving out conjecture, every particle of evidence which is
to be met with shows that the site of Tambapanni Nuwara
was in the south of Ceylon.
Having pointed out what appears to me to be the only
possible site of Wijaya’s landing-place, it is necessary to
confirm the identification by discovering the site of
Tambapanni or Tammanna Nuwara. In the south of Cey-.
lon we know of only two very early cities, Kacharagama
or Kataragama, and Mégama or Rohana-Mégama; and I
identify the latter as Wijaya’s capital. There is one
peculiarity with regard to Tambapanni Nuwara which does
not appear to have received sufficient notice : that after the
reign of Wijaya the name utterly disappears, and is not again
mentioned in any of the ancient histories. This is from no
lack of references to the southern Province of Rohana. It
would be quite unwarrantable to assume that, after being
the capital of the Island for more than 30 years, and
evidently a flourishing and important place—(or it would
not have been specially mentioned as being surrounded by
suburbs, &c.) —the city was abandoned. If this was not
the case, the only other likely assumption is that the name
was changed, The first reference to Magama is contained
in the Raéjawalliya (p. 178), in which it is said that one of
the brothers of Panduwdsa’s queen was called Sudhodana
Sakya Kumara, “and the place appointed for his residence
was called Magam Nuwara’’. This statement, though very
likely to be correct, is not found in this form in either the
Dipavamsa or Mahavamsa. In the latter it is simply said
that one of the six princes settled at (or in) Rohana, and
took its name—i.e. he would be called —“‘ Rohana Kumara,”
the Rohana Prince. This city termed Rohana in the
Mahavamsa is therefore evidently the same as Magama;
‘*
No, 27.—1884.] TISSAMAHARAMA ARCHMOLOGY. 17
and in the Rajawalliya it is often called Rina-Mégama
(pp. 188, 195, 196, &e.). In the Mas. Magama is not
mentioned until Mahdnaga made it his capital. When this
prince first established himself in the south we cannot but
assume that he resided at some existing large town—in ail
probability the chief one of the Province. As Wijaya’s capital
was in the south, this must have been Tambapanni. There
is no apparent cause for his building a new capital when
Tambapanni* already existed, nor any reason why he, as
king, with unlimited powers in his own Province, should
not select the most important and commodious one. On
this account I conclude that Magama was, as its name
indicates, already the chief city of the Province before
Mahanaga settled at it; and in that case it would be no
other than Tambapanni Nuwara.
Tambapanni was the name of the division or district in
which the capital was situated (Mak., pp. 47, 51); Rolana
was the name afterwards given to the whole of south Ceylon.
We can easily conceive how the same city might thus acquire
two names. Before Rohana became a separate Province
the capital was the chief village or city of the Tambapanni
district —i.e. Tambapanni Nuwara ; after south Ceylon was
termed Rohana it would also be called the great village or
city of the Rohana Province. The latter more important
title would then supplant the original one. At first allthe
towns founded in Wijaya’s time were usually termed “ vil-
lages,” and it is in every way probable that the capital
became familiarly known —perhaps even in Wijaya’s time
—by its later appellation, the “‘ Great Village,” Mahagama,
a name which in time would take the place of its original
title. There is a somewhat analogous instance in the
North-Central Province, where the villagers usually speak
of Anurédhapura as “Maha Wihdra;”’ and a still better
example in the modern Sithhalese name of Kandy, Maha,
Nuwara, the Great City, which has so completely taken the
place of the original name that probably only a smail
proportion of those who employ it now know that the
mountain capital once was termed Sriwardhanapura.. My
conclusion is that, until another suitable riverin the south
of Ceylon shall be found, having a place called Gonagama
at its mouth, and the remains of an ancient city on its
28-85 | B
18 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). ~~ [ Vol. VIII.
bank within a few miles of the sea, M4gama must be
admitted to be the equivalent of Tambapanni Nuwara, and
the Kirinde or Mégama-ganga to be the Kandara river.
I may mention, also, that from four to five miles distant
from the Tissa d4gabas there is a tank called the Tammanna-
wewa, through which there runs a stream termed the
Tammanna-aru —(a Dravidian name in the south-east of
of Ceylon!) This stream joins the Kirinde-ganga four miles
from the Tissa ruins. The name Tammanna is so commonly
applied to tanks and rivers in Ceylon that this fact cannot be
considered to throw any light on the ancient name of the
city. Tambapanni being originally a South Indian name,
it is quite possible that this appellation was bestowed on
the district long previous to Wijaya’s landing.
The site of this ancient Magama still remains to be dis-
cussed. The village of Magama still bears the original
name, but very few ruins, and those quite insignificant, are
to be found at it. A city that, whether it was Wijaya’s seat
or not, is known to have been the capital of South Ceylon
for more than 80 years, ata time when structures were being
erected, which, from their design, size, and permanence, still
excite surprise and respect, and that is known to have
remained an important city for some 15 centuries, must be
presumed to have left some more tangible traces than a few
rude stone pillars. The extensive ruins at Tissaweewa, only
four miles from the present village, may therefore success-
fully lay claim to the honour of being once the southern
metropolis, “ Mégampura Nuwara,”’ as the Simhalese villa-
gers delight to term it. These ruins extend (chiefly below
the ground-level), throughout the jungle between the Tissa
tank and the Magama river ; a building large enough to be
a, king’s palace is among them, as well as residences built
in enclosures which even now would be thought of good size.
Boundary walls, with foundations of large stone slabs, run
in all directions ; and the whole ground is full of fragments
of brick, tile, and pottery, and scattered stone pillars which
mark the site of the more important houses and wihdéras
now buried. Below the tank, in the higher land which has
recently been cleared for conversion into the paddy field,
remains are almost everywhere met with from a foot to six —
feet underground ; while on the opposite side of the tank, —
No. 27.—1884.] TIsSAMAHARAMA ARCHAOLOGY. | 19
near the eastern end of the bund, many buildings stood,
and the discoveries made in our excavations show that, in
addition, a large village of artificers was established on the
spot. All the ground here, too, far away from the tank, is
full of fragments of brick, and tile, and pottery, below the
surface. This, therefore, was undoubtedly once a large city;
yet, if not Magama, it was a city without a name! Pro-
bably after the final breaching of the Tissa tank the people
who remained removed to a suburb a few miles lower down
the river, where it was possible to cultivate paddy without
the assistance of the tank, as is done to the present day.
Unless we adopt this hypothesis, we are driven to the con-
clusion that two separate cities existed, with their centres
only four or five miles apart; and that the one with the
most extensive ruins in the south of the Island must yield
the title of “ capital’ to the other with its half a dozen scat-
tered pillars. The whole neighbourhood may have once
been termed Mahdgama, though the name has since become
restricted to the present village.
The available evidence shows that from the time of the
compilation ofthe Atthakatha to the time of the compilation
of the Rajawalliya, it was believed that during the formation
of the first Aryan settlements in the Island, while travel-
lers from the south of India usually landed at Mahatittha
(or Mantota), all those from the Ganges came southward
with the north-east monsoon winds, and landed at Magama.
As stated in the Dipawamsa, thousands of immigrants must
certainly have arrived during the lifetime of Wijaya; or
his followers would never have ventured to settle down,
among a possibly hostile race,* at points so far distant as
the first towns from each other ; and the route must have
been almost as well known, even in those early times, as
the short passage from Ramécvaram to Mahatittha was to
the traders who came for chanks and pearls and the other
commodities carried away ages before to Arabia and
Palestine. That trading vessels from India came to
Migama at a later date (205 B.C.) is clear from Mah., p. 139,
where it is stated that ships arrived with “golden utensils
* Aven succeeding sovereigns found it advisable to conciliate the
“fierce Yakkhas” by granting their chiefs special privileges.
B2
2) JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). Vol. VIL
and other goods; and the “harbour” is again mentioned
(204 B.C.) at p. 1384. Compare also Mah. p. 49, where
trading vessels from North India or Burma are certainly
alluded to so early as 400 B.C.
"The two great ports of Ceylon in the pre-Christian era
were Gonagdma, the port of Magama in the south-east,
and Mahatittha (or Mantota) and its neighbourhood in the
north-west. While Mahétittha was the emporium of the
trade carried on with southern and western Indiaand the Far
West, Mégama was the seat of the trade with eastern India
and the Far Hast, and also, to some extent, with the Far West.
It was here that the Hastern and Western traders met ; and
thus it is that our excavations have disclosed, in what is
now this obscure corner of the Island, the productions of
the opposite sides of the globe, — the coins of Greece lying
beside a piece of rhinoceros horn from Northern India and —
an article of volcanic origin perhaps brought from beyond
the Bay of Bengal.
So little is known of the history of any of the early cities
in Ceylon, excepting a few special ones, such as Anurddha-
pura, Pulastipura, &c., that I am induced to string together,
as a contribution to a skeleton account of Magama, the few
references to it with which I have met, or other facts which
tend to prove the length of time during which the city was
occupied and the tank was in working order. Of course
this is not by any means a full list, especially i in the time
after the 5th century,
Circa 414 B.C. «+» Wijaya lands at Gonagama and founds
i the city of Tambapanni (— Rohana-
Mahagama, the ‘ great village of the
Province of Rohana’).
31O° ,, «.. Arrival of Panduwasa Dewa at Gona-
gama, “the port for Tambapanni.”
o14— 5. --» <Arrivalof Princess Bhaddhakacchana
at Gonagéma.
Circa 370 ,, «es Settlement of Prince Sudhodana Sakya
at Magama (—Rohana) Mah., p. 57 ;
Rdéja., p. 178.
243, -- Settlement of Mahanaga at Magama.
240—230 ,, -»> Construction of Naga Maharama.
Circa 226 7 -- Yatthalaka Tissa, King of Rohana.
225 ,, - «. Kakawannatissa born,
4
ae
Bi
:
¥
y!
:
No. 27.—1884.] TIssAMAHARAMA ARCHAOLOGY.
Circa 220 B.C.
Circa 207
DOS wes
lek,
99
Se emer
Circa 40 A.D.
Ist Cent. as
165 A.D.
Circa 220
UP)
2nd or 8rd Cent.
Ath or 5th ,,
434 A.D.
5th or 6th Cent.
6th or 7th
99
Cirea 690 A.D. «ee
21
Yatthala digaba probably built.
Kakawannatissa, King of Rohana.
Birth of Dutthagamini at Magama.
Dutthagamini becomes King ; Saddha-
tissa, Viceroy at Dighawaépi.
Thullatthanaka leaves Magama.
Ilanaga enlarges the Mahagama and
Tissa tanks (Mah., p. 217).
Short inscriptions on two pillars at east
side of tank commemorating the
suppression of the heresy. (See
Appendix, Note 2.)
Kanitthatissa repairs the Mahdr4ma
and Tissa tanks (Ancient Inscrip-
tions, No. 16).
Woharaka Tissa “‘ caused improvements
to be made with paid labour” at the
Mahagama and Mahanaga wiharas
and dagabas (Mah., p. 226).
Inscription on slab for flower offerings,
Mal-poéruwa, at Naga Maharama.
(See Appendix, Note 2.)
Inscription of ‘Rohinika Gdmini
Abhaya,” who probably repaired the
Tissa tank (Ancient Inscriptions,
No. 23).
The sons of Jetthatissa left inscription
at the Maharama (not the Menik
dagaba) containing a record of gifts
to the chief Thera of the “ King of
Magama’s Mahawihara.” (Ancient
Inscription, No. 67.)
Inscription round the Yatthala dagaba.
On Tamil invasion by Pandu, Rohana
became the Sinhalese kingdom, with
Magama as capital, probably.
Inscription on flat slab at Yatthala
dagaba.
Inscription on the AS tabendagala(An-
cient Inscriptions, No. 109).
Dapula II., King at Magama, ‘“‘ caused
the dagaba of Runa to be rebuilt”
(Raja., p. 247).
22 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIE.
Circa 860—900 ... “‘Damaha” Raja rebuilt the “ Rapa
wihara” of Rana Magama. (Rdja.,
pe 250.)
» 990 A.D. ... The A®’pa Mahinda, afterwards Ma-
hinda III., A.D. 997-1013, repaired
the Mahawihara, and refers to the
* Uda Tisa monastery.” The upper
part of the Tissa tank is still called
Uda Tihawa. (Ancient Inscriptions,
No. 120).
10th or Lith Cent.... Inscription on a_ prostrate pillar at
Naga Maharama.
1060—1070 A.D. .... Rohana becomes the seat of Govern-
ment of the Sinhalese kingdom.
1118—1150 ,, ... Rohana (or Magama) is capital of
Ceylon under Manabarana and Siri-
wallaba. |
1158—1186 ,, ... Pardkrama Bahu I, repaired the Dura
and Tissa tanks and the buildings.
Cirea 1190 ,, ... Nissanika Malla refers to “ Tissa” along
with Mineri, Kantalai, and Padawiya
tanks, as a place where he “ gave
security to all living things, and
commanded that they should not be
killed.” Ifthe Magama tank is the
Tissa referred to, this proves that the
tank was still in order in 1187-
1196 A.D. (Ancient Inscriptions,
No. 150.) Compare also No. 145,
in which the king states that he
gave “security to fishes in 12 great
tanks.”
12th Cent. --» Short inscription on flat slab at Naga
Maharama. (Appendix, Note 2.)
1214—1235 A.D.... In the time of the Tamil King, Magha,
Tamils were settled at Magama,
(Raja., p. 257.)
1266—1301 ,, ... Pandita Pardkrama Bahu united the
three Provinces under one sove-
reignty. ‘The tank probably fell into
disrepair not long after this, and —
the place would then be abandoned,
and be gradually overgrown with —
jungle and forest.
rie)
Ce
No. 27.—1884.] vrissAMAHARAMA ARCHMOLOGY.
REPORT.
Mode of Discovery.
In digging out the site of a new sluice beyond the eastern
end of the embankment of the Tissa tank, and in cutting a
low-level channel from it to the paddy field, a thick layer of
broken pottery and tiles was passed through at a depth,
in its lowest part, of 18 feet below the surface of the ground.
As these were all in fragments, commonly very small, and —
there was apparently nothing which could afford a clue to
their age, but little attention was paid to them, until it was
noticed that the shape of several fragments was such that
they could not have belonged to the pottery usually made
in Ceylon at the present day. The outcome of a more care-
ful examination of many of these fragments was the
discovery of one piece on which was scratched the letter ¢2,
in an angular character similar to those of the earliest
inscriptions in Ceylon, such as that at Tonigala (Ancient
Inscriptions, No. 1). After this, a vigorous search was made
among the débris removed from the lowest layers, and a
watch was kept on everything excavated, both in the low-
level channel, and also in a channel subsequently cut at a
higher level. The results have been far more important
and extensive than could be anticipated, and have brought
to light much of interest respecting the social condition and
life of the labouring classes, and, to some extent, regarding
the commerce and state of education during a very early
period of the history of Ceylon. Ample proof has also been
obtained that there was once a potter’s establishment at the
site of the excavations.
Probable Age of the Remains.
It is obviously of great importance to ascertain the age
of these remains with the utmost attainable accuracy.
The date may be arrived at by two independent methods,
which give results that agree as closely as can be expected
at this distance of time.
In the first place, there is a series of letters scratched or
engraved on several pieces of pottery. <A considerable part
ti 4
ASQ
ie
‘ "4
24 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON), © [Vol. VIIE @
of the alphabet, with the attached vowels, has been met
with, cut by several persons who had quite different styles
of writing. Much of this writing evidently forms part of
sentences inscribed round the outsides of ‘chatties’ or on the
rims of plates; but owing to the fragmentary state of the
pottery no complete sentence has been obtained. Some -
letters, which are large and angular, are plainly the work of —
men who had not very much practice in such writing ;
others are small and of very good shape, and are evidently
such as might be written on ordinary leaves with a style.
No one seeing the different kinds of writing or engraving
could attribute all to one person ; yet we find that, without
exception, in instances met with at varying heights in the
lowest stratum of remains, the shape of the characters is
exactly that of the Asoka alphabet, as found in the oldest .
rock inscriptions in the Island. This agreement includes the
letter sa, which in all cases has the angular form resembling
the modera Roman F, or rather the Greek digamma, and
the letter ma, which is always rounded. No letter of a
later shape has been met with, nor a single instance of the
rounded form of vowels, or lengthened & or 7, which indi-
cates the beginning of the transition period of Simhalese
paleography. If, then, the oldest inscriptions yet dis-
covered in the Island, which contain no letter older in
shape than these, go back to the time of Wattagamini,
there is not room for great error in assuming the most
recent of these letters to have been made not later than 50
B.C. Bat the stratum in which this engraved pottery is
embedded is quite four feet thick ; and if the upper part of
this dates from 50 B.C., the bottom layer (the tiles and
pieces of earthenware are in moreor less distinct layers in it,
separated by thin layers of soil, and sand, and fine gravel)
must be admitted to be of considerably older date. It
cannot, [ think, be assumed that the whole ground-level at
the site (although it is in a hollow) has been raised four
feet in much less than 150 years; and, if not, the earliest
remains appear to date from a period not much later than
the construction of the dagabas and tank. Only by the
assumption that the artificers, the carpenters, and stone-
cutters settled at this spot were engaged in the erection of
houses in the city on the opposite side of the tank, or in
a Ba
a aes
No. 27.—1884.] TISSAMAHARAMA ARCH AOLOGY. ~ 25
works at the wihdras, can the presence of the large number
of work-people who lived here be accounted for.
In the second place, a check on the date above adopted
is arrived at by a consideration of the position of the
remains. The soilin the piece of ground between the lowest
of the remains and the Tissa tank is of a very porous
nature, and water leaks through it from the tank into the
cutting. When the tank contains only five feet of water,
the leakage covers all the lowest stratum in its most
depressed part, where it is from 14 to 18 feet below the
present ground-level. In this part of the stratum there are
numerous remains of fires, which were certainly made in
situ, there being in many of them the undisturbed ashes
and bits of charcoal, and in one instance pieces of burnt
Sambar deer’s bones from which the marrow had evidently
been extracted, the bones being broken across for this
purpose. It hardly needs be said that this lowest stratum
must have been deposited before the water of the tank
could leak into it and flood it ; that is, the tank cannot have
been in its present position at the time. Now, it can
clearly be seen that about 200 yards up the bed of the tank
from the present embankment there runs a ridge higher
than the adjoining ground-level, which, without any doubt,
was a former bund, cutting off the whole of this corner of
the tank, and meeting the present bank, which is quite
straight, atabout half-way from theend. (See attached plan.)
This, then, was the original line of the embankment at the
time when the remains were in course of deposition. The
potters, in fact, settled below the tank, where they were
not subjected to floods, and yet where they could obtain
their clay, and the water required for its manipulation, with
the greatest ease. Their clay-pit has now become part of
the bed of the tank ; but at that time it lay just below the
embankment. All the potters’ villages which I have seen in
Ceylon have been similarly situated, and it is only what one
would naturally expect. When the embankment was made
in its present line, and their clay-pit was enclosed in the
tank and flooded, the potters must necessarily have removed
to some other site, if they had not done so previously.
| When we consider the character of the letters cut on the
pottery, and the existence of this former embankment inside
26 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). —— ‘[ Vol. VIIL.
what is now the tank, there is only one conclusion which
can be arrived at—that the present line of the embankment
represents part of the enlargement of the Tissa tank
carried out by King Ilanaga. If this conclusion is a correct
one —and I fail to see that any other can account for the
observed facts—the date of the most recent deposits in
the pottery stratum cannot, in any case, be later than (say)
40 A.D. The enlargement of the tank must manifestly
have caused the abandonment of the manufactory at the
site. While 40 A.D. is thus the latest possible date for the
upper part of the pottery stratum, the shape of the letters
proves (as far as this can be considered a proof) that the
remains are of an earlier date, and, as abovementioned,
probably from nearly 200 to 50 B.C. This is confirmed by
the fact that a coin of one of the early Roman Emperors,
which can hardly be put down to a later date than some
time in the Ist century A.D., has been discovered at
a height of about three feet above the upper part of the
pottery stratum.
Position and Character of the Remains.
The most ancient of the remains were deposited on
‘eravel’ (decomposed gneiss), a thick stratum of which
overlies the gneiss of the district. Broken ‘chatties’ and
plates and plate-covers form by far the greatest part of
them. Even in excavating these two channels alone, it will
be no exaggeration to say that thousands of pieces of these
articles have been met with; and, of course, the ground
between and around the cuttings must be similarly full of
them. This alone would prove the existence of a potters’
establishment — both manufactory and village* —at the
place; but further proof has been obtained by finding both ~
a piece of moulded and dried (but unburnt) clay in the form
of some animal (a child’s toy), and a small round granite
stone of a shape still in use by potters when moulding
chatties, &c. Many pieces of burnt clay, which apparently
formed part of the wall of the, kiln, have also been
procured.
* « Because they burn their wares in places or halls close to their
dwelling-houses they are called Bada Sellayo.”” (Upham’s Buddhist a
Tracts, p. 345.)
r
4
%
iW,
No. 27.—1884.| TISSAMAHARAMA ARCHAIOLOGY. a6
This layer follows the slope of the gravel, and with it
varies in depth from 6 to 18 feet below the present surface
of the ground. At its lowest part it is some four feet in
thickness, and at this spot it consists, in one place, of
three strata separated by thin layers of soil and sand, and
covered in each case by one thickness of broken tiles as
though the roof of a shed had fallen in. As, however, no
tiles are unbroken, notwithstanding the undisturbed state of
the remains, and the pieces composing them are few in
number, and are not found together, it is to be presumed
that these tiles have only been defective ones which were
thrown away. The pottery stratum generally ends abruptly, —
and is succeeded by earth, vegetable mould, and occasional
very thin layers of fine sand, evidently brought down by
rains. In this soil are found small scattered bits of chatties
and plates, such as the rains might transport from the
higher ground, and a good many bones of Sambar deer
(“elk’’) and other animals. This stratum extends to within
two or three feet of the present surface, where we again
find a layer of pottery without inscriptions, and in such
small pieces.as to be quite worthless. Only from a few
inches to a foot of vegetable soil overlie this layer. In
the high-level cutting there is an intermediate stratum of
bits of pottery, &c., at a height of three or four feet above
the lower stratum, but it is a very thin one. )
Clear evidence has been obtained that at least one, but
more probably several, smiths’ forges were at work close
to the potters’ village.* Many large pieces of scoriew from
the forges have been encountered in different parts of the
high-level channel excavation, as well as a “cold chisel”
of iron or steel. At least one article used by a goldsmith
has also been procured. Possibly the smiths practised both
occupations. ft
* It is stated in Upham’s Mahawansa, p. 1380, that Nirmala, the
second of Dutthagamini’s heroes, appeared at M4gama “ before King
Kawantissa, when he was at the blacksmith’s shop, where he had
employed a number of backsmiths to make arms.’ This story is
interesting in view of the discoveries.
t ‘Because they work in copper, brass, and silver, they are called
Kammakarayo ....c0....0e and because they work in gold, they are called
SuwannakarayO ...ccerseoes because they work in iron they are called
Ayokarayo.”’ (Upham, op. cit., Vol. LI. p. 340.)
28 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). — — [Vol. VIIE
Besides these, a good number of the tools used by
carpenters and stone-cutters have been found, and it is thus
plain that, in addition to the potters, a large establishment
of other artificers was settled at this place. There is
nothing to show that any other persons lived at it. So
far as is known, therefore, the whole of the articles found
at this site must have belonged solely to people of the
labouring classes, and of inferior castes. It is very im-
portant to bear this in mind, in view of the evidences of
their state of education, and the degree of social comfort
attained by them, which are given below.
The general state of most of the articles discovered is
wonderfully good. It is difficult to believe that the articles
of steel or iron, as well as bones and pieces of charcoal,
have been lying buried in the soil during so many centuries.
Some pieces of horn and ivory are apparently not as
much damaged as they would be by lying for a few months
on the ground exposed to the weather; and a few appear
to be still as sound as when they were first buried.
It is clear from this that most of the things were very
quickly covered up; but even when this is granted, it
is still surprising that decomposition has proceded no
further. The articles can only have been preserved owing
to the efficient drainage through the sub-stratum of
‘oravel’; yet some bones, which were in very good con-
dition, seemed to be too high to be affected sufficiently
by the drainage.
I must not omit to note that everything included in this
report, except the bricks (but including a series of inscribed
bricks), will be found among the articles transmitted to the
Colombo Museum.
Houses, §e.
The dwellings of these work-people were of a rude sort.
About half a dozen of them have been cut through in the
high-level channel. They were all partly excavated in the
side of the gravel slope, which rose at the back of the
potters’ working-place. In one or two instances they closely
adjoined each other, and in these cases a perpendicular
built wall of clay or earth and gravel, about a foot thick,
separated the rooms. So far as could be ascertained, the
No. 27.—1884.] TISSAMAHARAMA ARCHALOLOGY. Za)
chambers (probably one to each house) were from 8 to 10:
feet across. One was almost in the shape of a horse-shoe.
They were about 2 feet 6 inches deep in excavation at the
upper side, as shown in the following sketch :—
ape S24 iN
Us = Ce
Dogs pie eal Is G
A
Zi =
Z ex ey
floor
—
44 Ni
gaa SERED ING SSE Sa GD - Oo TERI SPA
CMT TITAS Toe
Probably walls of sticks or mud surrounded them, on
which a light roof, with a covering of grass, would rest. At
_ the back of one of these rooms, in a small chamber or recess
dug out of the gravel, and filled up with ashes, was found
a heterogenous collection of articles which appear to have
been placed in it for concealment. These consisted chiefly
of a number of pieces of iron, which seem to have once
formed part of the ironwork attached to a wooden con-
struction—possibly a chariot, together with rivetted iron
nails of various sizes. Pieces of decomposed wood still
adhere to some of these articles. There were also a kris, a
carpenter’s chisel (which may perhaps be taken to indicate
the trade of the occupant), bones of cattle, and pieces of
chatties and plates, on two of which was engraved a mark,
the Swasti monogram, that resembles part of the royal seal,
regarding which see below (‘‘ Money’’). One of the chatties
had an inscription round its outside, and the small piece
of it, which is preserved, sufficiently proves the antiquity of
the remains, although the room, while in the gravel, was
not more than six feet below the present surface of the
ground. The floors of all the houses were quite level, any
small hollows in them being filled up with fine white ashes,
with which the whole floor was very thinly covered. Although
fires were occasionally made in them, and have left their
traces, these rooms were probably used chiefly as dormi-
tories, No seats have been met with. Cooking seems to
have been carried on outside, and the sites of many fires
30 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vol. VIII.
have been observed, the ashes and charcoal being in nearly
all cases undisturbed, ‘The charred remains of bones which
have been roasted were contained in a few; all the larger
ones have been broken, apparently in order to extract the
marrow.
Though not belonging to these houses, a good many
pieces of tile have been found in this cutting, of a shape
long since obsolete, yet a very effective one. Four parallel
grooves, which seem to have been made with the fingers,
run along one side of the upper surface, the outer one
being deeper and wider than the others. At the opposite
side, on the under surface, a similar deep groove ran
close to the edge of the tile, so that, each tile overlapped
and fitted-into the groove of the adjoining one on its left
side.
This arrangement must certainly have prevented any
leakage, while at the same time it was so simple as almost
to be worth adoption at the present day, were it not for
the thickness of tile which it requires. In the upper part
of each tile a hole was made to receive a wooden peg for
holding the tile in position. The tiles were of large size,
being probably 12 inches long, 74 inches wide, and from
three-quarters of an inch to an inch thick. They all
appear to be well burnt. As none of these houses of the
workmen, or other dwellings of the poorer classes which
have been cut through in another channel, were covered
with tiles, although there was a manufactory on the
spot, it must be presumed that tiles were employed for
roofing only wiharas and the dwellings of the wealthier
classes.
No bricks were used in building these houses of the work-
people ; but in a series of better-class structures cut through
in a high-level channel from the western sluice, all the floors
were laid with them. The remains of a dagaba have been
found near this site; so that these may have been wiharas,
or other buildings connected with them. As they are part
of the subject of this report, I have measured the bricks at
the different ddgabas and those found at various ruins
in the city of Magama. The following table gives their
mean dimensions ; in each case, except where otherwise
specified, this is the mean of from 15 to 20 bricks. The
No. 27.—1884.] TISSAMAHARAMA ARCH AOLOGY. ol
list 1s arranged according to the probable age of the
structures.
« Long Bricks. Dome Bricks.
Building. 5
Length, |Breadth,| Thick.| Ors | Face. | Depth. | Thick, | Cn-
tents,
in. in. in. jcub. in.) in. in. in.) |cub.an,
Maharama 17'°35a) 8:84 | 2°83 | 434 | 10°77 | 11:08) 2 95 35 2C_
Sandagiri ...|17'14d) 8-67 | 2°81} 418 |(10°10} 11:00 | 3-00)a| 333¢
Dagaba near
high-level]
channel...|17:16 | 9:11 | 2°85) 445 |None| — — —
Yatthaia .../17°85 | 864/290} 447 | 9:00/)12-46 |2-72 | 305
Menik ...| 16°57 | 8°86 | 2°80} 411 | 11°17)11:56 |3-17 | 899¢e
| Magama city) 14:12 | 7°88 | 2°34/ 260 |None| — — —
Dagaba near
miver 9.2, |.12:926) 7:73 | 234 | 234 |None| — — <=
a One only. 6 Three only. e Radiated bricks. d Five only.
The long bricks are termed riyan gadoi, “cubit bricks :”
they vary much in their character, but those of the Mahd-
rama and Yatthala ddgaba seem to be of the best quality.*
All, except those at the dagaba near the river, have been
made on boards, and shaped in wooden moulds. Those at
the above dagaba have been moulded on the ground. It is
interesting to note that the long bricks used in the private
dwellings in the city were smaller than those at the other
dagabas—an indication of their nearer approach to dimen-
sions afterwards adopted, and thus of their more modern con-
struction. Those which I have termed “dome bricks” were
used in the superstructure of the dagaba, but not exclusively,
the long bricks being intermingled with them, probably to
improve the bond. It will be noticed that the sizes and
* Unlike the Assyrian and Egyptian bricks, the proportions of which
are usually such that the breadth equals halfthe length, while the thick-
ness 1s one-third of the length, the long bricks at Mggama have a breadth
very nearly equal to half their length, but the thickness is only one-sixth
of the length. Thus, the mean length for the four oldest dagabas is
17:37 inches, the breadth 8°81 inches, and the thickness 2°85 inches;
while the above proportions require a breadth of 8°68 inches, and a
thickness of 2:89 inches. (See Appendiz, Note 3.)
The mean length of side of the “ dome bricks” is approximately two-
thirds of the length of the ‘ cubit brick,” a proportion found also in
Assyria and Babylonia in the case of square bricks. (Compare History
of Ancient Pottery by Dr. Birch, 1873, pp. 11, 77, and 93.) I have met
with no dimensions of Indian bricks which are the same as these.
a
eh
4) Feed
32 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol Vilhy :
shapes of these bricks varied much more than the others in
the different digabas. The dagaba near the river, which
will be observed to have bricks of a much smaller size than
any of the other dagabas, is evidently a much more recent.
structure. ‘This ruin is only 16 feet in outside diameter,
having a hearting of ordinary soil or clay, enclosed by brick-
work laid in mud, and 2 feet 6 inches thick. These bricks
have a peculiar finger mark on one side, also found on some
of those in the city, and they are probably of the same age
as the latter. The digaba is half a mile south of the point
where the road to Wirawila crosses the Magama river.
In an extension of one of the western high-level channels,
at a height which proves it to be of much later date than
most of the articles included in this report, part of the
earthenware lining intended for a well was discovered, It
consists of two sections of tubing, 10 inches and 10:5 inches
deep and 1 inch thick, having a diameter of 2 feet 64
inches inside. Similar ones are now used in the south and
east of the Island, I believe; but the ancient ones differ
from them, I am told, in having a projecting lip or flange
at the top, on which the upper section could rest. There
was no well at the place where these were found. A stone,
on which two or three letters of about the 4th or 5th cen-
tury were cut, was met with at aninferior level, so that this
earthenware must be of somewhat later date than that.
Household Utensils, fe.
Owing to the presence of an earthenware manufactory on
the site where the most extensive cuttings have been made,
the collection of household utensils forms a complete series,
though unfortunately nearly all the specimens are in small
fragments. Asa rule, they do not follow the type of arti-
cles now made in Ceylon, except in the case of the ‘chatties’,
which are, in most respects, the same as those of modern
manufacture. The thickness and quality of all the earthen-
ware utensils vary much ; but those required for other than
rough usage are generally thin and excellently made. As
a piece of only one priest’s begging-bowl, patraya, has been
discovered, it is evident that this pottery was almost all
intended for the use of members of the laity. The curry-
stones which have come to light were all found near the ~
potters’ working place. Nothing of this kind has been met ~
No. 27.—1884.] TissamaHARAMA ARCHAOLOGY. —-338
with among the houses, and in all probability these were
broken ones which have been thrown away.
The following is a list of the articles which have been
met with in this class :— :
1. Part of a priest’s begging-bowl, 9°5 inches in inside
diameter at the rim ; thick and heavy, and of inferior qua-
lity, but otherwise similar to those now made.
2. Several common bowls of strong, rough, unvarnished,
fed earthenware. Four specimens measured had mouths
averaging 10°8 inches wide, and seem to have been from 3
to 8 inches deep. Similar, but much larger bowls are now
used for storing salt-fish at Hambantota, I am told.
3. Many of the common, large, small-mouthed, lipped
‘chatties’ for holding water. These are of varying shapes,
and closely resemble modern ones. A few, however, had
much thicker, solid lips, and were clumsy and heavy.
4, Covers for the above (No. 3). These are of many
sizes and shapes, but are usually deep, almost cup-shaped,
flat-bottomed or nearly so, with a wide horizontal lip which
fitted over the lip of the chatty, the body of the cup going
inside the mouth of it; some have rounded bottoms.
Although I believe that these covers are not now made in —
Ceylon, I am informed that they are common in some parts
of South India. 7
0. Shallow, small, wide-mouthed, lipped chatties, such
as are now in use for cooking purposes, &c. A few letters
were cut on the outside of some of these. Nearly all are
blackened and polished inside.
6. Hundreds, if not thousands, of broken circular plates,
off which rice was to be eaten ; mostly of superior workman-
ship. The bottom of these has a slight upward curve ;
round the edge stood a thin, usually upright rim like the
body of the plate, varying from 1:1 to 1:75 inches, with a
mean of 1:5 inch high. This rim is, in many specimens,
curved over considerably towards the interior of the plate.
Many of the letters to which reference has been made were
scratched or engraved on the outside of this rim. These
plates varied considerably in size, the inner diameter of
several specimens being from 7:2 to 13-2 inches, witha mean
of 10°5 inches. Their thickness is about +14 inch. The
majority of them have the inside coated with an admirable
28-85 fe
34 JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIIL.
black paint or varnish, which is burnt into the earthenware,
and still has a beautiful polish. They are often covered
outside with an excellent red varnish, also burnt in.
7. Qne plate, or circular dish, of a different type, proba-
bly intended for use by several people when eating, has a
broad upright rim 1°3 inches high, with a nearly flat top.
This plate measured 19:2 inches across the inside. It con-
sists of thick, but excell ently made, earthenware, with a
bright red varnish on both sides. It is about :42 inch thick
at the side, and the bottom has a slight upward curve
towards the edges.
8. A series of large, nearly flat, plates or circular dishes,
intermediate in character and shape between the two last,
with broad-topped rims sloping slightly outwards, and
averaging ‘97 inch in height. They are of rougher make
than the others, and consist of very strong, well-burnt, red,
unvarnished earthenware. Several specimens average 14°78
inches in internal diameter, varying from 13-7 to 16-7 inches,
and are about °2 inch thick. :
9. Numerous plate-covers, which had rims or flanges
projecting downwards, from ‘54 to 1:15 with a mean of *82
inch deep, to fit outside the rims of the plates. These
were nearly flat on the top, being slightly elevated towards —
the middle ina gradual curve. They vary in size like the
plates, the inside diameters of several measured being from
6°5 to 13-2 inches, with a mean of 9°23 inches. These covers
are plain and unvarnished on both sides, but are made of
good material.
10. Numerous circular trays or dishes of rather thick
and not very fine earthenware. The fragments are very
small, and it is difficult to ascertain the depths of the trays,
but they appear to have varied from half an inch to 34
inches. Their external diameter was from 7 to 14°75 inches,
with a mean, among those measured, of 12°2. The average
thickness is *25 inch.
11. Fragments of a few very large, nearly flat, trays of
a, thick coarse earthenware. Two measured 28°8 inches and
32°6 inches in total diameter, and were °36 inch and ‘50 inch
thick respectively. These were from the excavation near
the low-level sluice, but similar fragments have been found
in the high-level channel cutting, among the houses.
No. 27.—1884.] TISSAMAHARAMA ARCHAOLOGY. 35
12. Part of an earthenware kettle, and several spouts
broken off others. It does not appear to be quite certain
whether water was boiled in these, or whether they held
drinking water, which, by means of the spout, could be poured
down the throat, according to the practice yet in vogue
among the lower classes. Similar articles are still made
in some parts of the Island. The spouts or nozzles were
straight, and in the form of a truncated cone, pierced with
a small cylindrical hole. They stood out at a right-angle
from the body of the kettle, at about half its height from
the bottom—a, position which must have rendered the kettle
of little use, one would think.*
13. Afew very thin, flat-bottomed, nearly hemispherical,
unglazed, earthenware basins or drinking-cups. They were
from 24 to 3 inches deep, and from 4°6 to 7:7 inches in
diameter at the mouth, with a thickness of -16 inch. Most
of them have the inside coated with the black varnish, but
one or two of a much rougher make are without it.
14. A small flat-bottomed earthenware saucer, 4°80
inches wide, and one inch deep inside, which was met with
6 feet 5 inches below the surface of the ground in cutting a
distributing channel in the paddy field, is perhaps of nearly
the same age as the other articles found in the potters’
working-place. Iam informed that articles of this shape
are still in use in some parts of India for holding curry, &c.
15. The top of an unglazed, nearly black, imperfectly-
burnt water-goglet, which apparently was much like the
better class of goglets now in use.
16. <A small earthenware funnel, 3°5 inches across the
top. The shape is peculiar, the upper part of the funnel
being only 1°5 inch high, and probably 2 inches wide at
_ the bottom. Moulded inside this is another smaller tube
toact as thefunnel neck. This doubtless projected consider-
ably below the tube of the upper part of the funnel, but it
has been broken off.
17. Several very wide. tall jars in fragments, very
roughly but strongly made, with a very thick solid lip.
* We read in the Raja Ratnakari, of Kalinga Wijaya Babu IIL.
(1235-1266) —“ He also caused to be made for each of the said eighty
priests a bathing-tub of copper, a kettle for boiling water, and a vessel
for drinking water.” (Upham’s Sacred Books, Vol. IL., p. 104.)
C2
36 3 JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol VII. |
These were probably intended for holding paddy or other
grains. Iam unable to give their full sizes or capacity ;
but one piece, which exhibits no sign of being very near the
top or bottom of the jar, measures two feet in length. This
jar must have been at least three feet high ; its inside dia-
meter at the mouth is 11-8 inches, and in the widest part
of the body it is 222 inches across.
18. Portions of two plain earthenware flower-pots,
which are tall and unglazed. One is about 53 inches wide
at the mouth. Both have deep horizontal corrugations in
their lower half. They may have been 7 or 8 inches high.
19. A deep, coarse, red, unglazed drinking-cup with a
slight lip was (together with the next two articles) found
in cutting a distributing channel in the paddy field. The
cutting evidently passed through one of the poorest quar-
ters of the town, and there was hardly any trace of the
houses, except the thick layers of ashes from their fires and
fragments of broken pottery—few in number and coarse in —
make. JI am informed that cups similar in shape to
this one are still used by the poorer classes of Southern India
for drinking water and other household purposes. This cup
measures four inches in width-at the mouth and 2:9 inches
in outside depth. It is quite inferior in quality to the
things found near the low-level sluice, and is undoubtedly
of much more recent manufacture. (See my remarks re-
specting the well lining—which was found near the same
site—“ Houses,” &c.)
20. Ican find no name for this article, nor meet with
any one who has seen a similiar one, or knows its use. It
resembles a rough primitive bottle as much as anything ;
but the bottom is rounded off, and there is a hole through
it. The top, too, has a broad horizontal lip of great thick-
ness. There is no neck, but the cylindrical body of the
bottle is compressed at the place, and is thus of less diame-
ter than it is lower down. ‘The total height, as the article
is at present, is 3°5 inches, and the outside diameter is 2°2.
inches. It isa coarse, rough piece of work, quite in keeping
with the foregoing. (See Appendix, Note 8.)
21. A kind of chatty, apparently of a very different
shape from any others described, was represented by afrag-
ment found near the last two articles. A somewhat similar i
*
No. 27.—1884.] tissaMAHARAMA ARCHAOLOGY. 37
one was also met with near the sluice. These chatties seem
to have been like an ordinary one with both lip and neck
taken off; but both fragments are from the upper part of
the body, and it is not certain what was the actual shape.
The earthenware is rough and unglazed, but not thick, and
the smallest fragment is particularly thin.
22. Although of a much later age than anything else
reported on, I include a small, unglazed earthenware
saucer-shaped lamp, with a chevron pattern in high relief
on the upper surface of the rim, in which is a recess to
receive the wick. This was found several feet above the older
remains at the low-level sluice, and only about 44 feet below
the present ground-level. It was in a large chatty contain-
ing calcined bones, regarding which see below. (“ Mode of
Burial,”) This lamp measures 3°9 inches across the inside
of the cup, and itis 1°2 inch deep inside.
23. To these may be added a small basin-shaped
copper vessel, 5 inches in outside diameter, and 1°6 inches
high, Topas used as a drinking-cup,* atten was found
about 6 feet below the surface of the ground, in a garden in
the paddy field, when the proprietor was sinking a well.
It was covered with a “ turtle-stone’’-—a small stone cut in
the shape of a turtle—and it contained a chank shell, in
which were a few pearls of very smallvalue, and some inferior
amethysts, of which specimens handed to me by the finder
are included among the articles transmitted to the Museum.
It appears to have been buried to secure the safety of the
small treasures in it; but as it was 6 feet below the surface
it must nevertheless be of great age, possibly not of much
later date than the other oldest remains. The ground-level
would be raised at this spot much more slowly than near
the sluice, and any such treasures would not be buried at
a great depth.
24, Several broken curry-stones, of gneiss or granite.
As these are in fragments, their dimensions are somewhat
uncertain. All stood on four short thick legs, and are well
made articles, quite superior to those now in use.
The upper stone was of the same material. All these and
* “He also supplied them” (the priests) “ with another kind of pot
for drinking water out of, made of copper.” (Upham, doc. cit., Vol.
IL, p. 111.)
38 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vol. VIII.
the following articles belong to the oldest stratum of —
remains.
25. A smaller pair of stones, of exactly similar shape to
the above, were probably used for preparing medicines.
Stones of this kind, but without the legs, are still employed
for this purpose.
26. <A knife of iron, in fragments, for cutting up vege-
tables, &c. Articles of this shape are now in use in some
villages, I am told, fixed by the thick end in a sloping
position in a piece of board. The blade slopes away from
the person using it, who holds the board steady with his
feet. The knife is about 1:4 inch broad. The blade is
straight, and bevelled off straight at the point from the
edge to the back.
27. Part of a curved knife, in pieces, may also belong
to this class. The cutting edge is the inner one, and the
breadth of the blade is 1:1 inch. This knife was also used
for cutting vegetables, &c.
28. A small earthenware weight and part of another,
used for twisting thread. In shape they are elliptic spin-
dles, with a deep broad groove round their middle at the
minor axis. The thread being attached to this groove, the
weight is made to revolve rapidly, so as to twist the strands
of the thread. Another weight used for the same purpose
is made of a slightly different pattern.
Lools.
Excluding hammers, of which none have been seen, a
good series of tools and implements has been obtained ;
and nearly all, with the exception of the carpenters’ chisels,
closely resemble those now in use. Even carpenters’
chisels, like those discovered, are still employed in a few of
the less-advanced jungle districts. Some of these tools
were found scattered singly in the soil,“ but others were
procured, two or vanee together, near the houses. I dis-
covered a ‘ jumper,’ or chisel for boring wedge-holes in stone,
about 14 feet below the surface of the ground, buried under
an overturned plate, where its owner had apparently hidden
it. The plate was partly exposed in the side of the cutting,
and I first bared it in order to find if it was unbroken,
which was not the case, though all the fragments were in _
| = (ems oanpoud)
ee
No. 27.—1884.| TISSAaMAHARAMA ARCHAOLOGY. 39
situ. On the following day, it struck me as strange that
this plate should be ‘ upside down,’ and I therefore returned
to the spot, and, on examining the soil immediately under
it, found the jumper lying just as it had been deposited
2,000 years ago. Of course it has long been known that
in boring the cylindrical wedge-holes commonly preferred
by the ancient Simhalese for splitting building stones, a
small jumper—a strong cylindrical chisel with a broad edge—
was employed ; and it is interesting to see one of the tools
which has actually been used for the purpose. The wedge-
holes were of two types, cylindrical ones from 1} inch to —
14 inch in diameter, and from 2 to 3 inches deep, generally
bored from 44 to 6 inches apart, and rectangular ones,
having a section of 2 inches by 14 inch, and also from
2 to 3 inches deep, and, as a rule, the same distance apart
as the others. For cutting the latter, the ordinary cylin-
drical chisels or pointed ‘ punches’ employed in stone-cutting
were needed. Two of these have also been discovered.
Some of the carpenters’ chisels were found at a higher level
than the most ancient remains, and are doubtless of more
recent date; but as they are of exactly similar shape to
the rest, | include them with the others in this report.
The tools found are as follows :—
1. ‘The jumper above referred to, 5 inches long, made
ang Of three-quarter inch iron or steel, with an
Masons’
Stone-cutters’ edge 13 inch long. The head is splayed out
lk. by much hammering. (See illustration at
end.)
2. The heads and points of two stone-cutting chisels,
exactly like those now made, apparently composed of ‘7-inch
iron. Their heads are hammered down by use, and they
have points of the ordinary shape. (See illustration. )
3. Part of an iron wedge, with a side somewhat rounded.
This was made of 5 or 6 thin plates of iron welded together,
and was about 2 inches broad.
4. An article which may possibly be a small broken
trowel of iron or steel. The edges of the blade were slight-
ly curved upwards, after the style of a common gardener’s
trowel, but in a much less degree. The spike or pin which
fitted into the wooden handle is rivetted through the blade.
I must say, however, that I feel very much doubt as to this
40 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII.
identification. It is not known that any trowels were used
in Ceylon (B.C.), and I think that this may have been a
piece of iron which was attached to some woodwork.
5. Two pieces of a long bar of round iron, about three-
quarters of an inch thick, may have formed part of a chisel
used for cutting stone. The bar appears to have been
pointed at one end, and if so, there seems to be no other
use to which it could be put.
6. A long chisel, probably belongs to this class, in which
case it must have been used for large carvings. It was 1:1
inch broad, and 1 inch thick, rectangular in section and
straight, with a length of perhaps 10 inches or a foot. The
end is broken off. Possibly, however, this tool may have
been used by the smiths along with a smaller similar
~ chisel.
More of these tools than of any implements have been
Carpenters’ found. Although allare broken across, it can
Tools. be seen that they were of great length (except
in the case of the smallest ones), and that they had not
wooden handles. I have seen very similar tools used by
village carpenters in the North-Central Province, but I
imagine that they are now becoming uncommon in this
country. Considering the great value which must have
been attached to such articles of steel or iron in the early
years of Simhalese history, it may be presumed that many
houses were in course of erection at the times when these
tools were being lost in such quantity compared with the
area explored. They cannot but have belonged to many
different men. The chisels are nearly all such strong
heavy tools that. they could hardly be used for anything
but working large .pieces of timber, and doubtless their
owners were chiefly employed in roofing-work. Most of
these certainly belong to the oldest series of remains, but
a few are of considerably later date. There is, however, no
difference in their general shape, and those found at the
greatest height are exact counterparts of those met with
immediately over the gravel. All these tools were obtained
in the high-level cutting at the sluice near the houses, or,
in some instances, in them.
7, The broken iron heads of two axes. Oneofthemis
now almost 8 inches long, and 3 inches broad at its
No. 27.—1884. | TISSAMAHARAMA ARCHAOLOGY. 4]
widest part; the other was 2°6 inches wide. Both were
fully three-quarters of an inch thick in the middle. It is
easy to-be seen that these were made by welding together
flat plates of iron of various thicknesses. The larger axe
appears to be made of only two plates, the smaller one of
about seven very thin plates. These axes had no socket for
the handle—(at any rate, there is no sign of one in the
pieces which have been found)—and they may perhaps
have been fixed to the handle in the same manner as the
ancient celts. The edge of the blade of the larger axe is 2°8
inches long. (See illustration.)
8. Three long iron chisels, and part of three others. The
largest found measures 7 inches in length, 14 inch in
breadth, and has a cutting edge 14 inch long. Another,
which now measures 54 inches in length, may have been
nearly as long as theabove. Its breadth at its widest part is
11 inch, at the head less than i inch; the edge is also 14
inch long. At about a quarter of its length from the
edge, its thickness is *7 inch. Another chisel is rather
lighter in make. All of these chisels have an upper and
under face, the former being straight, the latter bevelled,
as is usual at present in the case of broad chisels. (See
illustration. )
9. A shorter but otherwise similar chisel of iron, now
measuring 44 inches long, but formerly probably 52 inches.
It has a length of edge of 13 inch, and a maximum thick-
ness of about three-quarters of an inch. It has a distinct
upper and under face, like the others.
10. Two small thin chisels, the longer of which is 3°9
inches in length, the shorter probably not measuring more
than 24 inches. They have a length of cutting edge of
1-1 inch and are only ‘20 inch and °15 inch thick in the
middle, respectively. Of course both sidesarealike. These
must have been used for delicate work. (See illustration.)
11. A large number of nails and rivets, and plates of
iron, which apparently held together a substantial frame-
work of wood,—perhaps one of the war-chariots of the time.
These have already been referred to as being concealed
at the back of one of the houses. (See “ House,” &c.)
Some of them have fragments of wood (now converted into
a yellowish-red, earthy substance) attached to them still.
42 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol]. VIII. 4
12, Three stones of different sorts used by the carpenters
for sharpening their tools.
13. Of these, only one has been discovered—the round
stone—quite similar to those now in use,
which was employed in moulding the
interior of chatties and pots. From an examination of
the pottery, it is certain, however, that numerous stamps
or dies were used for stamping patterns on the ware.
A careful search was made for these, but without any
success. Presumably, they were made of wood, which has
rotted away.
14. Although it is quite clear that one or more forges
were at work at this spot, only one article
has been discovered which can be assigned
to these artificers, viz.,a short, thick, rectangular chisel,
which may have been used as a cold chisel for cutting iron.
Part ofit is broken off at the head, so that it is impossible to
be quite sure of the identification, and, as above stated
(“ Tools,” No. 5), this chisel may have been used for stone-
cutting. I may note that these rectangular chisels are made
in a peculiar way. Round the piece or pieces of iron
forming the heart is wrapped thin plate-iron, and the whole
is then welded together. The thickest piece of iron found
in any of the tools measures °4 inch. In order to make a
chisel more than 1 inch in diameter, it was evidently
necessary to increase the thickness in some way which would
not permit the component parts to split off under repeated
blows ; and this device was hit upon.
15. Of these, we have found a stone on which the gold-
smith was accustomed to sharpen his
tools. It has several narrow grooves
in its upper surface, which have been worn in it in
this way.
16. Linclude, also, a piece of deer-horn (‘ elk’’), which
evidently formed half of a handle for some tool, which ap-
parently was too thin for any but a goldsmith to use.
There still remain two or three fragments of iron for
which I am unable to suggest the use.
Potters’ Tools.
Smiths’ Tools.
Goldsmiths’ Tools,
Weapons. 7
It was not to be anticipated that among the dwellings
Sei GZ
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La aly)
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\ Peay - Ulpoave se | speoy-aveods U0A]
(ams poungou.s |
SNOdVaM
No. 27.—1884.] TISSAMAHARAMA ARCHHOLOGY. 43
and working-places of artificers and potters any arms
would be met with ; yet a small but very interesting series
has come to light. These were all found in or near the
houses. In one case, a spear-head, of a peculiar shape, was
lying close to two carpenters’ chisels. Hence I conclude
that it belonged to their owner, I have already referred
to these chisels as being of a later date than the others
obtained, and this spear-head must also be of a similar age.
From the number of bones of wild animals, specially deer,
scattered throughout the excavations, it may be presumed
that these weapons were kept chiefly for use in hunting.
They are as follows :— Me
1. Two narrow, heavy, unbarbed, spear-heads of iron.
The most recent of these has a deep socket of a peculiar
shape, resembling a deep longitudinal groove at the head.
It is broken across at this point, otherwise the flanges of
the socket would probably be found to meet further away
from the blade, and thus obtain a firmer hold of the handle.
The other spear-head is broken off shorter at the head,
otherwise it appears to have hada similar socket. Three
other iron articles which have been found seem to be parts
of spear-heads resembling these two in shape. (See illus-
tration. )
2. A much lighter unbarbed spear-head of iron, broken
off at the stem. Itis broader in the blade than those above-
mentioned, and evidently had two cutting edges. (See
illustration. )
3. An iron javelin-head of the conventional type. (See
illustration. )
4. I include next, but very doubtfully, two pieces of
iron which seem to have been parts of two daggers or
dagger-like knives, The fragments are too small and
worn to enable me to feel any sort of confidence in this
identification, and I merely include these articles here
because I cannot see what other use could be made of
_ them.
5. An iron kris, broken across near the handle, has
already been mentioned as having been procured with other
iron articles in one of the houses. The blade is now 53
inches long and one inch wide at the top. It has the
- bends peculiar to this weapon.
44 o JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIOIl.
6. Nosword hasbeen discovered ; but, judging by what
is manifestly a careful drawing of one on a piece of pottery,
I may mention that the straight cross-hilt stood out at a
right-angle from the hilt, and that the blade was somewhat
narrow near it, but much broader at about two-thirds of its —
length from the hilt, tapering again towards the point. The
blade has a very slight upward or backward curve, like a
scimitar, but the back is bevelled off straight towards the
edge at the point. According to the illustration, the
weapon appears to have been a heavy one, capable of deal-
ing a severe stroke. The hilt appears to be quite long
enough for the sword to be a two-handed one; but the
general proportions rather give the effect of a single-handed
sword. In general shape it reminds one forcibly of the
short but effective Roman sword. (See illustration.)
Food. :
By an examination of the numerous bones distributed
through the cuttings, it has been ascertained that the people
lived largely upon Sambar deer, or ‘elk,’ Cervus aristo-
telis; and as these bones are usually blackened and burnt,
it may be presumed that the meat was often roasted. Other
animals eaten were the axis, or spotted deer, Cervus axis ;
buffaloes, which, from the large size of the teeth, seem to
have been wild ones; more rarely wild pigs ; and the large
monkey (wandurd), Semnopithecus priamus, Blyth, of which
last a skull split in two, as though to extract the brain, has
been found. The curry-stones and numerous plates show
that rice was a staple article of food, as at present ; but
even these artificers were evidently to some extent hunters
who subsisted partly on the spoils of the chase. Of
domestic animals no bones but those of cattle and dogs
have been observed.
Playthings and Toys.
It seems strange that any of these should be forthcom-
ing after a lapse of 2,000 years, and it may prove a surprise
to many to learn that the familiar game of “ marbles’ was
not unknown to the early inhabitants of Ceylon. Yet there
is indisputable evidence that they were accustomed to
amuse themselves with this and with another game
described below.
No. 27.—1884.] TISSAMAHARAMA ARCHOLOGY. 45
1. Marbles. These were made of both stone and
earthenware, and were about the same size as those of the
present day. Those made of stone, of which three have
been obtained, are well polished and spherical. They have
a segment cut off so as to leave a flat base on which they
might rest, while others forming complete spheres were
projected from the fore-finger to strike them. One which
is made of earthenware is quite superior in make to those
which children have in England.
2. Many thin earthenware disks, of varying sizes,
_ have been unearthed. These were used in a well-known
- game, now called wala-salli, “hole-money.” In this game —
a straight line about three feet long is drawn on the ground,
and opposite the middle of it, and a few inches beyond it, a
small cup-shaped holeis made. The players, two or more in
number, take their stand ata mark 10 or 12 feet away, and
each in turn pitches a disk at the hole. The player whose aim
is best now takes in his hand all the disks which have been
thrown, and tosses all of them together at the hole. Then,
with a larger and heavier disk, he must next, while standing -
at the mark, hit one of the pieces which the other players
select for the purpose among those lying round the hole and
beyond the line. Should he do so, he again tosses all the
disks together at the hole, and those which fall in it become
his property. The next player then proceeds with the play
in a similar manner, making use of the disks which have not
been won by his predecessor. This is still a very common
and well-known gambling game ; it is now usually played
with money, as its modern name indicates. In ancient
times it must have been immensely popular, for these disks
have been found in all our cuttings, and some of them are
well worn. They have also been met with in the stratum
near the surface of the ground. The disks are usually a
little more than an inch in diameter, but some are much
larger. —
3. A rough representation of some quadruped moulded
in clay but not burnt, and considerably mutilated, was
evidently intended as a child’s toy.
4. Anarticle of earthenware on four very short legs,
having a flat top decorated with diagonal and parallel lines,
may have been made as a child’s toy couch.
46 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vol. VIII.
5. Asmall cowry, with a design engraved on its upper
surface, may perhaps have been used as a toy, unless it
was a medium of exchange.
6. A solid earthen disk or wheel 2°85 inches in diameter,
with a cylindrical hole in the centre, has apparently be-
longed to a small toy cart. The mark of the axle is to be
seen on one side of the disk.
Personal Ornaments.
These consist chiefly of beads of various kinds, to which
reference is again made below, and parts of necklaces ; but
one or two other articles have been procured. Nearly all
these articles were found among the houses, and, with one
exception, they certainly belong to the oldest remains. The
exception is a broken glass bangle found with other things
in cutting a channel in the paddy field. (See “ Household
Utensils,” No. 19.)
1. Two small copper bells.* Similar ones of silver are
now worn by small children.
2. Three plain straight copper hair-pins, 24 inches long
and about. °14 inch in diameter at the middle, nearly cylin-
drical, but thicker at one end than the other. These were
used for passing through the knot at the back of the head.
3. One hair-pin of ivory, 2°9 inches long and °30 inch
thick in the middle. This is notched on opposite sides to
prevent it from slipping out.
4. Many circular, bright red, well-polished disks, both
whole and in pieces, which formed part of necklaces. They
have a circular hole in the centre for stringing them on the
necklace, and they average about 34 inch in diameter, but
vary from °52 inch to'13 inch. Mr. A. C. Dixon, B.Se.,
of Colombo, has been kind enough to examine some
of these, and he reports them to consist of silicate of
alumina.
5. Beads of several kinds. Of course the majority are
* In the procession at the dedication of the sacred ground at Auu-
radhapura, it is stated that “gorgeous flags tinkling with the bells
attached to them”’ were carried. (Mah., p. 99.)
Also, in the description of Dutthag4mini’s throne in the Lohapasada,
itis said that “at the points of the canopy were suspended a row of
silver bells.” (Mah., p. 164.)
No. 27.—1884.] TISSAMAHARAMA ARCHMOLOGY. 47
corals ;* but a red carnelian with flat sides, a tourmaline
(identified by Mr. Dixon) of clear amber-like colour, and of
oval section longitudinally ; an admirably cut and polished
spherical carnelian, and three small blue glass beads of a
cylindrical shape, have been obtained, in addition to a large
spherical bead of jade, and a cylindrical bead of the silicate
of alumina. All are pierced for stringing.
6. A well-made but thick finger-ring of jade, which
unfortunately crumbled away on being taken up, appeared
from its size to have been worn by a woman.
7. Several other small pieces of jade have been found,
but as they are only in fragments their uses cannot be
ascertained. Mr, Dixon has examined some of these, and
confirmed the identification.
8. Part ofa black glass bangle, flat inside, °18 inch broad,
"12 inch thick, and having an internal diameter of 1:94 inch,
was met with in the distributing channel in the paddy field,
to which previous reference has been made, (“ Household
Utensils,” No. 19.) Glass bangles, like this one, are now
worn in South India, I am told.
Money.
The discovery of nine different copper coins is among the
most interesting facts connected with these researches. Five
of them at least are new to collectors ; and their value and
rarity may be surmised when it is stated that the oldest
specimen goes back to a date quite 1,300 years beyond the
earliest coins previously identified in the Island, namely,
those of Parakrama Bahu IJ. (1153 to 1186 A.D.) Three,
if not four, of the other coins are of not very much later
date. There can be no doubt as to the antiquity of the
oldest coin met with. I myself was present when it was
| * When Dutthagamini was about to build the Ruwanweeli dagaba,
_ the architect, in order to provide the king with a graphic illustration
| of the shape in which he intended to build it, is described as causing a
_ bubble to rise in a golden basin of water—“ a great globule, in the form
_ of a coral bead.” (Moah,, p. 175.)
The story is most improbable, the Thip4r4ma being already in exist-
| ence near the site, as a model for the new dagaba, but it is interesting
as showing the early use of coral beads in Ceylon.
At Mah., p. 164, there are also mentioned a pair of Dutthagamini’s
_ slippers ornamented with beads.
found in the low-level cutting near the sluice in the lowest
part of the bottom (or pottery) stratum, fully 18 feet under-
ground. Another coin, No. 2, was afterwards picked up in
the high-level cutting hoor the s same stratum, but not from
the bottom of it.
The description of the coins is as follows :—
1. Anoblong copper coin, 1:14 inch long, -46 inch broad,
and weighing 524 grains.
Obverse. A full-length standing figure of a man, looking
to the front. The left hand rests on something represented —
by three upright lines. Around and over the head runs a
wavy line, which may perhaps indicate the royal umbrella.
The right forearm seems to be turned upwards. ‘The legs
are slightly apart, and the feet turned outwards. There
appears to be a tunic, which extends to the upper part of
the thighs. The whole figure is well-proportioned and
somewhat graceful.
Reverse. More indistinct than the obverse, but it con-
tains a symbol in relief which appears to resemble that on
the other coins found. This consists of two lines in the
upper part of the coin, one vertical and the other horizontal,
crossing each other at a right-angle. The ends of these
lines are bent at a right-angle to the right (beginning from
the top, and followine the hands of a watch). This first
part of the symbol has been found engraved on two pieces
of pottery also.* The rest of the symbol is as follows :—
The vertical line is produced downwards for a distance equal
to about half its length, when it meets another line running
horizontally across the lower part of the coin. From this
latter line, on each side of the central produced line, spring _
two upright lines which rise to about one-third of the height
of the central line. The whole figure is thus symmetrical. —
Below the horizontal base line there usually runs one wavy
line. The symbol cannot be properly distinguished on this
special coin, but part of it can be made out, and as it is
found on ali the other ancient coins, it was Spay similar
on this one.
* This is the “ Svastika” ormonogram of the word Svdsti. (Report of ”
Archeological Survey of India, Vol. V., p. 177, illustrated in plate —
X LIL.)
48 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). | [Vol. VIIL
No. 27,—1884.] tissamMaHARAMA ARCH MOLOGY. 49
On the left half of the coin there are some indistinct
marks or letters in relief, which may be presumed to be the
name of the sovereign, but 1am unable to decipher them.
_ The lowest letter seems to be the anusvara dot or bead.
2. An oblong copper coin, 1:18 inch long, :46 inch broad,
-and weighing 44 grains.
Obverse. A standing full-length figure of a man, look-
ing to the front. The figure is in fictitious relief by the
background’s being sunk, as though stamped ; no part of
the coin, however, rises above the general level of the edges.
Round, and over the head, is a circlet, as in the last coin.
The arms hang down on each side, and the legs are slightly
apart, with the feet turn outwards. The two triangular
spaces at each side of the head—between that and the arms
and the side of the coin—are filled with an ornamental
winding design. Filling up the space between the feet is
a small triangular relief. A horizontal bar runs-below the
feet. There is something which I am unable to distinguish
on each side of the legs. The figureis not quite so graceful
as the former, and the arms are less natural in appearance ;
the shoulders are also narrow, but in other respects the
figure is well proportioned.
Reverse. The same symbol as on the last coin. In the
spaces to left and right of it, between the horizontal arms
and the verticle side-bars, there are four (or perhaps five)
letters in relief, which appear to form the name of the king.
Two are on each side of the central vertical bar, those on
the left being written vertically, and those on the right
horizontally. The characters are clearly those of the Asoka
inscriptions, and they seem to have been well made, and
very distinct; but, owing to the wearing away of the coin,
and to its bending near them, it is difficult to decipher
them. I doubtfully identified those on the left as Raja,
and those on the right as Ada. If so, the left ones read
from the bottom upwards, and the others from left to
right. We know that the lettering was very irregular on
the most ancient coins. On the inscribed coins found at
Hran by General Cunningham, the letters read in one case
from right to left, and in two others from left to right.
3. An oblong copper coin, 1:22 inch long, :50 inch
wide, and weighing at present 41 grains. A small flake,
28—85 D
ae
+
50 JOURNAL, B.A.8. (CEYLON). — [Vol. VIII.
which has been broken off the reverse face, nen bring up
the total weight to about 43 grains. :
Oéverse.—A standing full-length figure of a man, facing
to the front, but looking towards his right. The usual
circlet or need bar passes round and over the head, and it
has four outward equidistant bosses or projections. <A
horizontal bar passes across over the head, and the upper |
corners of the coins, at each side of the head, are filled with
a raised design. The arms hang down at the sides, and the
legs are slightly apart, the feet being turned half-outwards.
Two upright bars stand at each side, as high as the middle
of the thighs. The figure is moderately well-proportioned.
Reverse.—The same symbol as on the other coins, with
two horizontal raised bars below it instead of one. There
are no letters on this coin.
This coin was found at a slightly higher level than the
preceding one, and above the pottery stratum. Unfortu-
nately it is Weaken | in two.
4. An oblong copper coin, 1:20 rea long, ‘55 inch
wide, and weighing 35 grains. This coin is much corroded,
but is otherwise in fair condition.
Obverse.—The full-length figure of a man looking to the
front, with the arms hanging down near the sides, and the
feet somewhat apart, the toes being turned half-outwards.
The figure is slender, and very narrow-waisted; but as
regards longitudinal dimensions, it is not badly propor-
tioned. Round and over the head is the usual circlet-—
about two-thirds of a circle—springing from the shoulders.
Over this is a horizontal bar, separated from the border
rim by a sunk channel of similar width. This border runs
round three sides of the coin, being absent at the feet, and
is flat and rather broad for a coin of this size. The spaces
between the figure and the border, and between the legs as
high as the calves, are partly filled up with simple winding
tracery.
Reverse.—The symbol found on the other coins, but —
made in a slightly different manner, the bends at the ends
of the cross-bars being turned in the opposite direction—
that is, the top one turns to the left, and the rest are
similarly reversed. Below the horizontal base line of this
symbol there are two waving parallel lines, instead of one. — 3
No. 27.—1884.] TISsaMAHARAMA ARCH AOLOGY. 51
On each side of the vertical bar, and above the short
upright side-bars, there appear to be letters; but they are
so indistinct that I have been unable to decipher any of
them. The first one, the upper letter on the left side,
seems to resemble the first letter on coin No. 2.
This coin was met with in widening a high-level channel
from the west sluice near the ruins of a small dégaba
marked on the plan. I have already mentioned that there
were some better-class dwellings along this channel. Their
floors were cut through at depths varying from two to five
feet below the present ground-level, and it was among the
deeper ones that this coin was found. Several fragments
of pottery discovered at the site are quite similar to those
unearthed at the potters’ establishment on the opposite
side of the Tissa tank ; and, so far as one can judge from
the general nature of the remains, their depth below the
surface, the character of the pottery, and especially the sizes
of the bricks (which are almost exactly the same as: those
of the Mahdarama, and might have been made with the
same moulds), these ruins are at least as old as those found
in cutting out the site for the new sluice.
5. A roughly circular copper coin, having a mean dia-
meter of about 1:27 inch, and a weight of 220 grains.
This coin has, unfortunately, been badly stamped, so that
part of the design is omitted on both faces. As a result of
this, however, it can clearly be seen that two dies have not
_been exactly opposite, from which it is probable that the
copper disk was laid on a die, and impressed by blows on
another die held by the hand. The design on the reverse
face seems to have been afterwards cut out more deeply by
hand. The designs on both faces are brought into a et by
sinking the el orcund.
Obverse.—The design is surrounded by two parallel
circular lines, :10 fale apart, having between them an
intermediate line, broken, in one part, by a series of dots,
and perhaps similarly broken on the opposite side, which is
missing in this specimen. About three-quarters only of
the design on this face can be seen, the rest, owing to the
irregularity of the stamping, having missed the disk.
In the right-hand lower corner is the side-view of a well-
| ped elephant in relief, facing to the left, with extended
| D2
52 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). — _[Vol. VIII.
tail. Above the elephant, to the left, is what I take to be
a representation of the sacred bé branch, growing out of a
rectangular frame, or surrounded by a fence which has bars
crossing from the middle of each side. On each of the
upper corners of this frame is a dot or bead, which may be
intended to represent a fruit, with two leaflets springing
from it. (The eight minor bé trees each bore two fruits,
Mah., p. 120.) The tree consists of a substantial upright
stem, from the sides of which diverge two lateral alternate
branches (instead of five, as stated at Mah., p. 113). The
stem and branches each bear three leaves at their extremi-
ties —one being at the end, and opposite ones at each side.*
To the right of this branch, at the top. of the design,
under the rim, is the symbol which I have already described
on coin No. 1. Between this and the branch are three
circular dots, while another dot is found at its right lower
corner near the rim. Between the “Svastika’’ symbol and
the elephant’s back, there are two peculiar symbols—that
on the left much like a sextant, an isosceles triangle lying
on its side, with a vertical cross-bar at the apex, which ig
towards the left; that on the right like a double eye-glass
more than anything else, resting on a line which cuts off
the bottoms of the two circles.
fteverse.—-The design is surrounded by a single flat rim.
About three-quarters of this design, also, can alone be
clearly seen. The design has evidently been improved by
cutting out a shallow trench round the outlines. An.
imaginary horizontal diameter will divide the symbols on
this face into two groups—three above it, and one below it.
In the middle of the upper half is a very clear represen-
tation of the peculiar ‘Svadstika”’ symbol found on the
other old coins, in broad high relief, at the right upper
corner of which are three circular dots. The design at the
left is very indistinct, but three similar dots were probably
Symmetrically arranged there also, under which was a
symbol that I have failed to distinguish. To the right of
the symbol first described, below the three dots, and
* Compare Report on Archeological Survey of India, Vol. X., p. 79,
and plate XXIV., where very ancient punch-marked and die-struck
coins are described and figured, having a facsimile of this bé tree on —
them, the seedlings alone being perhaps absent.
ee ap ES
~
No, 27.—1884.] TISsAMAHARAMA ARCH AOLOGY. 53
extending to the rim, is an outline like a second or third
century M, from which, however, it differs slightly, so that
it cannot, with certainty, be stated to be that letter. It
consists of two inclined straight bars crossing each other
a little above their middle, and having their tops and
bottoms joined by horizontal lines, which are about half
the length of the bars. At the crossing-place is a similar
horizontal longer bar, while another short horizontal one,
like the earliest form of attached w, is found on the right
side. As the second or third century wu is written below the
consonant, this symbol is perhaps not intended to represent —
a letter. It may, however, be the “Aum” monogram of the
time. :
In the middle of the lower half of this face, below the
imaginary diameter, is the same double-eye-glass symbol
as on the other face, but much larger, on each side of which
are three circular dots in relief.
6. Acircular (?) copper coin with a raised rim on both
faces, ‘65 inch in diameter and weighing 26 grains.
Obverse. The head and shoulders of a man, in profile,
looking towards the left. The whole is in high relief.
At the back of the head, under the rim, there are several
letters in relief, which are either Greek or Roman, but they
are too indistinct to be deciphered.
Reverse. An exceedingly graceful, well- proportioned,
full-length, small, standing figure of a man, looking to
the front, and resting his weight on the right leg. In his
right hand, which is extended outwards from the elbow,
he holds a wreath, probably. The other arm is partly
extended, and the hand apparently rests on a spear.
Under the rim, to the left of the figure, are several letters,
which I am unable to decipher.
So far as I am aware, the only coins which closely
resemble this are the Macedonian coins issued during the
reigns of the Emperors Nero (54-68), Vespasian (69-79),
and Domitian (81-96). But all those at the British
Museum are considerably larger than this one. (brit. Alus.
Cat., Coins of Macedonia, pp. 27, 28.) The coin was found
at the sluice-cutting, about three feet above the pottery
stratum, together with the following coin No. 7, and it
was nearly at the same level as No. 3, but slightly higher.
54 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VILL. :
¢?. A circular copper coin without rim, ‘50 inch. in
diameter, and weighing 22 grains.
Obverse. The head and shoulders of a man, in profile,
looking towards the right. The whole is in high relief.
On his head is a helmet or cap, which does not cover the
ear. There is something in relief in front of the face,
which may possibly be some letters; but, if so, I am
unable to distinguish them.
Reverse. Three full-length standing figares of nymphs
in a row, in very low relief. The middle one is shorter.
than the others. All appear to be facing to the front.
The three nymphs are characteristic of the Greek coins
of Apollonia. Coins of this type were issued during the |
first century B.C., and in the time of the Emperor
Commodus, the latter ones, however, being twice the size of
this coin. (Brit. Mus. Cat., Coins of Thessaly to Aetolia,
pp. 61, 63.)
8 Accircular copper coin, ‘60 inch in diameter, and
weighing 31 grains. This coin is very much defaced, and
little can be made out with certainty regarding it. On the
obverse, there is the head and bust of a man, half turned to
the right, with the face in profile. He wears a tunic which
is opened at the throat. There appears to be an undecipher-
able legend under the rim.
On the reverse there is an indistinct design in relief, and
a legend under the rim.
9. A copper coin, intended to be circular, having a
mean diameter of about °53 inch and a weight of 134 grains.
This is a very puzzling coin, and Iam unable to suggest
even its nationality. It has been badly stamped, so that
the designs on the two faces are not opposite each other.
Obverse. The coin has a low flat rim in fictitious relief.
The head and shoulders of a man, in profile, facing the
right, having a circlet above his forehead confining his
hair, which is very long. The execution is very rough, and
the distinguishing characteristic of the features is the
enormous nose. In front of the face are four nearly
equidistant dots arranged parallel to and near the rim.
Reverse. Much defaced. This face is occupied by symbols
which appear to be two letters, one of them bearing a
close resemblance to a Kanarese attached letter (dha).
> Bes.
a oe
No. 27.—1884.] TISSAMAHARAMA ARCHMOLOGY. | 55
The other letter has the form of the Asoka ; but there are
two small circles in relief at the sides of the vertical line
of the letter.
From the roughness of the design and execution, and the
long hair of the king, as well as from the letters on the
reverse, | conclude that this coin is a South-Indian one.
As it was found near the last described coin, in the cutting
for the new sluice, its date is probably not later than the
first or second century A.D. Both of these coins were just
over the gravel, but not at the spot where the pottery
stratum was cut through.
The coins numbered 1, 2, 3, and 4 evidently represent the
same value ; but they are of different reigns. It seems to
me exceedingly probable that in these we have at last, if
not the often-mentioned Simhalese copper kahdpana (kaha-
wana, Sith.) of the Pali works, at any rate one of its subdivi-
sions. Foran exhaustive discussion regarding the kah4pana,
reference should be made to Prof. Rhys Davids’ work on the
Ancient Coins and Measures of Ceylon, 1877 (p. 3 and ff.).
Compare also Report on Archelogical Survey of India,
Vol. X., pp. 79 to 81.
I extract, however, two notes from the former work
regarding the kahapana : —
“ Its size and shape are uncertain ; but this at least can be said,
that the sculptor of the bas-reliefs at Barahat (who cannot have
lived more than a century later than the compiler of the Dham-
mapada), makes them square.” (P. 4).
“‘ We have, therefore, no evidence in Buddhist literature that in
Magadha before the time of Asoka, or in Ceylon before the fifth
eentury A.D., there were any coins proper, that is, pieces of
inscribed money struck by authority. On the other hand, we
have no statements inconsistent with the existence of such coinage,
and we have sufficient evidence that pieces of metal of certain
weights, and probably marked or stamped by the persons who
made them, were used as a medium of exchange, and that some
common forms of this money had acquired recognized names.”
(P. 18.) ©
Up to the time of Mahandma, I have met with only two
references in the ancient histories to money employed in
Ceylon, which was clearly said to be of gold or silver. One,
quoted by Prof. Rhys Davids, states that Dutthagamini
e
56 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). | [ Vol. VIII.
deposited 8 lacs of hirafifias at each of the four gates of the
Lohapasada (Mah. p. 163); and the other mentions the gift —
of 200,000 silver pieces (rupryad) to the priesthood, by —
Abhaya, son of Sirindga, 231—239 A.D. (Di., xxii. 37).
Jn all other cases previous to Mahdéndma’s time, in which
allusion is made to money in Ceylon, there is not only
nothing to show that kahApanas of copper were not referred
to, but there is often good reason for thinking that copper
alone was intended to be understood. Gold and silver were
doubtless used much more freely in Indiathan in Ceylon, both
as mediumsof exchange and for decorative purposes. This
is evident when it is remembered that gold does not now
exist in any but small quantities in Ceylon, and that
silver is still more rare. We cannot assume that the
ereater part of these metals has been washed out of the
quartz before our time. It seems to be very unlikely, too,
that gold was really made use of in the instance above
referred to. The money was to be given to the labourers
employed in building the Lohap4ésada, and it can hardly be
supposed that they would be paid in gold.” In this case,
hiraifia may very possibly be an interpolation of Mahandé-
ma’s. Hxcluding this one instance, then, there is nothing
whatever to indicate that up to the third century A.D. any
but copper money was in large circulation in this country.
When it is named, this money is always called kahdpana.
Seeing, therefore, that two of the oblong coins certainly date
from before Christ, and that another (No. 4) most probably
does, that nocopper coins but kahaépanas or parts of kah4panas
are known to have existed in Ceylon at that time, and that
the Indian kahapana, has been represented by a pre-Christian
sculptor as a rectangular coin, | conclude that we have at
last obtained specimens of one of the subdivisions of the
Simhalese kahapana,
* I should note, however, that in one of the Mihintale inscriptions,
which Dr, Miller attributes to Kassapa V. (937 to 954 A.D.) it is
ordained that the workmen at the Ambasthala Wih4ra were to be paid
in “ kalandas” of gold. This may merely refer to the amount of their
pay ; it does not necessarily indicate that gold was actually paid to the
men. In any case, it would of course be their yearly wages, and not
pay given to them for short periods of service, as would be the case at
the Lohapasada (Ancient Inscriptions, No. 114.) See Appendix, Note 4.
ie
re ~d
r
PALAEQGRAPHIGAL TABLE
(after Cunningham. )
| Magama |Tomgala etc
Magama (vowels
SO BC a,
2aQ. BC.
©
5 |
Ss nl aay,
ao
: CN
>
as =
i @v
b ce
< fama A f } a
: @
| |
a aaa nia arc
LITHOGRAPHED AT THE SURVEY@R GENERALS OFFICE. COLOMBE :
PALAEOGRAPHIGAL TABLE
9
(after Cunningham |
18)
he.
/
\
Tae Tiaaie oe 7 i
i ae Q TP ya \
Ex : ina! Vows? _
:
Mégam
Fig,
Tomgala éte
80.8 C.
|
220 BC. |
|
| Magama
ais
oe
Shae TO
ee
No. 27,.—1884.] rissamaAHARAMA ARCHAOLOGY. 57
The three oblong coins first described were found in the
potters’ working-place, and not at the houses occupied by
the other work-people. From this it may be inferred that
they belonged to the potters, or, at any rate, that the two
oldest of them did. Proof that these potters possessed such
money has been obtained by the discovery of two accurate
drawings of the symbol on the reverse side of: the coins,
scratched on two fragments of pottery taken out of the
lowest stratum. I think that there cannot be much chance of
error in assuming this symbol to be a representation of the
royal seal or mark (lakuna) of the time ; but what it really
meant originally will probably never be known. Is it
possible that the central vertical line, with its cross-bar, the
- svastt Monogram, can be intended to represent the symbol
on the royal standard, while the four lateral verticals sym-
bolise the four descriptions of troops surrounding it—
elephants, chariots, cavalry, and foot-soldiers? This seems
far-fetched, but I am unable to suggest any better expla-
nation. I may mention here, as an interesting fact in
connection with these coins, that two accurate copies of
the symbol are to be found on the rocks at Gal-lena Wihara,
in the North-Western Province. There are five inscriptions
on the rocks, all purporting to be cut by Tissa, son of the
Maharaja Gamani Abhaya. The symbol is cut at the end
of two of these, together with another unexplainedmark. For
purposes of comparison I give sketches of all of these seals
or diagrams :—
On coins Nos 1, Oncoin No. 4, On pottery. On rock at
Do, Oo Gal-lena.
Dr. Miiller has stated that the Gal-lena inscriptions at
the end of which the marks are cut, are of considerably
later date than another one of the five, which he has trans-
eribed and translated (Ancient Inscriptions in Ceylon, text,
p. 25), and which apparently belongs to Mahdctla Tissa,
son of Wattagamini. Without entering into this (although
the existence of this mark after them renders it unlikely
58 JOURNAL, RAS. (CEYLON). [Vol. VII. Le
that they should be forgeries, and the inscription from which
this seal is copied contains the aspirated 04), I may point
out that even if they belong to the second century A.D.,
their age will not affect the date of the coins on which the
same symbol is found. The design was repeated on these
coins for a long period after Christ.
The facte of this symbol’s being thus cut on the Gal-lena
rocks appears to me to be decisive as to the country to
which the coins bearing it belong. A design borrowed from
a foreign coin would be quite meaningless at the end of an
inscription in Ceylon, purporting to record a royal gift ;
and it seems probable that the mark or symbol was either
copied from a Simhalese coin, or was well-known as the
royal seal. The great numbers of the kahdpanas mentioned
in the Mahavamsa also prove (if the statements are to be
believed), that coining was carried on in the Island. We
can hardly assume that coins of Indian origin were in such
profusion in Ceylon.
It needs merely a glance at these ancient coins and the
later Simhalese coins (or the beautiful photographs of them
in Professor Rhys Davids’ volume), to convince any one of
the immense falling off—both in drawing and engraving the
design on the money—which had taken place by the
middle of the 12th century. While the figure of the
monarch on the recent coins is almost more like a quadruped
than a biped—not to mention a king—the representation
of the sovereign on all these old coins is well-proportioned,
and, to a considerable extent, graceful. This difference in
the appreciation of the proportions of the human figure, and
in the ability to transfer this appreciation to the design on
the coins, indicates the lapse of a very long interval of time
between the latest specimen of the oblong money (No. 3)
and the earliest specimen of more modern money, the
‘Lamkeswara’ coin of Paréakrama Bahu. The difference in
the two coins is too great to be bridged over by a less period
than many centuries ; and this is confirmed by the relative
position in which the ancient coin was discovered.
On areview of the whole available evidence, and especially
remembering the position of one coin in the very bottom of
the lowest stratum of the remains, it seems to me that, in the
present state of our knowledge of Simhalese numismatics,
No. 27.—1884. | TISSAMAHARAMA ARCHMHOLOGY. 59
the nearest approach which can be made to the ages of
the money will be to consider the oldest oblong coin to date
from at any rate not later than the early partof the second
century B.C. Possibly it dates from the time of Mahdnica
himself. The other oblong coins, Nos. 2 and 4, are probably
of but slightly later date than No. 1; and they cannot be
assumed to be later than the end of the second century B.C.*
The last oblong coin, No. 3, may perhaps belong to the early
part of the first century A.D., or otherwise to the latter
part of the preceding century. Its age cannot be assumed
to be less than this, if a Greek coin, No. 6, found above it,
was deposited during the first century after Christ.
With regard to the large circular coin, No. 5, it must
(until more is known of these ancient coins) be presumed to
be Simhalese. The presence on it of the Bo-branch and the
elephant might not alone justify this belief; but the addition
of the symbol found on the other four ancient coins, on the
Magama pottery, and on the Gal-lena rocks, affords what
seems to me to be conclusive proof of its accuracy, This coin
was met with by my menin cutting achannel at Ellagala, at
a point three miles in a direct line from the site of the other
remains, so that its relative position affords no clue to its
age, The representation of the Bo-branch indicates a time
when Buddhism had not begun to languish in Ceylon ; and
while the presence of the seal appears to show that the coin
is not very far removed in age from the oldest money yet
found, the marked difference in shape, design, and execu-
tion between the oblong and round coins must be taken to
prove the lapse of a considerable period between the two
styles. In this case, the date of this circular coin may
perhaps be the second or third century A.D., but this can
only be amatter of conjecture. It is quite possible that this
and the latest oblong coin are nearly contemporaneous.
It is interesting to note that the weight of the heaviest
of the older coins is very nearly equal to one-fourth of the
weight of this one, the former being 524 grains, while a
quarter of the weight of the latter is 55 grains. It can
hardly be supposed that this agreement is accidental,
* In this case the coin No. 2 may possibly belong to Dutthagamini.
He is termed simply Abhaya, at Mah., p. 97 ; Dip. 18, 53.
60 : JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). Wel Vn :
and if not, it 1s just possible that this round coin is the
kahapana; in which case the oblong coins are quarter
kahapanas. It seems likely that in earlier times both the
kahapana and its subdivisions were all oblong in Ceylon—
the shape being perhaps borrowed from the Far Hast—and
that in later years the more convenient round form was
adopted for them, copied perhaps, from the Greek money
which was already in circulation here, or from Greek money
introduced into India.
With so great a difference as 174 grains between the
weights of two specimens out of four of the presumed
quarter kahapana—one coin weighing only two-thirds of
the other—it may be imagined that the difference was still
more striking in other instances. ‘The surprise which the
Simhalese King expressed to the freedman of Annius
Plocamus at the accuracy of the weights of the Roman
money can therefore be easily understood. Such an incident
is scarcely one that would be invented, and proof is now
afforded of the truthfulness of the statement made by the
ancient traveller.*
Industries and Commerce.
Pottery. This appears to have beenin an advanced state
in Ceylon 2,000 years ago, and many of the pieces of
earthenware which have been procured are of excellent
quality. The black and red varnish, with which most of the
plates and many of the smaller chatties were coated, has
already been referred to. One small fragment of a deep
red colour, taking a beautiful polish, may be specially
mentioned. Various kinds of ornamentation on the out-
sides of the ware are of common occurrence, especially on
the chatties, such as parallel and horizontal sunk lines, cross-
hatched lines, and diamond and other patterns of different
sizes and designs stamped in relief. Other fragments are
stamped in more elaborate designs, consisting, in the most
decorated pieces, of a complicated tracery in relief, set off
by something closely resembling gilding, which is now to
* “Stupuisse scilicet regem pecuniam que cum ipso capta fuerat,
quod tametsi signata disparibus foret vultibus, parem tamen haberat
modum ponderis.” (Polyhistor, of Solinus, cap. LVI., De Taprobane
Insuld, ed. H. Stephanus, 1577, p. 100.)
~ No. 27.—1884.] TIssaMAHARAMA ARCHMOLOGY. 61
be seen only on the ground-work or unelevated portion of
the design. It was hoped that some example of painting
on pottery might come to light (Mak., p.99) ; but, with the
exception of the common black varnish, all search proved
unsuccessful.
Iron.—¥ rom the large number of nodules of kidney iron
met with throughout the sluice excavations, it is to be
presumed that the iron used for making the axes and other
tools was smelted on the spot, probably by the smiths them-
selves. The iron is so nearly pure that this would present
no difficulty, and the nodules could be picked out of the
underlying decomposed gneiss or gravel, which is extremely
ferruginous.
Copper.— Working in copper had arrived at considerable —
perfection. This is shown by the oblong coins, and also by
the small bells and the copper drinking cup already de-
scribed. It is clear that coining must have been practised
for a long period before it could reach such an advanced
stage. The earliest coins found are removed by centuries
from the rude forms of money which must primarily have
been adopted,* and it seems to be likely that some kind of
royal mint had long been established in Ceylon. It cannot
be supposed that any but skilled workmen could produce
such money, or that any one who wished to do so would be ©
permitted to stamp the royal seal on it, even if he were able
to engrave the stamps or dies for the two faces of the coin.
Gems, Corals, Glass, fc.—The tourmaline and carnelian
beads met with in our excavations, and the amethysts found
both there and in the copper-vessel, prove that gemming
was regularly practised, and that the art of cutting, drilling,
and polishing such stones in the form of beads was far from
its infancy, and was as well understood as at present.t
(Mah. p. 51.) The presence of these beads among the
remains shows that there is nothing improbable in the
* The execution of these coins is far in advance of the early coins
found by General Cunningham at Eran. (Ieport, Arch. Survey of
India, Vol. X., p. 77.)
+ The beautiful form of the carnelian bead can have been obtained
only by means of a lathe. It is as perfect a sphere as could be
_ turned out of a modern workshop, and probably it was polished with
pumice.
+=
en v WH
62 JOURNAL, RA.S. (CEYLON). | (Vol. VIII.
account of Dutthagdmini’s decorations at the Lohapdsdda :
—‘ All these apartments were highly embellished ; they
had festoons of beads, resplendent gems. The flower orna-
ments appertaining thereto were also set with gems, and —
the tinkling festoons were of gold.” (Mah. p. 163 ; compare
Dip. Xi., 20; see also Appendix.)
Besides these beads, a large, inferior, uncut amethyst, and
pieces of chalcedony, carnelian, and rock-crystal in the
rough state, have been discovered in the cutting near the
sluice. I believe that none of these stones are found in the
neighbourhood of Tissawzewa.
It may be of interest, for the sake of camparison, to —
enumerate the stones now worked in Ceylon; and Mr.
Hayward, of Colombo, the representative of Mr. Streeter,
the well-known dealer in precious stones, has been kind
enough to furnish me with a list of those met with by him,
as follows :—
Sapphire Spinel | Garnet
Ruby * Tourmaline Jacinth
* Amethyst Aquamarine Jargon
~ Cat’s-eye * Rock-crystal * Selenite.
Alexandrite * Chalcedony (rare)
* Chrysoberyl Star-stone
Of these, six marked (*) have been discovered at Tissa- _
maharama.
The coral from which the beads are made may have been
obtained round the southern coast. Without doubt great
numbers of these small beads were overlooked in our exca-
vations ; and it is certain that when so many were in the
possession of men of the lower castes, the collection of the
coral and its cutting and boring must have been an industry
of some importance. (Muh. p. 168; Dip. xx., 13.)
Of the flat disks composed of silicate of alumina, and
belonging to necklaces, we have found no less than 70,
either whole or broken. That so many were lost by these
people is a proof of their abundance, and almost a proof that
they were a local production. This manufacture shows,
almost more plainly than anything else, the great attention
paid in early times to the making of articles for personal
adornment.
~
: No. 27,—1884.] TISSAMAHARAMA ARCHAOLOGY. 2/7 63
No pearls were found in the excavations ; but part of one
of the valves of a pearl-oyster shell has been obtained near
the Tissa sluice, and there were several small pearls in the
copper vessel already mentioned. One of these pearls was
split in two for setting—a practice still in vogue, although
its antiquity may not have been previously known. These
_ pearls were perhaps procured not very far from Magama. I
have picked up a complete shell of a young mussel (the
valves not separated) at Hambantota.
One small piece of gold-leaf, perhaps from a necklace
or ornament™ of very delicate workmanship, is the sole
‘representative of this metal.
Glass.—The discovery, among the oldest remains, of three
small blue glass beads—perforated longitudinally for string- |
ing on a necklace—as well as a small fragment of broken
glass, is another of the interesting experiences of these
researches. ‘There is, of course, nothing to show that these
were made in the Island ; but glass is mentioned as forming
part of the decorations in Dewdnam-piya Tissa’s dedication
procession at Anurdadhapura (Mah. p. 99) ; and Saddhatissa
is reported to have made ‘‘a lump of glass.” (Dip. xx., 5).
Considering the beautiful colour of two of these beads, and
the good shape of all, I am inclined to believe that they
were imported ; otherwise it is clear that the manufacture
had reached such a state of excellence that more evidences
of it ought to be forthcoming, either among these early
remains, or, at any rate, in the early histories. It is diffi-
cult to understand how an art which had made such decided
progress could be lost, more particularly wher it is remem-
bered how the knowledge of such arts is transmitted here
from father to son, in special families, for centuries. These
beads might easily have come from Pheenicia, vid Assyria.
The broken piece of glass is, however, of inferior quality,
_and full of minute air-bubbles. It is of a dull blue colour.
It could scarcely be worth while to transport such a speci-
men as this from Phoenicia, and peaswly it may have been
come from India.
* Since writing this, I have seen two pieces of gold which covered
the relics deposited in a receptacle at the Yatthala digaba, and I find
that the fragment which we have obtained is similar to them, and was
_ probably intended for a similar purpose.
64 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vol. VII. a
Besides the bangle already described (“Personal Orna-
ments,” No. 8), a larger piece of glass of a good quality,
and of as late adate, has been procured in the high-level
channel cutting which passed through part of the city. (See
“S Household Utensils,” No. 19.) This must have been made
some centuries after the other pieces of glass, bringing the
manufacture down to perhaps the 4th or 5th century A.D.,
if not later.* It is of a rich green colour, and apparently
without flaw. The discovery of this latter piece makes it
still more likely that all the glass is imported from India,
I now come to three substances which are certainly
importations.
Rhinoceros Horn.—Among the houses of the artificers, at
the site of the Tissa sluice, a piece of black horn, which ap-
pears to form the spiral root end of the horn of a young
rhinoceros, probably R. sondiacus, the lesser Indian rhino-
ceros, was met with. This was used medicinally, and it
is still numbered among the native nostrums of the present
day as an effective antidote for snake-bite. It is taken
internally, mixed with human milk, some of the horn being
rubbed down or scraped off in a powder for the purpose. It
will be observed that the end of this piece of horn has been
rubbed down in this manner. It is very highly valued for
its medicinal properties, and this piece is said to be locally
worth several pounds sterling.
Dr. Jerdon says that Rhinoceros sondiacus “is found at
present in the Bengal Sunderbuns, and a very few indivi-
duals are stated to occur in the forest tract along the
Mahanuddy river, and extending northwards towards Mid-
napore ; and also on the edge of the Rajmahal hills near the
Ganges. It occurs also more abundantly in Burmah, and
thence through the Malayan Peninsula to Java and Borneo.”
(Mammals of India, reprint 1874, p. 234.)
Jade.—The presence of jade among the remains of the
oldest date is perhaps, on some accounts, more interesting
than the discovery of glass. The pieces, including the bead
* Samghatissa I, (242 —246 A.D.) is said to have placed “a glass pin-
nacle” on the spire of the Ruwanweeli dagaba ; but this is not unlikely to
have been a crystal. (See Mah. p. 229.) Thereis a crystal, now on
Thuparama.
No. 27.—1884.] tIssaMAHARAMA ARCHAOLOGY. 65
and ear-ring, were all found among or near the houses of
the artificers.
Pumice.—A small piece of material identified by Mr. A.
C. Dixon as pumice was also found in one of the same
houses. Possibly this was used medicinally, but more
probably it was employed in polishing precious stones.
Foreign Trade.
The two last articles appear to be small things on which
to found a big hypothesis; but if I am correct (in the
absence of suitable works of reference) in supposing that
the jade has come from the east of the Bay of Bengal,*
and that the pumice cannot have been procured nearer than
Sumatra, we have here proof of a direct ancient trade
between North-Eastern India and the Far East, if not directly
between Ceylon itself andthe Hast. Nor is there anything
in such a theory which is inconsistent with probabilities.
{tis known that centuries before these remains were covered
up many vessels sailed from the Ganges to Ceylon; and, if
so, there is every likelihood that others carried their trading
operations eastward along the shores of the Bay of Bengal.
If Buddhist missionaries were despatched from India to
Burma in the reign of Asoka, that country must have been
long previously known to the inhabitants of North-Hastern
India. f The earliest travellers must have been traders,
aud they must also have gone by sea, the land journey being
impossible. And with a trade route once established between
India and Burma and round the coasts of India, some of the
desirable produce of the Far Hast would certainly find its way
* Since this was written Mr. Hayward has informed me that he
has been shown jade which was said to be procured and cut in Northern
India; but, if so, he remarks that it must be found in very limited
quantity, and he considers that China and Japan are the true sources
of it. He states, however, that the specimens of jade which have been
found at Tissamabérama are much coarser than Chinese samples, so
that I conclude they may perhaps have come from Northern India.
The carnelian is also probably imported from India.
7 The first Buddhist missionaries, 18 in number, visited China in
B.C. 216, but they made the journey overland. As foreigners and
‘strange characters,’ they were all thrown into prison, but eventually
released. Still, it seems probable that a trade with China existed
before they ventured to make the journey. ( China, by Proff. Douglas,
lip. 318).
28—s95 E
66 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vol. Viti.
to Ceylon, a country in close mercantile and political connec-
tion with Magadha, and capable of offering in return many
highly-valued articles not found in the Far East. If this
trade be admitted—as the discovery of pumice (if not the
jade) in Ceylon almost compels it to be*—the voyage of
Wijaya and his companions is no longer a matter for surprise
or doubt ; they simply took a well-known route in search of
‘pastures new and fields Arcadian,” tempted probably by sto-
ries of the gem and pearl-producing capabilities of this Island.
In support of this theory I annex an extract from Prof.
Max Duncker’s History-of Antiquity (translated by Abbott,
1879), the italics being mine.
Regarding the Phoenicians it is said: —‘‘ The south-west
coast of Arabia was no longer a place for producing and
exporting frankincense and spices ; it became the trading
place of the Somali coast, and before the year 1000 B.C.
was also the trading place for the products of India, which
ships of the Indians carried to the shore of the Sabeans and
Chiatremaes.ccesssssces. By the foundation and success of the
trade to Ophir and the most remote places of the Hast which
they reached, their commerce obtained its widest extent and
brought in the richest returns. With incense and balsam
there came to Tyre cinnamon and cassia, sandalwood and
ivory, gold and pearls, from India, and the silk tissues of the
Mistant Hast.” (Vol. I1., pp. 297—298.)
Dr. Duncker further points out that from his inscriptions
it is learnt that ‘‘Asoka is not only in connection with
Antiyaka—i.e. with is neighbour Antiochus, who sat on the
throne from 262 to 247 B.C., and with Turamaya, i.e. with
Ptolemy Philadelphus of Egypt (285-246 B.C.),—but also
with Antigonus Gonnatas of Macedonia (272-258 B.C.),
with Alissanda,—i.e. Alexander of Epirus (272-258 B.C.),
and even with Magas, King of Cyrene............. Not merely
were these lands of the Distant West known, Asoka was in
connection with them. Ambassadors were sent to their
princes, and are said to have received the assurance that no
* Latterly, however, a considerabie amount of pumice from the
Krakatoa eruption in the Sunda Straits has been washed ashore both on
the coast of India and near Jaffna. (See Ceylon Observer, April 10th
and March 23rd, 1885.)
No. 27.—1884.] TISSAMAHARAMA ARCHAOLOGY. #67
hindrance would be placed in the way of the preaching of
the doctrine of Buddha.” (Loe. cit., Vol., IV., p. 529.)
Hducation.
Although an examination of the inscriptions of the
Island has led Dr. Miller to deem that the art of writing
was not known in Ceylon as early as in India, which, in
any case, would be an @ priori inference, the evidence
afforded by the inscribed fragments of pottery appears to
prove the introduction of the art ata period at any rate
not very much Jater than the reign of Asoka. When the
small area included in our excavations at the sluice, and
the quantity of inscribed pieces still lying undisturbed in
the soil, are considered, and when it is remembered that
these represent only a part of the defective pottery rejected
at the manufactory after being burnt, it is a fair deduction
that a far greater number, probably hundreds at least,
of inscribed and perfect specimens have been made and
sold. Yet this writing, done by ordinary potters, is, as a
rule, as well executed as that of the best of the most
ancient inscriptions. There are few of the ill-formed
uncouth letters, such as illiterate people might be expected
to make.* If the form of the letters is any guide (and
among several examples, which plainly are not all the work
of one writer, it must be), there is only one published
inscription in South Ceylon, that of Ilanaga, which comes
within 100 years of the age of the most recent of these.
The letters cannot, therefore, have been engraved by persons
who were specially imported for the purpose of cutting
inscriptions, and who might, in such a case, have amused
themselves by decorating the hardened but unbaked
earthenware, and Iam forced to conclude that the whole
work is due to the potters themselves. When the inferior
position of this caste is taken into consideration,f such a
fact must be admitted to afford evidence of a state of
education in the country which is unexpected. There are
not many potters inthe Island at the present day who could
* Kven in the present day what a small percentage of Hnglish labour-
ing men would print a large S or N correctly !
7 In two lists in Upham’s Buddhist Tracts they are placed respectively
5th and 9th of the lower castes, excluding the Wellalas (pp. 331 and 345).
Hee
68 JOURNAL, RiA.S, (CEYLON), [ Vol. VIII. :
write sentences on their productions. If potters possessed
the knowledge of writing, we may be sure that the higher -
castes, too, would not be ignorant of it. It seems to me
that such negative evidence as the absence of rock inscrip-
- tions of a very early date proves little. It is one thing to
write a few sentences on a leaf, but quite another—and a
thousand times more difficult and tedious—to cut them on a
rock. But it was easy to scratch the letters on the partly-
hardened clay, and these workmen appear to have amused
themselves by doing so. Not only can this be deduced,
but an examination of these letters leaves no doubt that
many, if not all, were engraved with some sharp-pointed
instrument similar to the style now in use. Considering
this fact, and the indubitable age of the inscriptions, my ~
conclusion is that the art of writing had been introduced
into Ceylon at a period long antecedent to the cutting of
the first rock inscriptions in the Island ; and I not only see
nothing unworthy of credit in the earliest references to it
contained in the Mahdvamsa (p. 53, 54, 60, and 131), but
every likelihood of their being a strict adherence to fact.
The art must necessarily have been in existence in India
for centuries before the first Indian rock inscriptions were
cut, and it is unlikely that none of the early settlers,
especially those from the courts of the Indian Kings, should
be acquainted with it. At any rate, itis certain that the
art of writing must have been brought to Ceylon long before
the knowledge could spread to people of the lower castes.
it is much to be regretted that no full sentence has been
discovered on the pottery, and only two or three complete
words. In nearly all cases there is only a letter or two.
The two longest inscriptions read :—
No. 1. ......4¢ Dayapu saha Aba.......
No. 2. Gapati siwasa.
The letters discovered are :—
A, E, ka, ga, da, ta, na, pa, ba, ma, ya, Ta, va, Sa,
ha, and all the short attached vowels. The sais
of the angular form, like the Greek digamma.
Mode of Burial.
Nothing to illustrate the earliest form of burial in Ceylon
has come to light, but an interesting example of a much
No. 27.—1884.] rissamaHARAMA ARCH OLOGY. 69
later date was “discovered in excavating the high-level
channel from the sluice. Four and a-half feet from the
surface, exactly under a medium-sized tree, and about six feet
above the lowest stratum of remains, a large wide-mouthed
chatty was encountered. This, although broken, was taken
carefully out, and was found to contain a number of cal-
cined pieces of bone. Inverted on these was a small
earthenware lamp, already described. (“‘ Household Uten-
sils,”” No. 22.) As the groove for the wick is blackened by fire,
the lamp has evidently been in use, and we may assume
that it belonged to the buried person. The Buddhist
priests at the Mahdrdma and Yatthdla ddgabas (representing
the Siamese and Amarapura sects) are both strongly of |
opinion that these are not the remains of a priest —a belief
which is the more justified from the fact of there being no
-wihdra in the immediate neighbourhood. It is uncertain
how long Tissaweewa has been breached and deserted, but
it has undoubtedly been so for a long period. Hundreds
of years must have elapsed after the embankment gave
way, before the bed of the tank and the paddy field could
be overgrown with dense jungle and forest, as was the case
before the recent restoration. It is almost certain that the
tank was in order when Tamils were settled at it in the
time of Magha, in the early part of the 13th century,
but Ihave met with nothing of later date regarding the
place. The shape of many bits of pottery found in a layer
immediately below the vegetable mould at the surface of
the ground resembles that of fragments in the lowest
stratum, and is, in many cases, unlike that of earthenware
of modern manufacture, some of the articles, such as plates,
being no longer made in Ceylon. These must have been
deposited before the tank burst, and the form of burial
above described may belong to the same period. There is
nothing to indicate its exact date, and all that can be said
with accuracy is that it is apparently some centuries old,
and that it may possibly date from the 14th century.”
In conclusion, I beg to state that, being in a remote
* Compare the account in the Corpus Inscriptionum Indicarum.
Vol. L., p. 23, of the discovery of four similar cinerary urns at Bairat,
the lamp, however, being wanting.
70 JOURNAL, R:A.S. (CEYLON). - (I Vol Nadi 4
station, and having left many of my books in Colombo, I
have been unable to consult an adequate number of works
of reference, aud this report has therefore been written
under special disadvantages.
I must not omit to acknowledge, however, the ready
assistance which Mr. D. W. Ferguson, of the Ceylon
Observer, has given mein this matter, by kindly lending to
me several valuable works which I did not possess. Iam
greatly indebted to Mr. A. C. Dixon, B.Sc., for kindly
examining and identifying several stones, and for ascertain-
ing the composition of the silicate of alumina ornaments ;
and to Mr. J. Hayward for valuable information regarding
the precious stones reported on. ~
ADDENDUM.
Since drawing up this report, and recording my conclu-
sions regarding the introduction of the art of writing “at a
period at any rate not very much later than the reign of
Asoka,” I have discovered a large series of inscribed bricks
at the Yatthdla dagaba. These bricks formed part of the
body of the dagaba, and having fallen down in a talus have
been removed to make way for the restoration now being
carried out. Many of the bricks of the Mahdérdma are, I
have since been informed by the resident priest and others,
similarly inscribed ; but the letters (not being known to
any one here) were supposed to be merely fanciful meaning-
less marks drawn on the bricks, and no particular attention |
was paid to them. ‘This is very unfortunate, as both the
late Dr. Goldschmidt and Dr. H. Miller, the Archeeologi-
cal Commissioners, visited the dagaba while the repairs
were in progress. As Mahanaga, the constructor of this
dagaba, was the contemporary of Asoka, we should, had
their attention been drawn to these marks, have obtained a
Sithhalese alphabet known to be of the same age as Asoka’s,
and we should thus have had the best possible local starting
point for Simhalese paleography. These bricks are now
relaid in the dagaba, and the letters are lost to Archeology.
I have, however, found one or two letters similar to those
at the Yatthdla dagaba on some of the fragments of brick ~
not yet built into the Mahdrama.
re ia)
esa sara Pia
Hretmaree ir b+"
ee
ice
7
s i
a AN
‘ Weir
3 7
5
‘
aa
i
is 4
x
ea
j 1
hes
¢ Ries
i 7
PLAN OF THE MAGAMA PALACE
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Z|
ETS 9.
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Gate. W ls)
ba
Ee Wa. Ne) \
ie Moundé'
2
Fi ANS a!
ee IE ESET RE ERENT
6
bY 43
LITHESRAPRER 4]
| a Guard .House,
Scale 60 Feet to an Ineh
Dita oie
COLOMSSE
AS —— Wy
wT = :
z 2 Fad
A <S
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y aye Wwe Ml HN atl a
RNY Whe WR je Ma A TY DYN vA WA » 4 iE o :
‘es
eee a
: ? Stables |
! ieee ft
|
2) > L
al ‘Aran
| ‘
"|
| sea
| |
| |
|
|
|
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| WSU HOUS Ee
(ePemdesceata ee
e ‘Stone floor
yen |
ie ise re a
eA
No. 27.—1884.]| TISSAMAHARAMA ARCH AOLOGY. vil
At the Yatthala digaba the restoration has just been
begun, and I have thus been able to preserve a good series
of bricks from oblivion. Their paleeographical value de-
pends largely on the date of the structure, regarding which |
the ancient histories are quite silent, the only guide being
the statement in the Mahavamsa that Mahdnaga’s son Tissa,
who succeeded him, was born at the Yatthala wihara, and,
as Turnour has added, “ during the flight” of his father. If
the Yatthala wihdra, to which reference is made, is the
wihara which now goes by the name, at the Yatthdéla
dagaba in the ancient Magama, this statement, as I have
already mentioned, cannot be correct. It is improbable, on
the face of it, and it becomes impossible, when we consider
(1) that the palace was most likely not more than a mile dis-
tant; (2) that Mahanaga was apparently 53 years old at the
time ; and (3) that in this case Tissa’s grandson was born 18
years afterwards. Hvenif my revised chronology is quite
wrong—(although it rests on too secure a foundation to be
more than a few years wrong )—it cannot be supposed that
the prince was born at a wihdra when the palace was in the
immediate neighbourhood. Besides, the Mahavamsa says,
“proceeding thence to Rohana,”’ an expression which would
not have been used if the Yatthala wihara was at Magama.
Magama had long before been the residence of a prince, at
least—even if Wijaya never lived at it; and Mahdndga
- came as the tributary king or viceroy of the southern king-
dom, and not merely as a fugitive who would be glad of
any shelter for his family. Jinaratana Terunnanse, of the
Yatthdla wihdra, informs me, also, that it is stated in the
Dhatuvarnsa that Mahdanaga erected this wihara. If so,
this should be decisive evidence against his son’s birth at
it during the journey of the father to the southern capital.
I hope to give the extract relating to it before closing my
report. (See Appendix, Note 6.) Whether this was the
case or not, I conclude, from the other evidence above given,
that if Prince Tissa was born at a Yatthala wihara it must
have been some other than this one.* At any rate, he
“There is a Yatahalena wihara on the road from Colombo to
Kandy, connected by tradition with Yatthalaka Tissa. (Ancient Inscrip-
tions, No. 86.)
72 JOURNAL, R.A.8. (CHYLON). [Vol, Vili
bore the name of Yatthdlaka Tissa, and succeeded his
father in the sovereignty. I have already shown that
Mahandaga may have been born about 296 B.C. ; andif we
suppose him to have died at the age of 70, his son Tissa
would succeed to the throne about 226 B.C. This is pro-
bably not more than afew years wrong ; Mahanaga must
have been on the throne at least 14 or 15 years in order to
complete the great works which he undertook at Magama
and elsewhere—(the Dhatuvathsa says that he erected 100
wiharas) ; and to allow time for the interpolation of his
son and grandson before Kaékawanna Tissa, he cannot be
assigned a much longer life. Nothing is more likely or
natural than that the son of the constructor of the Maha-
rama (and perhaps the Sandagiri dégaba also), should
emulate his father in the erection of a large dagaba ; and
when we find one at Magama named after his birthplace,
it can be assigned to him with greater prospect of accuracy
than to any other monarch. As he bore his uncle’s name,
Tissa, it can be understood that he might prefer to call this
dagaba after the place where he was born, rather than after
a name which might be confounded, in after years, with
that of his relative. It may be assumed, then, that the
Yatthala dagaba was built by Yatthélaka Tissa; and in
that case the date of its construction must, until more is
known of early Sithhalese chronology, be put down to the
period between 210 B.C. and 226 B.C.—say, about 220
B.C.
So far as probabilities are a guide, therefore, this date,
220 B.C., is the date of the inscriptions found on the bricks
at the Yatthéla digaba ; and the forms of the letters them-
selves afford valuable confirmatory evidence that the writing
was done not very long after that of the Asoka inscriptions.
I annex drawings of the letters met with, and if this report
should be published, I hope that it may be possible to re-
produce them accurately by lithography. This will be much
better than a lengthy comparison of the letters with those
of Asoka, and of the oldest inscriptions in Ceylon, at Toni-
gala and Gal-lena. (Ancient Inscriptions, Nos. 1 and 2.)
Attention may however be drawn to the fact that some of
these letters are now, I believe, for the first time found in
Ceylon in the most ancient character. These are J, H, 0,
No. 27.—1884.] TIssAaMAHARAMA ARCH. AOLOGY. 73
ia, pha, and the trifid sa ; while jha, of which many copies
have been found, has been rarely met with in rock inscrip-
tions in the Island.
In nearly all cases only one letter is written on a brick,
(often with an attached long or short vowel*) ; but in a few
instances two have been discovered, apparently forming the
names of men, such as Kaja, Taka, Jhata (or Jhara).
Of most of the letters many copies have been procured, and
the letters A, hi, ga (with vowels), ca (with vowels), and
na (with vowels), are particularly numerous. I suppose
that they are the initials of the brickmakers, written or
stamped while the clay was soft and plastic. Mr. Goone-
ratne, Atapattu Mudaliyar of Galle, has suggested to me
that they may indicate the part of the structure in which the
bricks were to be placed ; but this seems to me to be very
improbable. The brickmakers could know nothing about
the building work; and as all the bricks are of only two
- dimensions, which are mixed up indiscriminately in the
structure, there could not be any necessity for such a proce-
dure; it would be quite impossible for any one to determine
before the bricks were burnt in what part of the dagaba they
were to be placed. ‘The only other hypotheses are that the
brickmakers wrote the letters to record the number of bricks
made, or that they wrote them for amusement, or that they
wrote them as their initials or marks. The first hypothesis
_ ig negatived by the fact of the great preponderance of cer-
tain letters, the rarity of others, and the absence of some
few ; the second is disproved by the fact that several of the
letters are impressed by well-cut dies ; and I see no reason
to doubt that the last theory is the true explanation of the
presence of the letters on the bricks, especially after the
evidence afforded by the inscribed pottery of the state of
education of other members of this caste at a very early
date.
Evidently, almost all the letters have been written with
the finger end, but a few have been traced with pointed
sticks or twigs, and several others have been deeply and
beautifully stamped in intaglio with well-cut dies, apparently
* This is} the first #time that the long vowels, except d, as they are
~ found in Asoka’s inscriptions, have been met with in Ceylon.
74 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vol. VIII. a
made of hard wood. On two or three stamped bricks there
is the impress of part of the edge of the die, the size of
which almost proves that it was made of this material. The
written letters vary in length from about three inches to
five and a-half inches, but the stamped ones are usually
somewhat smaller. The written ones are made in a free,
bold manner, which only men who were weli accustomed to
writing could acquire. One or two letters appear to be
purposely wrongly made, the curve in the ca, for instance,
being on several bricks traced on the wrong side of the
vertical line; and I have met with one of this shape
impressed by a well-cut stamp. A man with this initial
may have adopted this mode of distinguishing his signature
from that of another person having the initial. Only four
kinds of marks, which are not letters, have been discovered ;
these consist of one, two, four, and five dots or punctures,
the idea being evidently taken from the three dots of the
letter 7. This appears to show that nearly all the brick-
makers could write, or more of these marks would have
been found.
If the hypothesis that these letters are the initials of the
brickmakers is correct, and if it is further allowable to sepa-
rate stamped from written letters as the initials of different
persons, the specimens obtained must be the work of about
80 different men. How many more different initials might
be procured, were the whole of the bricks used in the
dagaba to be carefully examined, cannot be guessed ; but
the number might certainly be muchincreased. The bricks
which I have been able to examine were merely a few of the
bricks forming the upper half of the dome or cupola.
Thatany such lettersshould have been written on the bricks
forming the body of the Yatthaladagaba and the Maharama,
affords conclusive proof that the art of writing was intro-
duced into Ceylon not later than the time of Asoka; but
when we find that nearly all these brickmakers were capa-
ble of writing their initials (or any kind of letters) on
bricks, it must be also admitted that the knowledge of
writing had by that period spread generally throughout the
country. . As I previously remarked, if men of low caste
knew how to write, the higher castes must certainly have
been aware of it. When we thus find the people generally,
No. 27.—-1884.] TISSAMAHARAMA ARCH ALOLOGY. 75
and particularly when we find the lower castes able to write
so early as 240 B.C. (about which time the building of the
Maharama was probably begun), it may be accepted as
almost beyond doubt that the knowledge of writing was
brought to Ceylon fully 170 years previously, by the first
settlers. Ifthe art had been introduced only at the time of
Mahinda’s mission, there would have been no time for go
many of the builders of the Maharama to learn to write ;
and there is no ground for assuming that these men were
specially imported from Magadha for the purpose of burn-
ing bricks. Prof. Max Miiller (Mist. of Sanscrit Literature,
quoted by Duncker Joc. cit., Vol. iv., p. 156) has fixed the
date of the first written work in India, Panini’s Grammar,
at about 350 B.C.; but he considers that the art was known
in India before 600 B.C. Dr. Duncker would remove this —
date to 800 B.C. (Joc. cit., p. 157). It would be strange, then,
if the first Magadhese settlers were quite ignorant of it.
Writing must have been long practised, too, before the
idea of cutting dies with which to print the letters was
originated. This may possibly have been adopted originally
in India, from the Babylonians, who, as is well-known, had
from a very early period (2,400 B.C.) been accustomed to
use dies for stamping their bricks ; but if so, it is rather
strange that no earlier examples of it have been discovered
in India.* It cannot, however, be assumed that these
inscriptions at two dagabas in the extreme south-east of
Ceylon are the first instances among the Aryans of writing
or imprinting letters on plastic clay.
The Magama Palace.
I take advantage of the delay in publishing this report
to furnish some particulars anda plan of the ruins of the
presumed palace of the Magama princes. This ruin is
about half a mile north-west of the Meenik dagaba. While
my men were removing some broken bricks lying at the
site, some flat stones were met with, about 24 or 3 feet
underground ; and on tracing the line of these, it was found
* Compare Report of Arch. Survey of India, Vol. 1, p. 326, where
General Cunningham mentions that he found a stamped brick at Aju-
dhya, but of a later date than Asoka.
76 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII. 7
to enclose an almost rectangular space, the sides being 289
and 287 feet long, and 238 and 234 feet wide, measuring
from the centre of the walls. It was evident that these flat
stones formed the foundations of the boundary-wall of the
court-yard. On each side of them there was usually an
upright slab set on edge, the whole foundation having a
general width of four feet, The stones were from eight
totwelve inches thick, and were uncut, being merely split
to the shape required by means of oflce
Inside this enclosure were the foundations of aie walls,
which, when traced out and examined, were found to have
supported the roof of a tiled banking carried round an
inner court-yard. The total length of this structure was
114 feet, and its breadth was 105 feet. The width of the
roofed building was 17 feet, the enclosed court-yard being
thus $0 feet long and 69 feet wide. Stone pillars stood
‘in the walls at distances apart varying from eight to fourteen
feet; they were merely wedged rough stones about nine
inches square. In the middle of this inner court-yard was
another rectangular tiled structure, 34 feet long and 22 feet —
wide, which appears to have been the royal residence.
There was a verandah, four feet wide, round the building,
which is included in the above measurements, so that it is
evident that the apartments were of small dimensions,
I should presume that this structure had at least one upper
storey.
A few small tiled buildings existed in the outer court-
yard, two of them perhaps being guard-houses, 24 feet
square, immediately inside the western entrance ; and there
is also a deep stone-lined well of rectangular cross-section,
measuring eightfeet byseven feet. Extending for a length
of 100 feet on the inside of the north wall, and having
its roof resting on it, was a tiled shed or building, six or
eight feet wide, which once had a stone floor. This, with
probably a verandah, may perhaps have formed the royal
stables. <A building, which I take to be the guest-house,
36 feet jong and 20 feet wide, stood near the south-east
corner of the enclosure. In front of it, to the south, and
only two feet from its wall, was a platform of stone slabs
dressed smooth on the upper surface, about 12 feet long
and 8 feet wide, on which the guests washed their feet
No. 27.—1884.] TISSAMAHARAMA ARCHAOLOGY. 77
before entering the house. A similar arrangement, of
more elaborate construction, is found at the entrances to
three of the palaces at Anurdadhapura, but in those cases
the lavatory is built with a raised edging of stone, capable
of holding up about six inches of water.
Close to the north side of the enclosure there are two
small excavated pools, probably first dug as clay-pits, and
afterwards utilized for bathing purposes when they contained
water. A doorway through the outer wall appears to have
led to one of these, the path passing through a detached
porch, on each side of which was a room ten feet square.
These may have been either guard-rooms or the royal
dressing-rooms, most likely the latter.
The principal entrance to the outer yard may have
been on the south side, but I have not been able to trace it.
There was an entrance, also, near the middle of the east and
west walls; that at the former wall having a peculiar porch
built out from the general line of the wall, and a very small
guard-room on the inner side.
The superstructure of the walls of the palace is, of course,
of a later date than the remains previously described in this
report. This is amply proved by the sizes of the few bricks
found, which are smaller than those of the dagabas, and
by the shape of the roofing-tiles, which are entirely different
from those met with in our excavations near the sluice, and
resemble those used at the more recent buildings at the
_dagabas—none of which, however, can be assigned toa later
date than the 12th or 13th centuries. But in the absence
of any other ruin suitable for a palace, it is probable that
the general outlines, and the foundations of the walls, and
the rough uncut pillars inserted in the walls, date from a
period not very much more recent than the time of the
first princes of Magama. The palace is at the site where
we should naturally expect to find it if it were built ata
very early date—that is, on the high ridge overlooking the
river, from which water for drinking and cooking purposes
could easily be brought before the well was dug, and to-
wards which one of the main entrances leads. Again, on
referring to the account given in the Mahavamsa of “the
festival held on the day on which the King (Kaékawanna)
conferred a name on his son” (p. 145), it is quite clear that
78 JOURNAL, R.A.8. (CEYLON). [ Vol. VIII.
_the compilers of the Atthakatha understood the palace to —
havea spacious court-yard, capable of holding 8,000 priests.
One might naturally consider this the exaggeration of an
enthusiastic admirer of Dutthagdmini ; but it is a fact that,
making all deductions for the detached buildings, the
court-yard of this palace is quite capable of holding more.
than that number of persons. The open space in it must
have been considerably over 5,000 square yards. :
From the story of the engagement of Stranimila, Duttha-
gamini’s. second hero, as contained at Mah4vainsa, p. 130, it
is evident that the attendants at the court were accustomed
to bathe in the river, and notin the tank, as they would
have done were the palace nearer the tank. I have just
stated that one of the gateways faces the Kirinde-
ganga.
This palace thus agrees so well in these two respects
(the only points regarding which there are data for insti-
tuting a comparison) with that of King Kakawannatissa,
that I think we must conclude that it occupies nearly the
same space as his, and that the more permanent features,
already referred to, perhaps date from his reign. Before
his time all is conjecture ; we know that the earlier princes
must have had a palace at Magama, and it is allowable to
presume that this is the building ; but there is not a line
which enables us to confirm the identification. In all
probability, however, the palace as it existed at the time
of Kakawannatissa was constructed by King Mahanaga.
Wijaya must have had his residence somewhere near, if he
really lived at Maégama; but that would bea much less
pretentious building, and it would be quite useless to
attempt to identify any part of this palace with the edifice
in which the first king of Ceylon “lived and governed his
kingdom.”
A point of interest regarding its construction is the
fact that two of the outer walls run—I may say. exactly—
north and south, the other two very nearly forming right-
angles with them. As nearly as I have been able to
ascertain, the lines of the foundations of the two former
vary from the meridian only —15 minutes and +24
minutes respectively. Itis quite possible that the super-
structure ran more exactly north and south. In the case
a ly er te le i A
CLE LEE
eMNpuUe ley, ys Aug.6 ULV
| pans Msn )
vWavovg VIVHilV)
Lv GNNO4J SVMNQGNVUEVY
‘No. 27.—1884.] vissaMAHARAMA. ARCHAOLOGY. 79
of the east and west walls, the variation from a right-angle
is less than half a degree.
These facts open up a considerable field for a conjecture.
The only way in which it seems to me possible for the
builders to have fixed the meridian with such accuracy is
by means of the Pole-star. I have asked a local ‘“ Neka-
trala,” or astrologer, for his opinion on it, and he says that
he should first proceed to set out the east and west lines by
observing the point of sunrise at about the vernal or
autumnal equinox, and afterwards set off the others per-
pendicular tothem. He hasno knowledge of the Pole-star.
It seems to me very improbable that the north and south
lines could be as accurately determined in this manner as
are those at the palace.
APPENDIX.
THE excavations recently made at the Yatthala dagaba have
brought to light some very interesting articles, which I take this
opportunity of describing. They were all found in removing the
talus of brick and soil which surrounded the lower portion of the
dagaba, and they undoubtedly once formed part of the articles
deposited in the relic-chamber at the top of the dagaba, which
tradition states to have been rifled by the Tamils—i.e. in the
thirteenth century.
Four beautiful relic-receptacles or ‘‘ karanduwas” have been
_ found,* one of them containing the original stopper which confined
the relics, and the two flakes of gold in which they were wrapped.
There can be no doubt that some, if not all, of these date from the
time of the construction of the dagaba—that is, from 220 B.C.
I have found no record of any restoration of this dagaba, and even
if it has been restored or partially rebuilt at any time, it is quite
certain that the greatest possible care would be taken of the relics
and their cases, and that they would be replaced in the relic-
chamber in their original state. But during Simhalese supremacy.
the dagaba would never be allowed to fall into such a state of dis-
repair as its rebuilding from the level of the relic-chamber would
indicate. These articles, then, may be assumed to belong to the
* See below, for illustrations of the karanduwas.
80 | JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vol. VIII. ‘ 4
third century before Christ; and, as the earliest remains yet
found in the Island, they have a great archeological interest.
The following is a list of the things found :—
(1) A barrel-shaped karanduwa of amethyst. The diameter of
the base is ‘94 in., the height 1°06 in,, and the diameter of the top
-50 in. The colour of the stone, though very rich, extends over
only part of the karanduwa. ‘Two parallel grooves pass round
the amethyst in the lower half just below the minor axis. The
relic-cavity is boréd to about half the depth of the stone. The
stone has considerable polish.
(2) A beautifully-polished, clear, brownish, rock-crystal karan-
duwa, of nearly the same shape as the preceding, but broader and
flatter. It has a base of 1:22 in., and a height of 1:00 in. The
upper half is nearly hemispherical. Just below the minor axis
two admirably-cut parallel grooves or flutings pass round the stone;
but they are broader and shallower than those on theamethyst. The
cylindrical relic-cavity is bored rather less than half the depth of
the stone, A stopper of nearly cylindrical form, but really the
frustrum ofa very tall cone, has been found also; and as it exactly
- fits the cavity it is supposed to belong to this karanduwa. It is
composed of the same description of stone, but is merely turned,
and not polished. This karanduwa is a highly-finished piece of
work.
(3) A dagaba-shaped karanduwa of chrysoberyl, having a base
1:20 in. in diameter, a height of 1°28 in., anda top ‘54 in. square. |
The top of the basal platform is not horizontal, but slopes con-
siderably downward from its junction with the dagaba. ‘The
whole cupola is approximately about three-quarters of a sphere.
From the platform it rises outwards, increasing in diameter until
half the total height of the stone is reached. ‘The square cap or
plinth on the top of the dome is relatively larger than is usual in
dagabas. The work is of a rougher type than the others, sothat
these differences may not imply a corresponding difference in the
earliest forms of d4gaba, ‘The enlargement of the diameter of the
dome above the platform is characteristic of some early Indian
dagabas, but not of those found in Ceylon. The relic-cavity is
not bored truly down the axis of the stone, but diverges to one side.
Its length is about two-thirds of the whole length of the stone.
(4) A pretty little karanduwa, with its stopper, of clear
polished rock-crystal. Its shape is between the barrel and ddgaba.
It has a base ‘68 in. in diameter, a height of ‘78 in., and a top °87 in.
square ; but when the stopper is inserted the height is 1°10 in.
A. broad horizontal groove passes round the stone, at about one-
quarter of its height from the bottom, forming the lower part
No. 27.—1884.] TissamAHARAMA ARCH AOLOGY. 81
almost into a narrow basal platform. There is also a small square
plinth on the top of the dome, into which the cupola gradually
runs. The relic-cavity is bored to about half the depth of the
stone. ‘The stopper is of a solid umbrella-shape, or, more
accurately, mushroom-shape, with the under side of the mush-
room convex like the top, instead of concave. It fits easily but
firmly into the cavity. Inside the cavity there were two small
flakes of thin gold, which presumably enveloped the relics ; but
no relics were found inside them.
All these karanduwas must certainly have been turned ona
lathe. The grooves which run round them could not be cut truly
without its assistance.
(5) Two small flat pieces of silver, which I omitted to
measure. One of these is nearly square in plan, and is compara-
tively thick, It resembles in shape the early Indian money found
at Hran, but it has no marks of any kind on it. ‘The other piece
has about the same thickness, but it is more irregular in shape,
and of slightly larger size. Itis possible that these may be an
early form of money introduced into the Island from India. Silver
is found in Ceylon rocks in very small quantity, and there is
nothing to show thatit was ever extracted by the ancient Simha-
lese. It is said that similar-shaped punch-marked plaques of
copper were found at the Maharama, but were replaced in the
new relic chamber.
(6) A beautifully-engraved, thin, elliptical disk of red car-
nelian, °78 inch broad, apparently forming the stone of a signet-
ring. ‘The rapacity of the men who broke into the dagaba seems
to have led them to fracture this gem in two, in order to take
away the material (gold, doubtless) in which it was set, but the
best piece has been saved. Owing to the courtesy and generosity
of the committee who superintend the restoration of the Yatthala
and Menik dagabas—and who, I may add, have afforded me
every facility for an examination of the articles found by them,
and have assisted me in collecting the rarer inscribed bricks—
this stone is now in my possession.
It will be seen, from the impression sent to the Museum, that
on the face of the stone there is cut, in intaglio, a figure of a king
sitting on a chair-like throne. Excepting the left hand and leg,
the former of which is too large, and the latter too thin, the whole
_ figure is as well proportioned as most works of the present day.
The person is sitting upright on the throne, facing the right, in
a remarkably natural, free-and-easy position. His right foot
hangs down in the usual manner, but his left is set on the chair,
and the knee is sharply bent, in the position taken when a man
28—85 F
82 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). — [ Vol. VIII.
squats down in the Oriental way. The right arm hangs loosely ~
at the side ; the left is supported on the bent knee just above the -
elbow, the fore-arm being turned upward, the hand open and
displayed, and the fore-finger and thumb holding a flower, pre-
sumably a lotus, before the face. The face is in profile, and the
hair is freely thrown back from the forehead, and is treated
artistically, hanging just on to the neck in bold profusion, and
covering the ears. Round the base of the neck is a necklet, such
as small Tamil children wear ; and on each arm, a short distance
above the elbow, is a rounded armlet, or single bangle. It is
quite evident that the body is nude from the waist upward ; the
anatomical details are delicately carved. The artist has experi-
enced small difficulty in depicting the robe, which is transparent.
Its upper part can be seen passing round the waist; the edge
hangs down from the left knee, and the folds on the right thigh
are very distinct. A cord-like line, held in the right hand near
the waist, passes over the right shoulder, and back round the
front of the waist, above the edge of the robe. Its ends pass
outwards through the open back of the chair, and end in graceful
upward curves. This may perhaps represent a gold chain
thrown negligently round the figure, or otherwise a Brahmanical
cord.
Only one side of the chair or throne is shown. It is of pecu-
liar shape, and rests on several feet, a pair being visible at each
corner. The side is deep, extending almost to the ground, and
is made of open basket-work, which is admirably engraved. The
back rises as high as the man’s shoulders, and curves backward in
a luxurious fashion. At the upper corner, the upright bar passes
through the horizontal bar (there is only one cross bar, which is
at the top of the chair), and curls over towards it, ending in a
carved knob. From the junction of the two bars there hang two
long tassels. ‘The whole upright bar is decorated outside with
curled and winding ornamentation.
Through the courtesy of Mr. E. A. W. Budge, of the British
Museum, I am able to append the following report on this gem,
which is presumed to be of Indian origin :-—
‘“‘T have shown your gem to Mr. Franks, and also to Dr. Birch.
They have also read your account of the finding of the gem.
Mr. Franks does not think that the gem is so old as the time of
Asoka ; on the other hand, he thinks it much later ; but there are
so very few gems of this class, and of those so very little is
known, that it is impossible to fix any exact date for them.”
Without entering into a detailed discussion, I may add the
following rough notes regarding the gem :—
= e
os :
No. 27.—1884.] TIssAMAHARAMA ARCHROLOGY. 83
The carnelian has not been met with in Ceylon by Mr. Hay-
ward, and the stone itself is probably Indian. Carnelian is found
at the estuary of the Narbada, and is cut and burnt there, accord-
ing to Mr. Streeter (Precious Stones and Gems, 3rd ed., pt. I1.,
p. 45.) A representation of a chair-like throne of a different
pattern, without the basket-work side, is not unusual in coins of
several countries and ages ; and there is every reason to believe
that the seat shown on the gem is the king’s throne. As regards
the basket-work, the last remains of it ean still be seen under the
sitting figure of the king on most Sithhalese coins. Compare,
especially, No. 3 in the illustrations to Professor Rhys Davids’
work. In some later coins, however, this basket-work has de-
ewenerated into a single line! In the earliest identified Simhalese
coins the position of the sitting king is, in fact, exactly that
shown on this gem—the right arm hangs loosely down, and the
left hand holds up in front of the face a flower (a lotus) as in the
gem. It seems clear, therefore, that the man represented on the
gem is a king of India or Ceylon on his throne.
As to the age of the gem, no definite conclusion can be reached
until something is known of coins of the Island prior to Para-
krama Bahu I. The close similarity between the position of the
figure on the gem and the sitting king on the coins is indicative
of the lapse of no very extended period between the execution of
the two engravings—not more, one could suppose, than two or
three centuries. Mr. Franks also considers the gem to belong to
about the 9th century. But this accords ill with the position in
which it was found ; that is, in company with karanduwas from
the relic-chamber of the Yatthala dagaba. This association with
articles which, for the present, must be assumed to have been
deposited in the chamber when the dagaba was erected in
220 B.C., can hardly be held to be accidental, especially when
the great value of such a gem is taken into consideration.
I observed no trace of any re-building of the dagaba; the
inseribed bricks are distributed through it from top to bottom,
and the whole work, inside and outside, is of the same quality
and style. ‘The strongest evidence of all is the absence of bricks
of later types than those already described. The depth of cutting
made through the superstructure, in order to reach the relic-
chamber, shows conclusively that this chamber could never be
accidentally opened, by even the damage due to continued neglect
of the dA4gaba extending over many centuries. Each side of the
cutting or heading stands up vertically, apparently just as it was
left when first opened. Up to the time of Magha, A.D. 1214-
12385, none but Simhalese are known to have held possession of
F 2
84 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII.
Magama ; and it seems most unlikely that either they or others
would venture—(or be permitted, even if they were inclined to
venture)—to break into the relic-chamber of a highly venerated
d4gaba in the middle of the southern capital. If, however, taking
advantage of some period of anarchy or revolt (of which there
was no lack), some persons did break into it, the subsequent
restoration would give some Prince of Rohana an opportunity of
placing the gem in the chamber. Although this view is without
further support, the evidence in its favour—that afforded by the
engraving itself—is so strong that I adopt it provisionally, as
being, in the present state of our knowledge, the only rational
mode of accounting for the presence of the gem beside the
karanduwas, two of which, at least, appear to be as old as the
dagaba.
NOTES.
Nore 1.
Whatever credence is to be given to the account in the Maha-
vamnsa of the Buddha’s three visits to Ceylon, it is generally
and reasonably held that the description of the inhabitants of the
period rests on asub-stratum of fact. It willbe found (Mah., p. 7,
last line) that three distinct classes of beings are mentioned as
then living in Oeylon—the so-called Devas, Nagas, and Yak-
khas. In Mahiyangana, that is, in Eastern Ceylon, are found
the Yakkhas, with the Devas in the adjoining mountains of the
Central Province (Mah., p.7); in Nagadipa, that is, in Northern
Ceylon, we have only Nagas, whence the name ; in Kalyani, that
is, in Western Ceylon, we have only Nagas ; while at Anuradha-
pura both Devas and Nagas are mentioned (pp. 7,96). The
Yakkhas, however, greatly predominated ; ‘ Lanka was filled with
Yakkbas.’ The Nagas lived on both land and water (p. 6), and,
being the nearest race to India, were naturally people who kept |
up communication with the continent ; the Naga King of Kalya-
ni is represented as proceeding to the Jetawan4rama, in North-
ern India, to invite the Buddha to pay his third visit to Ceylon.
It is extremely probable, too, that as the Nagas inhabited
Northern Ceylon, possessed vessels, and were acquainted with
the adjoining continent, they were allied to the southern races of
India ; that is, that they were Dravidians. It is reasonable to
presume that parts of Northern Ceylon were occupied by settlers
from South India. Indian Nagas are, in fact, represented as
similar beings, who also possessed the means of passing over the
sea. Why should tradition give these people this power
No. 27.—1884.] TIssaMAHARAMA ARCH HOLOGY. 85.
when it is specially denied to the Yakkhas? On the Buddha’s
first visit, when the latter were being scorched by the flames
(p. 3), they merely ‘stood on the shores,’ unable to escape by sea.
The only reason to be assigned is that sub-stratum of fact on
which the whole story rests. ‘These ‘ fieree Yakkhas’ were evi-
dently quite another race. As we find them only in Eastern
(and probably Southern) Ceylon, it seems likely that they were
either the aborigines, allied perhaps to some of the wild
mountain tribes of South India, or possibly, as there is more rea-
son to believe, Aryan settlers, long prior to the Magadhese under
Wijaya, who came, like the latter, from the North. It is toler-
ably certain that they were either people whom the advent of the
Dravidian Nagas had driven from the Northern and Western
coasts, or settlers who, finding the coasts of Northern Ceylon
already claimed by a strong race, had been compelled to travel
further south in search of unoccupied lands. In this latter case
_ the so-called Devas, who lived in the central forests and moun-
tains, may perhaps have been the aborigines. I think the word
cannot be taken in its literal sense ; the Devas are spoken of as
human beings (p. 7), who behave like the other natives, but are
more peaceably disposed—a disposition which would soon lead to
their absorption or extinction by their conquerors.
However this may be, Wijaya, according to the narrative,
arrived in the country inhabited by the Yakkhas, and not the
country of the Nagas. Leaving everything else out of considera-
tion, the abovementioned particulars of the distribution of the
races show that this fact alone affords some evidence that he did
not land in Northern or Western Ceylon. But when it is added
to the explicit statement of the Dipavathsa, that his capital (made
near his landing-place, to which he returned after capturing
the Southern Yakkha settlement of Siriwatthapura) was in the
south, and to the equally explicit statement of the Mahavamsa,
that his successor and his successor’s queen landed at Gonagama
(which is certainly at the mouth of the Kirinde-ganga), this being
confirmed by the despatch of the King’s ministers 50 or 60 miles
southward from Upatissa (that is, 30 or 40 miles south from
Anuradhapura) to meet the princess,—it seems to me that my
argument cannot easily be controverted.
As to the identity of Magama with Tambapanni Nuwara, I have
found some further evidence. At Mahavathsa, p. 50, the names
of the principal settlements of Wijaya’s followers are mentioned—
Anuradhagama, Upatissagama, Uruwelagama, and Wijitagama.
_ The sites of three of these are known, and that of the fourth,
Uruwela, is approximately known. Only a few years after the
86 : JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII.
death of Wijaya, the brothers of his successor’s queen came to
Ceylon, and settled down at certain enumerated towns, selected
by them for the purpose, over which Wijaya and his chiefs had
previously ruled. This list of towns, as given at Mahavaihsa, p. 56,
which, it will be observed, runs from north to south, is Ramagona,
Uruwela, Anur4dha, Wijita, Digh4yu, and Rohana. In all pro-
bability one of these is the former capital, Tambapanni. A town
in the former list, Upatissa, is omitted, for the good reason that
the King, Panduwd4sa Déwa, himself lived at it at that time
(Mah., pp. 54,55); and three not in that list are included—
Ramagona, Dighd4yu, and Rohana. If the ancient capital is
included among the six towns, it must evidently be one of these
three ; and it may further be said that if the capital is not one of
these three, then the list is most probably inaccurate.
As the list reads from north to south in the case of five of the
six towns, it may be presumed that the sixth one is taken in the
same order. Ramagona was therefore further north than Uruwela,
which is equivalent to saying thatit was in the Northern Province.
Wijaya’s city being in the South, Ramagona is plainly not that
town.
Dighayu is in Eastern Ceylon, in the Batticaloa District ; it is
not near the coast, and it is, moreover, evidently named after its
founder, who must have been another of Wijaya’s chiefs.
Rohana (or Magama), therefore, alone remains to be identified
with Tambapanni. (See, also, Note 2.)
Note 2.
The inscriptions on the two octagonal pillars near the east
end of the embankment at Tissawewa, are as follows, eack in
one line :—
I. A’satisaha r4jakaya game micaditi binake.
At the royal village of A’‘satissa the heresy
2 was broken up.
II. Siddham. Yage Dhamasabaye nama Saihga ca
Tamane nama micaditika jana acataye no heki
VOrrs..-005
Hail! The Assembly named Dhammasabha
and the Community named Tamana, having
cut off heretical persons, cannot.........
““ No hekiye” may possibly be intended for
pakiye,” ‘not siding with them.’ |
These inscriptions are apparently of the same date as. the
Kirinde inscription (Ancient Inscriptions, No. 57), and com-
memorate the suppression of the schism also referred to in that.
no
_ No. 27.—1884.] TissAMAHARAMA ARCH OLOGY. 87
We can see, now, why the tank is called “ Tissawewa,” ‘lissa,
or A’satissa, being the name of the village or town on its eastern
and south-eastern side, in which the artificers and other work-
people lived, and in which these pillars were set up. One is
tempted to identify the title of the “community” with the
original name of the city of Magama, as given in Simhalese
works, but actual proof of the connection is slight. It is certainly
an interesting coincidence that this name should occur in an
early inscription (which, on account of its lengthened vowels,
appears to belong to the first century A.D.), at the very site of
the ancient capital. Alteration in the class of some consonants
is not unknown in early inscriptions. Compare tabiya (Situlpa,
No. 16), and puta (Mihintale, No.20). ‘Taking the two inscrip-
tions together, one would suppose that the above named
community lived at the ‘ Royal village of A’satissa,” that is,
at Magama. If not, and if they had not been the most im-
portant fraternity represented, they would have been included
with those who came from a distance to the Convocation, pro-
bably gathered in from all the various monasteries of the
Province, and would not have been honoured by special mention.
The natural presumption is that this community contained all the
Magama and A’satissa priesthood. Such a numerous and influ-
ential body might, without impropriety, be separately noted in
an inscription cut under its own supervision. I see no other way
of accounting for the special mention of this Fraternity. If this
hypothesis is correct, Tamana is the equivalent of Magama +
Tissa.
ILfI.—Inscription on the “ mal-poruwa,” the great stone slab for
flower- offerings, at the Maharama dagaba, in one line :—
Siddham. Nadigama ca sike vulisi maha gaba pataye dine
do kali hadi. |
Hail! The Nadigama spire is raised, and the slab
for the great chamber is given; two skilful
(deeds) accomplished.
The great chamber mentioned is probably the pilim4-gé, or
house for the statues. Judging by the shape of the letters, and
by the first word, which shows the inscription to be cut by royal
command, it is possible that reference is here made to the improve-
ments carried out by Woharaka Tissa, A.D. 209-231. (Wah., p.
226.)
IV.—Inscription on the pavement to west of the Maharama
dagaba :—
(1) Hé wasaga harasa (2) ra tama tanma puda na (8)
ka hunu yasata la (4) ddha kotu dwanda no
‘
88 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vol. VILL a
(5) pata eyi wada bho (6) ga wasaga labha
(7) taka ree. seme) A Dia, cuslecete sc gam.
The monks of the Congregation, having thoroughly |
acquired (the qualities of) kindness, humility, —
affection, tranquillity of mind, absence of desires,
reverence ; not seeking strife, in which are vain
sinful thoughts; having gained and esteemed
humility discs cca eiaioieinialersl cle e aielactaremtecpsiaiers taleieienianecs ence eee
' This inscription is of the 12th century, sid the style of lane
guage is not unlike that of Parakrama Bahu I., A.D. 1153-1186,
who restored the buildings at Magama. He al rather a pre-
dilection for teaching the monks their duties.
V.—Inscription on the Aitabenduwa (Ancient Inscriptions,
No. 109). Ihave devoted some time to this stone, but without
success. So far as I can make out, its chief contents is the usual
record of gifts. Part of it on the second and third faces runs :—
(G)) Gadesseas dana thitata cata ca.
(Cia). Sanaa dana data pata kara ca.
(8) 5 bata’. 5.5. <. dana thitata pata kara ca.
(9) re (? te) me tahana dana data pata kara ca.
(10) maha ratana nama dana data ...........
Having permanently established and given over the
alms fOr Jensaceee , having given and caused to be
appointed the alms for ............ , having per-
manently established and caused to be appointed
tire alms for ws. 2. sec. , having given and caused
to be appointed these (?) continual alms, having
given the alms called Maha Ratana ......s00+e
It will be convenient to include with these inscriptions two
others referring to the district, from Rambhara wihara, on the
Wallawe-ganga, about ten miles north of Ambalantota. A tran-
script of part of one of these has already been published by Dr. E.
Miiller (No. 154), but as some additional fragments of it have
come to light, I think it will be advisable to repeat it here, on
account of its connection with the other.
VI.—Inscription on three faces of a prostrate octagonal pillar,
near the wihara :—
A.—(1) Maha (2) radi (8) Maha (4) [Sirisa] (5) tiga
[bo] (6) Rambha (7) 1a ce [te] (8) me wa (9) se
sa (10) sna mi (11) di we (12) tala (13) sik (14)
cele (15) meni (16) k si (17) ta bami (18) me
B.—(1) ...... ym ())eces | PU (Oo) eee ga (4) scccinsenteeee
(5) paga (6) -.....- al even (7) «oon ke (8) [t] a
(9) ya di (10) me gan (11) ga ma (12) ha me
No. 27.—1884.] TISSAMAHARAMA ARCHAOLOGY. 89
C.—(1) lad4 (2) tira (3) rama (4) talana (5) eyi (6) n ni
(7) ka das (8) kata (9) ge no (10) bida ta (11)
rakni (12) isa (13) gamwe (14) siya (15) gere
(16) saka mi (17) yan (18) rewe no (19) wadna
(20) isa.
King Maha Siri Sangabo, in this dwelling at the Rambhara
caitya, has bestowed a grant :—The royal taxes on
the (?) tanks, pools, main channels, precious stones,
occupied land .......--.+. are given. When this river,
during heavy rains, is beating against the betel-garden
on the bank, the slaves who go away from it shall
protect the property, and not break into the houses on
the high ground. And enemies shall not seize the
villagers’ cattle or cart buffaloes.
The king mentioned may perhaps be Kassapa V., A.D. 937-
954; but as no other inscription by him has been found in this
district, and aa he has not prefixed ‘‘ Maha” in other inscriptions,
there is considerable doubt on this point. Some expressions,
which are not the same as those on other inscriptions, seem to
point to a different king from the others who call themselves
“Sangabo.” Thus we have gere for gon, v. midenawa for v.
denawa, rewe for weriyan, saka for gel, and sasna for pereher.
I take rewe = rupu ; between them we perhaps have : —
(?) Newane pl. (for rewane) at Atawiragollewa.
(?) Rawane pl. at Mahakalattewa.
Ruwa pl. (for ruawanz) on a pillar at Padawiya, newly
discovered.
VIL.—Inscription on a large broken slab, near the wihara :—
(1) Sri Lahkawa manushyawasa kala Wijaya raja param-
parayen (2) Lathkawa himi Sri Wira raja Nissathka
Malla Kalinga Parakra (3) ma Bahu Cakkrawartti
swamin wahanse Lakdiwa e (4) k sat kote pere raja
daruwan no bada aya gene (5) dug bita kala Lak-
diwe Runu rajayehi gam niyam ga (6) m wewu
ela awunu rajadhani prasiddha sthana wihé (7) ra
me tenze me liyeyi heki nagara no haeki pa (5)
ridden nasi pu wie e tanhi ee rajadhani mahara
(9) adiwu daé karawa sat hawuruddakata aya here
di (10) wel wahal sarak pamunu parapurun ma tana-
turu ran (11) ridi walan mutu menik wastrabhara
nadi no ek was (12) tudi hawurudu pata pas tula-
bharayak begin di Lathka (13) wa samuddha kote
boho Tewala liyaw4 di tun naka sa (14) maga idtre
(? ni-dure) tabé lo weda sasun wada kote pere
JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VILL. a
ra (15) ja daruwan boho kal s4dha [was] tu no
hunu ugla (16) 4diwi no ek durgga [ten deke wal __
we} ssan pael wae (17) ssan nimmila kote ...... alee ‘
kote semehi (18) tabé Dambadiwu we [dz] .........
ieee daruwan kara dwa (19) nda yuddha il [wa] ...
eae a ewun, bhayapat o.-..ce0s.5-<ioanegereae sos neee
Lakdiwa wa (22) dw no ek wara ............ Sama-
nola 4di [wu] (23) giridurgga paka | durgga wana-
CHUM EREEN || Ghscoosco Sep tettha wu ten at (24) [a] mbalu
[pa] kak se [bala wadara Anuradha] purayata
Wie Cee etere sisisie cs iis
The Lord of Lanka, of the royal race of His Majesty King
Wijaya, who made Ceylon habitable by men; His
Majesty Wiraraja Nissamka Malla, Kalinga Parak-
rama Bahu, Supreme King, who brought. Ceylon
under one umbrella ; who put an end to the distress
brought about by the unbounded taxation of former
princes ; who, in the Kingdom of Ruhuna in Ceylon,
(saw) the villages, fortified villages, tanks, channels,
dams, royal cities, celebrated places, this place, this
city—as it may be written, it cannot otherwise be like
a ruined town,—and caused (?) high roads and other
things to be made at those places, those royal cities ;
who, giving up the taxes for seven years, giving lands,
slaves, cattle, pamunu, even inheritances, offices, gold
and silver ornaments, pearls, jewels, clothing, and
many things; giving yearly in due order five tulabharas
(his own weight in valuables, coin, &c.), made pros-
perity in Ceylon; who caused many Tripitakas to
be written, and presented them ; who established the
three Nikayas together, not apart ; doing work for the
land and work for the religion, not (?) eradicating
things that former princes a long time ago effected ;
who saw several other places difficult (of access) ;
who established security, up-rooting (evil-doers among)
dwellers in the jungle and dwellers in huts ; who
visited Dambadiwa, and having appointed princes,
and longing for it, having caused battle to be offered
Boe aE , having made then afraid, ............ returned
to Ceylon; who, on several occasions, looked at
Adam’s Peak, and other mountain fastnesses, marsh
fastnesses, forest fastnesses, .......000 fear-inspiring
places, like a ripe neli fruit in the hand ; who visited
Anuradhapura ......-...--
No. 27.—1884.] TISSAMAHARAMA ARCHAOLOGY. 91
These two inscriptions approximately fix the date of the aban-
donment of the extensive irrigation channels which are cut
from the Wallawe-ganga, near Rambhara Wihara. In the time of
Maha Siri Sangabo, that is,in the 10th century, it is clear that
they were in working order ; while in the time of Nissamka Malla,
1187-1196, the place had become, as he says, “like a ruined
town.” It may be affirmed, almost with certainty, that the de-
struction and loss of life due to the severe fighting and its accom-
panying cruelties, in Rohana, during the time of Parakrama Bahu
I., both before and after he ascended the throne, were the cause of
the abandonment of these important and remunerative works ;
which, I am glad to add, have now a prospect of taking a place
among the most successful restorations in the Island. In other
respects this inscription of Nissaihka Malla’s is not of much
interest, being a repetition of others by the same king.
Norte 38.
In various countries the lengths of the earliest bricks have,
‘with good reason, been supposed to give the measurement of
the early cubit, or length of the forearm and fingers. It will be
obvious that by ascertaining the proportions between the cubit
aud the height we obtain a means of roughly measuring the
height of the early brickmakers. In the case of ten villagers of
the Hambantota District, the ratio was 1 to 3°622, while their
mean height was 5 feet 44 inches. Multiplying the mean length
of the most ancient bricks found at Magama by this ratio, we ob-
tain 5 feet 3 inches as a rough approximation to the height of the
ancient workmen.
Note 4.
King Dutthag4mini deposited at each of the four gates of
the Ruwanweeli dagaba 16 lacs of kahapanas,.only (Mah., p.175) ;
and the cost of the whole work, including decorations, &c.,
was 1,000 kotis (p. 195). The cost of the Lohapasada was less
than one-thirtieth of this, viz., 30 kotis (p. 195) ; yet we are to
believe that at this smaller work 32 lacs of gold coins were
deposited as a guarantee that the labourers would receive payment
in return for their work !
Note 56.
After proceeding from Tissa, as it may now be correctly
termed, to the Northern Province, I have been greatly interested
to learn from Mr. Massie, Assistant Government Agent at Vilan-
kulam, that nine copper plaques, similar to those unearthed in
our cuttings, were met with at Mulleittivu at a great depth
92 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vol. VIII.
below the surface of the ground, while a well was in course
of excavation. With Mr. Massie’s permission, I am able to add
descriptions of five of these coins, as I suppose them to be, two of
which he-has been good enough to give me. Four others were
sent by him to the Museum last year ; but owing to Mr. Haly’s
absence from the Island, it is not known where they are deposited,
and I have thus been unable to see them. I also add a description
of two fragments of similar plaques obtained by me in the Southern
Province, and said to have been found at Sittrawila, a village
two miles from Tissa, at the presumed Duratissa tank, at which a
doubtful tradition states that Dutthagamini settled some of the
work-people employed in erecting buildings at Magama.
Mulleittivu Coins.
(1) Oblong copper coin, 1°17 inch long, ‘65 inch wide, weigh-
ing 56 grains. i
Obverse. Full-length standing figure of a man, facing front,
the legs apart for more than the thickness of one, feet turned half-
outwards. Over the head runs the usual semicircular line (? the
royal umbrella), which appears to rest on javelin-like weapons,
standing upright at the margin. That on the right can be seen to
have a head with two points, like the head of a trident with
middle prong omitted ; on the left, the upright shaft can alone-be
distinguished. This last one is apparently grasped near the
middle by the right hand, and perhaps the left hand grasps the
other. ‘There is something below the arms, near the legs, which
cannot be clearly distinguished. ‘Lhe king appears to be clothed
to mid-thighs in a tunic ; and he wears bangles on his wrists and
anklets above his feet. On each side of the neck, above the
‘shoulders, is a raised bead. There is no border. The design is
stamped and not cut; it is not in true relief, the background
being merely sunk,
Reverse,—IJn opposite direction to obverse. The royal mono-
gram, as usual, designed with broad, well-raised lines. The up-
right lines at the base are all of the same height, and shorter than
in Magama coins. In the space to left, under the swastika, there
is a narrow-mouthed vase, with a base on which to rest, and a
nearly flat top to the body. Out of the mouth grows a Bo-tree,
consisting of an upright stem and two alternate horizontal
branches, each terminated by a leaf. In the space to right,
arranged vertically, the sitting humped bull, facing the swastika.
No border. In coll., H. Parker.
(2) Oblong copper coin (fragment); average length 1-02 in.,
width ‘64, weight 51 grains.
No. 27.—1884.] TISSAMAHARAMA ARCH OLOGY. 93
Obverse.—Full-length standing figure of a man, facing front.
Each hand grasps, near the middle, an upright javelin at the
margin of the coin, from the top of which there passes a flattened
are over his head. There appears to bea bangle on the left wrist;
the other wrist and the legs are indistinct. No border.
feverse.—In opposite direction to obverse. The royal mono-
gram, as usual. In space to left, the vase, with Bo-tree, indis-
tinet ; toright, the sitting humped bull facing the swastika. No
border. In coll., H. Parker.
(3) Short oblong copper coin (fragment); length ‘97 in., mean
width -76 in., weight 194 grains.
Obverse.—Full-length standing figure of a man, facing front,
apparently clothed from waist to mid-thighs. His hands hang
down as though to hold javelins; but the plaque is too much
defaced and worn for more to be distinguished. No border.
feverse.— in this face all that can be made out is the humped
sitting bull, which has been re-punched from the obverse by some
one. R. Massie, Esq., C.C.S.
(4) Irregular oblong copper coin (fragment) ; length 92 in., .
width 56 in. to °64 in., weight 42 grains.
Obverse.—Full-length standing figure of a man, facing half-
left. The design is very roughly stamped. Apparently, the
king has bangles and anklets ; he holds the upright javelins, the
head and point of one of which can be clearly seen at the level of
his shoulder. His clothing cannot be defined. There is a bead
in relief at each side of the neck. In this coin the figure of the
king is in true relief. No border.
Reverse.—Opposed to obverse. The royal monogram, as
usual. In space to left, a beautifully executed, full-bodied vase
in good relief, with a small mouth and distinct lip. Out of it
grows the Bo-tree, consisting of three separate shoots each ter-
minated by a leaf. Design on right cannot be distinguished. R.
Massie, Esq., C.C.S.
(5) Oblong copper coin (? fragment) ; 1:10 in. long, ‘68 to°73
in, wide, weight 474 grains.
Obverse.—Full-length standing figure of a very vigorous man,
facing front, legs apart, feet turned half-outwards. He grasps an
upright javelin in each hand, near the margin, that on the right
having a square knob at its base. He appears to be clothed from
the waist to the upper part of the thighs, and he wears bangles
and anklets. His shoulders are very broad and square, and waist
narrow. There is a raised bead on each side of the neck ; and the
royal umbrella passes overhead, seeming to spring from the jave-
lins. The king is not in true relief. No border. :
94 _ JOURNAL, R.A.8. (CEYLON). [ Vol. VIL. | "4
FReverse.—Indistinct, but part of the monogram is visible. In
space to left, the vase with Bod-tree, apparently consisting of two
shoots, each branching into two. In right space, the humped
bull, sitting facing swastika. No border. R. Massie, Esq., C.C.S.
Fragments from Sittrawila.
(6) About half the coin only ; ‘54 inch long, °49 inch wide.
The king is evidently standing, on the obverse, and he appears to
be holding something in his right hand, which may perhaps be a
javelin. His legs are well apart. On the other face there is the
swastika portion of the royal monogram, or seal. The design
was opposed to that on the obverse.
(7) Rather more than half the coin; -76 inch long, *50 inch
wide. On the obverse the upright figure of a man, grasping in
his left hand a staff, which may be the shaft of a javelin. No
clothing discernable. Feet and right arm cannot be defined. On
the reverse nothing can be distinguished.
Some doubts have been expressed as to whether the copper
plaques are really coins. I am content to base my identification
of them as coins, firstly, on the invariable presence of the swastika
on the reverse, formed into a symbol which accompanies an in-
scription purporting to be cut by royal authority (whether it
really is so or not is of no consequence in this argument) ;
secondly, on the presence of the four letters on one of the
Magama coins, forming, as I believe, the name of the king under
whose authority the plaque was issued ; thirdly, on the presence
of the religious emblems on these northern coins, emblems which
are commonly found on Indian coins. The Bo-tree (without the
vase, which of course is a distinctive mark of the Ceylon origin
of these coins) is stamped on coins of Eran, and the bull is char-
acteristic of South Indian coins. Even in our own country, no
one is permitted to make use of the royal arms without express
authorisation ; and there is no warrant for assuming that the
autocratic early rulers of Ceylon ever allowed their subjects this
privilege.
The Mulleittivu coins are particularly interesting on account of
the presence, at the same time, of the Buddhist and Hindu sacred
symbols. When we read over the particulars contained in the
Mahavathsa regarding all the early Buddhist kings of Ceylon, there
appears to be no one who so favoured Hinduism as to be likely to
impress a representation of the animal sacred to Vishnu beside
. the sacred Bo-tree. ‘The only man, in early times, who can be
selected as possessing a character in strict accordance with the
design on these coins is Elara, the great Tamil King (205-161
No. 27.—1884.] TISSAMAHARAMA ARCHAEOLOGY. 95
‘B.C.). The Mahavatsa says of him (p. 128) that he administered
justice with impartiality ; and that ‘although this king was ignor-
ant of the *‘ratanattaya,” as well as of its inestimable importance
and immutable virtues, protecting the institutions of the land, he
repaired to the Cetiya mountain, and offered his protection to the
priesthood.’ The anecdote which then follows shows that he paid
the highest possible respect to Buddhism. Such a monarch, in his
desire to conciliate the Simhalese, would be not unlikely to place
their sacred symbol on an equality with the symbol of his own
religion ; but no valid reason can be assigned for an early Simha-
lese king’s acting thus. The javelins grasped by the king indi-
cate that he was a warrior, but there are many others who might
claim this character. On the whole, probability points to Elara
as the king who issued these plaques, whether coins or not ; but
of course we cannot go beyond mere conjecture at present.
Note 6.
The following is the extract from the Dhatuvathsa regard-
ing Mahanaga’s constructions in Magama, from the manuscript
at the Hambantota pansala (leaf 21) :—
E’ Mahdénaga nam raja dhatinwahanséta pija keremin Magam
nuwarama wisuyéya.
FE’ rajahu wisin karawu wihara mesé datayutu :—Yatth4la
wiharaya Sandagiri wiharaya Kodorapawu wiharaya Nuwaragunu
wiharaya Sénanala wihéraya Weelipiti wihdraya. Yanadiwt
wihara siyayak karaw4 ‘Tripitaka Maha Arishta nam terun-
wahanséta hastédaka kota piliganwa mesé 6é raja jivitantaya
dakw4 dhatu pariharanaya kota antima kalayehi marana mafi-
cakayehi otté tamangé putanuwan Yatthala Tissa kumérayan
langata kendawa “ puta Tissa kumarayeni api pariharanaya
karana dhatinwahanséta puja karawa” yi dhatu piliwela kiya
putanuwanda anusdsana kota kala kriya wagé kelawara dewlowa
upannéya.
“That king Mahanaga, continuing to pay homage to the relics,
- resided in the city of Magama.
“The wiharas constructed by that king are as follows :—
Yatthala wihara, Sandagiri wihara, Kodorapawu wihara, Nuwa-
ragunu wihara, Sénanala wihara, Welipiti (now Welipatanwila)
wihara. Having caused to be built one hundred other similar
wiharas, and poured the water of donation, he caused the Thera
Maha Arishta, learned in the Tripitaka, to accept them.
“Thus that king, having afforded protection to the relics up
to the end of his life, having in his last moments, on his death-
bed, summoned to his side his only son, prince Yatthdla Tissa,
96 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vol. VII.
and said ‘Tissa, my son, beloved prince, cause reverence to be
paid to the relics which we preserve,’ having related the history
of the relics, and exhorted his son—after death was born in the
final heaven.” :
The Maha Arishta who is mentioned is the celebrated general,
the king’s nephew, whom Dewanampiya Tissa sent to Asoka
for the bo-branch, and who was afterwards ordained by Ma-
hinda.
If this authority is to be relied upon, the question of Yatthala
Tissa’s birth at the Yatthala wihara of Magama is definitively
settled in the negative. He could not be born at a wihara which
his father only built subsequently. I also draw attention to the fact
recorded in some detail in the Mahavathsa, that Queen Anula, the
wife of Mahanaga, entered the Urder of nuns, under Sanghamitta,
and, apparently, never afterwards left Anuradhapura. Her son
must have been born before she was ordained.
As regards the Yatthala dagaba, I consider that the difference
in the sizes of the bricks employed at it and at the Maharamaisa
proof that the two were not built at the same time. Mahanaga
might erect a wihara only, which would not be termed the
“Yatth4la” wihara until the adjoining dagaba had been built. In
a similar manner, Dewanampiya Tissa built the “ Lohapasada
hall” (Mah. p. 101); but the Lohapasada, from which it derived
its name, was constructed eighty years afterwards. Numerous
references might be given where “ wihara” means simply
‘‘wihara,” and certainly not a “ dagaba” also.
Note 7.
While an excavation was being made in the lands newly
brought under cultivation below the Tissa tank, two interesting
stones, carved with reliefs, were met with; but were unfortu-
nately broken up. As the “motive” of the sculptures does
not seem to be of Ceylon origin, the carvings are of impor-
tance in connection with early Simhalese art. They had evidently
been fixed at the entrance to a dwelling, on each side of the steps
leading up to it ; and one was areplica of the other. The leading |
figure was a full-length cow turned to the left, but looking back
to the right (her own left). At her side, turned to the right,
stood a calf, scratching its ear with its right hind leg. Beyond the
cow, and above her back, appeared the head and neck of a. bull,
half-turned to the right. ‘The whole was well cut in good relief,
in limestone ; but was of a decidedly archaic type. The cow was -
represented without any hump, nor had the calf one.
Without at present discussing the manner in which this
No. 27.—-1884.] TISSAMAHARAMA ARCH AOLOGY. 97
“motive” found its way to Magama, I annex the following
extract regarding it, by Mr, Gardner:—
The group of cow-and-calf is of great antiquity and Oriental
origin. It is found on Egyptian and Assyrian monuments as
well as those of Persia, Lycia,and Phoenicia. It was undoubtedly
connected with the worship of the Asiatic goddess who passed
under many names in various parts of the Levant, Mylitta,
Anaitis, or Cybele. This deity was introduced in the course of
commerce into various Greek cities, and identified with local
divinities, usually Hera or Artemis. In Eubcea we find many
traces of the cultus of this Asiatic goddess ; and it was probably
in connecticn with her that the type ef cow-and-calf was intro-
duced into Eubcea, and adopted by the people of Carystus as
their civic emblem. (rit. Mus, Cat., Coins of Thessaly to
ZEtolia, Introduction, p. xlvii.)
Note 8.
Since the description of the earthenware article No. 20 was
written, I have ascertained that its shape (with the exception of
the hole in the bottom) is almost exactly that of the peculiar
glass bottles or alabastrons made by the Pheenicians from a very
early date down to the first centuries after Christ. (Hisé, of Art
in Phoenicia, Vol. I1., p. 326 & ff.)
28—8d
i Fs Ryu?)
SL aa
NO pa
tn Sheu
As
JOURNAL
CHYLON BRANCH
ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,
1884.
WoL: VIIr — PART 11:
No. 28.
“The design of the Society is to institute and promote inquiries into the History,
Religion, Literature, Arts, and Social Condition of the present and former
inhabitants of the Island. with its Geology, Mineralogy, its Climate and
Meteorology, its Botany and Zoology.”
COLOMBO: |
GEORGE J. A. SKEEN, GOVERNMENT PRINTER, CEYLON,
1886.
PAPERS
ON
THE FIRST FIFTY JATAKAS,
EDITED BY
THE LORD BISHOP OF COLOMBO.
freee a -
AA
ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.
CEYLON BRANCH.
THE FIRST FIFTY JA’TAKAS.
PREFACE.*
THE papers on the subject of “ The First Fifty Jatakas,”’
which were read last year before the Society, were placed
by the Committee in my hands to be edited, with liberty to
omit, abridge, or re-arrange, as I thought best. Such
liberty was necessary, because several papers traversed in
many parts the same ground, some were merely introductory,
and some were in disorder ; but this liberty made my task
a complicated and delicate one. I have kept in view two
objects,—the one, to record the information and the opinions
elicited in the Society’s meetings; the other, to present in
doing so a readable sketch of the whole subject. With this
view, while I have presented each author’s contributions as
far as possible in his own words, I have not hesitated te
sacrifice his individuality when I could secure brevity or
distinctness by grouping, in my own language, the results
of several writers. I owe, perhaps, a special apology to
Professor Kiinte, whose kind co-operation was so highly
valued by the Society, for treating his learned papers with
the same freedom.
The duty of reading the introductory papers in our meet-
ings fell to my share, and hence Iam obliged reluctantly to
put some of my own work at the beginning.
| R. 8. C.
*I have not thought it necessary, in a compilation of this kind, to
insist on perfect accuracy or consistency in spelling and transliteration.
Pali words of frequent occurrence have been often written without
diacritical marks: v and w are used indiscriminately, or as each writer
had used them in his manuscript; the mark of quantity has been left
on ¢ and o in many cases, though it is of course unnecessary, when
these are always long.
28—85 A
100 _ JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII.
THE MATTER.
Mr. Rhys Davids’ valuable work.—The first paper* was
called ‘A Review of Mr. Rhys Davids’ Introduction,” and
began as follows:
Mr. Rhys Davids, in the introduction to his first volume
of “ Buddhist Birth-stories,” published in 1880, seems to
have designed to give the Hnglish reader a thorough insight
into the character of the Jataka stories as a whole, and a
definite acquaintance with the contents of some typical
specimens of them ; and at the same time to describe the
place which the book holds in general literature, and to
show how largely, in his opinion, European literature has
been indebted to this Buddhist work and to works connected
with it. In doing this he has brought together a consider-
able amount of curious and interesting information, and has
made his introduction a very readable, though at the same
time a fairly accurate and scholarly piece of work.
In the rest of the volume he has given a translation of
the Pali Preface to the Jataka Book, and of nearly forty of
the tales. Thus, although for the present he has stopped
there, he may fairly be said to have supplied all that the
general reader need know, and to have enabled those who
wish to make a particular study of this book, to do so with
a good start, and on the right lines. This Society, then,
having applied itself, in some sense, to such a study, some
acquaintance with Mr. Davids’ work is, I venture to say,
an indispensable part of our equipment.
Meaning of Birth-story.—According to the Buddhist belief,
every man living has entered on his present life in succession
to a vast number of previous lives, in any one of which he
may have been a man— king, monk, or goatherd—an animal,
a goblin, or deity, as the case might be. For the mass of
men, these previous lives have left no trace on memory, but
a Buddha remembers them all, and not his own only, but
the previous births also of other men. And Gotama, so the
tradition runs, was in the habit of explaining the facts of
the present in the lives of those about him, by what they
had been or done in other births, and of illustrating his own
——— ad
* By the Editor.
bs tee
5 34,
ENo: 28.—1884.] FinsT Firry JATAKAS, 101
teaching by what he had done himself in earlier births. Of
the stories which he has thus told of his own previous
existences, 550 are supposed to have been collected imme-
diately after his decease. And the Commentary, in which
we have them now embodied, professes to state the circum-
stances in Gotama’s life as Buddha, or in the lives of his
contemporaries, which led him to narrate these stories of the
past. very story, then, (with exceptions which need not
here be noticed,) in the collection we are dealing with,
contains both a narrative of the past, and also a narrative of
the present which explains the occasion of it. Thirdly,
besides these two members, there is embodied in each story
at least one stanza or gdtha, which either holds the place
of moral or sums up the salient points of the story. And it
is from the stanza, theoretically, that each story or chapter
of the Commentary takes its rise. The whole is an answer to
the question, On what occasion and in what connection did
the Buddha utter such and such astanza? Indeed, accord-
ing to tradition, the original Jaétaka Book consisted of the
verses only.
The Stanza the nucleus of the story. Connection with
Dhammapada.—in this connection it may be worth while
to mention that a large number of the Jétakas are
especially associated with the Dhammapada—that valuable
collection of stanzas on topics of Buddhist doctrine and
morality. Many of these Dhammapada verses are the
central stanzas of Jdtakas: in Burmah a book called
Dhammapada-Vatthu (‘ Stories on Dhammapada’) has been
translated into English by Captain Rogers, and in China
Mr. Beal has collected a number of similar stories in
illustration of verses from the same source. All this goes
to show that the verses are the central element in the stories.
Such is the shape and the traditional theory of our
present book. The Buddha is supposed to have uttered —
to have made his own if not to have invented—the witty
or moral stanzas under consideration: he is said to have
uttered them in the course of unfolding a narrative about
one of his own previous lives, and to have been led to
_ unfold that narrative by some event which occurred to one
of his monks or lay disciples, or which they brought to
his notice.
Aa
102 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vol. VUL
The traditional theory erroneous. “A collection of Folk-
lore.’—This theory, as an explanation of the book as a
whole, will not hold water for a moment, chiefly for the
following reasons. Of the stanzas in question, while some
are as likely to be the Buddha’s own words as any words
that are attributed to him, many are obviously mere popu-
lar sayings, proverbs, or snatches of popular songs. Of the
tales of the past, many are fables, fairy-tales, ‘‘ Joe Millers,”
and records of every-day experience, such as are in no way
peculiar to Buddhism, but are the common property of the
world. The tales of the present—that is, the narratives of
the occasions on which Gotama is supposed to have told
the story of the past—are in most cases the weakest and the
most artificial and, evidently, the latest part of the work.
In the case of many Jatakas, the true account is probably
something like the exact reverse of the theory. The fairy-
tale or ‘Joe Miller’ had to be got into the collection: a
moral, gathered from any source, was roughly tacked on to
it; and an appropriate occasion was invented on which
Gotama might—had there been such an occasion—have
told it. But while this is the case with perhaps the
majority, there are some which answer to the theoretical
description, where the stanzas and the central stories are
evidently Buddhistic, and where the narrative of the occasion
is a genuine fragment of the life of Gotama as we have it.
In view of these facts, and of other considerations which
seem to me of less importance, Mr. Rhys Davids throws
over the traditional analysis of the book, and proceeds to
treat it as being primarily a collection of ancient tales and
fables, ‘the oldest, most complete, and most important
collection of folk-lore extant.”
How far is this description correct ?— Many of these tales
are found in European collections, and without saying that
in all such cases the Western has borrowed from the Hast-
ern, Mr. Davids traces the steps by which, in many
instances, this seems to have occurred. He translates for
us No. 189, ‘The Ass in the Lion’s Skin’”—a fable which
was known to the Greeks in Plato’s time, and is found in
every part of the modern world; and thenof “ The Talkative
Tortoise,” who, being carried along (at his own request)
by two swans, could not keep his mouth shut, and so lost
ae
og Rees
)
No. 28.—1884.] Fins? FIFTY JATAKAS. — 103
his hold of the stick by which they were carrying him ; this
also a widely-known fable. Neither of these, it will be seen
at once, has in itself any connection with Buddhism, but is
only connected with it by the pretence that the Buddha had
professed to have witnessed the event in one of his own
previous lives. And so, Mr. Davids goes on to give us “ The
Jackal and Crow,” two mutual flatterers ; *‘ The Wise Judge,”
(as Mr. Davids names an extract from the Ummaga Jataka),
in which he who was afterwards to be the Buddha decided
a question by a method very like the judgment of Solomon ;
and then a curious story of a magical hatchet, drum, and
bowl. These five tales are all, so far as any moral or
doctrine goes, otdéy mpsc Adyycor, quite irrelevant to Bud-
dhism ; and the sixth, called “A Lesson for Kings,”’ is the
only one of those selected as specimens, which we could by
any means suppose to have been invented by Gotama.
In regard, however, to those specimens which Mr. Davids
has given of fables or tales known to the Western world,
he has shown reason to think in some instances that the
Jdtaka form of the story is the older. Thus, in the Jataka
story of the ‘ Lion’s Skin” there is no impossible or super-
natural element ; a natural explanation is given of the ass
having got into the skin; namely, that its owner, a pedlar,
put the lion’s skin upon it in order that the villagers, as
he travelled about, might be afraid to approach it, and so
it might feed cheaply on their standing corn. Hence this
form of the story is held to be more primitive. And so on.
But inthe case of what hecalls “The Wise Judge,” Mr. Davids’
critical faculty has deserted him. He rambles about the
possibilities of intercourse with Jews, and whether Solo-
mon's ships carried the fame of his judgment to Ophir ; but
he has failed to observe that the Jataka tale is beyond all
question not an original, if only for these two reasons, —
that it occurs in a long list of methods for detecting
tricks, as evident a collection of existing stories as could
be ; and, secondly, that the judge is not said to have him-
self discovered the false mother by this method, but only
to have thereby exposed to bystanders what he had already
perceived by other means, having known at the first
glance, by her red eyes and other symptoms, that she was
hot a woman but a demon.
104 “JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIIL a
Contents and classification of the stories. — A careful —
estimate, however, of the contents of this section of the
Jataka book will lead the reader probably to qualify a
little the theory he may have formed of it as a collection
of those fables, fairy-tales, and comic stories which belong
to the general household store of the human family. For
it is only a portion of the contents which can be described
as stories of universal interest or application, found or fit
to be found in every part of the world. There is an equal
portion, I think, which is distinctly Buddhistic, and another
considerable portion which is Indian and local, and has its
origin and application within a limited range of social,
commercial, and woodland experience.
There are indeed a certain number of those pointed
allegorical lessons of general morality and good sense,
which are called fables in the most significant use of the
word, and which are, or well might be, the common pro-
perty of mankind. But a good many, if called fables at
all, must be called fables of Buddhism. They inculcate,
not morality and good sense in general, but specific points
of Buddhist teaching. These cannot, as such, be parts of
universal folk-lore. Finally, there are but few, in this
section, which can be classed as comic stories, and only one
fairy-tale.
We are led, therefore, somewhat to qualify the language
which would describe the book as primarily a collection
of materials which are common property, and we are pre-
pared to find much—perhaps the most important part—
to be distinctly Indian, local, and Buddhistic.
To establish this point I will now give details.
There are, as I reckon, ten stories which may claim to-
be called fables. Five of these, ‘‘The Impudent Peacock”
(32), “The Quarrel of the Quails’’ (33), “The Crow and the
Crab’ (38), “ The Pride of Possession”’ (39), ‘‘ The Monkey,
the Elephant,and the Parr ot’? (37), have the pointed and
universal character which belongs to the fables of wide
circulation. Of the other five, “The Brahmin and his
Goat” (18), “The Ox and the Pig’’ (380), “The Uxorious —
Fish” (34), ‘Nursing a Viper’ (43), and “ The Crow and
the Pigeon” (42), the first three have more or less of the
special character of Buddhist teaching, and the other two
Sn.
' No. 28.—1884.] Firs Firry JATAKAS. 105
have hardly point enough to be placed 1 in the first rank of
fables.
The number of comic stories, more or less amusing, is —
five or six. ‘The lion maintained that the dark half of the
month was the cold half, the tiger that it was cold in the
moonlight half; neither seeing, till the Bodhisat told them,
that the cold depends on the wind and not on the moon
(17); the boy took a hatchet to kill a mosquito on his
father’s head (44 repeated in 45); a simpleton watered the
young trees in proportion to their length of roots, and
pulled them up to see (46); another put salt in wine
because he saw people eat salt with it (47); another simple-
ton lost his bride by his attention to the stars (49); and I
count with these the story of the King’s Valuer, who first
appraised a drove of horses at the value of a measure of —
tice, and then, when bribed by the horse-dealer, explained
the value of a measure of rice to be the price of the whole
realm of Benares.
Asin part a fairy-tale, | reckon the story of Losaka or
Mittavindaka.
Thus we have about seventeen in all, out of the fifty,
which can be classed as fables, comic taleg and fouiyclales. :
It remains to classify the venainder
There are some seventeen, besides some of those already
mentioned, of which the isi interest lies in the habits
of animals and their tricks, and the devices of their hunters
and keepers. About deer, dogs, elephants, horses, oxen ;
about fish; about birds, the crow, the parrot, the pigeon,
the quail, the peacock,—there are facts noted witha good
deal of sagacious observation. The crow feeds on meat,
the pigeon on seeds, the parrot flies far for food, the peacock
struts to attract his mate, the quails lie close in a covey ;
the slyness of deer, and their tricks; the points in which
the appearance of their death consists ; hunters entrapping
them by scattering sweet things on the grass, scaring
them by a line of leaves (the “ pavidos formidine cervos
ferret’ of Ovid); the dog eating leather when it 1s wet; the
- attachment of animals to each other; the fastidiousness of
the high-bred horse, and his superiority in strength and
endurance—when it comes to a pinch—to the low-bred
animal; the effect of kindness on oxen and the like,— are
4
é
106 JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). — (Vol. VIII.
specimens of the most interesting part of the contents of
this class of stories.
Then there are some six, which are primarily tales of
travel and commercial life. From these the reader may
learn how to detect the approach of rain (1), or the neigh-
bourhood of water (2) ; how to fit out and guide and bivouac
a@ caravan in a tropical desert (1 and 2), the comparative
advantages of being the first to travel a road, and of coming
after other traders (1); the tricks of pedlars and their
rules of trade (3) ; how to detect gold (3), how to light fires,
and to escape jungle fires ; all sorts of petty roadside trades
(4); the dangers of bad water (10) and poisonous fruit
(12), and how to detect each. All the stories in which these
occur are made to bear more or less directly on some point
of general or of Buddhistic morals, but their intrinsic interest |
and probable origin, as it seems to me, are in the connection
I have shown.
The one story which may be called in part a fairy-tale
is Lésaka Jataka (41), about which I have something
further tosay. It is thoroughly Buddhistic in application.
For defrauding a brother monk of his meal, through envy,
the unhappy hero is born a great number of times in
various infra-human conditions of misery and starvation.
This ill-luck or gainlessness pursues him even in a human
condition ; but in the midst of it a piece of merit, acquired
ages before, suddenly bears fruit, and secures him the
society of a series of goddesses in a series of sea-palaces. °
I have touched on some 38 stories, and though the classes
in which I have grouped them run, of course, into one
another, while some tales contain nothing at all, still it
may be said roughly that there remain 12 which appear to
be primarily Buddhistic.
Putting aside such of these as are trifling, or repetitions
of others, the Makhadéva Jdtaka (9) stands in a peculiar —
position. It is a short and very simple, but curiously dig-
nified account of the retirement of King Makhadéva from
the pomp of royalty to a religious life on the appearance of
his first white hair. There is nothing in this that is incon-
sistent with Buddhism, but it belongs to that part of Bud-
dhism which it received and retained unchanged from
Brahmanism. There are traces in the story of the division
No. 28.—1884.] FIRST FIFTY JATAKAS. 107
of life into periods. Makhddéva had been prince for 84,000
years, sub-king for the same, he had reigned a long time
when the grey hairs appeared, and he lived 84,000 years after-
wards as a hermit. Here is clearly a trace of the three
periods of Brahmin life—as student, householder, and
ascetic. And this Brahmanical character of this tale is
illustrative of the position which Brahmanism holds in the
Jataka Book throughout; for while many strictly Brah-
manical customs, especially sacrifice of life, are condemned
in what concerns retirement and hermit-life, there is no
clear distinction between the Brahman and the Buddhist
monk. And I suspect the less distinctly these two terms
are distinguished in any Buddhist writing, the older it will
be found to be.
When he beheld the white hair, it seemed to him as
though he saw the king of death come and stand before
him, and as if he himself had entered into a house on fire
Agitation seized him. “ Foolish Makhadéva,” he said to
himself, ‘even till grey hairs have come hast thou been still
unable to put away these desires?’’. As he reflected and
reflected-on his grey-headedness, a fire was kindled within
him; sweat flowed from his body ; he tore off his robes—
(so Batuwantudawa; Rhys Davids has, “ his robes oppressed
him”’)—and they seemed as if they must be cast away. To-
day I must make renunciation, and enter on seclusion. He
gave the barber a rich village revenue, and, sending for his
eldest son, said : ‘Son, a white hair has appeared on my
head. Iam grown old; I have done with human desires,
now I will seek after divine; my time of renunciation is
come: take thou this kingdom, and I will enter seclusion
and live a monk’s life in the Makhadéva grove.” Finding
him thus bent on seclusion, his ministers came and said :
“Sire, why shouldst thou enter on seclusion?”’ The king
held up the white hair and uttered these lines :—
On the topmost part of my frame are sprung these robbers
of remaining life ;"
Messengers from the gods appearing: it is my retiring time,
I have come across no other passage worthy, as I think, in
a literary sense to be placed beside this, except in the Intro-
_ duction to the Nigrédha Jataka (12), where the innocent nun
who has been selfishly condemned by Déwadatta appeals to
~ Sea
a
108 | JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII. a
the Buddha. “ Ladies,” she said, “ Déwadatta is not the
Buddha, nor his the order wherein I made my profession,
but under the one true perfect Buddha and Chief of Men
was my profession made,—and what I gained so painfully,
that I pray you annul not; come, take me to Jétawana to
the presence of the teacher.”
This is in every way a noble story; and it is an interesting
fact that it is one of those (if I am not mistaken) whose
antiquity is vouched for by the Bharhut sculptures. The
verse, which is its centre—
Follow Nigrédha, resort not to Sakkha,
Better death with Nigrédha than life with Sakkha—
is one of those which implies the existence of the story, for
the names Nigrédha and Sakkhaé would have no meaning
in this connection, except as the names of rival stags. And
the occasion, as the Commentary tells us, of Gdtama’s
uttering the verse, was briefly this. The daughter of a
Benares noble had shown from childhood a singular con-
tempt for this life acd its pleasures ; and though she was
given in marriage, she still was so bent on the monastic
life, and made herself—it must be admitted—so little
agreeable in the other, that her husband consented to her
becoming a nun;-‘and she, in her simplicity, attached
herself to the schism of Déwadatta. This was very shortly
after her marriage; so she was already a nun, when the
time came for her child to be born. Innocent as she was,
Déwadatta thought nothing of justice, but only of the repu-
tation of his sect and his own interests, and without inquiry
ordered her to be expelled. But the Buddha, when the
matter was brought to him, although he clearly saw the
triumph which the schismatics would claim if one whom they
had expelled were received by him, caused inquiry to be
made, and vindicated her innocence. “And this is not the
first time,” he added, “ that the Buddha has been a support
and a refuge to this woman and her child.”
For long ago in Brahmadatta’s days, he who was to be
Buddha was born a deer—prince of a herd—and called
Nigrédha ; and in the same park with them ranged another
herd, whose chief was Sakkhé. From these herds a victim
was daily taken by the king’s purveyor ; and at last it was
agreed between the two leaders, that instead of the whole
No. 28.—1884.] rirsr rivry TATARAS. 109
_ of both herds being exposed to constant terror and wounds,
lots should be cast, one day in Nigrédha’s and the next in
Sakkha’s herd, and the deer thus chosen should give himself
up to the slaughterer, and the rest live in peace. This went
on, till one day in Sakkha’ a's herd the lot fell on a doe big with
young. She went to Sakkha and begged for respite or
exchange, but he insisted that the lot must have its course.
So iM went over to the other herd, to Nigrédha, the
princely stag. And Nigrédha, seeing no other course con-
sistent with. both justice and commen 0p high has
Buddhism been able to rise, in imagination—took her lot
upon himself, and went to the place of the victims and
stretched himself upon the block. The king was soon told
of this wonder, that the prince of all the deer was lying on
the block, and, coming to see him, and learning from him —
_ how it was, eranted fa his life. This was not enough ;
nor was the Tie of all the deer in that park enough. Nig-
rodha pleaded eloquently and importunately, and would not
cease till the king had granted to every living being
throughout his Tol froedom from hurt and from eon
anticipation of the edict of Asdka (or should we, perhaps,
Say a reference to it?). ‘He who was then Sakkha,”’ said
Gotama, “is now Déwadatta, and Nigrddha is I myself.”
The excellence of this fiction, which, from the nature of
the case, cannot possibly have any foundation whatever in
fact, leads me to think, I confess, that those who invented
it could invent anything ; else I should have said that the
simple pathos and interest of the story of the nun were
probable marks of truth.
The Sukhanhari Jataka (10) is a simple and completely
Buddhistic statement of the happiness of the life of con- -
templation ; its burden is, “The monk is happier than
the king ;’’ it has no particular value asa story. No. 18,
the story already reckoned under fables ( “‘ The Brahmin
and his Goat’’) is the vehicle of a vigorous denunciation of
sacrifices, especially of sacrifices to the dead. ‘The verse
has no particular connection with the tale, and it may well
be a borrowed story in substance; but as told it is charac-
teristically Buddhistic, and, like others of that class, has a
dignity of its own. But the story which, out of these 50,
can best stand with Makhadéwa and Nigrodha, is the
110 : JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). — [ Vol. VIL” 5
Khadirangara Jataka (40) which Mr. Davids—like so many
Pali scholars who seem to think things are made clearer by
giving them a name already identified with something else—
calls the “Fiery Furnace.” Its design is to recommend
liberality, especially giving to monks, by the example of
a rich man who would not allow any terrors of the powers
of evil to deter him for giving, but stepped boldly forward
to fill the mendicant’s bowl, although a pit of burning acacia
charcoal eighty fathoms deep, supernatually produced by
Mara, to deter him from liberality, was burning and raging
between them. A gigantic lotus in this case reared itself
through the flames, and, standing on its petals, he filled
the bowl in safety.
Thus, those which have the most directly Buddhist
connection, Makhadéva, Nigrédhamiga, Katthahari, and
Khadirang4ra—to which may be added the important Kulé-
waka—are the bestas well as, in all probability, the oldest.
It is around these, and such as these, that the fables proper
and tales of merely general application have been gathered.
Professor Kunte’s Classification.— Professor Kiinte pro-
poses a classification of the central stanzas or gathas
which will be given below. (P. 121.)
The Nidana Kathé.—he stories which have been thus
described or classified may be read at length in Mr. Rhys
Davids’ book, and inour appendices. But the reader must
be made aware that in our Jataka Book the stories them-
selves are prefaced by a most important historical (or
mythical) introduction, the Nidana Katha, which contains
the received account of the preparation, many ages back, for
the coming of the Buddha Gotama, the previous lives of him
who was to be that Gotama, and to become Buddha, and,
thirdly—most important of all—the birth and lifeofGotama,
—his early history, renunciation of his home, search after
wisdom, his attainment of Buddhahood, and the commence-
ment of his teaching. This has nothing further to do with
the Jdtakas than that it was in the course of his teaching
that he toldthem ; but it isa mostimportant part of Buddhist
literature, and reckons as part of the “J4taka Commentary.”
It will be often alluded to in the critical papers.
Moral value. —1 will pass on now to a remark or two on |
the moral value of our book. What is to be said on its
| No. 28.—1884.] First rirry JATAKAS. 111
- witness to ancient customs and traditions, I must leave for
the present to others.
Hiven from the passages [ have quoted above some
estimate may be formed of the moral value of the teaching
of this section. In regard to that cardinal point of
Buddhism, the sin of taking life, and that other ruling
maxim, that liberality is best shown in giving to monks,—
opinions will, of course, differ in this Society as tothe sin or
the virtue in itself: that I do not discuss. But assuming
the prominence of these in the scale of duties, the criticism
which the moralist, of whatever school, must make, is this.
A very high standard of self-sacrifice, of perseverance,
and of justice, and just ideas of the relative value of pleasure
and of wisdom, are set before us. The theory is good.
Further, the virtues are illustrated with feeling, with genuine
admiration for them, with a fine taste in virtue, so to speak.
The theory is understood. But here, for a large part, it
ends. The most striking examples are derived from fiction.
It is a stag, which sacriticed its life for others; a horse,
which excelled in zeal; or itis a mythical king who des-
pised the world. ‘There are genuine cases, which, to the
believer in Buddhist history, are historical, of which this
cannot be said, but in which the Buddha in actual life
displayed justice, patience, and insight. But the most
striking and high-pitched examples of virtue are fictitious.
It is of course useless to point to the doings of a talking
stag as example or proof of virtue. To all but a few—I
suppose—even among Buddhists, no serious stimulus to
action or proof of what man can do and be, is to be derived
from narratives of supposed previous births. It is by the
narratives of what Gdétama in his historical existence
actually did that the value of his example, for all practical
purposes, must be judged.
Now, there is nothing, 1 believe—-unless it be the fictions
by which the record is accompanied—to prevent our believ-
ing that Gdotama showed, for instance, the justice and
generosity recorded of him in his dealing with the nun, or
the tender patience with which he taught the monk who
had despaired of ever learning, or the endurance and zeal
with which he went his rounds, teaching in the village of
Magadha or of the Vajjians. These are the examples and
112 JOURNAL, RAS (cuynoy). —s«[ Vol. VIII. 4
proofs of virtue which, regarded as historical, do credit to
Buddhism,—infinitely more credit than fictitious accounts
of exaggerated and unnatural applications of the rules of
virtue on the part of stags or of hares, or of human beings
in some other stage of the world.
The propriety of the conduct of the hero of the stories is
not, | think, to be questioned within the limits of this
section ; but I can lay no stress on that, for if we extended
the inquiry to the next 50, we should find cases where
the conduct of the h ero is very questionable indeed. This,
as well as some other points of interest, can hardly be use-
fully dealt with till we have taken more Jatakas within
our scope. ae
It remains to say a few words about the moral and
doctrinal disquisitions which the compiler—as I suppose—
has interwoven in his glossaries on Text and Gathas. They
consist in great part of quotations, and to verify these
quotations will be one of the most laborious, but most
useful, parts of the task of any one who undertakes fully to edit
the Jdtaka Book. But they contain also some subtle moral
disquisitions, many of which show, not only a hand practised.
in moral distinctions and an extensive store of moral terms,
but also a good deal of shrewd observation. !
In illustration of this a note of the grammarian onthe .
words #irz and ottappam is translated in the Appendix.
Migrations of the Tales.—Having given his readers a
sample of the contents of the collection, Mr. Davids goes
on to tell us how some at least of the tales found their
way to Hurope. But here the unenlightened reader has —
to complain of Mr. Davids for not making it perfectly clear
what he is proving, and what not. For the work which he
learnedly follows into Europe is not the Jétaka—as such—
but the Pancha Tantra. Now, I should be extremely sorry
to deay that the Hindu Pancha Tantra is derived from Bud-
dhist sources ; this is the general opinion of scholars, ana in
particular of Professor Benfey, whom Mr. Davids afterwards
quotes at some length. But it does not follow that the
Pancha Tantra is derived from our Jdtaka Book. And if it
should turn out that the Pancha Tantra was not borrowed
from the Jataka at all, but was an independent collection of
similar materials from the same sources, then all that
~ a
‘ib ey ad
No. 28.—1884.| FIRST FIFTY TATAKAS. 113
follows—interesting as it might be as a history of Indian
tales—would be no history of the Jétaka in particular.
The Hindu collection of tales, called Pancha Tantra, was
translated—or a book like it was—into Persian, and thence,
in the 8th century of our era, into Syriac and into Arabic,
under the title of ‘‘ Kalilah and Dimnah.” The Arabs
carried this into Europe, and so it was translated into
Spanish, Latin, German, Italian, French, and English. And
to the Latin version was given the title “ Ausop the Old.”
Now, the original of what we call Aisop’s Fables has
always been obscure. It is not certain that Atsop left any
works behind him ; if he did, they were very early lost, and
there is little doubt that part at least of what bear his
name were never collected in Europe till the 14th century,
Doubtless some of these were borrowed from the “ Kalilah
and Dimnah.” Thus, with some probability, we trace the
Alsop of our childhood to the Pancha Tantra, and (leaping
easily thence) to the Jataka. But the part of his intro-
duction, which has evidently given Mr. Davids most delight,
is that in which he states (for here again the evidence is
omitted,—the borrowing, however, is unquestionable) that a
story called ‘“ Barlaam and Joasaph,’’ written by the
Christian monk, St. John of Damascus,* about 750 A.D., is
borrowed from the legend of Buddha, and that the name
Joasaph is only a corruption of Bédhisat. This would not
- seem more strange than that any other romance should have
_been founded on tales which the author had heard, especially
as the writer says it is an Indian story ; but what moves Mr.
Davids to almost childish glee is, that some authorities of
the Romish Church——and I think he says also of the Hastern
—-mistaking the romance for history, haveincluded in the list
of canonised saints the hero of this story. An absurd parade
of detail is accumulated about this trumpery fact, that our
editor may have the delight of concluding “that Gdtama
the Buddha, under the name of St. Josaphat, is now officially
recognized, and honoured, and worshipped throughout the
whole of Catholic Christendom as a Christian saint !”
But whatever be the value of this, we owe Mr. Davids
gratitude for the more important and interesting facts, that
—
* Or, rather, attributed to him.— Ed.
114 JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII.
the fables of Europe, whether the Greek of Babrius (B.C.
60 ?), the Latin of Phcedrus (c. A.D. 1), or the modern ones
of Boccaccio, Chaucer, La Fontaine, and Gay, are indebted
more or less directly to that mass of Eastern stories, of
which our Jaétaka Book is the most important collection.
Meanwhile, some at least of the stories have probably
travelled to India from the West. Postponing to future
papers some further remarks on those which have come
from Jewish sources, I venture to submit the following, to
which I hope to add other instances.
Traces of Greck influence.—I have mentioned already
how the hero of Losaka Jataka (41), after suffering a long
course of calamities in consequence of demerit, is suddenly
transported, in consequence of a long-past act of merit, into
conditions of happiness. The early part of the tale is
characteristically Buddhistic. But my suspicion is, that
the latter part is of quite different origin from the beginning ;
that it is a wide-famed story, half remembered, and its
vicissitudes explained by Buddhist theories—a story no less
famed than that of Ulysses!
The hero is called by name Mittavindaka, but his de-
scription is “ kdlakanni,’’ ‘the wretched one,’ or ‘the
sufferer,’ which is the meaning of ‘‘ Odusseus.”” When
Mittavindaka would put to sea, the ship which carried
him stuck fast till lots had been drawn, and he had been
- east into the sea. This passage may possibly owe some-
thing to the history of Jonah, though, I fancy, such a thing
was often done as this casting of the “ unlucky lot,’ but
there is a corresponding event in the story of Ulysses,
when AXolus is said to have refused him the assistance of
the winds, as being too unlucky to be safely dealt with.
Mittavindaka had experience of cannibals, who devoured
his family, as Polyphemus and the Loestrygones did the
companions of Ulysses; Mittavindaka suffered for catching
a demon-goat, and Ulysses for attacking the oxen of the
sun ; Mittavindaka was carried to three successive palaces of
nymphs, as Ulysses past the Sirens to the palaces of Circe
and Calypso and the fairy land of Phceacia; Ulysses
floated on a magic veil and on a mast, Mittavindaka on a
bundle of bamboos; and both, after all their wanderings,
were restored at last. Of the nymphs, it is said that they
No. 28,—1884.] FIRST FIFTY JATAKAS. 115
had an alternate existence of pleasure and suffering,—an
idea which occurs several times in Greek mythology, notably
in the cases of Hercules and of the Dioscuri.
I have made the most, I admit, of these points of like-
ness, but they are too numerous not to arrest attention,
At the time when these tales were taking shape in Buddhist
hands, Greek influence was powerful at the Court of
M4gadha. As it unquestionably affected the art which
still remains to us, soit may well have affected the liter-
ature; and the further this study is prosecuted, the more
clearly, I believe, it will appear that Greek culture had
something to do with stimulating the wonderful and sudden
burst of art and invention and writing, which gave shape
to Buddhism, and culminated in the sculptures of Bharhut
and Amravati. A beautiful little statue in the Calcutta
Museum is typical, I fancy, of much beyond itself. It is
a finished work of Greek art—a statue of Hercules. Among
many carvings and statues in which Greek influence is
discernible, it stands out as purely Greek ; but Buddhism
had laid a claim upon it, for while the lion-skin hangs
over one shoulder, on the other shoulder has been engraved
a, lotus. |
The traditional account of the origin of the collection
being put aside (and indeed few, if any, Buddhists accept
it) and the range of subjects being as wide as it has been
shown to be, the inquiry follows—How did the collection
such as we find it come into existence? The question is at
present of the collection of materials ; not of the language,
the book, or the edition.
Gronth of the Coliection.— How, it is now to be asked, did
the Buddhist collection cometogether? It may be answered,
-in the first place, that, according to the theory of Buddha-
hood, in which it is an essential point that the Buddha
should have been developed, so to speak, to perfection
through a long series of lives, some record of previous
births of Gétama—some Jataka Book—was inevitable.
Accordingly, in the history of the series of Buddhas—the
Buddhavamsa—under the head of each of the previous
Buddhas who are supposed to have existed since he who
was to be Gdtama Buddha first resolved on Buddhahood,
some narrative is given of the life which the Bddhisat,
28—85 B
116 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). —- [Vol. VIII. a
(or Buddha in course of development) lived under that —
Buddha. Further, since every Buddha devotes a whole
series of existences to the acquirement or exercise of |
perfection in certain elements of the Buddha character,
there is a treatise called Cariya Pitakam, which narrates
the lives in which he who was to be Gétama acquired
generosity, goodness, and the rest of the ten Pdramitd.
This amount of Jataka material was essential to a com-
plete history of the Buddha; but there is, besides this,
scattered here and there in the Pitaka, a considerable
number of narratives, by Gdtama himself, of his previous
births, told in illustration of what he happened to be
teaching. This, then, may reasonably be supposed to have
been the nucleus round which gathered the stories of less
genuine pretensions.
It is certain, apart from all tradition, that some of the
stories which at present form our collection were popular ~
under the name of Jataka in the 8rd century, B.C. In the
carvings of the great stone railings around the dagabas
of Barhut are to be seen still very rich and vivid illustra-
tions of scenes from our Jdtaka stories. And on some of
them are written, as I have myself read in the Calcutta
Museum, the names of the Jatakas represented. The
interesting paper devoted by our President to this subject
abundantly proves the point. Mr. Rhys Davids thus
expresses his own opinion :—“ The most probable explana-
tion is,” he says, “that it was due to the religious faith of
the Indian Buddhists of the 3rd or 4th century B.C., who
not only repeated a number of fables, parables, and stories
ascribed to the Buddha, but gave them a peculiar sacredness,
and a special religious signification, by identifying the best
character in each with the Buddha himself in previous
births.”” By this means, what had been mere tales became
birth-stories of Buddha. This must certainly have been
some time before the Bharhut rails were carved. And,
probably, stories thus sacred and popularly accepted were
brought together into a collection before the Council of
Vesali.
The plan of prefacing these stories by the introductory
stories, or stories of the present, may have been justified by —
some genuine traditions as to the occasions when the Buddha
No. 28.—1884.] First Firry sATAKAS. 117
told such as were really of his telling ; and the method
having been adopted, was extended to the rest.
When Buddhism was introduced into Ceylon, about 200
B.C., these Jatakas were carried thither in Pali; and the
whole was then translated and preserved in Simhalese,
(except the verses, which have always remained in Pdli,)
until some one unknown, in the 5th century, re-translated,
or—and here Mr. Davids’ characteristic uncertainty re-
appears—compiled the present Jataka Book !
Illustrated from the practice of the Jains and Brahmans.
-——The learned paper of Professor M. M. Kiinte illustrates
the method and development of the system by the paral-
lel cases of the Jains, &c.
The Jataka an artistic Sermon. Professor Kinté’s paper
(occasionally abridged ).—The system of teaching by stories,
and in particular of illustrating stories of the present epoch
by stories of the past, seems to be used not only by the
Buddhists, but also by the Jains and, in some degree, by the
Brahmans. For although the relation between these sects
is one of contrast and rivalry, their philosophic stand-
points being opposed, yet they have in their life and method
of teaching much in common. The broad division of
society into monks and householders is common to them
all, and it is out of the customs and necessities of a society
so divided that the method of teaching by “ birth-stories”
may be supposed to have grown.
On the other hand, the attitude of Buddhism to Jainism
in respect of its philosophic doctrines was one of hostility ;
and this appears in the language of the first Jdtaka, in the
“moral” of which certain characteristic tenets of the Jains
are condemned.
“The gatha, or central stanza, of the Ist Jdataka runs
thus :—
Apannakam thanam eke dutiyam 4hu takkika.
Ktad afifiaya medhavi tath ganhe yad apannakam ti.
Translated: ‘Some hold to truth, the reasoners declare
_ otherwise; a wise man, knowing this, ought to take that
which is truth.”
“And the word-commentary on this stanza identifies the
‘first or true doctrine referred to by calling it, amongst
: B 2
118 JOURNAL, B.A.8. (CEYLON). (Vol. VILL. S|
other names, ekamsikam (containing one proposition ),* while
the second or heretical is called anekamsikam (manifold). |
This latter term is employed with special reference to the
Jainas, “‘ who call themselves anekdnta vadinah; because _
they hold that truth is never absolutely known, but that |
it is always relative. They ridicule their opponents as ekan-
tavadins. The terms ekantavddi and ekamsika express the
same thing, anta and amsa meaning a side, a proposition.
(Mr. Childers gives ekanta for ekansa in his Pali Dic- |
“The Jainas attach great importance to the system of |
tionary.)
dialectic reasoning developed by Kanada, whose atomic |
theory about the creation of the world is the foundation |
of Jainism. They are, therefore, the anekamsika reasoners
already referred to. The Jainas consider both the Bud-
dhists and the Brahmanas to be ekantavddins. F
“The standpoints of the Brahmanas, the Buddhists, and —
the Jainas are these :—The Brahmanas and the Buddhists
state that their systems are based upon absolute truths. The
former hold that the Veda is reveaied by some mysterious |
impersonal agency; while the latter hold that truth is
made known to them by persons who attained to omni- —
science. The first declare that the purpose of life is to per- |
form all sacrifices and ceremonies that the Veda enjoins ; -
while the latter declare that the purpose of life is to_
practise austerities and to attain to spirituality. This is
significantly expressed in the Puirvamimansa system as |
kritvdrthata, as opposed to purusharthata. The Jainas differ |
from both the Brahmanas and the Buddhists, characterising |
both as ekantavédins—men who adhere to one-sided truth,
forgetting that nothing can be known absolutely—and
assume that their position as anekamsikas is unchallenge-
able.”
This description applies to the Jains of both classes, |
* It should be mentioned that Professor Kiinte’s argument here was
called in question by several members of the Society, on the ground |
that ekamsikam means simply “certain,” and implies no particular
philosophy. The words in the text, eke and dutiyam, mean only
“ some’ and “ another,” while in the gloss itself the ‘“ two positions’ |
(dwisu thanesi) are contrasted as “ certain” and “uncertain,” not as)
monistic and dualistic.
No. 28.—1884.| First FirTy JATAKAS. at EES
Svetambara and Dieambara alike, but it is the Svetambara
- monks whose manners and way of life are so similar to
_ those of the Buddhist monks of Ceylon. They carry hair-
brushes, however, instead of fans, and they are more
scrupulous in guarding “against causing even imaginary
injury to any animal. Hence they put lime in the water
__ they keep with them for the purpose of washing their hands
and feet or cleaning their mouths. They do not bathe at
all. They seldom move out of theirconvents. They drink
_ water once heated and cooled.” The Jain monks, like the
_ Buddhist, deliver sermons to the laity, and these bear a
considerable resemblance to Jétaka stories. “ The sermon
_ of the Jainas consists of two main parts. The first part
enunciates some doctrine or some ethical or philosophical —
principle, and in the second part a story is narrated. Fre-
_ quently, in the first part, a heretic and his doctrines are
described, criticized, and condemned ; and the second part
_ gives a story which describes the ill-luck of those who have
once behaved in like manner. The preacher formally in-
_ troduces the sermon and enlarges upon the subject of his
dissertation. He next chaunts gathds, and, by way of com-
menting upon them, goes into grammatical, dialectic, and
_ philological questions. And then he narrates a story, in
_ which he vehemently and sometimes pathetically describes
- natural scenery and social questions, touching sometimes
_ upon what he considers the question of the day. Heisa
citrakathi dhammakat hiko.
_ “The Jain scriptures are divided into four parts :—(1)
Dravyanuyoga, which corresponds to the Abhidhammakatho
of the Buddhist ; (2) the Ganitanuyoga, to which there is
nothing corresponding in the Tripitaka ; (3) Carandnuyoga,
g which corresponds to Vinaya ; and (4) the Dharmakathanu-
_ yoga, which corresponds to the Jatakakathas. The Dham-
| “makathanuyoga is not as yet, I believe, sufficiently
investigated. Jainism and Buddhism, however, provide a
large field for a comparative study, and the stories in the
Dharmakathanuyoga will not fail to elicit much philosophi-
tal and historical interest, because they throw direct and
strong light on the condition of the people as affected by
heresies and religious revivals, and attack Buddhism and
ia
oN
‘its propagators. At present, it seems to me, that so little
120 - JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). Vol. vit. |
is known about Jainism that it is confounded with Bud-
dhism, of which it is considered to be a sect, though the
Buddhists, who call themselves ekamsikas, are opposed
diametrically to the Jainas, who call themselves anekanta-.
vadins. In this place, I cannot do more than point out this
new field of research likely to lead to important results.”
Jainism has thus much in common with Buddhism, but |
its ““ Anekamsa’”’ logic seems to be its most distinctive and |
its most ancient characteristic. From the reference in |
Jain works to “ certain grammatical questions which Pani-
niin relation to Sakatdyana raises,” and from the fact that
“the Saékatayana grammar is found in the possession of the |
Southern Jainas,” it appears that the “Anekamsika”’ philo-
sophy was known as early as the 4th century B.C. Onthe |
other hand, it is clear that both Jainism and Buddhism as |)
wellas Brahaminism—three opposed systems—existed side |
by side until a comparatively late date, for “ Sankaracharya, |
who led the revival of Brahminism, and who is character- |)
ized as a concealed Buddhist, flourished about 700 A.D. | _
“ Before this, flourished Kundakundacharya, a distinguished |
Jain teacher, because a gana established by him is men- |”
tioned in Kirtivarma’s inscription dated 584 A.D. Between |
584 A.D. and 700 A.D. the Jainas energized. Amarsimha, |
a Buddhistic lexicographer, flourished about the same time. |
Hwen-thsang describes Buddhistic convents and their pros- |
perity. Thus the three systems seem to have worked at)
the same time—three systems opposed to each other.” |)
Among the Brahmans, as well as among the Jains, thereis |
a system of teaching, nee! by their Sannydsis or ascoue™ e
which is thus described :—“ The Sannyasis in their hernia |
ages preach what they call pravachana, which signifies a|
comment. Some Vedic gatha or text is taken. A Puréna|
story, corresponding to an atita-vatthu, follows, and a con-| ~
clusion is stated.”...... The Brahminic Kath4s draw upon the} ~
stories of the Burdaag, these stories serving the purpose of] ©
the atéta-vatthus. “ The Purana stories—the best and the} —
most popular of them—have all the ring and the point of}
the atita-vatthu, as the Brahminical Katha-system shows.” ‘a
bei “ A katha consists of two parts, interluded by music)
The first part is known as nérupana or vedanta, and dwells|
at considerable length upon some religious doctrine on
Ses
pea a
No. 28.—1884.] FIRST FIFTY JATAKAS. 121
philosophical principle illustrated by a short story bearing
on what is enunciated. The second part is the anusan-
dhana, another story brought in by way of illustration.
Now, anusandhana is the same as anusandhi; and I
believe the Jataka-phrase anusandhim ghatetva signifies
that the second story is brought to bear upon the first
story—the Paccuppanna-vatthu. Thus it will be seen that
Brahminism throws light upon Buddhism.”
The above facts are thus summarized :—“ According to
Jainas, Brahminism and Buddhism come under one class,
the Ekamsika, and are, therefore, the opponents of Jainism.
But there is much common to Buddhism and Jainism.
Buddhism, Jainism, and Brahminism act and re-act upon
each other. The Buddhistic story-system, the Jain story-
system, and the Brahmanical story-system have their
points of comparison. The Jainas were, about the 4th
century B.C., mere philosophical sceptics. About the time
of Kunda-kundacharya, they grew into dogmatic thinkers
by the combined action of Brahmanism and Buddhism,
while picture-stories and sculptures on the Sutranjaya
hills correspond to the picture-stories and sculptures of
the Buddhists on the stupe of Bharhut.”
The stories not only describe the life of monastery, palace,
- market, and village respectively, but their form has been
determined by the influence of each of these,—of the monks,
the princes, the traders, and the villagers. The Paccup-
panna-vatthu, or story of the present, arose out of the life
of the monastery, and deals with such points of morality,
religion, or philosophy, as the inmates of the monastery
may be supposed to have been familiar with, and turns on ~
incidents in the studies and discipline of the monks, their
errors, and controversies. The Aéita-vatihu, or ‘ Story of the
Past,’ is told to illustrate this, and to make the abstruse
topic interesting and amusing to the laity.
“ Of the compound story thus arising, a gatha or stanza
is the central part. These stanzas are tentatively classified
_ thus :—(1) Maxim gathas, or gathas which lay down general
_ truths and practical rules of life. (2) Ethical gathds,
gathas which inculcate morality. (8) Disciplinary gdthds,
_ gathas which condense the Buddhistic feeling and aspira-
tion. (4) The Story gathds, gathdés on which stories are
|
122 _ JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. Vill,
built. (5) Explanatory gdthas, gathds which explain, in
their own way, patent facts. (6) Descriptive gdthas, gathas
which describe natural scenery. (7) Pastoral gathas,
gathas which describe the manners of the pastoral people,
and deal with the life of lower animals, and the life of the
peasantry. Thus, the gathas have a two-fold origin—the
monastic géthas and popular gdthds. Stories, whether
monastic or popular, were soon crystallised into proverbs ;
thus, out of the stories the géthas grew; these gathas,
therefore, had a two-fold origin,—monastic and popular.
And this was in accordance with the nature of the story
told either by a'monk, practising his disciplinary lessons,
or by one ordinary man to auother, while journeying or
reaping his harvest or watching his field.”
_ Proverbial stanzas summarizing well-known stories are
still common inthe Mahrattha country. ‘‘ Proverbs like
the following are always in the mouths of the people in
Maharashtra : ‘Tupagelen telagelen hali dhupata ne 4len.’
The sense of this is: ‘ Clarified butter is gone, oil is gone,
and an incense-pot remains inthe hand.’ Again, ‘ Bajaranta
turi 4ni bhata bhatni la mari.’ The sense of this is: ‘ The
turi-pulse is in the bazaar, and the Brahmana quarrels
with his wife as to her turi-soup to be prepared, being
thick or thin, and beats her.’ The stories for these gAthas
are at first mere balanced prose-pieces (in rhythmical
prose?) which are in the course of time versified and
poetically expressed by well-known poets. The Mahrattha
poet Tukardma does this.”” And the Mahrattha preacher,
or Hariddsa, still “recites a portion of a gatha as in the
Jataka-stories, and then builds upon it a mirupana or
vedanta. Dwelling upon it at considerable length, he
chaunts the gatha in full, and explains it at great length,
introducing into the explanation as much of his learning
as he can. And upon this foundation the anusandhana is
built. Similarly, when the Mahrattha ladies meet for
religious ceremonies, it is the custom for them to “‘ narrate
festive stories, which poetically express their hopes and
aspirations. The ceremony itself is the paccuppanna vatthu,
The story told is the atita vatihu. The ladies call their story
kahani, a word which comes from the Sanskrit hathanaka.
Some ladies are known for their power of telling a kahané,
No. 28.—1884.] rinse rrevy sATAKAS. 128
which more or less begins in the same way as every atita
vatthu does, by “ Baranasi, prince Brahmadatta,” &c. Gathas
and comments upon them constitute the higher part of the
kathas ; and the stories support what the gathas inculcate.
“Tt is plain, then, that the Jatakas, as they exist, are a
series of sermons, ready to hand, and to be preached to
mixed audiences. A part of a gatha is first recited, and
the attention of an audience is thus called to what is
-coming, A paccuppanna vatthu points out the particular
topic of the gatha recited. Faith in Buddha Gotama is
awakened, and a ground-basis for the chaunt of the gatha
in full is thus prepared. Then, in explaining the gatha,
the preacher shows his power of scholasticism. The ordi-
nary audience listens on, half-puzzled and half-struck by
what the mind considers to be profound and mysterious ;
and, moved by the incomprehensible, it works it up into
the marvellous, and obtains from this a passive intellectual
enjoyment. The preacher proceeds with an energy of his
own. The strain on the mental power of the audience is
now at its height, when abstruse comments upon a gétha
are abstrusely but eloquently explained. This is succeeded
by the narration of the simple popular atita vatthu. There
is thus a sudden transition from the abstruse to the simple,
_ from the philosophical to the popular element. Such a
transition produces a contrast. The parallelism, which
tuns between the two stories, and which constitutes the
_ anusandh, between them, is thus combined with a contrast.
And parallelism and contrast are the foundation upon which
all esthetic pleasure, whether intellectual or emotional, is
built. The transition from the comments on a gatha affords
relief to the mind of the audience.
“When a Mahrattha preacher, for instance, dwells at
length on a nirupana, his audience asks him to descend into
an anusandhana. When he has a short, cursory nirupana,
and a long tedious anusandhana, he is criticized by his audi-
ence as they go home, and has a chance of seeing his audience
diminished. An audience cannot be trifled with. Pleasure
it must have. The number of lay gentlemen and ladies
attending a convent gave it importance. Such attendance
is specially preached in some Jatakas. There were neces-
sarily two or more convents in a large town, as Hwen-thsang
124 _ JOURNAL, BR.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vol. VILL
states. The priests of one convent naturally vied with
those of another in securing large audiences. And large
audiences always depended on the eloquence of the preacher, —
who became known as citra katht, All preachers, however,
could not be learned and eloquent. The Jataka stories are,
therefore, artistic sermons.
“A part of the gatha, a paccuppanna vatthu, or something
in its stead, the full gatha, the abstruse comments upon it,
the atita vatthu, and the conclusion, in which everything
said by the preacher is referred to Buddha Gotama him-
self—the great omniscient teacher——all this is not an acci-
dental arrangement. It isan essential growth necessitated
by the tendencies of the times: the ekamsikas could
counteract the activity of the anekamsikas in this way alone;
because the environment of the opponents and the opposed
being the same, the same weapons must needs be used by
both. Hence the points of resemblance between a Jain
sermon and a Buddhistic sermon have already been insisted
upon. I have heard Jain sermons, and am inclined to
conclude, on account of the considerations already stated,
that each Jdtaka is a systematic sermon.”
The Compilation is the work of one hand.—That the book
as we have it is a compilation by a single hand is thus
inferred: —“'These sermons are compiled by one individual—
(1) because in the paccuppanna vatthu references back-
wards aud forwards—to Jatakas already narrated as well
as to Jatakas to be narrated —are made; (2) because com-
ments upon gathas are abbreviated, and directions about
such abbreviations are given; (8) because directions indi-
cating the abbreviations to be made in the conclusions of
the sermons are also, once for all, given; and because the
same system of fitting in all the parts—a part of the gath4,
the paccuppanna vatihu, the gathé in full, the comments —
upon the gatha, the atita vatthu, and the conclusion—is
discernible ; and when any part is wanting, an attempt to
provide a semblance for it is made.”
So far Professor Kiinte. Another paper thus touches on
the same:—‘‘In some the introduction may possibly
be historical, and the second or illustrative story is dis-
tinct from it, and has some bearing on it. But in
contrast with these there are a considerable number in which
' No. 28.—1884.] FIRST FIFTY JATAKAS. 125
the arrangement of introductory story and illustrative story
is merely artificial. Among the tales already mentioned
under various hands, there are seven flagrant instances of
this, and about the same number of less conspicuous cases.
In such the latter part is a mere repetition of the former.
This is evidently compiler’s work, for the sake of uniformity.
Similarly, there are one or two cases in which stories
separately numbered are virtually the same, as when No. 44
tells how a boy killed his father in striking with a hatchet
at a mosquito on his head, and No. 45 how a girl killed her
mother by striking with a pestle at a fly on her back ; these
are duplicated, to make up the groups of 50, and of 10, into
which the stories have been forced by the compiler. These
are the packing ; the later part of the book. ,
**T will draw attention to two curious indications of the
compiler’s hand, as it seems to me, in tales of this class.
“Into many of the Jatakas there have been introduced
grammatical or other explanations; as, for instance, in
No. 1, when a haunted and waterless desert is mentioned,
the mention is followed by a short but needless excursus
enumerating several kinds of desert, and ending: ‘* Now;
among these kinds, this one was of the haunted and waterless
sorts.”’ In other cases, still more pedantic notes are intro-
duced. Now, in the very simple story of the peacock, whose
impudent strutting lost him his swan-bride, the swan-king
is made, in the heat of his indignation, to draw a distinction
between sense of propriety or conscience, and sense of
shame—sense of propriety which has its origin within the
man, and sense of shame, which has regard to the opinion
of others. This looks at first sight like the work of the pe-
dant compiler. But the introduction to this story (82) is
connected with that of No. 6, and refers back to it. Now,
among the notes embodied in No. 6 is a very long and
interesting note on these two words. It seems to me
- unquestionable that the same compiler who wrote the long
note on No. 6, and who refers in the introduction of No. 32
to No. 6, also inserted in No. 32 this frigid piece of pe-
dantry in reference to his own note,
“The second indication I will mention is this. No. 16 isa
- svory about the cleverness of deer, and evidently merely
an expansion of a popular rhyme, that the deer has six tricks
126 _ JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). —_ [Vol. VIE:
by which he can escape—pretending death, and soon. The —
Pali for “ by six tricks” is “ chahi kaléhi.” Now, No. 15 is
a story with virtually no introduction—or merely a formal
one—and is to the effect that a certain young deer would
not come to his uncle to be taught deer-tricks, but played
truant seven times. The Pali for “ seven times” is “ sattahi-
kalehi.”” The two stanzas of these two stories are in the
main similar: but (apart from other slight differences) the
one has “ chahi kaléhi atikkantam,” ‘getting away (wipn-
uing) by six tricks,’ the other “ sattali kélehi atikkantam,”
‘ playing truant or getting away seven times.’ When we look
at MSS. we find them uncertain about this word “ kdlehi,”
‘times’ ; some, as two examined by Mr. Ranasinhe, have
“kal&hi,”’ and some, among them the Burmese MBS. in this
Library, have ‘ kalahi,” which as it stands is nothing, but
is quite as likely to represent “ kalahi” as “‘kalehi.” Ihave
little doubt that “‘ kaléhi” is the original form of the popular
sing-song, and “kalehi’”’ a mistake for it, and that on this -
mistake the grammarian-compiler has built up his silly
little story about the deer who would not go to school.
“ Perhaps, if all the stories were closely scrutinized, it
would be possible to eliminate with almost certainty a con-
siderable number which are mere packing, and even among
the rest to distinguish the Buddhistic nucleus from the —
accretions.”
Date of the Compilation.—Professor Kiinte, reasoning
entirely from internal evidence, and without reference te
tradition, arrives at a conclusion which is irreconcileable, as
it stands, therewith. He lays down the landmarks of Pali
literature thus: ‘“ We have utterances of Buddha Gétama
himself, and they constitute the Pali of the 6th century
B.C. The inscriptions of Aséka and his successors employ
Péli, and this Pali is of the period between 250 B.C. and
100 B.C. The Sahyadri inscriptions are in Pali, the Pali
of the period between 100 B.C. and 200 A.D. The Maha-
wamso is in Pali, the Pali of 480 A.D. There are Jain
works written in Ardha-maghadi by Kunda-kundacharya
before 584 A.D., as already stated. There are different
Prakrit dialects, as they are met with in the extensive
dramatic literature, and in such poems as the Salivahana-
saptasati and the Setubandha.” And his conclusion is as —
follows :—“ When the Pali of all these periods is compared
No. 28.—-1884.] FIRST FIFTY JATAKAS. 127
with the Pali of the comment-portion of the Jatakas, and
when the attempts of using metaphysical grammar and its
terminology are taken into account, it seems to me evident
that these Jatakas were put together and compiled in the
8th century A.D., because the Jain activity, which was
attended by the study of metaphysical grammar, manifested
itself at this time, the Jainendra grammar being composed
in 728 A.D, Though the fitting in of all the materials
was done in the 8th century A.D., yet the materials
from which it was compiled existed so early as the 5th
century B.C.” He draws a further inference as follows :—
“The geographical notices, as they are met with in these
stories, point to a time antecedent to the 3rd century B.C.,
when Buddhistic embassies were sent to Banavdsi in North
Canara, and to Mahishamandala or Mysore, to a time
_ when, therefore, the Dakshinapatha was well-known ; but I
have not met with the name of the Dahshindpatha in these
stories, though the word Uttarapatha is indefinitely used
is reference to countries to the North of Benares, as in the
Jataka entitled Tandula-nali-Jataka. ‘The inference from
all these facts is that the Jataka stories, both monastic
and popular, existed and were popularised before the 3rd
century B.C.” By comparison with the Jain system, as
developed in the 7th, 8th, and 9th centuries A.D., from
traces of the slokas of the Pancha-tantra literature, and
from the coins mentioned (masaka, hahapana, kimkamka),
the Professor is confirmed in assigning as late a date as
the 8th century for the compilation of the book in its
present form, and concludes that “ some Buddhistic monk
about the 8th century A.D. at the latest, and the 5th century
A.D. at the earliest, put together the paccuppanna vatthu,
the atita vatthu, and the gathas, as they existed long before
him, and compiled his system of sermons, which he calls
his commentary.” As an instance of this, Professor Kiinte
callsattention to a gloss in the commentary on Gaémani
Jataka, on Phaldésd. The inversion, Phalésd4-A’siphalam,
-Tequires, he says, a knowledge of metaphysical grammar,
such as was not cultivated in India before the 6th century
A.D., when Hwen-thsang travelled, the time of the Brah-
manical and Jain revival. He says: “ Between the 2nd
and the 1st centuries B.C., it appears that metaphysical
distinctions were made by such schools as those of Soutra-
tikds, Madhyamikas, Yogacaras, and Vaibhashikas, and,
therefore, it is evident that this was not the period when the
Buddhists in Upper India had time for the study of
metaphysical grammar and writing glosses. From 500 B.C. | )
to 100 B.C.—i.e., from the advent of Gdétama Buddha to
Aséka’s time—the Buddhistic system underwent a develop-
ment, and was propagated, and enforced as the inscriptions
of Asdédka and of others, at Shahabaja, Khalsi, Delhi,
Allahabad, Gaya, Sahasram, Udayagiri, Devateka, Sanci,
Répanath, Ramgada, Junagada, and Sopdrd show. The
conclusion, therefore, is that about the Brahminical and
Jain revival the gloss was written.”’
From the substance of the story called Katthah4ri
Jdtaka (Appendix I.) the Professor draws an inference
leading to a similar conclusion, as follows :—
1. “The comparison of the incidents of the Katthahari
Jaitaka, of the story of Dushyanta and Sakuntala, as narrated
in the Mah4bharata, and of the Lost Ring, a drama of Kéli- | ~
dasa, yields a considerable result. 3
(1) “The incidents of the Jataka story are known. King
Dushyanta, as Mahabharata narrates, induces Sakuntala,
who is the daughter of a heavenly damsel, named Menaka,
and of Visvamitra, a Rishi, to marry him according to the
Gandharva form. Brahmadatta, as the Katthakari Jétaka |
narrates, marries Katthaharika, a slave-girl, by living with
her for a short time according to Muhurta form, resembling |_
the Gandharva form. The Gandharva form is the marriage | —
settled by the mere consent of the two parties without any
preliminaries, and on the spur of the moment. The Muhturta li
form is the same as the Gandharva form. It obtains
among the Mahrathads other than the Brahmanas. The i
term Muhurtika, used in the Katthahdrika-Jataka, is, I 1b:
believe, such a marriage; and the Mahrathas call it Mohot- |
tura, a corrupt form of the word Muhurta.
(2) “Once only associating with Sakuntala, King Dush- i
yanta leaves her in her hermitage, and goes to his own | ~
capital. So does Brahmadatta.
(3) ‘*Sakuntala begets a son who grows up. So does tia
Katthahériké beget a son, who is able to inquire as to who | ~
his father is.
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No. 28.—1884.] FIRST FIFTY JATAKAS. 129
(4) “ Both Sakuntalé and Katthaharika take their sons
to the capitals of the princes who had once loved them.
(5) “Bothare rejected at first.
(6) ‘Miracles, however, intervene, and bothareaccepted.
(7) ‘But in the story, as narrated in the Mahabharata,
the episode of the seal-ring is entirely wanting ; while inthe
Katthahari-Jataka and in the “ Lost-ring’”’ of Kalidasa, the
episode of the seal-ring plays an important and essential
part.
2. “The Mahabharata-form of the story is the first ;
because it is so simple and the episode of the seal-ring is
wanting. The Jdtaka-form adds the episode of the seal-
ring. Itis, therefore, a development of the popular story
narrated in the Mahabharata. The form of the story as
narrated by Kalidasa in his drama is a further artistic
development. |
3. “The chronology of the Katthahéri-Jataka can be
determined from what is already stated. It was narrated
between the composition of the Mahabharata and of the
lost-ring. The Mahabharata was written about 1200 B.C.,
as is evident from the philosophical disputes, religious
ceremonies, the social condition of the people, geographical
notices, and astronomical facts as they are described in the
great Hpic. General Cunningham places the Mahabharata
1,500 years before Christ. There is an inscription dated
584 A.D., written by Kirtivarma, who mentions the names
of Kélidésa and Bharari as distinguished poets.: The
Pancha-tantra of Vishnu Sarman, translated into Pahlavi in
the 6th century A.D., and therefore earlier than the 6th
century A.D., quotes Kalidasa. There is ample evidence to
show from the writings of Kélidasa himself that he flourish-
ed about the first century of the Christian era. This the
popular tradition in India supports. Max Miiller contends
in his “ Renaissance of Sanskrit Literature” that K4liddsa
flourished about the 6th century A.D. There are other
_ Buropean scholars, however, who differ from him. I believe
that the evidence, which the latter adduce, preponderates,
_ ‘A mass of evidence has collected on this subject, and its
details cannot be examined in this place. The conclusion,
however, as to the chronology of the Kattahari Jataka is
not affected by this evidence. The story of the Kattahari
130 _ JOURNAL, R.A.8. (CEYLON). [Vol. Vill. -@
Jdétaka was known among the Indian Aryas about the sixth —
century before Christ, which appears to be the period which
the Lalit Vistara describes, when miraculous stories were
told by the people and believed in; when sceptics—the |
Samsayikas of PAnini, the Takkikas of the Jataka stories—
attempted to influence the people; and when any teacher |
(Tirtha) could gather about hima host of disciples. ‘The
Katthahari Jataka, therefore, was known in India about the
sixth century B.C., and was told and listened to in the
earliest Buddhistic monasteries.”
The Popular Acceptance of the Jatakas as shown in Picture-
stories and Sculptures.
(By J. F. Dickson, Esq., C.M.G., &e.)
The oldest and the most important of the Buddhist sculp-
tures are those belonging to the gateways and Bharhut Stupa,
first discovered in 1873, and made known in 1879 in General
Cunningham’s magnificent work, ‘The Stupa of Bharhut,”’
on which the greater part of this paper is based. They belong
to the third century before Christ, and were probably com-
pleted between 240 and 210 B.C. The importance of these
sculptures is derived in great measure from the titles
Inscribed, in the Asoka alphabet, on many of the sculptural
scenes, by which we are able to identify them beyond doubt
with scenes or legends in the history of Buddha; and from
them I select for your notice to-night the more striking of
those which illustrate the introduction (Nidanakatha) to our
book, and some of the first fifty Jitakas to which our atten.
tion is at present specially confined. As you are aware, in the
earliest Buddhist period images of Buddha were unknown.
Symbols of the religion he taught were recognized, but no —
object of personal adoration.. The earliest personal symbol |
was the foot-print (derived probably from a Hindu source). |
The earliest known statue of Buddha is of the first century |
after Christ, and the Bharhut sculptures are of the highest |
value in the history of the development, or, if I may be |
allowed to say so, in the history of the decline of Buddhism |
from its primitive simplicity, on account of the entire |
absence of any statue or image or personal representation | —
of Buddha. ‘This is excellently set forth by Rajendra Lala | —
in his work on Buddha Gaya (Cap. IV., pp. 128, 129):— |
“If we may rely on the evidence of the great Tope of Bharhut, | :
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- No. 28,—1884.] FIRST FIFTY JATAKAS. 131
_ images of Buddha must have come into vogue many centuries after
_ the Stupa. ‘That tope represents scores of scenes illustrating the
history of Buddha’s last, as well as of previous, life, but none in
_ which an image of the saint is being worshipped. For purposes
of adoration the Bodhi-tree, the Chaitya, and the Wheel of Law,
were the only principal objects selected, and, occasionally, foot-
prints ; but we look in vain for statues of the saint. ‘This would
have never been the case had images of the saint been worshipped
in the time of Aséka. That Emperor would have never allowed
so important an object to be neglected in his sculptures, had it
_ then attained the rank of one worthy of being worshipped. On
the Buddha Gaya rails there is also the same entire absence of the |
image of the saint as an object of adoration. A century later, in
the Sanchi bas-reliefs, we notice the same absence of statues of
Buddha; but in Mathura, two centuries afterwards, they are largely
met with, and this I look upon as all but conclusive evidence
against the use of statues as objects of worship for the first four
or five centuries after the Nirvana of the great reformer. He
fought most strenuously against ritualistic ceremony in general,
and idol-worship in particular, and his teaching was respected for
a long time before it was set aside. The tree of knowledge was
the first to claim respect. It had been the means of bestowing the
perfection of wisdom on the saint, and all who aspired to that
wisdom naturally looked upon it with respectful solicitude. After
the death of the teacher, the grave or chaitya was associated with
it, the one as the receptacle of him who had acquired perfect
_ knowledge, and the other as the source of that knowledge. The
worship or adoration paid to these was confined, probably, to
_ prostration before, and ambulation round, them, and the offering of
a few flowers for their decoration. These were the ways in which
respect had been shown to the teacher himself, and in his absence
_they were rendered to hisemblems. The pictorial representations
of scenes from the life of the saint were intended solely as ready
means of impressing on the minds of the masses the history of his
life, and the moral maxims which they inculcated, and not to
require any adoration. In fact, they were purely ornamental ;
they were never adored, and from the positions they occupied in
the buildings, they could not be used as objects of worship. Images
intended for worship would imply temples and sanctuaries, but
| down to the time of Asdka temples were never thought of, and
idols for worship could not have existed. The word Vihdra, so
| often used in later works for a temple, originally meant only a
tonvent, a place where the homeless hermits of the sect could find
a shelter during disease and decrepitude, and also from the
— 28—85 C
182 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON), [Vol. VIII.
inclemencies of the Indian rainy weather, when travelling was |
prohibited, and the use of the word is therefore not a safe proof.
The evidence of the earlier texts of the Buddhists is particularly
significant in this respect. ‘The Lalita Vistara, while referring
frequently to the worship of chaityas, nowhere alludes to images. —
In ancient Hindu writings, the word chaitya is occasionally used
for a “‘ temple,” but the earlier Buddhists could not have used it
in that sense, for they could not have ordained the worship of the
temple, leaving unnoticed the presiding divinity of the sanctuary. —
“* The earliest samples of the statue occur in the monastery of |
Mathura, and we may conclude, therefore, that the statue came |
into use after the date of the Bhilsa Tope of the second century
before Christ, and a little before the Mathura monastery of the
first century after Christ.”
The Bédhi-tree, or tree of knowledge of Gétama Buddha,
is, as you know, the Pippal or Ficus religiosa; it is found in
these sculptures, and its identification is made certain by the —
inscription on the domed roof of the building which |
surrounds its trunk :— |
“Bhagavato Saka Munino Bodho.”
‘ The tree of knowledge of the Blessed Sakya Muni.’
Each Buddha had his own separate tree, and in the
Bharhut sculptures the trees of six out of the last seven
Buddhas have been found with the names attached to them. |
The surroundings of the Bédhi-tree of the last Buddha are |
much more elaborate than the others. [See Plate XIII. |
(1), XXX. (8), LIV. (28.)] They are thus described by |
General Cunningham :— q
“The trunk is entirely surrounded by an open-pillared building i
with an upper-storey, ornamented with niches containing umbrellas. |
Two umbrellas are placed in the top of the tree, and numerous |
streamers are hanging from the branches. In the two upper |
corners are flying figures with wings, bringing offerings of |
garlands. On each side there is a male figure raising a garland |
in his right-hand, and holding the tip of his tongue with the |
thumb and fore-finger of the left-hand. This curious action isalso le:
seen in another sculpture, in which the worship of Sakya Muni’s |
Bédhi tree is represented. In the lower storey of the building |
there is a throne in front of a tree surmounted by two specimens |
of the favourite Buddhist symbol, the Dhamma chakra, and the |
tri-ratna combined. Two figures, male and female, are kneeling |
“a
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No. 28.— 1884. ] “FIRST FIFTY JATAKAS. 133
before the throne, while a female figure is standing to the left, and
a Naga Raja, with his hands crossed on his breast, to the right.
This figure is distinguished by a triple-serpent crest. To the
extreme right there is an isolated pillar, surmounted by an
elephant holding out a garland in his trunk.”
The Bédhimanda or Vajrasana is a square plinth, orna-
mented on each face with four small pillars: it is placed in
the middle storey of the building, and represents the sacred
seat on which Sakya Muni sat in meditation until he gained
Buddhahood.
The sttipas represented in the Bharhut sculptures are of
_ masonry surmounted by umbrellas from which garlands are
hung: they contain relics. In form they are similar to the
dagabas at Anurddhapura, and to the fine stone model at
the Ruwanweli dagaba ; the bas-reliefs found at Bharhut,
Sénchi, and Amravati are of interest as showing the magni-
ficent decorations of these buildings and the mode of
adoration. (See Fergusson’s Indian and Eastern Architec-
ture, Book I, cap. 3), and for illustrations of Tree and
Dagaba Worship, see Fergusson’s Tree and Serpent Wor-
ship, plate XXVIII.
The wheel-symbol holds an important place in the ancient
sculptures. The finest example of it at Bharhut (plate
XIII., 3) is fortunately labelled Bhagawaté damma chakam,
‘the wheel of the Law of Buddha.’ The inscription is on the
_ top of the temple, in which is placed the wheel as an object
of worship, surmounted by an umbrella and adorned with
garlands. Below it, in a four-horse chariot, Parasénajita,
King of Sravasti, who was a contemporary of Buddha, is on
his way to the sacred symbol: on the gateway he has just
passed is inscribed Raja Nasénaji Kosala. In the Sanchi
sculptures is a striking scene of wheel-worship (Fergusson’s
Tree and Serpent Worship, plate XXIX., fig. 2) ina deer
_ park, representing no doubt the Mrigaddwa, where Buddha
first and chiefly taught.
The last objects of reverence here to be noticed are the
foot-prints of Buddha, in connection with which I will bring
before you the Sankisa ladder scene of the Bharhut sculp-
tures. The legend briefly is this:—Buddha visited the
heavens to preach his doctrine to the Dévas and his mother
Maya Dévi. After three months he determined to re-visit
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the earth at a place called Sankisa or Sakaspura. Of this |
Spence Hardy writes :—
“ Sakra (Indra) reflected that he (Buddha) had come from the
earth at three steps, but that it would be right to celebrate his —
departure with special honours. He therefore caused a ladder of
gold toextend from Mahaméru to Sakaspura ; at the right side of
the ladder there was another, also of gold, upon which the Dévas
appeared with instruments of music; and on the left there was
another of silver upon which the Brahma appeared holding cano-
pies of umbrellas............ The whole appeared to the people of the
earth like three rainbows.—(Hardy’s Buddhism, pp. 800-301.)
In the Bharhut sculptures (plate XVII., fig. 2) the triple
ladder fills the middle of the scene. At the foot is a bé-tree
and a crowd of kings, ministers, and people, awaiting the
return of Buddha to earth. On the top step, and on the
bottom step, is a foot-print—which, in the absence of any
personal representation of Buddha, indicate the presence of
Buddha himself, and form symbolical objects of reverence.
Turning now to the Nidana-katha, we shall find it afford-
ing numerous subjects for sculptures and picture-stories
from the time of the Bharhut sculptures to the present day-
One of the most favourite subjects is the dream of Maya
Dévi, or the conception of the mother of Buddha. It is one
of the Bharhut sculptures (plate XXVIIL., fig. 3), and it
occurs with the birth of Buddha, in the Buddhist sculp-
tures (now at Lahore) brought from the Yusafzai Districts ;
it is also found in a very interesting scene at Sanchi and in
several sculptures at Amravati. In the Bharhut sculpture
Maya Dévi, in full costume and laden with jewellery, is
asleep on her couch, with the right side exposed, surrounded | —
by her maidens, one of whom is waving a chauri. The |
chadanta elephant, which appeared to her in a dream, fills |
the right of the medallion. The legend says that he thrice
made obeisance to the couch, gently struck his mother’s right
side, and seemed to enter her womb (Davids’ translation,
p- 63). The medallion is labelled Bhagavato okkanti—‘ the
descent of the Blessed one,’ as rightly read by Davids—and
not rikdanta, ‘roaring,’ as read by Cunningham, It is |
interesting to compare with this the same legend as depicted |
in the Sanchi sculptures (plate XXXIII.) where Maya Dévi |
is lying on her left side. In the Amravati bas-reliefs |
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No. 28.—1884.} FiRsT Flirty JATAKAS. 135
(plate LX XIV.) is a fine example of this subject. In the
same series (plate XCI., fig. 4) we have both the conception
of Maya Dévi and the birth of Buddha. (See Fergusson’s
Tree and Serpent Worship, pp. 131, 195, and 212.) In the
Lahore Museum are several sculptures illustrating the birth
of Buddha, with Maya Dévi in the Lumbini grove, standing
under the Sal tree, and holding one of the branches—she
leans on her half-sister Mayapati for support on the left,
and on the right Brahma, receives the infant Buddha as he
springs from his mother’s side. (Lahore Sculptures, 210,
220, 261, 268, 281.) Amongst the quaintest of the early
Buddhist legends (Nidana-katha, Davids, p. 86) is that
relating to the headdress of Buddha. When he started on his
_ great pilgrimage he cut off his hair, which, with his turban,
he threw away. It was caught by Sakra and enshrined
in the Tavatirnsa heaven, and in the Bharhut sculptures
(plate XVI., fig. 1) the shrine is shown with the label
Sudamma Déva Saba Bhagavato chuda maho [not ‘the grand
headdress of Buddha in the assembly hall of the Dévas,’
as General Cunningham renders it, but| ‘the hall of the
assembly of the gods at the time of the festival of the head-
dress of the Blessed one’; and to place beyond all doubt that it
is a shrine in the heavens of the Dévas, the palace in which it
is is labelled Véjayamto pasado (‘the palace of the Victorious’)
i.e., Indra, which was the abode of the Dévas in the Tava-
_timsa heavens. We may close for the present our selections
SS = eS ae ee LL
ee
from illustrations of the legends of Buddha prior to the
period when he lived and taught as the great Teacher, by
some account of the sculptures and pictures representing
the last great struggle between good and evil, when Sakya
Muni finally overcame the assaults of Mara—the evil-one—
and was triumphant over the temptations of the world, the
flesh, and the devil. The account of it given in the Intro-
duction to the Jatakas tells how the evil-one brought up
army after army, and failed again and again. Time will not
_ permit to read it to-night ( Davids’ translation, pp. 96—101).
No illustration of this great scene has been found at Bhar-
hut, but it forms the subject of one of the most important
sculptures at Ajanta in Cave XXVI. (Cave Temples of India,
plate LI.) Below, Mara stands erect on the left, bow and
arrow in hand, with his daughters in the middle trying in
‘! PES tgte By rUeAy,
v
136 woe JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). _ Vol. VII.
vain the power of the allurements of passion ; on the right, |
oe
q
Mara is sitting disconsolate at his failure. ‘ Above are his
“demon forces attacking the great ascetic sitting under the
“Bodhi tree with his right-hand pointing to the earth, | |
“and the left in his lap, while the drum of the Dévas is
“being beaten above him.” Mara himself rides his war-
elephant confident of victory, already shouted forth by his
attendant hosts, when Buddha puts forth his hand, and
the great earth cries out with overwhelming voice in
testimony of the all-providing charity of Buddha. The
elephant falls down and worships, and the discomfited
host of Mara hurries away on the right, and the heavenly
hosts cry, “The tempter is overcome; Siddhattha, the
prince, has prevailed.” (In Cave Temples of India, p. 345.)
A magnificent fresco of this scene is to be found in Cave
No. lat Ajanta (see Rajendra Lala’s Buddha Gaya, plate II.)
This is probably of the sixth century. With it may be com-
pared the vigorous and powerful fresco of the same subject,
which covers the whole vault of the great rock temple at |
Dambulla. Tor sculptures supposed to represent the temp-
tations of the daughters of Mara, reference may be further
made to the Amravati sculptures, plate LIX., centre of
the right-hand pillar, and plate LXIII., fig. 1. Leaving these
legends, we come to the history of the dedication of the first |
Buddhist monastery. The story of the purchase of the |
land is told in the bas-reliefs, of which a drawing enlarged |
from General Cunningham’s photograph is before you. |
The Buddhist story tells how the wealthy merchant, Andtha- |
pindika, purchased for 18 kotis of gold coins the garden |
of the Prince Jéta, who at first refused to sell it unless it |
was covered with coins. The sculpture tells well the chief |
points of the story : the large sums of money which had to |
be brought in a cart, the coins covering the ground, the |
dedication by pouring water from a golden vessel (as the |
book says) over the hands of Buddha; but Buddha is not |
represented in the sculpture, and in the grounds are the |
two temples labelled Gondha kuti and Kosamba kuti, and |
the mango tree surrounded by a Buddhist rail. The inscrip- |
tion below the sculpture is almost in the very words of the |
existing text. It runs: Jétavana Anadhapediko deti koti\)
santhatena keta: ‘ Andthapindako presents Jétavana having | »
fo. 28.—1884.] FIRST FIFTY JATAKAS. - 137
_ become the purchaser for a layer of kétis’ (See Childers’
_ Notes in The Academy for 28th November, 1874, p. 586, and
_ for 5th December, 1874, p. 612.) The story, as we have it,
_ was therefore extant, in the same words as we read it to-day,
as early as the third century before Christ.
Scenes from the Jatakas themselves are found in all the
_ sculptures from Bharhut downwards: they are found in
the frescoes at Ajanta, everywhere on the walls of the
temples in Ceylon ; and Fa-hian, who visited Ceylon in A.D.
405, relates that he was present when the tooth-relic was
carried in the annual procession from Anurddhapura to
_ Mihintale, a distance of nearly eight miles, and that on these
occasions both sides of the road were hung with paintings
of the 500 different births of Buddha, painted in different
colours and “ executed with such care as to appear living.”
(Tree and Serpent Worship, p. 82.) _
There are, unfortunately, very few of the first fifty Jatakas,
with which we are specially dealing at present, which can
be identified by the numerous Buddhist scenes at Bharhut.
(See plate XXV., fig. 1.) A medallion is inscribed Pusa-
_ sathabho danam Miga Jétakam——‘ pillar gift of Pushya’: the
Deer-birth.” Buddha was born as a deer eleven times. . lam
as yet unable to identify this sculpture. Davids says it is
_ the Nigrodha Miga Jétaka (No. 12), with which Iam unable
to identify it.
‘The Jataka labelled the Hamsa Jataka or ‘ Goose-birth’ is
_ clearly the Nacca Jakata (No. 32, plate XXVIL, p. 11) or
the Dancing Peacock. The story is that the royal goose sum-
moned all the birds for his daughter to choose a husband.
She chose the peacock, who in his vanity began to dance,
spreading out his tail, which so much shocked the royal-
goose that he broke off the match and married his daughter
‘to a young goose, his nephew. The sculpture shows only
the goose and the peacock with outspread tail. In this
instance, it will be noted, that the name of the Jdtaka
Inscribed on the sculpture is not the name in the books;
_but the identity of the Jétaka is undoubted. It would be
interesting to ascertain when the popular name changed.
The story of Makha Déva (Jataka 9) is told on the coping
stone from Bharhut shown in plate XLVIII,, fig. 2., and
labelled Magha Déviya Jatakam—‘ the Magha Déwa birth.’ It
By ts
wes
= © JOURNAL, BAS. (CHEON). [Vol VII.
is the story of the first mortal whose hair turned grey, who,
when he saw the first grey hair, was so convinced of the
instability of human existence, that he resigned his king-
dom to his son and became an ascetic; and this became |
the rule of his race. In the sculpture the king is seated
between two attendants : in his right-hand he holds before
his face something small between his fore-finger and thumb ;
the attendant on the right holds up something in the same
way between his fore-finger and thumb, and is drawing the
king’s attention to it.
With the key given by the label, the story is seen to be
well told ; without the label it would have been difficult to
identify the Jataka.
Before passing from the most ancient sculptures, it may
be well to call attention to the simplicity of the sculptures,
and to the striking way in which the story is told with only
a, few figures: the salient points are seized, and the main |
points of a long story are put before the eye in a small space;
for example, how can the story of the purchase and dedica-
tion of the Jétavana monastery be better told than in the
small medallion before you; also compare the Chadantiya
Jatakam of the third century B.C., as shown in plate XXVLI.,
fig. 6, with the elaborate and beautiful drawing in the Ajanta
caves of the same Jataka in the sixth century A.D. (Bur-
gess, Buddhist Cave Temples, 1883, plate XVI., and text pp.
45 and 46.) In the one, the story is told by a kneeling
elephant and a hunter with a saw, a tree, and two elephants
in the background ; in the drawing there is a large herd of
elephants, the huntsmen returning over the rocks with the
tusks, the presentation of the tusks to the Queen, and the
remorse of the Queen. That gradually these Jatakas were
more and more elaborately depicted, we have already learnt
from Fa-hian’s account of them in the beginning of the fifth
century ; and at this day, in spite of great decline in artistic
power, there is great elaboration of all the details of the
stories. Toshow this to the Members of this Society, I have
had drawn by native artists, in their own way, two of the first
fifty Jatakas—the Dévadhamma Jataka (6) and the Khadi-
rangara Jataka(40) or ‘fiery furnace.’ Anyone whowishes can |
compare this picture-story of the Dévadhamma Jataka with
the same story on the walls of the Kelani temple, which is
No. 28.—1884.] FIRST FIFTY JATAKAS. sha 12)
. within an easy drive of Colombo, or with the drawings on
the equally accessible temple at Kotté, where, besides the
' Dévadhamma Jataka, are the Kattahdri Jdtaka, and the
_ Khadirangara Jétaka, which last, as just stated, is one of
those before you to-night.
The subject of this paper has been the popular acceptance
of the Jétakas, as shown in sculptures and picture-stories.
_ The Nidanakath4, or Introduction to the Jatakas, has been
| regarded as part of them. It, with them, affords subjects
| for the decoration of Buddhist buildings, and for the instruc-
_ tion of the people. We have seen that these illustrations
| existed from 250 B.C. to this day ; and that they have been
found from beyond Lahore, and at Bharhut and Amravati,
down to Ceylon. The sculptures give the same names to the
Jatakas as they bear to-day; or they give a different name,
| while the popular story remains unaltered ; and we have an
| important historical scene described in the third century in
| letters inscribed on the stones in the very words of the Pali
| edition of the Jatakas now on the table, and Fa-hian relates
how in 405 A.D. the stories were told at length in pictures
as you see them at this day on the wails of the temples.
Briefly to illustrate this, and to bring before you within the
time allowed for our meetings some of the more striking
- examples of the Buddhist picture-stories from the third
- century B.C. to this day, has been the endeavour of this paper.
Il.—THE TEXT.
_ So far the question has been of the Matter and contents,
their nature and origin separately and as a collection ; the
| question of the Text, and the different editions it may have
: | passed through, is another.
Original form of Book.—The Jataka of the Tripitaka, the
| last book of the Khuddaka Nikaya, is not our Jataka Book,
but consists only of the gathas or stanzas. The stories
are not there. The book which contains the stories and
| the long introductory history of the Buddha is called the
; Jataka Commentary, Jataka Atthavannand. The theory of
| the stories is that they are only a comment on the stanzas.
| Some scholars have, therefore, been satisfied to understand
| by the word Jatakarh (when it is shown by the Dipawarhsa
e .
ye
ae ,
¥
| a :
140 _ JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol VII.
that a Jétakarn existed at the Council of Vesa4li) the bare
string of verses, assigning to writers of indefinite date the
construction of the commentary. And ofthe commentary |
In its present form, with the grammatical glosses and the |
artificial arrangement, no doubt this must be just. Butit |
seems to me indisputable, on the other hand, that the /|
collection of stories must have existed before the stanzas
could have been collected. It is no more possible that the |
Jatakapota should have grown out of the Jatakapela, than
that any other book should have been constructed out of
its index! If the stanzas existed at the date of Vesdli, a
collection of the stories of which they are the mottoes or
morals must have existed too, whether written or not.
The argument from the Dipawamsa, therefore, is good for
the whole substantial contents, if it is good for anything,
And this applies to the indisputable evidence of the sculp-
tures, for what they witness to is the story, not the verse.
The titles which are written on some of them would be
unintelligible unless the story, in something like its present
shape, was known ; for the title is often an arbitrary one,
which in no wise tells the tale.
It seems certain, therefore, that (correct as probably are
Professor Kiinte’s inferences from the grammatical and
philosophical glosses to a late date of the book exactly in
its present form) the substantial compilation of the matter
must date from as early as the 38rd century B.C. Was it
then written? Has there been aruder, shorter edition than |
the present? Is there, or has there been, any Jataka Book |
intermediate (in extant of detail) between the bare Jataka |
P4li and the Jataka Atthavannana ? |
Iam sorry that I am unable to complete my inquirieson |
this point so as to state finally what is, and what is not |
known, for I have met with uncertainty among Sinhalese |
scholars themselves.
So far I have not been able to find any book, but the |
Jataka Péli, Jataka Pela, or simple Jatakam of the Khud- |
daka Nikaya. This consists of the gathas only, and bears | —
marks of being a mul-pota or original text ; at any rate, 1b |
bears marks which show that it is so treated. It is this, |
not our large Jdtaka Book, which is part of the canonical |?)
sacred books of Buddhism. .
No. 28.—1884.] First rirry JATARAS. 141
I have seen three MSS. of it. One, borrowed from
Maligdékanda Library, bears the name in Sinhalese, Jataka
Pela; but the copyist in his customary epilogue speaks of
the Atthavannana. This, of course, was a blunder, and the
copy throughout is full of every sort of mistake: but still
the blunder seemed, so long as we had only this MS. in
_ hand, to point to the conclusion that this copyist had made
up his book by extracting the g4thés from a copy of the
Jataka Commentary. It might have seemed, had it stood
alone, not to be an original integral book, but a collection
of extracts.
The next MS. was No. 27 in the Society’s Library, sub-
stantially the same, but an excellently and accurately
written one, and this contains no allusion to the Com-
mentary. It has not the “uddanam.”
The third is the MS. No. 22, in Burmese characters, of
which Mr. Batuwantudéwé read to me enough to charac-
teriseit. Itis somewhat injured at the end, and the leaves
disarranged, but in other respects precisely the same as
the last, except in the point which I understand is most
_ important as being the sign of an original text or mul-pota
(which is wanting in both the other MSS8.). That sign is
the insertion at each division—after each ten Jatakas, or
as the case may be—of the words Dutiyo Vaggo or (as the case
may be) Tassauddanam, &c.; that is, ‘here ends the second -
- division,’ ‘the list of its contents is as follows.’ These
words Tassa uddanam, and the lists repeated, are charac-
teristic, Mr. Batuwantudawé tells me, of originals—Pitaka
_ books. They do not occur in the Jétaka Commentary.
There are extant, at least, two word-comments or glos-
saries on the stanzas only, the Getapada Sanné or ‘ Glossary
of hard passages,’ and the Jdtaka Gathé Sanné or Jataka
pela Sanné of Réjamurari, a transcript from which our
‘President has communicated to the Society. The latter
work is imperfect, containing, in its extant form, less than
half the gathas. :
While, then, the Jaétaka of the Canon seems to have
_ always been the collection of the verses only, and while it is
only this which we can safely assume to be meant when the
| Jadtakam as a text is referred to in the Dipawamsa or other
ancient sources of evidence, some of the Jataka stories
NS
appear in other parts of the Pitakas in language not e
exactly taken —to say the least —from the Commentary.
It is to be hoped that this will be abundantly illus-
trated in our future proceedings when birth-stories from —
other collections, such as are found in Mr. Beal’s Dham-
mapada for instance, and such as are scattered about in
the other Pitaka books, are compared in detail with our
edition.
The Jatakam of the Canon.—Mr. Dickson stated the
matter for us thus:—The Jatakas form the tenth section of
the Khuddakanikaya of the Sutta Pitaka of the Buddhist
C anon. |
The date of this Canon is generally accepted as prior to
the third Council held under Asdéka about 242 B.C. Two
important facts for determining the date of the Pali Canon
have been ably brought out by Dr. Oldenberg in his intro-
duction to the Vinaya Pitaka, p. xxv.
1. In the Tripitaka no mention is made of the third
Council.
2. The first Council of Rajagaha (B.C. 477) and the
second Council of Vesali (B.C. 37) are both mentioned.
The Canon, therefore, cannot be earlier than the second
Council, and was probably finally completed before or at the
third Council. (See Max Miiller’s Dhammapada, p. xxx.)
It may probably be that the gathas or stanzas originally
formed the Jataka text of the Sutta Pitaka, and that the
stories gathered round them are of a later date ; but Pali
scholarship must be more accurate and more advanced than
at present before it will be safe to attempt to fix the age of
any portion of the text on the evidence of language.
Tradition leads us to believe that the text and the commen-
taries were brought to Ceylon by Mahinda in 241 B.C.;
‘Sse
142 | JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII. i
that they were first committed to writing in the reign of |
Buddhadasa (339--368 A.D.). As recorded in the Maha-
wamsa, the Suttas were translated from the P4li into the
Sinhalese language : and it would appear probable that the
Gathdés continued to be written in Pali while the commen-
taries were in Sinhalese, until Buddhaghosa, in the beginning
of the 5th century A.D., rendered the whole in Pali in the —
form in which we now have it. The original Sinhalese
translations of the reign of Buddhaddsa are unfortunately
No. 28.—1884.] FIRST FIFTY JATAKAS. 143
- Jost, and the present Sinhalese translations date from the
reign of Pandita Parékrama Bahu (A.D. 1297).
Translations. —Mr. Dickson has given the popular inter-
_ pretation of the tradition, according to which Buddhaghosha
translated “all” the Commentaries; but whether the
Jataka Commentary was in fact one of those which Buddha- |
ghosha translated, is a point which has been disputed ; and
the question is discussed with great learning by Messrs.
Ranesinghe and Sumangala.
Whether Buddhaghosha did translate the Jataka Commen-
tary. The account as given in Mahawamsa.
_ The case pro is gwen fully by Mr. Ranesinghe.
According to the Mahawamsa, Mahandma, began his reign
in the year 953 of Buddha’s Parinirwana, which is A.D. 410,
and reigned 22 years. It was in his reign that Buddha-
ghosha landed in Ceylon. He was a Brahman by birth,
and was learned in the Vedas. He became a pupil of
Revata, and was robed by him. Finding the peculiar apti-
tude of his pupil to write Commentaries on the Dharma or
Buddhist Scriptures, Nevata informed him that in Ceylon
there were good Commentaries on the Dharma in the
Sinhalese language, and desired him to proceed thither and
translate the Sinhalese Atuvas (Commentaries ) into P4li.
He came to Ceylon, studied under Sanhapata, and, having
learnt the Atuvas at the Maha Vihara, asked for books to
translate into Pali. With a view to try his ability, the
monks gave him only two gathas. Taking the two gathas as
his text, he wrote the work called Visuddhimagga. The
learned monks approved of his work, and gave him the
Commentaries and the books of the Tripitakas. He re-
mained at Durasankara Grantakara Pirivena, and, it is
said, translated all the Sinhalese Atuvds into Pali, and
returned to India.
The words of the Mahawarhsa are :—
Parivattesi sabbapi sihalattha katha tada
“ Sabbesam mula bhais4ya magadhaya niruttiya.”
‘He translated according to the grammatical rules of
‘the Mégadha, which is the root of all languages, the whole
of the Sinhalese Attha Kathas into Péli.’
| In the Saddharma Sangraha, a Pali work written by
| Dhamma Kitti, pupil of Dhamma Dinna, the time of
144 “JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). UEMok VIL 4
Buddhaghosha’s writing the Commentaries is given in the 4
following gathas :-—
“Sambuddha parinibbana, nava vassa a satésuca
Cha pafifidsdtikkantésu Mahd4ndmo narddhipo
Dhammena dasa vidheneva Lanka rajjam akdrayé
Buddhaghoshoti ghoshohi Buddho viya Mahitalé
Lanké dipamhi 4gamma Lanka dipam hitavahi
Ganthakare vasantés6 vihdre dtra sankaré
Parivattesi sabbapi sihalattha katha tada.”
The date here given, A.B. 956 (A.D. 4138), is not, as I
think, the date of Mahandma’s accession to the throne, -
but that of Buddhaghosha’s commencing the great work of
translating the atuvas into Pali.
(2.) The Khuddaka Nikays is numerically specified as
one of the “ ail.”—In the same work Buddhaghosha’s works
are thus enumerated :—
“ Suttantan pdtavatth4ya sdsanassaca vuddhiyaé
Magadhaya samdradcha suttantattha katha vasa
Catu nikayattha kathé sabbaso parinitthita.
Sa asiti sahassehi ganthehi parimdnato
Khuddaka nikayattha katha sabbaso parinitthit4
Sattati sata sahassehi ganthehi parimaénato.”
Here we are told that the Khuddaka Nikdéyatthakatha,
containing seven millions of granthas, each grantha being
equal to thirty-two syllabic instants, were fully composed
by Buddhaghosha.
(3.) Lt includes the Jataka.—Fifteen works, including
the Jatakattha Katha are mentioned as forming the
Khuddaka Nikdyatthakath4, namely :—(1) Khuddaka
Atuv4, (2) Saddhamma Jotiké Atuvd, (3) Uddna Atuvé,
(4) Itivuttaka Atuva, (5) Sutta Nipdta Atuva, (6)
Viména Vatthu Atuva, (7) Peta Vatthu Atuvaé, (8) Thera
Gatha Atuvad, (9) Theri Gathé Atuvdé, (10) Jataka Atuva,
(11) Niddésa Atuvd, (12) Patisambhida Atuvd, (13)
Apadana Atuva, (14)Buddha Vamsa Atuvd, and (15)
Nettipavurunu Atuva.
The Nidana Katha, or introduction to the Péli Jatakattha-
katha, begins with the following adoration :—
“ Jati koti sahassehi pamana rahitam hitam
Lokassa loka néthéna katam yéna mahesina.”
No. 28.—1884.] FIRST FIrry JATAKAS. | 145
_ (4.) The old Glossary asserts it.—In the ganthi or
glossary to the Pali Jatakattha Kathds, written to explain
the difficult Pali words of the book in a very old Sinhalese
style, it is said that Buddhaghosha wrote the above
adoration at the beginning of his Jatakarthasamvarnana
to ward off evil from the work he had begun. These are
the words:—“ Sarva vadibha simha kumbha vidalana
samarthdsésa vid vajjana cakra cidaémani Buddhaghosha
caryapadayo tamanvisin prarabdha granthayagé avighnayen
parisamaptiya pinisa jatakarthasamvarnnanddiyehi ishta
dévataé namaskéra dakwannahu jatikoti sahassehi yanadi
kiha.”
Another piece of evidence in support of the general belief
that Buddhaghosha wrote the Jatakattha Katha is that the
Suttaraipata Attha Katha, which is admittedly the work of
Buddhaghosha, the Nidana Katha is omitted, and the reader
is referred to the Nidana Katha of the Jataka Commentary
for it. |
So that the evidence in support of the general belief that
Buddhaghosha wrote the Jatakatthakatha seems to be
complete. The Mahavamsa and Saddharma Sangraha state
this generally. The author of the glossary mentions
Buddhaghosha by name as the author of the work; and the
reference in the Sutta Nipata Commentary also favours this
belief.
Difficulties admitted: (1.) There are confessedly exceptions
to the “all.” —But it is also admitted that Dharmapala, a
learned monk, wrote some of the Attha Kathads: namely,
the Theragatha and the Therigatha Attha Kathas of this
very Khuddaka Nikaya. This naturally raises a suspicion
in the mind. Nor do we know who the author of the
glossary (a fragment of which is only extant) was, when
and where he lived, and what his authority or sources of
knowledge were to make the statement that Buddhaghosha
himself wrote this commentary.
(2.) Buddhaghosha, while alluding to Jitaka Commentary,
does not say he wrote it.—In the reference, too, in the Sutta -
Nipata Attha Katha to the Nidana of the Jaétaka Com-
mentary, Buddhaghosha does not say that he himself
wrote the Nidana. Sothat we are compelled to sift the
internal evidence, and to ask what that says.
~
146 «JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIIL
The case contra is thus stated by Sumangala Unnanse. ;
The general opinion is that the Jétaka Commentary
was also written by Buddhaghosha. But it is doubtful
whether it was composed by him, for the following reasons: —
1. That at the end of the Attha Kathdés composed by
Buddhaghosha, in giving the name of the work the follow- —
ing words occur:—‘Parama visuddha saddh4 buddhi viriya —
guna patimanditena,’ &. After eulogizing the author in
many such expressions, his name is mentioned in these
words :— Buddhaghoshoti garugahita namadheyyena kata;
after which follows the name of the work. These words
do not occur at the end of the Jatakattha Katha.
2, The Commentaries on the Vinaya Pitaka and Sitra
Pitaka, written by Buddhaghoshacarya, have a separate
name for each; for instance, the Commentary on the five
divisions of the Vinaya is called Samantapasadika; the Com-
mentary on the two Pratimokshas is called Kankha Vitaranf
That on the Digha Nikaya is called Sumangala-Vilasini.
The Commentary on the Jatakas, which is larger than
those abovementioned, bears no other name than the
Jatakattha Katha.
3. The benedictions at the end of the works of Buddha-
ghosha are as follows :—“ By virtue of this meritorious act
may all beings enjoy the taste of the Dharma of the omni-
cient one. May the good Dharma last long, &c.” But the
wish of the writer of the Jatakattha Katha is as follows:—
“¢ By virtue of this meritorious act may I, after death, beborn |
in Tusita heaven, and when Maitriya Buddha attains |
Buddhahood may I receive nomination from him to become |
a Buddha, and, having perfected the vast constituents of
Buddhahood, may I become a Buddha!”’ a
4. The adorations, &., of Buddhaghosdcarya at the
beginning of his commentaries are very captivating, but
those of the Jdétakattha Katha are not so; even the effect
of the adoration is, in the latter, expressed in a different
manner.
5. The request to Buddhaghosha to write the Attha
kathaés appears to have been made by Buddha Siri and
other theras of the Maha Vihdéra. Three theras— namely,
Atthadassi, Buddhamitta, and Buddhadeva—are mentioned
as those who have requested the author to write the |
iS ie
% heir
oka
hae
boty Ny
A No. 28.—1884.] FIRST FIFTY JATAKAS. — 147
Commentary on the Jatakas. In introducing one of these,
it is said that he belonged to the Mahimsdsaka sect. The
SaaS —— + —E
- I =
pee = ee ee
ei yp WN Pe re
SET
words are Muhimsdsaka vamsamhi sambhutena yasassind.
Now this Mahimsdsaka sect is one which has separated
in India from the Theravada sect. In the Mahdvamsa,
chap. V., gdtha 6th, this matter is thus narrated :—
Pundpi thera vadehi Mahimsasaka bhikkhavo Vajji puttaka
bhikkhi ca duvejata vme khalu—“ Again from the Thera
vadaka bhikkhus, there was a separation of two sects called
~ Mahimsdsaka and Vajji puttaka.” The name Mahim-
sisaka is thus given to a sect which separated from the
orthodox faith. If one of those who thus requested the
author was of the Mahimsdsaka sect, it may be presumed
that the rest were also of the same sect. Therefore it
may be inferred that this Commentary was the work of a
priest of the Mahimsasaka sect.
6. In Buddhaghosa’s Commentaries on any discourse of
Buddha, he first states the method he proposes to follow
in writing the Commentary. But in the Jataka Attha
Katha it is only stated that the Commentary will be written
in conformity with the exposition current among the
inmates of the Mahavihara; but the method in which it
will be written is not mentioned.
7. Those who have studied Pali works will also find
that the Pali of the Jataka Commentary is different from
_ that of Commentaries he attributed to Buddhaghosha.
For the foregoing reasons it cannot be said with certainty
that the Commentary on the Jatakas is the work of Buddha-
ghosha, and the name of the author is not mentioned
in it, and, therefore, we cannot say who else, if any,
wrote it.
Date of Buddhaghosha.—lf the translation be Buddha-
ghosha’s, the date is fixed as follows: —Buddhaghoshacarya
translated the Sinhalese Commentaries into Pali during the
reign of Mahanama. Mahanama began toreign in the year
of Buddha 953, that is, about the year 410 of Christ.
| Buddhaghosha com menced writing the work called Saman-
‘tapasadika in the twentieth year of King Mahdndma, that
isin the year 973 of Buddha. That Commentary was com-
‘pletedin one year. Though itis not said when, it is possible
that the Jatakattha Katha was also written about this time.
28-85 D
148 sourwat, n.a.s. (certoy). (Vol. VIN,
Mr. Ranesinghe, says: “If this view is correct, the work
must have been done between 413 and 432 A.D. , |
Sinhalese version. — Of the current Sinhalese version
Jayawardane Mudaliyar writes as follows :—
The Sinhalese version of the Jétakas is not of pure Sin-
halese, but it is understood better by the present generation ;
as the language, though mixed with Sanskrit and Pali, is
colloquial. In this version many P4éli words are retained,
while several others have expletives added to them in Sin-
halese ; but neither the addition of these expletives nor the
quotation made of words affect the sense of the Pali version.
In illustration of this remark* I would quote the two
versions of Péliand Sinhalese of one of the shortest Jatakas,
namely, ‘Gamini Jataka,’ in juxta-position for the inspection
of members. This Sinhalese version seems to be the same
as that which existed in the 14th century. Another
Sinhalese version of an earlier date seems to have existed
(306 B.C.) during the reign of Dewdnampiyatisso. This
version is not to be found, nor does any work now extant
make any allusion as to its fate. It is possible that the
work was destroyed by one of the kings who was inimical
to literature.
While on this subject, it may not be amiss to mention here
that the Sinhalese version which existed during the reign
of Dewanampiyatisso seems to have been spread through:
out Ceylon by the Buddhist Priest Mahindasthavira. But
the party who translated it from the original Pali is not
known. The Sinhalese version now extant seems to have
been made by Prakramabahu IV.
Opinions as to the Sinhalese version, whether it represents
anything of the old version, whether it is a perfect specimen
of the 14th century, or has the defects of a servile translation.
Sumangala Unndnse contributed the following valuable
monograph on the Sinhalese version :—
Méhéndra, a Buddhist monk of Ujjeni in Northern
India, the first propagator of Buddhism in Lamka, arrived
in this Island about the beginning of the reign of Deveni-
poetissa, who governed the country for forty years from
B.C. 307 to B.C, 267. On the very day he arrived here
* See Appendix 4.
No. 28.—1884.] FIRST FIFTY JATAKAS. 149
he is said to have entered into conversation, without the aid
of an interpreter, with Devenipcetissa, and on the following
day he is said to have preached Buddhism to the people of
~ Ceylon.
The Dharma thus brought from Northern India was
recorded in books during the reign of Wattag4mini Abhaya.
Wattagdmint began his reign in B.C. 103. After a reign
of five months he was expelled by the Tamils, who usurped
the throne for fifteen years. He, in his turn, drove them
away and re-ascended the throne and reigned twelve years.
Now it would be interesting to know what was the language
of the Sinhalese about this period.
Dr. E. Miller, in his Ancient Inscriptions in Ceylon,
has given us the texts of many inscriptions of this period.
The dialect in which these inscriptions are worded is much
closer to Pali than to modern Sinhalese, and somewhat simi-
lar to the dialect of the Middle Indian Asdka inscriptions,
The characters in which they are engraved are also similar
to those of the Ujjeni inscriptions. The following is a
Ceylon inscription of the century under notice :—
Parumaka abaya puta parumaka Tisaha wapi acagirika
Tisa panatahi agate anagata catudisa sagasa dine. Dewa-
nap maharaja Gamini abaya myate aca nagaraka ca tawiri-
kiya nagarakaca. Parumaka abaya puta parumaka Tisa
_niyata pite rajaha agata anagata catudisa sagasa.
The following is Dr. Miiller’s translation :—
“The tank of Parumaka Tisa, son of Parumaka Abhaya,
at the mountain of Acagarika Tisa is given to the priest-
hood of the four quarters, present and absent. The Great
King, beloved of the gods, Gamini Abhaya ordered Acana-
gara and Tawarikiyanagara, which have been established by
(my?) his father King Tisa, son of King Abhaya, to the
priesthood of the four quarters, present and absent.”
_ The following is a short inscription of Asdéka, King of
Magadha, in India, the friend of Devenipcetissa and father
of Mahendra :— :
) Lajiné Piyadasina duva dasavasabhisitena iyam Nigoha
| kubha ding adivikemhi. |
_ By the King Piyadasi, in the 12th year of his inaugura-
' tion, this cave of the Nigrodha tree has been given to the
' mendicants.”’
| D2
‘e
aT
A
PS Se
5 om
«idl
xa
150 | JOURNAL, R.A.S, (CEYLON). [Vol. VII. :
From the narrative in the Mahawamsa it would appear
that Mahendra’s language was understood by the King of
Ceylon and his subjects.
It is said in the Mahawamsa that the monks “orally
perpetuated” the Pali Pitakattaya and the Attakathds
(Sinhalese commentaries) from this period to Wattagamini
Abhaya’s time—that is, for about 175 or 200 years—and then
in that King’s reign they were recorded in books. From
this it is concluded that the Jétaka commentary existed in
Sinhalese at this period, and was recorded in a book; if there
was any Sinhalese commentary of the Jataka text at this
period, I think it cannot be doubted that the Sinhalese of
that commentary must have been the Sinhalese of our
inscriptions, if not even older and nearer the language of
the inscriptions of Asdéka.
Now, the language of these inscriptions, is not at all
intelligible to the Sinhalese of the present day. In modern
Sinhalese, the words “ agata anagata catudisa sagasa dine”
would be @ na satara disavé sanghaydata dena ladi. It is
this so-called Sinhalese commentary that is said to have
been translated into Pali about the fifth century of the
Christian era. The existing Sinhalese version of the
Pansiya Panas Jataka, as it is called, is a translation of this
P4li version made in the reign of King Parakrama Bahu IV.,
who ascended the throne about the year A. D. 1308.
Though the version is in a style differing from the modern
Sinhalese, yet it is generally understood by the people. I
am, therefore, of opinion that this version does not reproduce
anything of the old. Indeed, if it did, it would not be
intelligible even to the educated.
As to the question whether the version is a perfect speci-
men of the 14th century, or has the defects of a servile
translation, | think I can with confidence say, speaking of
the first fifty Jatakas, that it is a perfect specimen of that —
period. Though faithful as faras I have been able to judge,
yet it is not servile; it may be called a free translation.
In some cases I find that it has avoided the defects of the
P4li commentary. : | :
In the interesting paper read by the Bishop of Colombo,
at the last meeting of the Association, it was pointed out
that in one of the Jatakas there was a “‘ needless excursus
No. 28.—1884.] rinsr FIFTY JATAKAS. 151
enumerating several kinds of deserts.” Now this needless
dissertation is not found in the Sinhalese version.
_ Again, his lordship pointed out that in the 15th Jataka,
the compiler built up his story about the deer, who would
not go to school, upon a mistake ; reading Kalehi for Kalahi
in the text. In the Sinhalese translation no allusion is
made to time at all; the translator’s words are sapta
kalayen, and not kalayen.
Provincialisms are to be detected in the Jatakds. Some
of these are written in indifferent Sinhalese ; some contain
afew Tamil expressions and words. From these facts I
conclude that the work must have been done by several
persons, and not by the King himself, as one might be lead
_ to believe from the statement in the Mahavamsa. In the
Sinhalese Introduction to the Jatakas it is said that the work
_wasaccomplished by the exertions of the minister Wérasinha
Pratiraja at the personal request of the minister Prakrama,
and no mention of the King is made at all.
The statement in the Mahavamsa is that the King, having
made a monk who came from the Cola country his
tutor, learnt the purport of all the Jatakas from him. He
subsequently translated all the 550 Jatakas into Sinhalese,
and had the translation read before monks who were learned
in the Tripitakas. The version was then carefully recorded
in books and published throughout the Island. The version
was entrusted to the learned monk Médhankara, who and
his pupil in succession were enjoined to preserve it, and for
_ that purpose a hermitage was built for him and was deli-
vered to him with four villages for his and their mainte-
nance.
UC __ JOURNAL, R.A.8. (CEYLON). [Vol. VII.
5
APPENDIX LI.
KATTHAHA‘RI JA'TAKA.
Tae SLAVE-GIRL AND THE KING.
“Tam thy son, O Great King.” 4
Tuts the teacher, when travelling in the Jétavana, told about
the story of Vasabhakhattiya. The story will appear (in full) —
in the birth-story (entitled) Bhaddasala (and given) in the twelfth
division. She was, it is said, the daughter of a Sakya prince
named Mah4ndma (and was) born of a slave-girl named Naga- —
munda, and became the first queen of the king of Kosala. She
bore unto the king a son; but the king afterwards knew her to be
a slave-girl* and just deprived her (of her) position, and also just
deprived his son Vidudabha (of his) position. Both, however,
dwelt in the inner palace itself. Having known that case, the
teacher, surrounded by five hundred mendicants, went in the fore-
noon to the palace of the king and sat (down) in the seat prepared;
(he) said thus: “‘O great king, where is Vasabhakhattiya?” The
king explained the case. (The teacher asked) thus: “‘O great
king, whose daughter is Vasabhakhattiya?” (The king replied)
thus: “ Of Mahanama, O reverend sir.” (The teacher asked) thus:
“ Coming (of age), to whom did she come (in wedlock)?” (The |
king replied) thus: “fo me, O reverend sir.” (The teacher said) |
thus: “O great king, she is the daughter of a king and has just
come (in wedlock) toa king, and by the king himself (has) had a |
son. For what reason (then) does that son not become the lord of
the kingdom belonging to the father? It is said (that) former
kings had sonst by girlst whose occupation§ was to collect (fire)
wood and with whom they lived for a short time,|| (and) gave to
such sons (their) kingdoms.” The king begged the honoured —
teacher for the plain sense of the matter. The honoured teacher —
made manifest this matter concealed by change of birth.
Once upon a time there was a king named Brahmadatta in
* Lit. her being a slave-girl.
{ Lit. at the time of the forenoon.
t The words Katthdharika rajja and putta ave used in the singular; but they
express the plural number as.is usual.
§ The termination ka in Katthahdrika signifies tacchilya, or one’s occupation. —
|| The word Muhuttiké means ‘lasting for a moment,’ and is used probably in — |
this sense here. Ifso, it is unusually used. I am not satisfied with the version
I have put upon it. Mohotura (Muhurta) is a form of marriage in Mahdrashtré
28.—1884.] FIRST “FIFTY SATAKAS, 153
Baranasi, who went in great state to (his) garden. (Moved) by a
desire of (gathering) fruits and flowers, he there walked about
under a grove of trees in the garden. (He) saw one woman pick-
| ing up pieces of wood and singing continuously.* —esorssseessoere
She bore him a son, the Boédhisat, aud before his birth the king
| gave her his signet-ring and said thus: “If a daughter is (born)
| you will maintain her (by) disposing of this (signet-ring).” (Then)
| he went away. In course of time the Bédhisat was born.t He
had crawled and moved about at the time of his being able to
| walk about,—he sported in the play-ground. ‘Then to him some
| said sot : “ We§ are undone by one (who is) fatherless.” Having
heard that, the Bédhisatva went to his mother and asked her
_ thus: “ Mamma, who is my father ?” (She replied) thus : “ Thou
| art the son of the king of Baranasi.” (He asked) thus: “ But,
mamma, is there any evidence?’ (She said) thus: ‘‘ Darling, the
king gave his signet-ring and said, ‘If a daughter is (born), thou
wilt maintain her, having disposed of this (signet-ring ) ; if a son
is (born), thou wilt bring him to me together with this (signet-
ring) ;’ and went away.” (He said) thus : “Such being the case,
why did you not take me to my father?” Having known the
desire of her son, she went to the palace-gate and caused herself
to be announced to the king. Being called by the king, she entered
the (palace), saluted the king, and said thus: ‘‘ This is thy son,
O lord.” Though the king was aware of this, he said thus:
“(This is) not my son,” because of shame, as he was seated in the
midst of an assembly. (She replied) thus: ‘* O lord, this is thy
| (signet-ring); dost thou recognise it?” || (He said) thus: “ This is
| also not my signet-ring.” ‘‘ Now, lord, except a demonstration
| by ordeal,] there is no other witness for me. If this child is
|| begotten by thee, let him stand in the sky ; if not, having fallen
_ * The term gdyitva is repeated, and such a repetition signifies continuity.
+ The term Patisandh is used, and means a series of births in the course of
| transmigration.
4 ft Vattdéro honti means ‘ speakers were.’ The term evam qualifies the verbal
"| root in vatidro. Evam-vattdéro is a compound term ; otherwise it would not be
correct grammar to say Evam vattaro.
§ The reading Nipitrikéndmhé deserves to be preferred, because panes must
7 q have some nominative. Amahe signifies we, as in Mahratti and other languages.
| || Lit. “ Didst thou recognise it 2” The past tense in this sense is used in all
Indian vernaculars. ;
| Saccakiriyam is used in the text. Sacca isnot connected with Sdkshdt, as
) Childers states. Sacca is the Prdkrita form of Satya. Kiriya is Kriya, The
| word heriya is still used in the sense of an ordeal in Mahdrashtra and elsewhere.
r | Sacca kirtyam means ‘ ordeal of truth’ : it, “ an act of truth.” Compare with this
| ‘the use of the same word made in different’ ways in the Sakuna Jdtaka (86).
154 | JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). Vol. VIII 4
down upon the earth, let him die.” So saying, she caught the
Bodhisatva by his leg and tossed him (up) into the sky. The
Bédhisatva sat cross-legged in the sky, and explaining religious —
duties to his father, in a sweet voice uttered this verse: “ I am
thy son,* great king, lord of the people, maintain me!t{ The lord —
maintains even others ;{ much more the lord his own offspring.” §
Having heard the Bodhisatva (while) sitting in the sky thus
inculcating duties, the king said thus: ‘‘Come, my darling. I
will of course nurse thee.” So saying, he held out his hand. A
thousand hands were held out. The Bédhisatva, not alighting
into the hand of any one else, (but) just alighting into the hand
of the king, sat down in his lap. Having given to him the
viceroyalty, the king made his mother his chief queen. On the
death of his father he becamea king of the name of Katthavahana,
administered the kingdom righteously, and went away (into
another birth) according to his deeds.
Having pronounced this lecture on virtue to the aang of Késala,
having shown the two cases, and having adjusted their bearing,
the teacher put together the birth-story. Then the mother was
Mahamdy4, the father was the great king Suddhodana, and
I myself was king Katthavahana. ‘This is the Katthahari Jataka.
* The sense of the phrase puttotydhan is ‘I am thy son ;’ and there are these
four kinds of sons (such) as atrajo, khettajo, antevasiko, and dinnako, There
atrajo means‘ born of one’s self.’ Ahettajo means ‘ one’s wife’s son by another
(and) brought up on the surface of a bed, in a cot, or on the bosom, &c.’ Ante-
vdésiko means a student in science (staying) near (one’s self). [Panini recognizes
Vidydyoni sambandha. See his Sutra (1V. 3, 77).] Dinnako means one given
to another for maintenance and protection. But here, concerning one’s own son,
the term putto is used. A Raja is one who entertaias the people by a four-
fold reception. Mahardjé is a great king. Addressing him, he said ‘““Mahardjd.”
“ Tvam mam posa janddhipa”—Janadhipa is the veople’s lord. It was a custom
among the Indian Aryas to have two names—the name of the teacher and the
name of one’s own clan. This was specially predominant in the time of Pan-
tajali.
+ Tvam mam posa means ‘nurse me, bring me up.’
{ Afifie pi deve poseti means ‘ even others’—men, such as elephant-keepeys,
and the multitude in the condition of lower animals, such as elephants and
horses—‘the lord feeds. Afifie is the accusative of a verb of which devo 1s
the nominative. The vocative form of devo is deva, as this story itself shows.
Therefore devo is not the vocative.
§ Kinca devo sakam pajam, &c. Here, however, Kinca is a particle
(used) in the sense of censure as well as grace. “The lord does not nurse
me, his own son, his own offspring: even so saying, he censures indeed,
“He feeds among other beings’’: 60 saying, he shows grace indeed. The Bodhi-
satva, both censuring and showing grace, says thus: ‘‘Much more the lord,
his own offspring.”
f No. 28.—1884.] FIRST FIFTY JATAKAS. 155
GA'’MANI JA’TAKA.
Prince GAMANI.
“ Of those who do not make (any) haste,” &c.
Tuts the teacher, when dwelling in Jétavana, narrated of a
dejected* mendicant. The introductory story, as well as the first
story of this Jataka, however, will appear in the birth-story
(entitled) Samvara Jataka in the eleventh division, because the
story in that as well as in this is indeed alike. The verses, how-
ever, are different. Prince Gamani, though the youngest of his
hundred brothers, saw his own gloryf when sitting upon a royal
cot under a white umbrella, (and when) surrounded by his hundred
brothers. Gratified, because (said he) ‘‘ this store of my glory is
from our teacher,” he exultingly pronounced this (following)
enthusiastic speech :
*“* The desire for fruit of those who do not indeed make any haste
is fulfilled.t Iam of ripe Brahmacarya. So know, O Gaémani.”
_ There (in the verses) ape is a mere particle. Ataramadndnam
signifies those learned men§ (who) perform the acts (of their life)
earefully,|| (who are) not moved (by any emotion, and) who do not
make (any) haste, (and) okey the precepts of the teacher.
Phaladsd va Samajjhati signifies ‘the desire of the fruit,’ as
sought by the acquisition of that fruit—prospers indeed ; or
_phalasa is dsdphalani,** that is ‘ the fruit of the desire.’ The fruit
as sought prospers indeed. (This is) the sense.
Vipakkabrahmacariyosmt. Here four objects of acquisition (are
to be considered): (1) Brahmacariyatt means excellent conduct;
* Ossatthaviriyo literally means one whose viriya is gone. Ossattha is Sanskrit.
- Avasrishta, which means resigned or given up, and viriyam is virya, manliness or
spirits. The word ossatthaviriyo occurs in Vannupatha Jdtaka and Serivani
Jataka.
7 Lit. “ the store of his own glory.”
t Lit. “ prospers.”
§ Pandit is the word used in the text.
|| Upadyena is the word used in the text, and signifies ‘ by means adequate to an
end to be secured.’
q Avegdhitva and Avegdyitva are two different readings. I have preferred the
latter.
** Whea was the gloss written is known from this story. See my remarks on
this story.
+} The three kinds of Brahmacariya, together with Vipakka Brahmacariva, seem
to make up No. 4 mentioned in the text. The term Brahmacariya is used here
in a very extended sense. ‘The same word is used in its usual sense in the com-
ments of the Gathd No. 63, of the Takka Jataka, where a three-fold Brahmacayiya
is stated to consist of Jhanasukhbam, Maggasukham, Phalasukham, and in the
“Gatha in question worldly prosperity is included.
S
156 7 JOURNAL, R.A.S, (CEYLON). [Vol. VL
=
i
and (2) that by the acquisition of glory springing from it, is success
in ecstatic meditation ; (3) this is ripe Brahmacariya ; (4) that
glory, which is acquired by one’s self, is also Brahmacariya in a
higher sense. Hence he said: “I am of ripe Brahmacariya.”
Evam jénéhi Gdmani.—Both any townsman and the chief of a :
town is G4mani. Here, however, he said regarding himself as the
chief of all people: “O Gaéamani, thou for this reason know
thus: having excelled a hundred brothers, I have got this kingdom
because of the teacher.” ‘This enthusiastic speech he uttered.
After the lapse of seven or eight days after his having got the
kingdom, just all the brothers went to their own places of residence.
Administering his kingdom in righteousness, prince Gamani passed
(into another life) according to his deeds. Having performed
righteous acts, the Bodhisatva also passed away according to his
deeds.
Having pronounced this lecture on virtue, and having shown
(it), the teacher made manifest truths. The result (of the incul-
cation) of the truth was that the dejected mendicant stood
(established) in Rahatship. Having narrated the two stories, and
having adjusted their bearing, the teacher put together the birth-
story. This is the Gamani Jataka.
(Translated by Professor K unte.)
APPENDIX IL
TRANSLATION FROM THE PA’‘LI OF
JA'TAKAS 41-50.
==
By tHE EDITOR.
{This translation has been furnished for the temporary conve-
nience of members ; but it is a rougher piece of work than I could
have wished to send out even fora temporary purpose. I have in-
tentionally sacrificed the English idiom in many places to the Pali;
but Pali words, however familiar, have been avoided,
Mr. Batuwantudawe is not responsible for any mistakes I may
have made, for though I read the stories with his aid, I have not
been able to consult him since I began to write. The emendations
of the text, however, have his authority.
Words in brackets are not separate words in the original.
R. 8. C.J
No. 28,—1884.] FIRST FIFTY JATAKAS. — 157
ATTHAKA’MA VAGGA.
41.—LO'SAKA-JA'TAKA,
“ The Advice of a well-meaning Friend.”
Tuis the teacher told while residing in Jetayana on occasion of
an elder named Lésakatissa. This Lésakatissa was a man of fisher
caste in Kosala, who had been the ruin of his own family, and
was now a luckless mendicant (to whom no one gave). On emerg-
ing from the scene of his last birth, he had assumed his present
existence, they say, in the womb of a certain fisherwoman in a
fisher village of a thousand families. On the day of his conception
these thousand families, net in hand, sought for fish in streams
and ponds and the like, but not one little fish did they catch.
From that time these fishers kept declining. Between this and
his birth, their village was seven times burnt by fire, and seven
fined by the king. Thus, as time went on, they grew more and
_ more miserable. They thought: “ Formerly it was not thus with
us, but mow we are declining; there must be some ‘‘ill-luck”
amongst us; let us form two bands;” and so they separated into
five and five hundred families. Then the portion where his
parents were declined ; the other prospered. Then, on the prin-
ciple of halving that portion, and that again, and so on, they
divided until that family was left by itself; and having thus
ascertained that the ill-luck was theirs, they beat them and turned
them out.
Then his mother, living in hardship, when her offspring was
_ matured, brought him forth somewhere (where she could).
A being in his last existence it is impossible to kill: the poten-
tiality of Rahatship burns in his heart like a lamp within a jar.
She nourished the child, and as soon as he could run about she
put a potsherd (or half a cocoanut, or whatever it might be) into
his hand and told the boy to go to some house, and went away.
Thenceforth, being quite alone, he sought alms there, and slept
where he could, never bathed, took no care of his person, and
passed his life in hardship like a dirt goblin. In course of time,
when he was seven years old, at a certain house-door in the place
where they throw away the washings of the rice-pot, he had
picked up a single lump of rice, and was eating it like a crow.
‘The lord of religion, as he went on his begging. rounds to
Savatthi, saw the child, and thinking, “This being is a great
| object of compassion ; what village does he belong to ?”—kind-
hess growing in his heart towards him—said, ‘‘Come here, my
boy.” He went and did obeisance to the elder, and stood still.
158 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol VIII.
The elder asked him, “What is your village? where are your —
parents?” “Sir, I have no one I belong to ; my parents got tired
of me and abandoned me, and are gone.” “‘ Well, will you
become a monk?” “Sir, I should be glad enough to become a
monk, but who would admit such a wretch as me?” “TI will
admit you.” ‘Thank you, sir, do so by all means.” The elder
gave him food, hard and soft, took him to his dwelling, bathed him
with his own hands, admitted him, and when he was of full age
ordained him. When he was old he was known as the elder
Losakatissa, and was always unfortunate,* never in luck. Even
on special alms-days, they say, he never got a bellyful ; he only got
just enough to hold life together. When a single spoonful of gruel
_ was put in his howl, the bowl looked as if it were filled ; so people
thought ‘‘ This man’s bowl is full,’ and gave the gruel to the
next. They say, too, that when people gave gruel to his bowl,
the gruel in their own basin vanished. It was the same way
with solid food and everything else. Afterwards he acquired full
insight, and was established in the highest fruit of Rahatship,
but even then he was a little-gain. In due course, his life-material
being exhausted, the day of his final extinction arrived. The lord
of religion, making mental inquiry, perceived the fact of his attain-
ing extinction to-day, and feeling ‘‘ This elder Lésakatissa will
attain extinction to-day, I must give him food to his heart’s
content,’ took him with him and entered Savatthi to beg.
Because. of him, even the great elder held out his hand in
populous Savatthi, but got not a bow. The (great) elder sent
him in, saying “‘Go on brother, sit in the sitting-hall,” and
sent him the food he received, saying “ Take this to Losaka.”
The people (to whom it was entrusted) took it and went off, and —
forgot Losaka, and ate it themselves. When the (great) elder
arose, and was going to his dwelling, Losakatissa went and did
reverence to him. ‘The great elder stopped and stood and asked,
** Did you get the food, brother ?” “TI shall get it (in good time)
sir,’ he replied. The elder was disturbed, and took notice of the
time. The time (for eating) was passed. ‘* Never mind, brother,
sit down here,” he said, and giving Losaka a seat in the sitting-
hall, he went to the dwelling of the king of Késala. The king
took the elder’s bowl, and as it was out of time for cooked food,
had the bowl filled with the four sweet offerings (honey, ghee,
butter, and sugar). The elder took it and went, and saying “ Come
brother Tissa, eat these four sweets,” stood with the bowl in his
hand. The other elder, out of respect, was too modest to eat.
* Nippaniio : read nippunio, as on p. 236 apuino.
alt eee Se
PO RE ee ee a Se oe ee
ine
No. 28.—1884.] FIRST FIFTY JATAKAS. 159
_ Then the elder said, “ Come, brother Tissa, I will take this bow]
and stand, you sit andeat ; if I let this bow! to go out of my hard,
there will be nothing in it.” Then the venerable Lésakatissa ate
the four sweets, the high chief, the lord of religion, standing and
holding the bowl. By the high supernatural power of the elder
it did not waste. On that occasion Losakatissa ate to his full and
filled his belly, and on that very day, by the extinction which
leaves no element of being behind, he attained extinction. The
Buddha himself came to the place and performed the funeral rites.
They took the relics and made a shrine. Then the mendicants
assembled in the hall of religion, talked there as they sat:
“ Brethren, Losaka was an unlucky gainless man, but how has
such an unlucky little-gain as he attained such glory in religion ?”
The teacher, coming to the hall of religion, asked, ‘“‘ What is the
subject of your conversation now, mendicants, as you sit together?”
They told him what it was. ‘The teacher said, ‘“ Mendicants, this
mendicant’s own acts were the cause of his being a little-gain, and
also of his gaining the glory of religion. By his formerly prevent-
ing the gains of others he became (or was born) a little-gain,
_ while by the fruit of his attamment of clear perception about
impermanency, sorrow, and the unreality of the soul,* he was born
(or became) a gainer of the glory of religion.” He then told the
story of the past.
In the past, in the time of Kassapa Buddha, a certain mendicant
was living in a village, dwelling near (and in dependence on) a
man of property.{| He was a perfect (monk), an observer of the
precepts, and possessed of very great insight. An elder of morti-
fied desires, as he pursued his regular way of life, arrived for the ~
first time at the village in which lived the man of property who
supported this mendicant. ‘The man of property (squire), delighted
at the very manner of the elder, took his bowl and made him
enter his house, fed him zealously, and after hearing a short dis-
course on religion, made obeisance and said, ‘* Sir, go to the resi-
dence we keep up, I will come in the evening to see you.” The elder
went to the residence, and after having made obeisance to the
resident elder and asked permission, sat down by him. He, after
the usual greetings, asked, “ Brother, have you had alms-food ?”’
“Yes,” he said. ‘“ Where?” ‘ At the house of the squire of
| the village you frequent.” Having said this, he asked for his own
| seat, and having performed his toilet and put away his bowl and
—- — 2 ——SS SS
* Anantdé: read anattd.
+ Kutumbikam. B. says the v. 1. Kutimbikam is correct.
160 ns JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). | [Vol. VIIt.
robes, sat engaged in the bliss of meditation and of the fruits (of — |
religion). The squire came in the evening with people carrying |
perfumes and flowers, and lamps and oil, and after doing obei-
sance to the resident elder asked, °*‘ There is a strange elder, sir,
did he come ?” “Yes, he came.” ‘ Where is he now?” “On |
such and such a seat.” He went to the place where he was, and after ©
making obeisance sat down by him and heard religious discourse, and
went home in the cool, after having made offerings to the shrine |
and the sacred tree, and lighted the lamps, and invited the two(to |
eat at his house). ‘The resident elder thought, ‘* This squire’s
heart is lost to me; if that mendicant lives in this residence he |
will make no account whatever of me.” So the elder got into a
discontented state of mind, and feeling “I must contrive to prevent
his living in this residence,” when they met spoke not a word to
him. The elder of mortified desires perceived his intention, and
saying to himself, “* That elder does not perceive how free I am
from the bonds of rank or following,’ went to his abode, and
passed the time in the bliss of meditation and of the fruits (of
religion). Next day, the resident tapped the door-post with the
back of his nail,* and knocked at the door with his nail, and went to
the squire’s house. The squire took his bowl, seated him on the
seat prepared, and asked ‘ Where is the visitor, sir?” I know
nothing about your favourite : I tapped at his doorpost, I knocked
at his door, but I could not wake him. Yesterday he ate some sweet
food at your house, and I suppose he could not digest it, and has
only just fallen asleep ; this is the sort of object you choose for
your admiration.{ The elder of mortified desires, reflecting that it
was his time for going to beg, arranged his person, took his bowl
and robes, and, rising into the air, went to some other place. ‘The
squire gave the resident elder to drink some porridge made with
ghee, honey, and sugar, and then after cleaning the bowl with per-
fumed powder, he filled it again, and gave it to him, saying “ Sir,
that elder must be wearied with his journey, take this to him.”
The other did not refuse, but took it, and as he went he thought:
‘If that mendicant drinks this porridge, he will never go even if
he is dragged out by the throat. On the other hand, if I give this
porridge to anybody, my deed will be made known ; if I throw it
into water, the ghee will show on the top of the water ; if I throw f
it on the ground, it will be seen by the crows collecting ; so where
* Punadivasena Kappitth, &c.: read Punadivase nakhapitth, &c.
+ Iddni, &c, The inverted commas are misplaced. If the second ti is correct,
the construction may be “ The sort of person you like is one who would eat to
indigestion and oversleep himself.”
i
i
|
j
f
;
t
t
i
i
4
|
No. 28.—1884.] First FIFTY JATARKAS. 161
can I throw it?” While he was thus considering, he saw a field
where there had been a ‘ burn’; he raked open the ashes, and threw
out the porridge there, covered it over with ashes, and went to
the residence. Not seeing that mendicant, he said to himself,
“Doubtless that mendicant of mortified desires must have per-
ceived my intention, and gone to some otner place ; alas! for my
pelly’s sake I have done a wicked deed!” Thus, from that
moment great sorrow came upon him. Very soonafter he became
‘a goblin in human form, and not long after died, and was born in
hell. or many thousand years he was maturing* in torment in
hell, and after he had reaped the fruit of his sin, by force of the
demerit that still remained, he was born a demon for five hundred
successive births. During that time, not one day did he get a bellyful
of food. One day he gota meal of filth.t Then for five hundred
births he was a dog. There, too, one day he got a meal of disgust-
ing food. But the rest of all that time he did not get one good
meal. On emerging from the dog existence, he was born in a
village in K4si, in a poverty-stricken family. After his birth that
family was reduced to the extremity of misery. He never got
more than half a meal of some water gruel. His name was Mitta-
vindaka. His father and mother, unable to bear the misery of
starvation,t said “Get along, wretch,” and beat him and sent him
away. Helpless (and friendless) he wandered till he came to
Benares. At that time the Bodhisat was a far-famed professor in
Benares, and was teaching§ five hundred youths. In those days
the inhabitants of 8enares used to pay for the education of the poor.
So this Mittavindaka was receiving a free education under the
Bodhisat, He was rude and impatient of reproof (or advice), and
went about striking first one and then another (boy), and when
reproved by the Bodhisat, would not take reproof (or advice), so
that because of him the fees fell off. After a quarrel with the
other boys, refusing reproof, he ran away from the place, and
wandered to a country-village where he lived by doing jobs for
hire. ‘There he lived with a poor woman who bore him two sons.
The villagers invited Mittavindaka to teach them about right and
wrong, and gave him a salary and a hut to live in at the entrance
of the village. Because of this Mittavindaka, the inhabitants of
-*T cannot represent in English the play on the cognate ideas of roasting-
| ripening, and maturing, which are here implied in Paccati.
+ Ihave softened for the English reader the rude force of udarapuram, gab-
bhamalam, vamanabhattam, nibhito uddham, &e.
{ Jdtakadukkham. Read Chitakad.
§& Vaeesit. B. would prefer Véceti.
162 _ JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VI. :
that country-village seven times paid a fine to the king, seven — |
times their houses were burnt up, seven times the dam of their |
tank burst. They said to themselves : ‘‘ Before this Mittavindaka
came, it was not so with us ; but now, since his coming, we are being
ruined ;” and thereupon they beat him and turned him out. As he
was going with his family to another place, he came to a demon-
haunted forest. ‘There the demon killed and devoured his wife
and children. He fled, and wandered from place to place till he
came to a port named Gambhira, on the very day when a ship was
sailing, and took service (as a sailor) and went on board. ‘The
ship, after going seven days over the sea, on the seventh day stood
still in mid-sea as if nailed to the spot. They threw the ill-luck
lot. Seven times it came to Mittavindaka. The men gave hima |
little bundle of bamboos, and took him by the hand and threw him |
into the sea. The moment he was thrown out the ship went on.
Mittavindaka, leaning on the bundle of bamboos, travelled over
the sea, till, by fruit of his observance of precept in the time of
Kassapa Buddha, he found on the sea in a crystal palace four god-
desses, and with them he lived in the enjoyment of bliss for seven
days. Now, these palace nymphs live in bliss for seven days.
Wher they departed for the seven days of suffering, they said to
him, “ Stay here till we come back.” But when they were gone,
Mittivindaka went further, leaning on the bundle of bamboos, till
he found eight goddesses in a palace of silver. Thence he went
again and found sixteen goddesses in a palace of gems, and thirty-
two in a palace of gold. He disregarded their advice ‘also, and
went on till he saw on an island, iu mid-sea, a demon city. There
a she-demon was roaming in the form of a goat. Mittivindaka not
perceiving that she was a demon, aud feeling a wish for a meal of
goat’s flesh, caught her by the leg. By her demon power she
kicked up and flung him away. On her thus flinging him,* he
passed over the sea to Benares, and fell into a thorn-bush behind a
tank, and rolled down and rested on the ground. At that time
thieves had been carrying off the king’s goats which roamed behind
that tank ; and goatherds were stationed in hiding on oné side,
hoping to catch the thieves. Mittavindaka, when he had rolled
down to the ground and stood up and saw the goats, said to him-
self: ‘On an island at sea I caught a goat by the leg and was
flung by her and fell here ; so, if I now catch a goat by the leg,
she will fling me off over the sea to the place where the palace
nymphs are”; and with this foolish idea he caught a goat by the
* Taya khitte, B. tells me this is correct, or I should have wished to read
tdya khitto, as eight lines below.
No. 28.—1884.| FIRST FIFTY JATAKAS. 163
leg. The moment she was caught she bleated loudly. The goat-
herds came up from every side, caught him, and crying “ Here is
the thief who has been feeding so long on the royal goats,”’ beat
him and bound him, and took him before the king. At that
moment the Bédhisat with his train of five hundred youths had just
come out of the city, and was going to hathe. When he saw Mit-
tavindaka he recognised him, and said to the men: ‘‘ Friends, this
is our (my) pupil ; what are you seizing him for ?” ‘ Master, he is
a goat-stealer ; he had got one goat by the leg, that is why we
have caught him.” “Then give him to me to be my slave; I
will keep him (he shall live in dependence on me).” They replied,
“Very well, master,” and let him go, and departed, Then the
Bédhisat asked him : “ Mittavindaka, where have you been living
all this time ?” He told him all that he had done. The Bodhi-
sat said, “‘ This is the misfortune that comes to those who will not
do what their friends say,” and he uttered this stanza :—
“He who refuses to follow
The advice of a well-meaning friend,
| Like Mittaka catching the goat by the leg
| Will surely repent in the end.”
| And that time that professor and Mittavindaka passed away
_ according to their deeds.
| The teacher having related this religious history to explain
_ the words, “ ‘Thus, mendicants, this man’s own acts were the
cause both of his being a little-gain and of his being a gainer of
the glory of religion,” made the connection and summed up the
_ dataka by saying: ‘‘ At that time Mittavindaka was the elder
_ Losakatissa, and the far-famed professor was I myself.”
| (Here ends Lésaka-J Ataka.)
42.—K A’POTA-JA’TAIKA.
“‘ PIGEON” BirRTH-STORY.
“© The Good Advice of Friends,” &c.
Tuts the teacher told while residing in Jétavana on occasion
of a certain greedy mendicant. His greediness will be shown
in the Ninth Part, in the “ Crow-birth.” They told the teacher
about this mendicant, saying: “Sir, this mendicant is greedy.”
The teacher asked him: “Is it true, mendicant, that you are
) greedy?” “Yes, sir,’ he replied. The teacher said: “This is
| not the first time, mendicant, you have been greedy ; by means of
_) greediness you came to your end, and on your account also the wise
| lost their dwelling-place.” He then related the story of the past.
In past time, when Brahmadatta was reigning in Benares, the
28—85
K
164 ie JOURNAL, RAS. (CEYLON). [Vol. VI
- Bodhisat was born a- pigeon. In those days they used, out of
desire of merit, to hang up baskets with chaff in them for small |
birds to live in comfort. A nobleman’s cook in Benares put up |
a hanging basket of chaff in his kitchen. There the Bodhisat |
lived. He lived there and spent his time thus : he went outearly |
in the morning to roam for food, and came back in the evening,
One day a crow, passing over the kitchen, smelt the savour of |
various dishes (sour and not sour) of fish, and his greediness was |
excited.* He perched not far off and was casting about for some
means of getting the fish, when he saw the Bodhisat return in |
the evening and enter the kitchen, and thought, “By means of |
this pigeon I will get the fish.” So he came back next morning,
and when the Bodhisat started on his rounds for food, he followed |
him about. Then the Bodhisat said to him: “ Friend, why are
you flying about with me?” “Sir, your way of life charms me; |
henceforth I shall wait upon you.” “ Friend, you are one kind of |
feeder and I another ; it is difficult for you to wait upon me ;” said |
the Bodhisat. “Sir, I will take my food, and then when you are |
taking your food, I will go about with you.” “ Very well; only |
mind, you must be very active !” (or careful). Having given the |
crow this warning, the Bodhisat went about feeding, and eating |
grass seeds and such like. But while the Bodhisat was at pasture, |
the crow, who had already gone and raked up a lump of cow-dung |
and eaten his fill of worms (or insects), joined him, saying, “ Sir, |
you have been an immense time on your round, it is not good to |
eat to excess ;” and when the Bodhisat returned in the evening |
from pasture, the crow entered the kitchen with him. ‘The cook |
thought : ‘Our pigeon has come back with another ;” and seta |_
basket for the crow too. ‘Thenceforward they both lived there. |
One day a great quantity of fish was brought in for the noble |
The cook took it and hung it up in different parts of the kitchen. |
When the crow saw it his greediness was excited, and thinking, [i
“ To-morrow I shall not go to the feeding ground, but this must)
be my food,” he lay all night in agitation. Next day when the|
Bodhisat started for pasture, he said, “ Come, friend crow !” “ Sir, |
you go; Lam suffering from indigestion.” “ Sir, there never yet |
was such a thing as a crow having indigestion. At night they are |
famished in each watch of the three ; when they have eaten a}
lamp-wick they are satisfied for a very little while. You must be | le .
* It is not easy to represent in English such expressions as lobham uppddetvd |
The lust is not said to arise in the man, but the men to rouse or give birth to}
the lust. The man is regarded as the (responsible) author of his own desires, and |
so with his thoughts and emotions. 3
28,—1884.] FIRST. FIFTY JATAKAS. 165
nging to eat this fish! Come, men’s food is bad for you; don’t
| do such a thing ; go with me and feed!” “Master, I cannot.”
| Then your own deeds will discover you : don’t let greediness get
the better of you; be careful (don’t give way)!” Thus the
_ Bodhisat warned him, and went to pasture. The cook, after
\ “making a mixed dish of a variety of fish, opened the vessels for to
| little while to let out the steam, then put the strainer on the top
_ of each vessel, and went and stood outside, wiping off the perspi-
| ration.* At that moment the crow put his head out of the basket,
and looking round the cooking-house, saw that the cook was gone.
| “Now,” he thought, “is my time to eat fish to my heart’s content.
' How, now : shall I eat slices or mince ?” Deciding that it is im-
| possible to fill the stomach quickly with minced meat, he said’a
d himself, “I will take a large slice and put it in the basket, and
| eat it as I sit there.” So saying, he flew out of the basket and
k alighted on the strainer. It gave a “ting.”{ The cook heard it,
) and, coming in to find out what it was, saw the crow. “ This
» mischievous crow,” thought he, “ wants to eat my lord’s cooked
) meat. My living depends on my lord (Iam my lord’s’ servant),
) not on this stupid animal; what is it to me?” So he shut the
| door and caught the crow. He then plucked the feathers from
) its whole body, pounded up some green ginger with salt and
cummin, and mixed it with some buttermilk ; with this he smeared
) the crow all over, and flung it into the basket. There it lay
\ quivering in the utmost agony. When the Bédhisat returned ia
the evening, he saw the crow come to calamity, and said : “ Greedy
| crow, by not taking my advice and by your own greediness you
are come to great misery ;” and then he uttered this stanza :—
i “ He who no attention lends
To the warnings of his friends,
Like the disobedient crow
Falls a victim to the foe.”
| The Bédhisat having uttered this stanza, felt he also could no
longer stay in that place, and went elsewhere. The crow died on
the spot, and the cook took him and threw him away, basket and
all, on the rubbish heap.
_| The teacher having related thisreligious discourse on the words,
| * This is not the first time, mendicant, you have been greedy ;
‘formerly you were greedy too, and on account of you and your
| greediness the wise were obliged to leave their abode, ” preached
jthe truths. When the truths were concluded, that mendicant
* Muncamdno: read Puncamdno, with B.’s MS. t Kelli.
E 2
166 | JOURNAL, R.A.8. (CEYLON). — [Vol. VIEL
attained the fruit of ‘‘Unreturning.” The teacher made the con-
nection, and summed up the birth-story thus: “ At that time the
crow was the greedy mendicant, and the pigeon was I myself.”
(End of the “‘ Pigeon” Birth-Story.)
43.—VALUKA-JA‘TAKA.
“ BamBoo-Boy ” BirTH-STORY.
“The Advice,” &c.
Tus the teacher told while residing in Jétavana on occasion of
a certain obstinate mendicant. The blessed one asked him (as
before), “Isit true as they say, mendicant, that you are obstinate?”
and on his saying ‘‘ Yes, sir,” said, ‘‘ This is not the first time you
have been obstinate ; formerly, too, you were obstinate, and by
obstinacy, and not doing what the wise said, you came to your end
by a serpent’s bite (in the mouth ofa geet) He then related
the story of the past.
In past time, when Brahmadatta was reigning in Benares, the
Bédhisat was born in a wealthy family in Kasi, and when he came
to years of discretion, seeing the danger of desires and the
benefits of abnegation, he renounced desires, and going into the
Himalaya country he entered the hermit order, and by practice of
mental concentration acquired the five kinds of supernatural
knowledge, and the eight attainments, ard passed his days in the
bliss of meditation, and afterwards becoming much sought after,
dwelt in a residence as teacher of a train of five hundred ascetics.
A young snake of a venomous kind, roaming according to its
instinct, came to the cell of a certain ascetic. ‘The ascetic con-
ceived a parent’s love for it, and made it a bed in a bamboo-joint,
and took care of it. From having its bed in a bamboo-joint
they named it “Bamboo-boy.” And the ascetic they named
‘““Bamboo-boy’s father,” from his taking care of it aslovingly asif
it were his son, Then the Béodhisat, hearing that one of the
ascetics was nursing a poisonous snake, sent for him and asked,
“Is it true that you are rearing a poisonous snake?” and on his
saying ‘‘ yes,” said, ‘“ There is no such thing as friendship with
snakes (they cannot be trusted) ; don’t rear it.” The ascetic said,
“¢ He is my pupil and child ; I cannot live without him.” “ Then he
will be the death of you.” The ascetic did not take the Bédhisat’s
advice, and could not give up the snake. Some time after
that, all the ascetics went to gather herbs and wild fruits, and
finding these plentiful in the place they had gone to, remained
there two or three days. “ Bamboo-boy’s father” went with —
them, leaving the poisonous snake shut up in his bed in the
e No. 28.—1884.] Finest FIFTY JATAKAS. 167
bamboo-joint. When he returned with the ascetics at the end of
the two or three days, he opened the bamboo-joint to give
“ Bamboo-boy” some food, and said ‘“‘Come my son, you must be
starving,” and put out his hand. The poisonous snake, infuriated
by being two or three days without food, bit the outstretched
hand and killed the ascetic on the spot, and went into the forest.
The ascetics seeing it, told the Bdédhisat. The Bédhisat, after
performing the funeral rites, took his seat in the midst of the
hermit band, and uttered this stanza by way of warning to the -
hermits :—
‘¢ He who will not attend
To the words of a friend,
Will lie a murdered corpse some day
As ‘Bamboo-boy’s father’ lay.”
The Bodhisat, after giving this advice to the hermits, practised
the four elements of saintly living, till, at the end of his appointed
time, he was born in the Brahma world.
The teacher, after relating this religious discourse on the words
“This is not the first time, mendicant, you have been obstinate ;
in a former existence, too, by obstinacy you came to rottenness at
aserpent’s mouth,” established the connection and summed up
the birth-story by saying : “ At that time ‘Bamboo-boy’s father’
was the obstinate mendicant ; the rest of the train were the
Buddha’s train ; the teacher of the band was I myself.”
(End of “ Bamboo-Boy” Birth-Story.)
44,—MAKASA-JA'TAKA.
“ Mosquito” BrirtH-STory.
“ Better a Wise Foe,” Sc.
Tuis the teacher told when he was on circuit in Magadha in a
certain village, on occasion of some village simpletons. The
Buddha (Tathagata), they say, once went from S4vatthi to M4-
gadha, and as he was going his rounds in that country he came
upon a certain village. This village was full, almost without
exception, of simpletons. One day these simpletons met together
and took counsel thus: “ Friends, when we go into the forest
“mosquitoes bite us while we are at work, and this interferes with
our work : let us all take bows and weapons, and make war on
_ the mosquitoes till we have shot dead or cut to pieces every mos-
quito.” So they went to the forest, and in trying to shoot the
mosquitoes shot and struck and injured one another, so that they
came back and lay, some in the inner part of the village, some
168 - © JOURNAL, B.A.8. (CEYLON), “Vol. VIE
half-way down the street, some near the gate. The teacher,
with the company of mendicants in his train, entered the village
for alms. The remnant of wise men, seeing the blessed one, made
a pavilion at the entrance of the village, and after bringing large
offerings to the Buddha and the rest of his company of mendi-
cants, did obeisance to the teacher, and sat down. ‘The teacher,
seeing the wounded men on every side, asked those laymen,
‘‘ Here are a great many sick men ; what have they been doing?”
“ Sir, these men went to wage war with mosquitoes and shot one
another, and so have made themselves ill.” ‘The teacher said: -
‘“‘ This is not the first time that simpletons, intending to strike
mosquitoes, have struck one another ; formerly, too, there were
people who struck their neighbours meaning to strike mosquitoes ;”
and at the request of these men he told the story of the past time.
In past time, when Brahmadatta was reigning in Benares, the
Bodhisat was living by trade. At that time there were a great
many carpenters living in a country village in Kasi. A sawyer
there was chopping a felled tree when a mosquito settled on his
copper-basin-like head, and darted his proboscis into it like
the thrust of a spear. He said to his son, who was sitting by,
““My boy, there is a mosquito stinging me on the head, as if he
were running a spear into me; drive him off.” “ Wait a bit,
father ; I will kill it with one blow.” Just then the Bodhisat
was come into that village in search of goods, and was sitting in
that carpenter’s shed. So the carpenter said : “‘ Son, drive off
this mosquito.” And the boy, saying “I will,” took up a sharp
axe and took his stand behind his father’s back, and thinking to
strike the mosquito, cleft his father’s head intwo. The carpenter
died on the spot. ‘Lhe Bodhisat, seeing what the boy had done,
thought: “ Even an enemy, if he is wise, is better ; fear of
punishment at any rate will prevent his killing people ;”* and so
uttered this stanza :—
“‘ Better a wise foe
Than a friend of sense bereft ;
The stupid son to kill the gnat
His father’s headpiece cleft.”
After uttering this stanza the Bédhisat got up and departed
according to his deeds. ‘The carpenter’s relatives performed his
funeral.
The teacher, having related this religious discourse in illustra- —
tion of his saying, “ Thus, laymen,t formerly there were people
* Manussdnam: read Manusse.
ft Evam updsaka pubbe, &c.: read Kvam,updsakd, pubbe, Se.
‘ ‘No. 28.—1884.] FIRST PIFTY JATAKAS. : 169
- who would strike their neighbours when they meant to strike a
mosquito,” established the connection and summed up the birth-
story by saying, “ The wise merchant who uttered the stanza and
went away was I myself.”
(End of the “ Mosquito” Birth-Story.)
45.— ROHINI” BIRTH-STORY.
“ Better a wise Enemy,” §c.
Tuts the teacher told while residing in Jétavana on occasion of
a slave woman of the nobleman An&athapindika’s. Anathapindika,
the story goes, had a slave named Rohini. She was once pound-
ing rice when her aged mother came to the place and sat down.
The flies came about her and bit her as if they were running
needles into her. She said to her daughter : “ My girl, the flies
are biting me; drive them off.’ She said, ‘I will mother,” and
raising the pestle, thinking “‘I will kill and destroy the flies on
my mother’s body,” struck her mother with the pestle, and killed
her. Seeing that, she began to cry, ‘‘O mother! mother” !
They told this event to the nobleman. The nobleman having —
performed the funeral rites for her, went and told the whole story
- tothe teacher. The teacher said: “This is not the first time,
igtry
ee
ey
householder, that this woman, thinking to kill flies on her mother’s
body, has killed her mother with a blow of her pestle ; in a former
birth she did the same; and at his request he told the story of
the past.
In past time, when Brahmadatta was reigning in Benares, the
Bodhisat was born in a nobleman’s family, and on his father’s
death succeeded to the family honours. He, too, had a slave named
Rohini. She also, when her mother came and sat where she was
pounding rice, when told “ Daughter, drive away the flies,” in
exactly the same way struck her mother with the pestle and
killed her, and began to cry. The Bédhisat, when he heard of it,
thinking ‘‘ Even an enemy if he is wise is better in this world,”
uttered this stanza :—
‘“‘ Better a sensible enemy
Than a fool, however kind he be ;
Look at silly Rohini,
She’s killed her mother, and sore weeps she!”
The Bodhisat, in praise of the wise man, discoursed religion in
this stanza.
The teacher, after relating this religious discourse to illustrate
what he had said, ‘‘ This is not the first time, householder, that
this woman, meaning to kill flies, has killed her mother ; she did
a,
170 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vol. VIII. ;
so in a former birth,” established the connection and summed up
the birth-story by saying, ‘‘ Then the mother was the mother, the
daughter the daughter, and I was the great nobleman.”
(End of ‘‘ Rohini” Birth-Story.)
46.—ARA’MADU'SAKA-JA’/TAKA.
“<THE PARK-SPOILER” BirTH-STORY.
‘A Blunderer’s,” &c.
Tuis the teacher told in a certain village in Késala, on occasion
of a park-spoiler. ‘The teacher, it is said, in the course of his
rounds in Kosala, came into a certain village. There a man of
property invited the Tathagata (Buddha), and after having given
him a seat in his grounds, and made offerings to him and to the
monks in his train, said, ‘Sirs, stroll at your pleasure in these
grounds.” ‘The mendicants rose, and taking the park-keeper,
strolled about the park. Seeing a bare spot, they asked the park-
keeper, ‘‘Good layman, this park is in other parts thick with
shade, but in this spot there is not a tree nor a shrub ; what is
the cause?” “Sirs, at the time this park was planted, a village
lad who was watering pulled up the young trees in this spot and
watered each in proportion to the root it had. Those young
trees faded and died: that is the season why this became a bare
spot. The mendicants went up to the teacher and told him this
fact. The teacher said: ‘‘ Mendicants, this is not the first time
that village lad has been a park-spoiler ; formerly also he was a
park-spoiler ;” and then he told the story of the past.
In past time, when -Brahmadatta was reigning in Benares, they
proclaimed a festival. From the time the sound of the drum
proclaiming the festival was heard, all the townsfolk went about
full of the festival. At that time in the king’s grounds there
were a great many apes living. The park-keeper thought:
‘There is a festival proclaimed in the city ; I will ask these
monkeys to water (the trees), and I will go and take part in the
festival ;’ and so he went up to the chief (or senior) monkey and
asked : “ Sir chief monkey, this park is of great benefit to you
(and yours) ; you feed on the leaves and fruits and buds here.
Now, there is a festival proclaimed ia the city, and I am going to
take part in it (‘ play at festival’) ; while I am gone will you be
able to water the young trees in this park ?” “ Yes, we can !”
“Then do your best (or, be careful)” he said ; and giving them the
leathern vessels and wooden pots for watering, he departed. The
monkeys took the leathern vessels and the wooden waterpots and
watered the young trees. ‘Then the chief monkey said to them,
No. 28.—1884.] virgy ruevy sAraKas. 7
“ My good monkeys, water is a thing to be taken care of ; when
you are watering the young trees, pull up each in turn and look
at the root, and when the roots have gone deep pour plenty of
water on them, but when they have not gone deep, only a little ;
by and by you will have difficulty in getting water.” They
applauded and agreed ; and did so. Just then a wise man seeing
these monkeys acting in that way in the royal grounds said thus:
“My good monkeys, why are you pulling up each tree in turn and
watering in proportion to the roots?” They said: “ Our chief
monkey told us to do so.” Hearing that he thought ; “ Ah! my
foolish friends, ignorant people, meaning to help, only harm ;” and
he uttered this stanza :—
*‘ A blunderer’s best efforts can bring about no good :
A fool spoils business,* like the monkey in the wood.”
Thus that wise man with this stanza rebuked the monkey-chief,
and having done so he and his retinue left the grounds.
The teacher having related this religious discourse, after his
words, “ This is not the first time, mendicants, that this village
lad has been a park-spoiler ; formerly also he was a park-spoiler,”
joined the connection and summed up the birth-story thus: “ At
that time the chief monkey was this village lad who spoilt the park,
and the wise man I myself.”
(End of the “ Park-Spoiler” Birth-Story.)
47.—V’'ARUNI-JA’TAKA.
“ Liquor” BIRTH-STORY.
‘A Blunderer’s,” Sc.
Turis the teacher told when residing in Jétavana on occasion of
a liquor-spoiler. A friend, they say, of Anathapindika was a
liquor merchant. He had made some strong spirits (liquor) and
was selling it for money (gold, &c.), and a great many people had
assembled. He gave instructions to his apprentice: “ My boy,
you take the money and give the spirits,’ and himself went to
bathe. ‘The apprentice, as he supplied the spirits to a great many
people, saw people from time to time getting salt sweetmeats (or,
salt and jaggery) and eating ; so he thought: “ The liquor must
want salt, I will put some salt into it,” and he threw a measure
of salt into the (earthen) wine-jar, and so gave them the spirits.
The people every time they filled their mouth, threw it out ; and
asked ‘‘ What have you done ?” “I saw that when you drank the
*“Prevents profit,” “‘ destroys wealth,’ &c. It is impossible to keep pace
with the many meanings of Attho.
1729) JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIIL.
spirits you took salt, so I mixed salt with it.” “‘ You fool,* you
have spoilt such excellent liquor as this !’ Thus reproaching him,
each in turn got up and went away.
The spirit-seller came back, and seeing not one man, asked.
“‘ Where are the spirit-drinkers gone?” He told him the fact.
Then his master reproached him : “ You fool, you have spoilt such
spirits as this !” and told this thing to Andthapindika. Anatha-
pindika, thinking “‘I have got a good story to tell” (a present in
the form of a story to offer to the Buddha), went to Jétavana, and,
after obeisance to the teacher, told this case. ‘The teacher said :
“This is not the first time, householder, that he has been a liquor-
spoiler ; formerly also he was a liquor-spoiler ;” and at his request
he told the story of the past.
In past time, when Brahmadatta was reigning in Benares, the
Bodhisat was a nobleman in Benares. Near him there lived a
spirit-seller. He made some strong spirits, and saying to his
apprentice, “‘ sell this,” went to bathe. —The moment he was gone,
the apprentice put in salt and destroyed the liquor in the same
way. ‘Then his master came, and on learning the thing told the
nobleman. ‘The nobleman said: ‘‘ Fools and blunderers, meaning
to help harm ;” and uttered this stanza :—
‘“‘ A blunderer’s good intentions to no good can lead :
A fool spoils business as Kandanna did the mead (spirits).”
The Bodhisat preached religion by this stanza. And the
teacher having said: ‘‘ This is not the first time, householder,
- that lad has been a liquor-spoiler ; formerly also he was a liquor-
spoiler” ; made the connection, and summed up the birth-story
thus: ‘Thea the liquor-spoiler was he who is liquor-spoiler now,
and the nobleman of Benares was I myself.”
(End of “‘ Liquor” Birth-Story.)
48.—THE “VEDABBHA” BIRTH-STORY.
“ Who seeks gain the wrong way,” Sc.
Tuts the teacher told when residing in Jétavana on occasion of
an obstinate mendicant. To this mendicant (too) the teacher
said: ° This is not the first time, mendicant, you have been
obstinate ; formerly also you were obstinate and thereby,f not
doing what the wise told you, you got cut in two with a sharp
sword, and flung in the road, and on your single account a thousand
* Bald : read Bala.
+ Ten’ eva vacakdranena : read ten’ eva ca kdranena; or, possibly, B. suggests,
dubbacakdranena. There is no such combination as vacakdr.
SU Re Ai Me > "
Bray “4
Ef No. 28.—1884.] FIRST FIFTY, JATAKAS. 173.
men came by their death” ; and then he told the story of the past.
In past time, when Brahmadatta was reigning in Benares, in a
certain village was a Brahmin who knew the charm called
Vedabbha. That charm, men say, is a precious and most valuable
one. Having observed the proper conjunction of the heavenly
bodies, he went through this charm and looked* up to the sky, and
thereupon a rain of the seven gems would rain from the sky. At
that time the Bodhisat was learning science under that Brahmin. —
One day the Brahmin took the Bodhisat and went out of his
own village for some purpose or other, and weut into the Cetiyan
country. On the way thither, in a forest place, there were five
hundred “sending thieves,” as they are called, engaged in highway
robbery. These robbers caught the Bodhisat and the Brahmin
Vedabbha. The reason they are called *‘ sending thieves” is this.
They catch two people and “send” one to fetch treasure—from
this they are called ‘‘ sending thieves.” When they catch father
and son, they say to the father, ‘‘ You bring us treasure and then
you may take your son and go;” in the same way, when they
catch mother and daughter, they let the mother go ; when they
catch elder and younger brothers,j they let the elder go; when
teacher and pupil, they let the pupil go. So this time they seized
the Brahmin Vedabbha and let go the Bédhisat. The Béddhisat,
after making obeisance to his master, said, “‘ I shall come back in
one or two days ; fear not, and do what I say. ‘T'o-day it will be
the conjunction of the heavens for producing the rain of treasure ;
but do not grow impatient and go through the charm and produce
the rain of treasure ; if you do, you will come to destruction and
so will these five hundred robbers.” After giving this warning
to his master, he went for treasure. The robbers, when the sun
went down, bound the Brahmin and lay down. At that very
moment from the Eastern quarter the full moon rose. The
Brahmin observing the constellation (in which she rose) said to
himself: ‘ It is the proper conjunction for the rain of treasure ;
why need I endure (this) suffering ? I will recite the charm and
bring down the rain of treasure, give the treasure to the robbers,
and go where I please.” And so he said to the robbers, ‘‘ Good
robbers, what are you seizing me for?’ “For treasure, sir.”
“Then, if it is treasure you want, make haste and release me
* Ulloki. It is not unlikely, as the text of this Jdétaka is more corrupt than
_ others, that this should be wlloketi : “One” (the person, whoever he may be, who
uses the charm) “looks up, &c.”
+ Jetthakakanitthe. Read Jetthakanitihe. B. has no doubt of this correction in
spite of jetthakabhdtikam.
174 : JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). — [Vol. VILLI.
from these bonds ; let me bathe my head (give me a thorough bath),
give me new clothes to put on, perfumes to anoint myself, and
flowers to deck me, and so leave me.” The robbers, on hearing
what he said, did so. The Brahmin, having observed the con-
junction of the heavenly bodies, recited the charm, and looked up
to the sky. Immediately jewels fell from the sky. The robbers
collected the treasure, tied it up in their clothes, and departed.*
The Brahmin followed them. Presently these robbers were
caught by another five hundred robbers. ‘‘ What are you
seizing us for?” they said; and the reply was, “‘ For treasure.”
If you want treasure, seize that Brahmin; he looks up to the
sky and brings down a rain of treasure ; “the is the man who gave
us this,” they said. The robbers let the robbers go, and seized
the Brahmin, saying “Give us treasure, too!” ‘The Brahmin
said: “I should be glad enough to give you treasure, but the
conjunction-of-the-heavenly -bodies-for-bringing-down-a - rain-of-
treasure will be at the end of a year from this; if you want
treasure, wait patiently, and at that time I will bring you down
a treasure-shower.” (Same word as before.) ‘The robbers were
furious. ‘ You rascal of a Brahmin, you gave others a treasure-
shower now, and you tell us to wait another year!” So saying,
with a sharp sword they cleft the Brahmin in two and flung him
in the road, and then ran off in pursuit of the other robbers,
fought with them, killed them all, and took the treasure. Then
they formed two bands and fought with one another, and two
hundred and fifty men got killed, and so they went on killing one
another till only two were left. Thus these thousand men came
to destruction. The two contrived to carry the treasure, and
buried it in a woody place near a village, and one sat with a
sword guarding it, while the other went into the village to get
rice and have food cooked. Covetousness is indeed the root of
destruction.t The man who was sitting by the treasure thought:
‘When he comes this treasure will be divided into two parts:
suppose I strike him with the sword just as he comes and kill
him ?” and he drew the sword and sat watching for his arrival.
And the other thought: “ That treasure will have to be divided
into two parts: suppose I put poison in the food and give it to
a ndeceta centage Waco Wtamnr tA te er a7 (SUN oo
* Payimsu. Read paldyimsu. So B. in spite of Paydsi below.
+ Vassdpesi, B. would read vassdpeti. The emphasis of the sentence requires it.
t-evd” ti dhanasantike, &c. Read -evd” ti. Dhanasantike, ¥c. The words
Lobho ca, &c., are a moral reflection on the historian’s part. B. insists on this
_ way of dividing it. No doubt it is the native way ; but it may be more correct
to treat the words as one sentence, and translate: “Then, as if to illustrate the
maxim, ‘ Covetousness is the root of destruction’ the man, &c.”’
No. 28.—1884.] FIRST FIFTY JATAKAS. 175
that man to eat, and so kill him and take all the treasure for
myself ?” and so as soon as the food was done, he dined himself,
and then put poison in the rest and took it and went to the place.
He had hardly put down the food and stood still, when the other
cleft him in two with the sword, and threw him in a covered
place (out of sight), then ate the food and himself died on the
spot. Thus on account of that treasure they all came to
destruction.
After one or two days, the Bédhisat came back with the treasure.
Not seeing his master in that place, and seeing the treasure scattered
about, he thought : “‘ My master has not done as I said, but must
have brought the treasure-shower ; they must all have come to
destruction ;” and he went on along the high road. As he went
he saw his master on the high road cleft in two, and saying to
himself, ‘He has died from not taking my advice,” he brought
wood and made a pile and burnt his master and offered wild
flowers, and went on. Soon he saw lying dead first five hundred,
and then two hundred and fifty, and so on, till at the end he saw
two men dead ; so he thought: “ Here are a thousand men all but
two come to destruction : there must be two more robbers ; they
also cannot possibly survive ; where are they gone ?” And going
on he saw the path by which they had gone with the treasure into
the woody place, and going on he saw the heaps of treasure tied
up in a bundle, and then he saw one man dead by the bowl of rice
which he had put down. Then he perceived the whole (story,
and said to himself), “‘ This is what they must have done.” Think-
ing “ where now is that man ?” he looked about and saw him also
laid in a covered spot. Then he thought, “Our master has not
done as I told him, and by his obstinacy has himself come to de-
struction, and by him another thousand men have been destroyed.
Ah ! those who seek their own advantage wrongly and unreason-
ably, like our master, will surely come to great destruction ;” and
therewith he uttered the stanza :— ;
“ Who seeks gain the wrong way, failure will him befall ;
The Cetians killed Vedabbha, and they, too, perished all.”’
Thus the Bédhisat, meaning, “ As our master, making his effort
wrongly and bringing down the treasure-shower at the wrong
moment, not only himself came by his end, but was also a cause of
destruction to others ; so, anyone else who exerts himself in the
wrong way, in his desire for his own advantage, will both perish
himself, and will be a cause of ruin to others,” preached religion
by this stanza in a voice that rang through the forest amid the
applause of the (woodland) nymphs. He then contrived to convey
ar
ae
176 7-1, JOURNAL. BAS. (CEYLON). e (Vol. VILL -
the treasure to his own house, and having lasted as long as his
time was to last, giving gifts and doing other acts of merit, at the
end of life he departed to fill a place in heaven.
This religious discourse the teacher made on the words, ‘‘ This
is not the first time, mendicant, that you have been obstinate ; for-
merly, too, you were obstinate, and by your obstinacy came to great
destruction ;” and then he summed up the birth-story thus: “At
that time the Brahman Vedabbha was the obstinate mendicant, and
the pupil was I myself.”
(End of “* Vedabbha” Birth-story.) —
49,—NAKKHATTA-JA‘’TAKA.
THE Lucny Day.*
““ While the star-gazing Fool,” Sc.
Tuts the teacher told while residing in Jétavana on occasion of
a certain Hindu astrologer. It is said that a respectable man in
the country had secured for his son the daughter of a family in
Sdvatthi, and had fixed the day, saying “ On such a day we will
comet for her.” When the day came he asked the family astro-
loger : “Sir, we are going to hold a festival to-day ; is it a lucky
day (auspicuous constellation)?” The other was angry, and said
to himself, “ This man has fixed the day without asking me first,
now he comes and asks! Never mind, I will teach him a lesson.”
So he replied: “ To-day is an inauspicious conjunction ; don’t
hold your festival to-day ; if you do, it will be very disastrous.”
The people of that family, relying on the astrologer, did not go
that day. The city people, who had made all preparations for the
festival, finding them not come, said: *‘ They fixed to-day, but
they are not come. We have gone to great expense ; what have
we to do with them? We will give our daughter to some one
else,” and so with the festival (preparations) as they were, they
gave their daughter to another man. ‘he others came next day
and said, “Give us your daughter.” Then the Sdavatthi people
abused them, and said: “ You country people are a sinful folk ;
you fix a day, but you care nothing for that, and don’t come ; go
* Nakkhattam means “a constellation or lunar asterism,” “a special conjune-
tion” (asin 48), “alucky day,” “a festival,” “a day of rejoicing.’ Meanwhile
its name puns with Attho, which means “luck,” “‘ cause,’ “meaning,” and a
thousand other things. Hence this stanza-is untranslateable. It isa really witty’
jingle.
+ “ Ganhissamite” B. would read “ ganhissdma ’ti,
throughout the story.
*” in accordance with idiom
iy : :
BS "Tas
a No, 28.—1884. ] FIRST FIFTY JATAKAS. Lege
back the way you came; we have given our daughter to others.”
The country people quarrelled with them, and went back the way
they came. It became known among the mendicants how that
astrologer™ had spoilt these people’s festival. These mendicants,
when assembled in the conversation hall, sat talking thus; “ Bro-
thers, an astrologer has spoilt a family’s festival.” The teacher
came in and asked: “ What subject of conversation, mendicants,
are you sitting engaged in ?” They told him whatit was. ‘ This
is not the first time, mendicants,” he said, “that the astrologer
has interfered with a festival of that family ; formerly also he got
angry and spoilt their festival ;’ and he told the story of the
past.
In past time, when Brahmadatta was reigning in Benares, some
townspeople secured (for their son) the daughter of some country
_ people, and after fixing the day asked their family astrologer :
“ Sir, we have festival doings to-day ; are the stars favourable ?”
He, offended at their fixing the day at their own pleasure, and not
asking him till then, thinking “To-day I will prevent their
festival,” replied: ‘To-day the stars are unfavourable; if you
hold it, you will come to great evil.” They took his advice and
did not go. The country people finding that they did not come,
said: ‘* They fixed this day, but they are not come ; we will have
nothing to do with them ;’ and gave their daughter to another
family. Next day the city family came and asked for the girl.
The country people said: ‘“‘ You city people are shameless folks ;
you fix the day and then don’t come for the girl; as you did not
come we have given her to others.” ‘The reason we did not
come is that we asked (our) astrologer, and he said the stars were
unpropitious ; give us your daughter.” “ As you did not come,
we gave her to others ; how shall we now take back a girl we
have given ?” While they were quarrelling with one another in
this way, a wise man of the city came on some business into the
country. When he heard those city people saying : “ We asked
the astrologer and because of the unluckiness of the stars we did
not come,” he said: ‘ What use is luck in the stars? surely,
getting the girl is the luck !” and uttered this stanza :—
‘“¢ While the star-gazing fool is waiting for luck, the luck goes by :
The star of luck is luck, and not any star in the sky.” f
* Ajiviko, B.’s MS. has here A’jévako, which should be read throughout.
+ Literally, something to this effect: Gain passes by a fool while he is intent
on (reverences) the lucky conjunction of the stars: the fact of getting what one
wants is the best guarantee that it is the right moment for getting it: what can
the stars do?
178 | _ JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vol. VIII.
The city family, after quarrelling a while, went away without
the young lady.
So the teacher, when he had told this religious tale on the
words, “ This is not the first time, mendicants, that this astrologer
has prevented a festival in that family, formerly also he did so,”
established the connection and linked the birth-story on (to the
present) by saying: “ At that time the astrologer was the present
astrologer, and the families were the present families ; the wise
man who stopped and uttered the stanza was I myself.”
(End of ‘ The Lucky Day.”)
50.—DUMMEDHA-JA'TAKA.
“THE Foo.s.”
“A Thousand Fools,” &c.
Tus the teacher told while residing in Jétavana about living
for the good of the world. This will be explained in the Twelfth
Fart in the Krishna birth-story.
In past time, when Brahmadatta was reigning at Benares, the
Bédhisat entered on anew existence as the son of that king’s chief
queen. As soon as he was born, on his naming day they named
him Prince Brahmadatta. When he was sixteen years old he
studied at Taxila and mastered the three Vedas, and became per-
fectly accomplished in the eighteen branches of knowledge. Then
his father gave him a share in his royalty. At that time the
people of Benares used to keep the festivals of the natural deities,
used to worship the natural deities, and, slaying a great quantity
of goats, rams, small birds, pigs, and other animals, used to per-
form sacrificial rites with all sorts of flowers and perfumes, as well
as with flesh and blood. The Bédhisat thought: “‘ Now-a-days
persons in keeping the festivals of the gods of nature destroy a
great deal of life,—the people at large are almost all confirmed in
irreligion ; but when I receive the kingdom on my father’s death,
I will contrive to prevent their destroying life without giving pain
to a single man.” So one day he ascended his chariot and drove
out of the city, and saw a great multitude assembled under a large
banyan tree, each man praying for what each desired, whether
sons and daughters, glory, wealth, or the like, to the deity that —
dwelt in that tree. He alighted fromthe chariot, and went up to
the tree, offered perfumes and flowers, made a libation with water,
made a reverential circuit of the tree, and after worshipping the
deity as if he were* a votary of such deities, ascended his chariot
* “ Viya’’ seems to be omitted before “ hutvd.”
No. 28.—1884.] First FIFTY JATAKAS. 179
and entered the city. Thenceforward in this same way he went
there from time to time and made offerings as if he were a votary
of such deities. Afterwards, on his father’s death, he succeeded
to the throne and reigned righteously, avoiding the four bad ways,
and never violating the ten royal duties. ‘Then he thought: ‘“ My
desire is accomplished ; I am established in the kingdom ; now |
will accomplish a certain purpose which I entertained of old.”
So he gathered together his ministers and his Brahmins and his
householders and the rest ; and said tothem: ‘“ Know ye by what
means I came to the kingdom ?” ‘Sire, we know not,” they said.
‘“ Have you ever seen me making offerings of perfumes and the
like to a certain tree, and worshipping it with clasped hands.”
“Yes sire.” ‘‘ At that time I made this vow: ‘If I come to the
kingdom, I will do sacrifice to thee.’ It is by the power of that
deity that I have got the kingdom. Now I shall do sacrifice to
her ; you do your utmost quickly to prepare a sacrifice for the
tree-goddess.” ‘ What victims shall we get sire?”* “ Friends,
when I made my prayer (or vow) to the goddess, I vowed that I
would slay and offer in sacrifice, with entrails, flesh, and blood,
all those who in my kingdom shall live in the open practice of the
five forbidden acts and the ten ways of demerit. Therefore do
you proclaim this by beat of drum: ‘ Our king, when he was sub-
king, made this vow: If I come to the kingdom I will slay and
offer in sacrifice all those in my kingdom who are breakers of the
precepts : and now he intends to slay a thousand of the precept-
breakers who live in open practice of the tenfold forbidden con-
‘duct, and to have their hearts and flesh taken and sacrificed to the
goddess ; let all dwellers in the city take notice!’ (This proclama-
tion you are to make, and) after this announcement, if any now
henceforth live in the practice of the forbidden actions, I will slay
a thousand of them and offer an offering, and be free from my
vow.” While proclaiming that intention he uttered this stanza:—
“ I vowed a vow, a thousand fools in sacrifice to slay ;
I'll pay it now, for wicked men are plentiful to-day.”
The ministers hearing the words of the Bodhisat, said: “It is
well sire,” and had the drum beat through the twelve-yojana-
broad city of Benares. When the decree by beat of drum was
heard, there was not a single man found to abide in the open
practice of the forbidden conduct. Thenceforth, as long as the
Bodhisat reigned, not one individual was discovered committing
* Devatd, of course a mistake for dévd, as F. suggests.
28-85 F
ike: apn SF % ; Oe evan ae ie Bre die pet ath it en
a iP Dia i ‘
\ oss,
o-
180 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (cEYLON). iat VoL
any of either the five or the ten* forbidden actions. Thus the
Bodhisat, without giving pain to a single individual, made all the
inhabitants of the land keep the precepts, and himself having given
gifts and done other acts of merit, at the end of his life went with
his retinue to fill a place in the city of the gods.
The teacher related this religious discourse on the words : “This
is not the first time, mendicants, that the Tath4gata (Buddha) has
lived for the good of the world, formerly he did so also ;” and then
he made the connection and linked the birth-story (to the present)
by saying: “The retinue of that time were the Buddha's retinue,
and the king of Benares was I myself.”
(End of ‘‘ Dummedha” Birth-Story. End of the Fifth Decade
called Atthakamavaggo. End of the First Fifty.)
APPENDIX III.
NOTE ON “ HIRI.”
_ Hiri is shame at impropriety of act, for which “* modesty” is a
synonym, while ottappam is “shrinking from sin.” Hiri is
excited from within, ottappam from without. Hird rests on self-
authority, o¢tappam on world-authority. Hiri has the nature of
modesty, ottappam of fear. Hiri marks sense of propriety,
ottappam marks quickness to see the danger of fault.
(1) ‘There are four things by which a man excites within him
the internal sense of Hirz: considerations of rank, of age, of
strength, and of learning. Of rank, as when he abstains from
destroying life and other sins from the reflection ; such and such
a sinful act is not the act of people of rank, it is the act of low-born
people and fishers; it is not fitting for a man of such rank to
commit this act. Of age, when he thinks such and such a sinful
act is what boys would do; it is not fitting for a man of my age,
&c. Of strength, when he thinks this is what feeble-natured people
would do, not a man of my strength. Of learning, when he thinks
this is the act of fools, not of wise men ; it is not fit for a man of |
my wisdom and learning. ‘Then by these four considerations he
excites the feeling of Hiri within himself, and so, having put that
feeling into his mind, abstains from the sin ; hence it is said that
Hiri is excited within the man’s self. Ottappam, on the other
hand is excited by external considerations. ‘‘ If you do the sinful
deed you will meet with condemnation among the four companies.
The wise man will condemn him as the city man does dirt ; what
——___—
* Pancadausasu va. Read Pancasu va dasasu vad.
No. 28.—1884.] FIRST FIFTY JATAKAS. | 181
will a monk do when the good reject? ‘Thus ottappam is excited
from without.
(2) Hiri rests on self-authority : a well-born man puts himself
under his own authority and superiority, and abstains from sin on
the ground that it does not become one so religious, so learned, so
ascetic (?) to commit sin; and thus Buddha said ‘‘Whoso puts him-
self under his own authority, and rejects demerit and practices
merit, and rejects faults and practices what is faultless, he keeps
himself pure.”
Ottappam, on the other hand, rests on world-authority.
A well-born man puts himself under the world’s authority and
superiority, and so abstains from sin. ‘‘Great is this world
assemblage, and therein are ascetics and monks of supernatural
powers and divine insight who know the minds of others. They
see from afar, they see close at hand; with their mind they
discern minds ; they will know me; look, they will say, at that
well-born man ; he left home and made a sincere profession of the
monastic life, but he is living abandoned in sinfu) and demeritorious
ways : there are deities (of similar powers and insight), &c., they
will say, &c. (the same) ; thus he makes the world his authority
and superior, and puts away demerit and (so on). Hence Oétap-
pam is said to rest on world-authority.
(3) iri is of the nature of modesty, that is, modest shame;
and Ottappam of the nature of fear, that is, fear of hell. These
are both shown in the avoiding of sin. Just as a well-born man,
performing any of the offices of nature,if he sees a person towards
| whom modesty is due, feels ashamed and confused ; exactly in the
same way one man abstains from sin from a sense of modesty
towards himself. Another well-born man abstains from sin from
fear of hell. ‘This is to be illustrated thus. Suppose there are
two balls of iron, one of which is cold and smeared with filth, the
other hot and fiery. In that case a wise man will decline to take
up the one from disgust at the filth, and the other from fear of
being burnt. Here, it is to be understood that the declining to
take up the cold but filthy ball is like abstaining from sin from
sense of modesty towards one’s self; declining the hot ball from
fear of being burnt is like abstaining from sin from fear of hell.
Hiri marks sense of propriety, Ottappam quickness to see the
danger of sin. _ Both these also are displayed in the avoiding sin.
One man, by the four considerations of greatness of rank, greatness
of learning, greatness of inheritance, greatness of religious
character, excites within himself the inward sense of propriety
and abstains from sin. The other, by the four fears, of his own
F 2
8 ais Aa eee.
a
182 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoleVIk. .
reproach, of the reproach of others, of punishment, of birth in the
unhappy conditions, excites in himself Ottappam, the sign of a
quick sense of the danger of sin, (‘‘ At this point,” ends the
commentator, “the four kinds of greatness and the four kinds of ~
fear ought to be explained in detail, as they stand in the
Anguttara Atthakatha,” into which we cannot follow him.)
APPENDIX IV.
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184 JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). — [Vol. Vill.
APPENDIX V.
The Text of the Jataka Peia Sanne or Jadtaka Gatha Sanne
(Jdtakas 1-50), with Notes—By J. F. Dickson,
M.A. (Oxon.).
THis sanne is attributed to Rajamurari. Who he was and when
he lived is not known: but it is generally supposed that this
sanne forms part of the great Sinhalese edition of the Jatakas
issued about 1307 A.D., in the reign of Parakrama Babu IV.
(surnamed Pandita), who ascended the throne in 1303 A.D. He
got a learned Cholian priest to teach him P4lji Jatakas, and after-
wards caused them to be translated into Sinhalese and read before
a learned assembly of priests, who revised the work. He had
copies of it distributed all over the Island, and entrusted it
specially to a learned Thera called Medhankara, with directions
to perpetuate it in his line of pupils. The name of the Cholian
priest is not given, but the king treated him with great respect
and liberality, and built for him near Ratgama a Vihara and
monastery called Sirighanananda. J. F. D.
The Old Palace,
Kandy, 10th September, 1884.
JATAKA PELA SANNE.*
Namo tassa bhagavato arahato sammd sambuddhassa.
Apannakamn thanam eke dutiyam ahu takkika,
Ktadaffid4ya medhavi tam ganhe yad apannakam.
Eke, bodhisatvadivu samahara pandita vara kenek—apannakam,
avirudddavu—thanam, karanaya—ahu, kiyati—takkika, tamanta-
mange utprekshayen ayuttaratthayen kalpandkarannavu tark-
kayo—dutiyam, saparadhavu deveni karanaya—ahu, kiyati—
medhavi, nuvan’etto—etam, me viruddhaviruddha vasayen siti
karanaya—afifdya, dena—yath. yamek—apannakam, aviruddha—
tathganhe, ganneyi. (Appannaka Jatakam.)
7,
Akitésuno vannupathe khananta
Ud@angano tattha papam avinduin
Evam muni viriya balupapanno
Akilasu vinde hadayassa santim
SUSAN es cane CRE SUL AUST el EN GS aI ace PLU RIN
* [Nore.—I have corrected the proof according to Mr. Dickson’s MS., not _
attempting to revise the text.—d. ]
\
No. 28.-—1884.] FIRST FIFTY JATAKAS. 185
-Akildsuno, kausidyayen duruva 4raddha viryavu uttamayo—
udapgano, uda yanu nipataya—aypgano, manushya_ saiicaran-
asthanva anavrata bhami pradesa eti—vannupathe, valuka-
pathayehi hevat veli eti maga —khananté, bhamiya khananaya
karannahu—tattha, e valuka pathayehi—papath, piyam4natvayen
papayayi kiyanaladajalaya—avindum, ladaha—evam, eparidden—
viriya balapapanno, viryayeuha kaya bala fidna balayen yuktava
—akilasu, kausidyayan rahita viry4n vitavu—muni, tapasvi
tema—hadayassa santimh, cittayahatada hadaya rupaya hatada
sitala bhava karanayen santanamva dhy4na vidarsana abhifia
arhat marga sankhyata aryadharmaya—vinde, labanneyi. (Van-
nupatha Jatakam.)
3.
Idha ce hi nam viradhesi saddhammassa niyamatam
Ciram tvath anutapessasi Serivayam va vanijo.
Saddhammassa, sad¢harmayata—niy4matamh, pratiniyatavu sro-
tapattimargaya—idha, mehi—viradhesi ce, idith virya nokirimen
veradavinaih nopeminiyéya (vinath ?)—ciraih, bohokalak—tvam,
to—anutapessasi, socanadivasayen tevennehi nohot viryanokirimen
_ aryamargayen veradi heyin bohokalak narakadiyehi duk anu-
bhavakota teveyi kA4pariddendayat—Serivayam va vanijo, seriva-
nijo yath va, serivanijo yath4 serivani nath eti vanijayaé yamse
lakshayak vutan4 svarna pdtraya ladin pratilabhayata virya-
nokota eveni vastuyekin pirihinida—tath4, eparidden toda ma
veni viryavatva budukenekunge sdsanayehi mahanadam pura
marga pratila4bhayata viryanokota tevennehi yanu bhavayi.
‘Serivanija Jatakam.)
4.
Appakena pi medhavi pabhatena vicakkhano
Samutthapeti attanain anuth aggiva santhamam,
Medhavi, pranavatvu—vicakkhano, vyavaharayehi dakshavu
nuvaneti purushaya—appakena pi, svalpavu hevat madavu=—=
pabhatena, badumilayen—attanamh, tam&a—samutthapeti, yaso
dhana upadava aisvaryayehi pihitu vanneyi—kumakmendayat—
anum, madavu—agei, vahniya—santhamain iva, gomaya curnadi
_bahala dalvé mahat karanuvanmen tama yasasehi pihitu vanneyi.
(Culla Setthi Jatakam.)
: 3.
Kim agghati tandulandlikaé Bardnasiih
Santarabahiram agghati tandulanalika.
Tandulanalika, sahal neliya—kith agghati, kumak agganedayi
rajjuruvan visiin vicaranalada mehi purushayé—tandulanalika,
\
186 : JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII,
sahal neliya—santarabahiramh, prakara parikshepa pramanayen
dvadasa yojana pramana Baranasi sankhy&ta antarayada trithsat
yojana pramana rajya mandalaya saykhyata bahirayadeyi mese
antara bahira sahita—Baranasih, siyalu Barénasi rajjaya—
agghati, agganeyayi ki. (Tandulanali Jatakam.)
6.
Hiriottappa sampanna sukkadhamma sam&hité
Santo sappurisa loké devadhammati vuccare.
Hiriottappa, k4ya duscaritadin sankocanayayi kiyanalada
hirinda esema kAya duscaritdidin bhitiyayi kiyanalada apatra-
payenda—sampanna, avikalavé me kiyanalada gunadvayen sam-
urdhava—sukkadhamma samahita, mehi hiriottappa deka 4dikota
eti caturbhimika laukika lokottara sankhyata kusala dharmayen
samanvitavia—santo, kaya karmadin santava heyin santanamvi—
sappurisa, kratafiadi gunayen yuktavi satpurshayo—léké, satva
lokayehi—devadhammati, rdjadivu samvrati dévatavangéda
svarga lokotpatti eti dévatavangéda kshinasravavi visuddhi
dévatavangéda yana mé trividha dévatavangé dharmayayi—
vuceare, kiyanu lebet. (Devadhamma Jatakam.)
ae
Putto tyahath mahdraja tvain mam posa janadhipa
Afifiepi devo poseti kinca devo sakam pajanti.
Mahdraja, maharaja—te, tage—ahath, mama—putto, atmaja
putrayami—janadhipa, jana pradhanaya—tvam, to—math, ma—
posa, rakshakara—devo, devayo—afiiepi, asvabandhadivu manush-
yayanda hastyasvadivu triyaggatayanda—poseti, posanaya
kereti—sakath .pajam kifica, svakiyavi prajavan rakiti kiyayutu-
deyi kifica yana nipAtaya nindartha anugrahartha dekhi veteyi
eseheyin topata putravi m& raksh& nokaranna vadeyi kiya
nindava avasyayen raksh4karann4 vadeyi kimen anugrahayada
prakasa kele. (Kattahari Jatakam.)
8.
Api ataramananath phalasa va samijjhati
Vipakkabrahmacariyésmi, evam jan4hi Gamani.
Ataramananati. nuvanettavunge avavadayehi pihitatuvita nova
upayakramayen karmaniayehi prayuktayanta—phalasa, pratthi-
tava prayojanayehi 43a nohot 4saphalaya—samijjhati, eva sam-
urdha vemaya—vipakkabrahma cariyésmith, danartha priyavacana
samanatmata sankyata brahmacariyayan milakavii yasas sampat-
tinda muhukuruva siti bevin paripakvavi brahmacariya etivimi—
gramani, gramaniya—evath, mese—janahi, danu—gramani gabda
{-
we
Rar s/s 4
No. 28.—1884.] "FIRST FIFTY JATAKAS. 187
gramajeshtayan kerehidu sabbajana sreshtayan kerihidu vetayi
metenhi gamani yanuyen taman sarva jana jeshta heyin 4tma
dvitiyakota tamantama amantranaya kalo. (Gamini Jatakam )
9.
Uttamangaruha mayhaih ime jata vayohara
Patubhuata devaduta pabbajj4 samayo mama.
Mayhanh, mage—uttamangaruha, siyalu anga pratyangayanta
uttamayayi kiyanalada sirashi jata heyin uttamangaruha namvu
—vayo hara, phalidutpatayen trividha vayasa heragannavu—ime,
mohu me narakeshu—jata, jatayaha—devaduta, mrityu marayage
dutavu nohot devatavaku veni ditayo—patubhata, praturbbhtta-
vaha—ese heyim—mama, mage—pabbajja, pravrarjjavata—
samayo—, kaleyi. (Makhadeva Jatakam.)
10.
Yajica afifie na rakkhanti yo ca afife na rakkhati
Sa ve raja sukham seti kamesu anapekkhava.
Raja, maharaja—so, putgala tema—kamesu anapekkhava,vastu
kama klesakama yehi apekshavak netiva—ve, ekantayen—sukham
seti, hudakalava kaya viveka citta viveka sepayen yuktava
vasayakaranneya hudek sayanaya karanne nove mebandu pudgala
tema siyalu iriyapatha yehi sepase kalyavanneya yanu bhavayi.
(Sukhavihari Jatakam. Apannaka Vaggo Pathamo.)
dl,
Hoti silavatath attho patisanthara vuttinam
Lakkhanath passa dyantath fiatisanghapurakkhatam
Atha passasi main kalath, suvihifiam vanatibi,
Silavatam, silvatvu—patisanth4ra vuttinath, Atha dharmma-
misa vasayen dvividavu patisantharayema pravrarttakotaetavunta
-—attho, abhivraddhi—hoti, vanneya—fiatisangha, bandhusamu-
hay4 visith—purakkhatam, puraskratava—lakkhanam, lakshanaya
—ayantam, ennahu—passa, bala—atha, ikbittemh—fiatihi, néyam
visit—suvihinath, viseshayem hinava—imam kalath, mekalaya—
passasi, bala siladyaneka gunangayen yukta lakkhanayay bandhu-
vargeaya pirivaraena paridida kisi guna viseshayak neti kalaya
bandhuvargga virahitayata pemina ekalava ena paridida balayi
Bodhisatvayo mragadhenuvata niyoga keret. (Lakkhana Jatakam.)
12.
Nigrodhameva seveyya na sakham upasath vase
Nigrodhasmith matamh seyyo yafica sakhasmith jivitath.
Nigrodhameva nigrodhamragayéma — seveyya, sévanaya-
karannéya—sakhath, sakhanaih mragarajaya—na upasathvase,
| ed Sage ie BY eg eee
a
188 | ‘JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vol. VIII. ©
samipayehi no vasanneyf, sdkhasmim, s4khanath mragardjaya
svamipayehi—yatica jivitam, yam jivatvimak edda eyata vada—
nigrodhasmim, nigrodhamraga rajaya kerehi—matam, marana—
seyyo, utum vannéyi. (Nigrodhamiga Jaétakam.)
13.
Dhiratthu kandinam sallamh purisam galhavedhinam
Dhiratthu tain janapadam yatth’itthi parinayika
Te capi dhikkita satta ye itthinam vasain gata.
Kandinam sallam kiya, niggahitaya candas pinisayayi gena—
kandina, kandinayayana nam eti—sallaih, anupravesanarthayen
sallanam seraya eti nohot kandinam kandaya eti—sallam, salya-
namvu seraya eti—galha vedhinam dridha kota vidhinavu—
purisam, purushayata—dhiratthu, nind&a veva—yattha, yam
tenekhi—itthi, stri—parinayika, aisvaryyayehi sita pamunuvan-
nida—taih janapadam, é janapadayata—dhiratthu,—nindaveva
—ye, yamek—itthinam vasath, visibavata—gata, giyoda—té
capi satta, 6 satvayoda—dhikkité, ninditayaha—me gathaven
nindita vasttin tundeneku dekvtha yanu abhiprayi. (Kandina
Jatakam.)
14.
Nakiratthi rasehi papiyo
A‘vasebi v4 santhavehi va
Vatamigam gehanissitam
Vasamanesi raséhi saiijayo.
A’vasehi v4, nirantara v4sasth4navi avasayehida chandara-
gaya—papiyo, lamakaya—santhavehi va, mitrasanthavayehida
chandaragaya—papiyo, lamakaya é detenhi chandaragayata vada
—rasehi, madhurambaladivu jivh4 vifiifieyyavu rasayéhi chanda-
ragayata vada—papiyo, papatarayek—naca atthi kira, noma et la
esemeyi—gehanissitam, grahanasthanaya Asritavu—vatamigam,
vatamragaya—saijayo, sanjayanam udyanapalatema—rasehi,
rasayen — vasaih, tamage vasangabavata — anesi, peminavi.
(Vatamiga Jatakam.)
15. :
Atthakhurath kharadiye migath vankativankinam
Sattahi kalaha ’tikkantath nanam ovaditumussahe.
Kharadiye, kharadiya nam tenettiya—atthakhuram, atakurayak
eti—vankativankinamh, mulinvakvu hath eti heyim vankativam
kiyayi kiyanalada—sattahi kalahi, sapta avavada kaldyen—
atikkantam, ikmunu—nam migath, 6 mragay4ta—ovadituih, ava-
vadakarannata ussahe, utsdha nettemi. (Kharadiya Jdtakam.)
[On this, the Bishop of Colombo remarks: “ Sattahi kalah
F -No. 28,—1884.] FIRST FIFTY JATAKAS. 189
atikk.is no doubt the true reading, but B. has kdldha and
Fausboll kdlehi. This is almost certainly a blunder, but 6n this
blunder the whole story is built. With aldki the gatha is
sensible, but irrelevant to thestory. It is a curious instance ofa
tale got up by the commentator, and that under a mistake !”
(See Note 4.) |
, 16.
Migam tipallattha maneka mayam atthakhurath addharattava-
payih
Ekena sotena chamassasanto chahi kala@hatibhoti bhagineyyo.
Tipalatthash, deelayena indurayayi mese trividhavu sayanaya
karannavi —anekamayam, boho maya eti—atthakhurath, ata-
Kurayak eti—addharattavapaynh, maddhyama ratriyehi bonnavu
—migath, mragay4 yahapatkota mragamaya igenvimi—é kesé-
_ dayat—ekena sotena, ekyatavu nastka srotasith—chama, polavata
—assasanto, svasayaharanc—chahi, shatkalayen—bhoti, pinvata
—bhacineyyo, ma béna—kaléhati, vyadhaya vatica kere—nohot—
chahi kala@hi, mragaya shatkalayen—ati hoti, vedda medi chi
shatkalanath padayan sataradenage prasaranaya kota eka parsva
sayanayaya khurayentrina pamsu dhtérikaranaya jivha nirg-
gamanaya udarayage sopakratayata peminivimaya mutra purisa
dedenage visarggayaya bayha vana vataya sannirumbhaya yana
mé saya ho—nohot—vedda visim alvagena abhimukhava adan4-
kalada, nevata cbhata dama piyanakalada vamlayata damalana-
kalada dakunelayata damalanakalada udata nagalanakalada naga
yata helalanakaladeyi mé satenhi mrata prayava veda honakalada
he shatkalanam vanneyi. (Tipallattha Miga Jatakam.)
17.
Kale v4 yadi v4 junhe yada vayati malut |
Vatajanihi sitani ubhdttha maparajita.
Kale v4, krashna pakshayehida—yadi va, nohot—junhe, sukla
pashayehida yana depakshayen—yada, yam kalekhi—maluto,
purvadi digin yukta marutaya—vayati, hamada € samayehi sita
ve—kumak heyinda yat—yasm4, yam heyakin—sitani, sitayo—
_vatajani, vitajayoda—tasma, eheyin ettha, mehil4a—ubho, sithha
vyagra tepi dedenama—aparajita, paredda vu. (Maluta
Jatakam.)
)
18.
Evafi ce satta janeyyum dukkhayath jatisambhavo
Na p4no pavinam hafifie panaghatihi socati.
Ayam, me—jati, é ¢ tenhi upattiyada—sambhavo, vedimada—
190 c JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VITR
dukkh4, jatyadi dukkhayanta kérana heyin dukkhayaheyi—satta
satvayo—ce, idin—evam, mesé—janeyyum, paravadha karanne
jatisam bhavayehi vadha labanneyayi dannavunam—pano, praniyek
—paninan, praniyakhu—nahafife, hithsa nokaranzeyayi—kumak
heyinda yat—hiyasma, yam heyakin—pana ghati, pranavinasaya
karannc—soeati, narakadiyehi séka karannéda eheyin satvayek
satyayakhu divi nogalavanneyi. (Matakabhatta Jatakath.)
19.
Sace mufice pecca mufice muncama1o hi bajjhati
Na hévam dhiré muccanti mutti balassa bandhanam.
Sace, idin—mufice, t6 min midenu kemettehi vinam—pecca,
paralovada—muiice, midenaparidden mida —muficamano hi, prana
vadhadi duscarita kota den midennéda—bajjhati, matupaa pasa-
yen bendenneyi—dhira, nuvanetto—evathh, matu p&payasayen
nomidena paridden—nahi muccanti, nomidet—balassa, aiiana-
yage—mutti, prana vadha kota muktiya—bandhanain, bandhana-
mayi—yamek pranavadhakota antarayen mideda he paralova
papapasayen nomidena heyin midunat bendunanam veyi yana
abhiprayi. (A’yacitabhatta Jatakam.)
20,
Disv4 padam anuttinnam disv4 n’otaritam padam
Nalena varim pivissama n’eva main tvamh vadhissasi.
Anuttinnath, godata nonegi—padath, piyavara—disva, deka—
otaritam, diyata bata—padam, piyavara—disvana, deka—nalena,
bata nalin—varim, jalaya—pivissiama, bomha—tvam, to—mam,
ma—novadhissasi, noma vadhakereyi—vila sisara evida godin
diyata bata piyamut negi piya neti heyin yaksha dhistita vilekeyi
dena bata dandak gena paramitaé dharmmayan sihikota pimba
geta netikota vanara sen4va ha ekva godahinda pen pitha yanu
abhiprayi. (Nalapana Jatakath.—Silavaggo dutiyo, Devana
silavagayi.)
21.
Natam etath kurungassa yaih tvath sepanni seyyasi
Afifiam sepannim gacchdma na mete rucate phatam.
Sepanni, eddemata gasa—tvam, to—yamn, yam phalayak—
seyyasi, isuru vayida yana—etamh, mé—kurungassa, kurungaya
sambandhava—fiatam, dann4lada—nohot—kuruygayahata praka-
taya—afiiam, anik—sepannith, sepanniyakata —gacchama, yamha
—te, tage—phalamn, phalaya—mé, mata—una rucate, no rusneyi—
mesé vraksha vyajayen vyddhayata kiya gasata nopemina maga
kiyaha yanu abhiprayi. (Kuruynga Miga Jatakan.)
No. 28.—1884.] FIRST FIFTY JATAKAS. 191
22.
Ye kukkur4 rajakulasmi vaddha
Koleyyaka vanna balipapanna
Te’me na vajjha mayam asma vajjha
Nayam saghacea dubbala ghatikayam.
Vanna, sarira varnnayen ha—bala, kaya balayen—upapanné,
yuktavu—koleyyaka, rajakulayehi jatavu—rajekulasmith, raja-
geyi—vaddha, vediyavu—ye kukkura, yath balukenek edda—
te’me, te ime, he me sasvamikavu rakshasahita ballo—navajjha,
avadhayayaha vadhayata sudusso noveti—mayam, api—vajjha
asma, vadharhavamha—ayaih, mé vadhaya—saghacca na, prabala
vadhanam novée—ayam, mé vadhaya—dubbalaghatika, durvala
vadhanam vé. (Kukkura Jatakam.)
23.
Api passena semano sallena sallalikato
Seyyova valava bhojjo yufifia mafifieva sarathi.
Saliena, serayen—sallalikato, vidinalada—é heyinma—passena,
eka parsvayen—semano api, honadavu—bhojjo va, bhojajaniyya
vu jati saindhava yama—valava, kalunkasvayata vadi—seyyo,
utuma—sarathi, sarathiya—mafifieva, mama—yuiija, yoda—
rathacariya vidkaé durvalava hottavu mamma sreshtayemi ta
yodannata patangat nohikmunu asvaya hera mama yuddhayata
yodayi yanu abhiprayi. (Bhojajaniya Jatakam.)
24.
Yada yad4 yattha yada yattha yattha yada yada
| A‘jaifio kurute vegan hayanti tattha valava.
Yad4 yad4, pirvanhadivu yam yam kalekhi vevayi—yattha,
eramadivu yam tenekhi vevayi—yada, yam kshenayekhi vevayi—
yattha yattha, yam yam yuddha mandalayekhi vevayi—yada yada,
yam yam kalekhi vevayi hevat prahdra labdha kalayehida alabdha
kalayehida—ajafifio, abhipré danna suluvu utum saindhava yama
—vegam, vyayamaya—kurute, keréda hevat viryya kirimata
prarambha keréda—tattha, ehila hevat uttuma asvayatnayen
_ prayukta kalhi—valava kalunkasvayo—hayanti, pirihet hevat
uttumasvayaha ekdhurayekhi diviya nohet—eheyin mama yodava
yanu abhiprayi. (Ajaiifia Jatakam.)
26.
Afifiamaifehi titthehi assath payehi sarathi
Accasanassa puriso payasassa pi tappati.
Sarathi, ratha padanava—annamasfiehi, anik anik—titthehi,
totakip—assam, asvayaé—payehi, pova—puriso, pursha tema—
192 ae JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON) : [ Vol. VIL 2 i
accasanassa, aty4sanayen adhikakota kéma karanakotagena—
paydsassapi, sarppiyadin abhisamskratavu madhura p4ydsayenda
—tappati, traptave—mehi accisanassa yanu karandtthayehi—
sashtiyi mé tirtthayehi snana pana yehi niyuktavu asvaya den
anik asvayekugé snanayen apavitravu tirtthayehi tamage
sringavatvaya hetukotagena paricitavu tirtthayehi snanaya
nokemettéya eséheyin aniktotaka nahavayi yana abhiprayi.
(Tittha Jatakam.)
26.
Purdnacorana vaco nisamma Mahilamukho pothaya mannucarii
Susafifiatanam hi vaco nisamma gajuttamo sabbagunésu atthati. ©
Mahilamukho, hastinimukha sadrisa heyin nohot abhimukha
darsanayen hobana heyin ho mahilé mukha nam eti—purana-
coranath, puranacorayangé—vaco, raudra tepul—nisamma, asa
—mannucari, képayen yuktava hesirenné nohot manva cari kiya
pitha gena—anvacari, raudravacanayata anuvu pravratti etuva—
pothayain, praharaya denné—susafifiatanam, kayavak samacara-
yen susafifiiatayangé—vaco, tepul—nisamma, parikshakota asa
—gajuttamo, gajottama tema—subbagunésu, purvayéhi tamagé
siyalu gunayehi—atthati, pihitiyéyi. (Mahilamakha Jatakam.)
27.
Nala kabalath padatave
Na ca pindam na kuse na ghathsitumh
Mafiiami abhinha dassana
Nago sineha makasi kukkure,
Kabalam, devayeni batata palamukota dena katuka bhaisadya-
yen yukta--kabalam, pida—padatave, gannata hevat anubhava
karannata—nalam na alain, nopohosata—pindath, pindukota dena
batada—padatavé, gannata—nalam, nopohsata—kuse, trinada—
padatave, gannata hevat anubhava karannata—nd4lath, nopoho-
sata—ghamsituin, nahavanavélehi gariro dvarttanaya karannatada
—nalam, nopohosata—abhinha dassana, satta satata darshanaya
hétukotagena—nago, et tema—kukkuré, balla kerehi—sineha-
mak4si snéha keleyayi—mafifiémi, han gimi—é heyin é prémakala
balla genv&é sdka pahakaravé yanu abhiprayi. (Abhinha
Jatakam.)
28.
Manufifiameva bhdseyya namanufifiam kudacanam
Manufifiath bh4samanassa garum bharath udaddhari
Dhanafi ca nath alabbhesi tena c’attamano ah.
Manufifiath eva, pharush4din durukota manogfia vacanayakma
No. 28. —-1884.] FIRST FIFTY JATAKAS. 193
—bhaseyya, bananneyi—kuddcanaih, kisi kalekhidu—ama-
nufifiath, amanogfiakota—nabhaseyya, pharushadin misrakota
' nobananneya eyin prayojanaya kindayat —manufifiam, manogiia-
kota hevat premanvitakota bhasamanassa banannahata—garuih,
-sakata sata pramana vasayen baravu—bharamh, mahabharaya
—-udaddhari, idiriya nohot tubu tenin pelahelapiya—naih, e
bamuna—dhanafi ca, vastuvada— alabbhesi, lebeviya—tena, e
heyin—attamano ca, satutuvuyeda—ahu, vi—udaddhari ki tena
dakaraya samhita seyin 4gamavi. (Nandivisala Jatakam.)
29.
Yato yato garu dhurain yato gambhira vattani
Tad’assu kanham yufjanti svassu tam vahatedhuram.
Yato yato, yam yam tenekhi—dhuram, dhuraya—garu, barada
—sesu bali varddayo osavannata nopohosat huda—yato, yam
yam tenekhi—gambhiravattani, jaloghadin gambhiranam sakata
margaya gambhiravinam—sesu gon pahakota kanha nam balj
vardday& bhdvayata giy4vu margayek edda—tad4, ekalhi—
kanhath, krashna nam vrashabhaya—yuijanti, yodati—so, he—
yodanalada krishnanam vrashabha raja tema— tath dhuram, e yuga
dhuraya—vahate, usulanneyi eda godatabanneyi—assu yanu
nipatayi—yam tenekhi isuluva mana dhuraya baravinath sakata
mirgaya gambhiranam sesu gon pahakota kanhanam bali varddaya
yodati he -yuga dhuraya eda goda tabanneyi yanu_ bhavayi.
(Kanha Jatakam.)
30.
Ma Munikassa pibayi, 4turanndni bhufijati
Appossukko bhusath khada, etath dighayulakkhanam.
Munikassa, Munika nam stkarayage bhojanaya—ma_ pihayi,
nahamak prattanakara kumak heyinda yat e Munika nam sikara
tema—aturannani, maranaharaya tamahata marana bata—bhui- —
jati, kayi—appossukko, madhuraharayata utsaha nokota—bhusam
atyarttayen—khada, tata lebunu batama ka—etath, me—dighdyu-
lakkhanam, dirgghayuska vimata lakshanayi. Munika Jatakam,
Kurunga vaggo tatiyo, Tunvana kurunga vagayi.)
3].
Kulavaka Matali Simbalismith is4mukhena parivajjayassu
Kamai cajama asuresu panath mayime dvij4 vikul4vaé ahesum.
Matali, Matali diviyaputraya—simbalisminh, himbul venehi—
kulavaka, suparnnapotakayo elihovati ovun—isimukhena, ratha
- sirshayen—parivajjayassu, durukara—kamam, ekantayen—asu-
Yesu, asurayan kerehi—panam, pranaya—cajama, haru—ime, me—
i. pace. P/
194 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII.
dvija, suparnnapotakayo—vikula, vigatavi kulavaka ettéhu—
ma ahesuth, nahamak vetva—asurayan ata miyamo numut apa nisa
suparnnapotakayo rathayen gesi nomiyetvayi yana abhiprayi.
(Kulavaka Jatakam.)
32.
Rudain manufifiain rucira ca pitthi
Veluriya vannupanibha ca giva
Byamamattani ca pekkhunani
Naccena te dhitaram no dadami.
Rudaih, maytraya tage sabdaya—manufifiam, manogiiaya —
pitthi ca, pitada—ruciré, sit kaluya—giva ca, grivavada—
veluriya, vaidhtryya manikyayehi—vannupanibhé, varnnahé
sadrisaya—pekkhunani ca, tage pifija bharayoda—byamamattanj
vyamamatraya mese rucivuvada—te, tige—naccena, bhayalejja
neti uratyaya hetukotagena —dhitarath, mage duva—nodadami,
tata no demi. (Nacca Jatakam.)
33.
Sammodamané gacchanti jalamadaya pakkhino
Yada te vivadissanti tada ehinti me vasanti.
Pakkhino, vatuvaha yana pakshihu—sammodamina, vivada
nokarannahu samagava—jalam, dela—adaya, nagé eragena—
gacchanti, yeti—te, e pakshihu—yada, yam kalekhi—vivadissanti>
vivada keredda—tada, ekalhi—me vasath, midge visibavata—
ehinti, eti—edavas unhemadena hera ti satutu keravami yana
abhiprayi. (Sammodamana Jatakam.)
34.
Na mai sitam na mam unhath na mam jalasmitmh badhanam
Yafi ca math mafifiate macchi afifiaih so ratiya gato.
Math, m4—sitam, sitaya—na, badhanaya karanne noveyi—
mam, m4—unhain, isnaya—na, badhanaya karanne noveyi—mam,
m4—jalasmimh, delehi—b4dhanath, bendimada—na, badhanaya
karanne noveyi—veli pidanam kindayat—main, ma—yafi ca, yam
heyakin nohot yambanduvu—macchi, mage mesini—so, he mage
matsyay4—afifian, anit, mesinnaka samipayata—ratiya, rati
pinisa—gato, giyeyayi—majfifiate, sitada—heme siyalu dukata
vada pelenneya yanu abhiprayi. (Maccha Jatakam.)
30.
Santi pakkh4 apatand, santi pada avaficana
Mata pita ca nikkhanta, jdtaveda patikkama.
Pakkhé, m4ge pakshayo—santi, vidyam4nayaka—apatana —
No. 28.—1884.] | FIRS’ Firvy JATAKAS. 195
akasa eon yata asakyayaha—-pada, padayo—santi, ettaha—
avaiicana, vaiicanayakota yannata ayog ne ma méniyo
da—pita ca, ma piyano da—nikkhantaé, ma hera giyaha—jataveda,
jatavedaya—patikkamaé, nevata—negiyayi jatavedayata niyoga
kolo. (Vattaka Jatakam.)
36
Yam nissita jagatiruham vihangama svayam aggim pamuficati
Disd bhajatha vakkangaé, jatamn saranato bhayain.
Yaih, yam—jagatiruhath, vrakshayak—vihangama, pakshihu
—nissita, asraya kalods gel, gini—
pamaficati, haraneya—vakkanga, vakravu grivaha paksha oti
heyin vakkanga nam lada pakshini—disa, digun—bhajatha,
sevu—saranato, sarana sthanayen—bhayam, bhaya-—jatam,
upani—yam heyakin saranasthanavu vrakshayen gini heda eheyin
negi yava yanu abhiprayi. (Sakuna Jatakam.)
| 3a
Ye vaddhama pacayanti nara dhammassa kovida
Ditthe va dhamme pasathsé sainparayeca suggati.
Dhammassa, vraddhapacayana darmmayehi—kovida, dakshavi
ye nara, yam manushakenek—vaddham, kulavraddha gunavraddha
vayovraddha tundena keren gunavraddha vayovraddha dedena-
hata—apacayanti, pujakeredda, ohu—ditthe va dhamme, mema
atma bhavayehi—pasaihsa, prasamsa vahaveti—samparaye ca,
- melova hera ya yutu paralevu hudu—suggati, neeriae yan-
nahuyi. (Tittara Jétakam.)
38.
Naccantath nikatippafifio nikatyaé sukhamedhati
A’radhe nikatippafifio bako kakkatakaé miva.
Nikatippafifio, vaficabuddhi ette—nikatya, tamage vaficaven-
accantam, atyantayen—sukham, suva—na edhati—novada hevat
nityayen kisi suvayekhi nopihit’a—nikatippafifio, kairdtika
bhavayen hikmunu pragia eti purshatema—éradhe, tamahata
pbhayak aradhanakaranneyi hevat labanneyi kesedayat—kak-
kataka, kakuluva keren grivaccedayata pemini—bako iva, koku
meni—yamse bakaya tamage vaficabuddhin karkkatakaya keren
grivaccedayata pemina vinasayata giyada ohu men yamek satha-
pravatti ettevinam e vinasayata pemineyi seyi. (Baka Jétakam.)
39.
Maiifie sovannayo rasi sovaihamal4 ca Nandako
Yattha daso amajato thito phullani gajjati.
A'‘majato, kulajatidasiyage putvu—Nandako, Nandaka nam—
28-85 G
“ 4 . ne
\ } u crs f
196 , . JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. Vill.
daso, dasatema—yattha, yam tenekhi—thito, sitiye—phullani, |
pharushakota—gajjati, garjjana kereda hevat beneda—sovannayo, _
sobhanavu varnna sam4nyayen svarnarajatadin nivrattava—rasi, |
rasiyada—sovanna mala ca, svarna malada—ettha, metenhiyayi—
mafe, hangim—yattha, yanu bala ettha yanu Addhyaharayi.
(Nanda Jatakam.)
7 40.
Kamampatami nirayaih uddhapado avamsiro
Nanariyaih karissimi, handa pindain patiggaha.
Uddhapado, urddhapada vayem—avaihsiro, avathkratavt his
ettem—kamain, ekantayen—nirayam, angdrakdsu saihkhyatavu
narakayehi—patami, hemi—etakudu vuva—anariyath, dryyayan
visin nokaranalada adana asil4di anaryyakriy4van—nakarissaml
nokaremi—handa, ebevin—pindath, pidukota kéma hetukotagena
pindayayi kiyanalada bata—patiggaha, piliganu. (Khadirangara
Jatakam.—Kulavaka vaggo catuttho, Sataravana kulavaka
vagayl.)
41.
Yo atthak&massa hitinukampino
Ovajjamano na karoti sasanain
Ajiy4 padamolubbha Mittako viya socati.
Atthakamassa, abhivraddhikemettavu— hitanukampino, hitayen
anukampa karannahuge — sasanath, anusésanaya — ovajjamano,
avavada karanu aa yamek—na karoti, no kareda
esevu purushatema — ajiya, eliyage—padamh, paya— olubbha,
eliya gena—Mittako viya, Mitravindakaya paridden—socati, soka_
karanneyi. (Losaka Jatakam.)
42,
Yo atthakamassa hitanukampino
Ovajjamano na karoti sasanain
Kapotakassa vacanam akatva
Amittahatthattha gatova seti.
Purvarddhaya yataki artthamaya.
Kapotakassa, kapotakayage—-vacanam, avavada vacanaya—
akatva, nokota—amitta, amitravu stidayage—hatthattha, has-
tastha bavata—gatova, giyavu kakayamen—seti, vyasana praptava
honeyi. (Kapota Jatakam.)
45.
Yo atthakamassa hitanukampino
Ovajjamano na karoti sasanaih
Evam so nihato seti Velukassa yatha pita. “
Mehi purvarddhaya yataki arttha etteya yamek me kiyana |
(Rohini Jétakam.)
a y ian 4
|
{
No. 28,—1884.] FIRST FIPTY JATAKAS. 197
x i
_paridden avavadaka katringe vacanayehi nohikminida esevu
purshatema—Velukassa, Velukanam sarppaydge—pita, piyo—
yatha, yamseda—evain, e paridden—nihato, nashtaviye—seti
honeyi, (Veluka Jatakam.) :
44.
Seyyo amitto matiy4 upeto
Natveva mitto mativippahino
Makasam vadhissanti hi elamtgo
Putto pitu abbhidaé uttamangam.
Matiya, pragfiaven—upeto, yuktavu—amitto, amitra tema—
seyyo, uttamaya—mati, pragilaven—vippahino, viprahinavu—
mitto, mitra tema—natu eva seyyo, noma utumi—kumakheyinda
yat—elamtigo, elmigavu hevat jadava - putto, pit—makasam,
maduruvi—vadhissanti, maramiyi—pitu, piyage—uttamangam,
uttamangaya—abhida peli, (Makasa Jatakam.)
45.
Seyyo amitto medhavi yafi ce balanukampako
Passa Rohinikath jammim matarain hantvana socati.
Anukampako, karuna ettavu—yaii ce balo, yo nama bilo
yantam balayek edda, ita vada—medhavi, nuvanettavu—amitto,
amitrayama—seyyo, uttamaya—jammin, jaghanyavu hevat
balavu—Rohinikamwn, Rohininam nuvananettiya—passa, bala-—
mataraih, mava—hantvana, messan maramiyi—musala prahara-
yen mara—socati, soka keremeyi—yam, yanu yoyi kiya linga
viparyyd4sayen gena—ce, yanu namartthayayi gena arttha kiyanu.
46.
Na ve anatthakusalena atthacariyé sukhavaha
H4peti atthaihn dummedho kapi a4ramiko yatha.
Anatthakusaleno, anartthayehi dakshaya visin—atthacariyé,
artthacaryyatomo—sukhavaha na, suva elavanni nova suva no
elavanniyayi seyi—ve yanu nipatayi—dummedho, durmmedha
tema—attham, veda—hapeti, pirihela—kumak heyinda yat—
éramiko, udy4na prayuktavé, kapi yath4, vanaray4 weni—
dummedhassu vedata karana yamek avedama elavanneyayi seyi.
(A’ramadisa Jatakam.)
: 47.
Na ve anatthakusalena atthacariyé sukh4vaha
Hapeti atthath dummedho Kondafifio varunih yath4,
Anatthakusalena, anartthayehi dakshay4 visin karanadlada—
_ atthacariya, artthacariya tomo—sukhavahana, suva_ elavanni
‘aly
a
q
nova—mehidu ve yanu nipatayi—dummedho, nuvana nette—
4
‘i
*
A).
wae eh a SF ae ea a re eat ton Rs tes
ea BN A ee ee 8
5 SO eh ial
eae
ay i Ree
198 i SOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VILL.
attham, tamahata vana veda—hapeti, piriheda—kamendayat—
varuni, suravan esu—Kondafifio yath4 Kondafifia nam sishyay4
meni yamse he surava yahapat keremi lunal4 nesida eparidden
darvaddhin yahapat keremi, napurama kereyi yanu abhiprayayi. —
(Varunisura dasa Jatakam.)
48.
Anupayena yo attham icchati so vihafifati
Ceta hanithsu Vedabbham sabbe te vyasanamajjhagu.
Yo, yamek—anupayena, anupdyen—atthamh, abivraddhi—
icchati, kemati veda—so, hetema—vihafifiati, nassi—Ceta, Ceta
ham rata vesi Caurayo—Vedabbham, Vaidarbbha nam mantraya
hetukotagena Vedabbha nam brahmanaya hanithsu, vindsakalaha
—te sabbe, e siyalu Caurayoda—vyasanamnn, vyasanayata—
ajjhagu, peminiyo. (Vedabbha Jatakam.)
49,
Nakkhattam patimanentath attho balam upaccaga
Attho atthassa nakkhattam, kim karissanti taraka.
Nakkhattaih, nakat—patimanentam, balannévu—balam, agfidna-
yage—attho, artthaya—upaccaga, ikmaye—atthassa, arttha-
yata—attho, abhishta arttha pratilabhayata ma—nakkhattam
nakshatra nama—taraka, taraka ripayo—kim karissanti, kavara
nam artthayak sadadda no sddatiyi seyi. (Nakkhatta Jatakam.)
50.
Dummedhanam sahassena yafifio me upayacito
Idani kho’ham yajissami, baht. adhammiko jano.
Dummedha nah, durmmedha minisunge—sahassena, sahasraya-
kin—yafifio, yagaya—me, ma visin—upayacito, a4radhana karana-
lada—ahamh, mama—idanikho, den vanihi—yajissami, yaga-
keremiyi—adhammiko, pranatipatadiyehi niyukta adharmmika-
va—jano, janayo, bahu, boho denayi. (Dummedha Jatakam.—
Atthakama vaggo paficamo, Pasvana artthakama vagayi.)
In the preparation of this text I have had the use of three
MSS.—one belonging to the Malwatte Monastery in Kandy,
one to the Hanguranketa Potgula, one lent me by the Atapattu
Mudaliyar of Galle, Mr. E. R. Gunaratna. They are referred to
as (M)., (H)., and (G). ~
1, Read Idha cehi nam with Fausbdll and (M). (H) and (G)
give Idha ce na viradhesi. |
2. Fausbdll gives no stanza nor do (H) or (G), but they give |
the sanne. (M) gives «|
Kith agghati tandula nélika Baranasim
Santara bihiram agghati tandula nalika.
Ha
No. 28.—1884.] First FIFTY JATAKAS. 199
Fausbiill gives in ‘* Corrections” quoting Feer in J. As., 1876.
Kim agghati tandula nalika ca
Baranasi antara bahiranam
Assapancasatehi tani ca
Eka tandula naliké ti.
Vij., suggests comparing Feer and (M) with the text of the
Commentary :—
Kim agghati tandula nalika
Baranasim santara bahiranam
Assapancasatani ca
Eka tandula nalika.
What is a measure of rice worth ?
The inner and outer city of Benares
And (what) four hundred horses ?
One measure of rice.
The first two lines are in one prosodial measure ; the last two in
another.
3. This verse is a memorial stanza, and hardly admits of literal
translation. It means:—
I have taught the deer many devices, viz., the three postures,
the use of the eight hoofs, the habit of drinking at midnight,
lying on the ground to breathe through only one nostril. By
means of these six accomplishments, my good friend, will my
nephew outdo the hunter ?
The six accomplishments or devices are—(1-3) the three
postures—z.e., to lie on its back or on either side ; (4) the perfect
use of the eight hoofs ; (5) drinking at midnight; (6) to lie on
the ground suppressing the breath of the upper, and breathing
only through the lower nostril.
The sanne gives the six devices in two ways, as fillows —
(1) lying on one side with the four legs stretched out ; (2) having
kicked ‘up the grass and earth, as in the agony of death; (3)
with tongue out ; (-t) belly puffed out; (5) having voided urine
and excrement ; (6) concealing all appearance of breathing.
Or, (1) by falling as dead when the hunter draws him to and
fro; (2) or pushes him aside ; (3) or puts him down on the left ;
(4) or on the right ; (5) or lifts him up ; (6) or lifts him up and
puts him down again.
Atthakhuram does not necessarily mean swift, as rendered by
Davids; nor do the qualities of the trained deer, except the habit
of obedience, refer to the obedient learner.
+. Fausboll supplies from the commencement the second line
f , ‘ r a * areal Ps 8 by) ° ey fA ia ele
- A \ ey 7 ok a
O Sahat ti; oe
ies. 2 j tp Rt eS a “4
i Y Ba ge by ee
i
200 ~ JOURNAL, B.A.8. (CEYLON). [Vol. wih
of this stanza. His three MSS. omit it; my three MSS. confirm
his conjecture ; they give the stanza as he prints it.
5. Rajakulasmi: read this with Fausboll, following one MS.
out of three of his; my three MSS. give rajakulasmim, but kulasmi
is to be preferred for sake of metre, on which account the
niggahitalopain is admissible.
6. Sallena: my three MSS. read this, which is to be preferred
to Fausboll’s sallehi.
7. Puranacorana: read thus. See above, Note 5. |
8. Fausbéll reads naccanta: prefer naccantam, following my
three MSS.
TaypuLa NALIKA JATAKAM (5),
Varabhattain pana asuka vassagge thitain lamaka—bhattam asuka
vassagge—Davids translates,
‘*¢'The good rice is in such a storehouse, the inferior rice in
such a storehouse.”
This is erroneous: Vassagga does not mean storehouse. It isa
well-known term. In a foot-note Davids says it is of doubtful
derivation, and only found in this passage. But he gets nearer the
meaning by translating :—“ The turn for the better rice has come
to the monk whose seniority dates from such and such a year,
and the turn for the inferior kind to the monk whose seniority
dates from such and such a year.”
Vassagga means “order of seniority,” dating from the year and
hour of seniority. The issue of tickets (salaka) is regulated by
the vassagga. Thitika is the roster according to seniority.
The roster is regularly kept in the Malwatte Vihare and other
monasteries in Ceylon, as directed in the Commentary to the Cila-
vagea, to this day.
In the Cilavagga and Samanta-pasadika (Vinaya Commentary),
under Sendsanak-khandaka, we find the following :-—
C. VI. 11. 8, Old p. 167.
Atha kho senasanagahapakanamh bhikkhtnam etadahosi ; kathan
nu kho sendsanaih g4hetabbanti—bhagavato etam atthath 4rocesuin
Anujanami bhikkhave pathamath bhikkhd ganetum, bhikkhé
ganetva seyyaé ganetum, seyyaganetv4 seyyaggena gahetunti—
seyyaggena gahenta seyya ussddiyithsu—anuj4nami bhikkhave
viharaggena gahetunti—vihaggena gahenta vih4ré ussddiyimsu
—anujainami bhikkhave parivenaggena gahetunti—parivenaggena
gahenta parivena ussadayihhsu—anuj4ndimi bhikkhave anubha-
gam pi datum.
On this Samanta pasadika gives :—
Pafflavardjamaha mattenava satnchato uddisetva ettake bhikkhu
a
No. 28.—1884.] FIRST FIFTY JATAKAS. 201
anethati pahite kalam ghosetva thitiké pucchitabba sace atthi tato
patthaya gahetabbam, no ce therasanato patthaya gahetabbaih—
uddesakena pindapati kanampi na atikka metabbam tepana dhu-
tangatih rakkhant4é sayameva atikkamessanti evaih gahiyamane
alasajatika mahathera paccd agacchanti bhante visati vassina mn
eahiyati tumhakam thitika atikkantati navatabbah thitikam
thapetva tesam gahetva pacca thitikah gahetabba—sanghunava-
kassa dinnepi pacca 4gatanam gahetabbameva dutiyabhage pana
therdsanath arulhe puna agatanam pathama bhago na papunati
dutiyabhagato vasaggena gahetabbam,
Uddesako panettha pesalo lajji medhavi icchitabbo—tena
tikkhattam thitikaya pucchitva sace koci thitikam jananto natthi
therasano gahetabbo sace pana aham jandmi dasavassena laddhanti
koci bhanati atthavuso dasavassé bhikkhuti puccitabbam—sace —
tassa sutva dasvassamha dasavassamhati bahu agacchanti tuyham
papunati tuykaih papunatiti avatva sabbe appasadda hothati vatva
patipatiya thapetabba thapetva katibhikki icchathati upasako
pucchitabbo—ettaken4ma bhanteti vutte tuyham tuyham papuna-
titi vatvé sabba navakassa vassagganca utuca divasa bhagoca
chayaca pucchitabba’a—sace chay4yapi pucchiyam4naya afifio
buddhataro agacchati tassa databbath—atha chayath pucchitva
tuyhath papunatiti vutte buddha taro 4gacchati nalabhati.
ee a
as
>
Bee
CHYLON BRANCH
| OF THE
“ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,
1884,
=
“
Sage
VOL. VIL
No. 29.
| EDITED BY THE HONORARY SECRETARY.
“The design of the Society is to institute and promote inquiries into the History,
| | Religion, Literature, Arts, and Social Condition of the present and former
| Inhabitants of the Island, with its Geology, Mineralogy, its Climate and
, Meteorology, its Botany and Zoology.” :
| COLOMBO; —
GEORGE J, A. SKEEN, GOVERNMENT PRINTER, CEYLON.
run on from “Journal, Vol. Ville No. 26,
“GA. 8. JOURNAL,
Vol. VIIL., No. 29, 1884.
By an oversight, the pagination was not ‘
1883,” No, 27, 1884, and No. 28, 1884.
It is not possible to correct the paging
neatly, except in manuscript. Members
are requested to do this for themselves.
The pages should run from 297488.
JOURNAL
OF THE
CHYLON BRANCH
OF THE
ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,
1884.
HDITHD BY THE HONORARY SECRETARY.
“he design of the Society is to institute and promote inquiries into the History,
Religion, Literature, Arts, and Social Condition of the present and former
Inhabitants of the Island, with its Geolozy, Mineralogy, its Climate and
Meteorology, its Botany and Zoology.”
COLOMBO:
GHORGE J. A. SKEEN, GOVERNMENT PRINTER, CEYLON.
CONTENTS.
Se ree
Notes Illustrative of Buddhism as the Daily Religion of the
Buddhists of Ceylon,and some Account of their Ceremonies
before and after Death.—By the Hon. J. F. Dickson,
M.A.OXON. O00 ere
The Language of the Threshing-floor.— By J. P. Lewis, a Bs
€.C.S. 500 ah6 0
Notes on the Ornithology of the Balangeda District.—By
FREDERICK Lewis, Esq. he b46
Ornithological Notes taken in the Bogawantalawa District
during September, 1882.—By Freperick Lewis, Esq. ...
Tamil Customs and Ceremonies connected with Paddy Culti-
vation in the Jaffna District.—By J. P. Lewis, lisq., c.c.s.
Kasagal Viharé.—By KE. R. Gunaratna, Esq., mee
Wiadaliy ar st bie uy
Kali Kovilan—By Arruur Jayawarpana, Esq., Mudaliyar ...
Beligala—By R. W. Invers, Hsq,, c.c.s.
Ay-keliya.—By C. J. R. Le Musuriesr, Hsq,, c.c.s.
PAGE
297
33 1
386
398
ee 5 242, line 8 ane ae ae a Sumaygula ~Unnansé” read
2 er W. P. Ranasinha,”
| Jounnan, Vol. VIII, No. 29, 1884 :—
ee B31) 333, 335, 337, 339, 341,
bie
a “ Phreshing-floor Language.” ne
ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.
CEYLON BRANCH.
NOTES ILLUSTRATIVE OF BUDDHISM AS
THE DAILY RELIGION OF THE
BUDDHISTS OF CEYLON,
AND
SOME ACCOUNT OF THEIR CEREMONIES
BEFORE AND AFTER DEATH.*
By J. Ff. Dickson, M.A.Oxon.
(Read 20th December, 1883.)
PINKAMA.
Danam silafii ca bhavana
Patti pattanumodana
Veyyavacca-apacayaii ca
Desana sttti ditthi-ja.
1. Charity 6. Helping the helpless
2. Piety 7. Showing respect
3. Meditation 8. Preaching
4, The giving of merit 9. Listening
5. Sharing in the merits 10. Rejection of heresy.
of another
_ In this stanza are enumerated the ten modes [dasa kusala
karma| in which puiia kammam or pinkama [a meritorious
-act| may be performed. They are sub-divided, in some cases,
with great minuteness with many cross divisions, which it
* The system of transliteration employed in this Paper differs from
that of the Ceylon Government (usually followed in the C. A. 8:
_ publications) as follows :—m is used for 2; ¢ for ch.—AHon. Sec.
21-86. _ A
F < - i
204 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vol. VIII. ~
would be of no general interest to detail. The following —
account, it is hoped, will be thought sufficient :—
1. Charity, or giving.—There are two danas, amisadanam
and dhammadanam, the gift of temporal and the gift of
spiritual blessings. The former is giving any of the four
priestly-requisites : clothing, food, dwelling-place, medicine,
and the like. It includes, for example, building places of
shelter for pilgrims and travellers; maintaining hospitals
for the sick; offering robes, beds, chairs, carpets, palan-
quins, &c., to the priests; offering flowers, whether made
into garlands or not, camphor, sandal-wood, &c., before the
image of Buddha. The latter is the recital of the sayings of
Buddha. A layman is said to perform it either by preaching
himself, or by getting a priest or priests to preach, and
incurring all the necessary expenses, or by receiving into
his heart the words of Buddha when preached by the priests.
The priesthood perform it by teaching and preaching the
doctrines of Buddha.
2. Piety, or observance of the commandments of
Buddha.—The laity are bound always to keep the pajica
sil, or five chief commandments: not to kill, nor steal, nor
commit adultery, nor lie, nor drink fermented liquor; this
is the ordinary mode of performing this act of merit. The
pious, however, frequently keep the ata sil, or eight com-
mandments, for the space of twenty-four hours on the four
days of the quarters of the moon. Theeight commandments —
are the above five and the next four (which are reckoned, |
for this purpose, as three), namely, not to take solid food —
after mid-day; not to go to places of amusement, with
which is joined the command to abstain from the use of
unguents and gay clothes; and not to use a high or large
couch, by which apparently is meant to mortify the flesh
by sleeping on the floor or on a hard bed, or the like. And
for the time that the afa sid are observed, a man does not
sleep with his wife, nor a woman with her husband. On |
these days they wear only white clothes, and leave their |
right shoulder bare. Deacons perform this act by keeping |
the ten commandments ; priests perform it by keeping all —
=
4
7 ‘No. 99, 9.1884.) BUDDHISTICAL CEREMONIES. 205
i the ten commandments of Buddha, which are spoken of as
the kotwa samvara silaya—z.e. the ten million precepts, or
one hundred laks of precepts. The chief of these are
contained in Patimokkha, which in fact sets forth all that
is necessary. But it has been the delight of the priesthood
to sub-divide the 227 precepts, and to refine upon them until
_ the various sub-heads are of almost infinite number, and
have come to be proverbially known as the ten millions.
3. Meditation.—It is of five kinds: (a) mettd, (6)
harund, (c) muditd, (d) upekka, (e) asubha—the perfect
exercise of (a) friendliness, (0) compassion, (¢) goodwill,
| (d) equanimity, and (¢) the practice of indifference. The
end of this, as of all other forms of Buddhist meditation, is
_ to realise the impermanency and vanity of all things, the
_ decay and misery which are the lot of all things that are
born, to cast off all desires, and to look only to Mirvana,
which aloneis permanent, where there is no birth, and there-
fore neither decay nor misery. There is an excellent account
_ of Bhavana in Hardy’s “ Eastern Monachism” pp. 243-252.
4, The gwing of merit.—Giving to others to share in the
merit acquired by one’s own acts. The original merit is
‘not thus diminished to the giver ; the sharer partakes of
_ it, but in a lesser degree. The share of merit he obtains
_ depends on the spirit in which he takes part in the parti-
_ cular act of merit. The original merit remains, as has been
said, undiminished, just as a lamp from which a hundred
other lamps have been lighted continues to burn with un-
_ diminished lustre. A Buddhist mother will take her child
by the hand when she goes with her humble offering of
_ food to a Buddhist monastery, and will tell him to share in
_ the merit in full faith in this touching doctrine, and not
by é
_ only to train him up in the path of love and charity. So,
_ when a man goes on a pilgrimage, he will call together his
_ friends and bid them share in themerit. Their good wishes’
A will attend him, returning to them as reflected merit, the
result of the ea acquired by the endurance of toil, and
pain, and suffering, in his pious journey.
Ne. 9. The sharing in the merits of another.—As explained
A
eae dmacaier tae FAs eas Mepis:
SLES ON CS aa
f LS Oe ee nL a
Bra oa pk’ 2
206 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vol. VIII. 4q
under the last head, the merit of the giver is not diminished,
but a reflected light of merit, as it were, is shed on all who
join, in true heart and mind, either in deed or in spirit, in
the pious act, from the doing of which the merit is acquired.
An invitation to take part in the merit is not necessary; for
example, if a passer-by falls in with a procession which is ~
conducting an offering to a shrine, and goes along with it
with the wish to take part in it as a meritorious act, he —
shares in the merit. :
6. Helping the helpless.—The oy of condetae: assis-
tance to the sick and infirm, to one’s parents, to one’s ~
teachers, and others. 4
¢. Showing respect.—The maintenance of a reverential ~
spirit, of which the outward manifestation is found at the ~
present day in offerings of flowers, perfumes, food, &ec., at
the sacred bé tree, at the ddgobas or relic-mounds [thipa],
and in front of the images of Buddha. A
8. Preaching. —It does not differ from dhammaddénam, —
already explained under the first head. The merit is ©
obtained in three ways: by preaching, by getting a priest to —
preach, and by listening. s
9. Listening.—Listening with an attentive mind, and —
performing the part of a good listener, in repeating fre- —
quently “ Sadhu! sédhu!” [“ Itis good! itisgood!”’], which —
resembles the “amen ”’ of the Christian Church. q
10. Rejection of heresy.—This includes more than is —
generally comprehended by the word heresy. Whenaman ~
listens to the doctrines of Buddha, he must not only believe —
in them with an unwavering faith in the Three Gems ; he ©
must examine himself and put out from his heart all desire, 4
hate, ignorance, vanity, heresy, doubt, sloth, arrogance, © i
ee hardness of enn 3 doso, moho, mano,
ditthi, vicikiccha, thinam, uddhaccam, ahiriha, anottappam.
Compare the English Communion secu 3
The above is briefly a list of virtues which every Buddhist
may practise more or less in secret, but there are many
occasions on which a pinkama, is publicly performed ; and
at the present day the word is generally applied to these
vf
a
oe
No. 29.—1884.] BUDDHISTICAL CEREMONIES. 207
public performances. If a man goes on a pilgrimage by
himself or with one or two others, people will say ‘‘ He is
going a pilgrimage” ; but if a number of people join together
and go in a procession with flags and music, &c., it is said
“They go for a pinkama,”
The religious act in both cases is the same, but pinkama
has come popularly to mean a religious procession rather
than the religious act of which the procession is only an
outward sign.
The ordinary pinkam are those performed (1) at the
commencement of was, (2) before death, (3) after a death,
(4) when making offerings at a shrine or to the priesthood.
1.— The “ Was” Pinkama.
The was season, or, as some erroneously call it, Buddhist
Lent, commences on the fifteenth day of the eighth month,
2.é. on the full moon day in A’sadlhi-mdso [June-July].
It is customary for the inhabitants of a village, or of two
or three adjoining villages, to agree to invite a certain priest
to reside in their village for the was season, and they
send a deputation of the principal villagers to present an
offering of betel leaves* and give the invitation. If it is
accepted, they prepare a lodging for the priest, with a
refectory, a chamber for the image of Buddha, the relic-
casket and the sacred books, and a preaching hall. On the
first day of the was season, the villagers turn out in holiday
attire and go with music, and dancers, and singers, and flags,
to the monastery where the priest resides, and they conduct
him thence, in procession, to the lodging prepared for him,
The flag-bearers head the procession, and are followed by
drummers and other musicians, with dancers and singers
Under a canopy is borne on a litter, or on an elephant, a relic-
casket or an image of Buddha; next are borne in the same
way thesacred books which the priest requires, and then come
* Betel leaves are the leaves of a vine which the Sinhalese chew with
lime and the nuts of the areca palm. Anoffering of forty betel leaves is
always made as a mark of respect on the occasion of a visit to a priest
or nobleman.
eat
A
ae
ae
208 JOURNAL, B.A.8. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIIL
the priest, carried in a palanquin with the sidesopen. The
three gems—Buddha, the Law, and the Church-are here
represented, and devotees go by the side shouting “ Sadhu!
sddhu!’ The women, with their children, await the arrival
of the procession at the place prepared for the priest, who,
on his arrival, arranges the relic-casket, and the image of
Buddha, and the sacred books, in the temporary chamber
which is to serve the purpose of a chapel: an altar is
placed in front of the image, and on it all the assembled
people make their offerings of flowers and perfumes.
A small portion of the evening meal about to be offered —
to the priest is now placed on the altar, as an offering to
Buddha. Sometimes the people ask the priest to place it
on the altar; otherwise it is placed there by a deacon, ora
devotee, or an ordinary layman. The food thus offered is
taken by the deacons, attendants, or others, but not by the
priest.
The offering of the priest’s evening meal is then made in
the refectory. In this offering all the assembled multitude
take part ; every one contributes something, such as tea,
sugar, honeycomb, orange-juice, and the like.
According to the Palimuttakavinicchayo, the offerings
may be of eight kinds, known as the atthapdnam, viz.,
ambapanam, jambupanam, cocapdnam, mecapdnam, pharu-
sakapanam, madhupanam, muddikapanam, salukapanam—
the juice of the mango, of the rose-apple, of the wild
plantain, of the banana, of the uguressa, the pure juice of —
the grape, a drink made of grape juice with sugar and
water, and a drink made of the fruit of a kind of water-lily —
mixed with water and sugar. |
The offerings are collected together and are placed on —
trays or baskets covered with snow-white napkins. The
principal villagers, on behalf of the multitude, then carry the
trays on their heads to the top of the hall where the priestis
seated, and placing the trays on the ground, give the offer-
ings one by one in saucers, or on mats or leaves, inte the
hands of the priest, who receives them and places them on
his mat or carpet. : :
No. 29.—1884.| BUDDHISTICAL CEREMONIES. 209
The whole multitude then fall on their knees in adoration,
and the priest gives the benediction (Sin. “gives merit’’) in
Pali, in the following sense, saying :—
Icchitam patthitamh tuyham
Khippam eva samijjhatu
Purentu cittasamkappa
Cando pannarasi yath4
[ May your desire and your happiness
Soon be accomplished !
May your hopes be fulfilled
Like as the moon becomes round ! |
According to the ancient ritual no more is required ; but as
the people do not know Pali, the priest adds in Sinhalese : —
“ By virtue of the offerings now made for the sake of the Blessed
One, who is like unto the sun of the worlds of gods and men, the
omniscient Buddha, and of this second offering made to the priest-
hood, which is like a field of merit, henceforth, freed from the
dangers of birth in the place of torment, or in the world of beasts,
or in the world of sprites, or in the world of the fallen angels,
may you inherit the bliss of those who ascend and descend through
_ the worlds of gods till you are born again in the world of men.
Here may you possess wealth and riches, flocks and herds,
servants and horses, and enjoy to your full content the prosperity
_of a universal monarch, or a king, or some great noble, free from
the exactions of kings and the dangers of flood and fire, the
i gee
attacks of thieves and the ravages of rats and insects, till the
coming of Maitri Buddha, by whose blessed teaching you will be
brought to walk in the way that leads to Nirvana, the eternal
repose of the righteous who have seen Buddha. ”
The people then respond with one accord ‘‘ Sadhu ! sadhu!”
_ [It is good! it is good!’’], and rising from their eae?
depart, leaving the priest to his meal.
If one priest only is present, nothing is said by the
_ people who make the offerings; but if five or more are
_ present they say :—
Imath bhesajjad4namh imaya salaya nisinnassa buddha pamukasea
_ sakalassa bhikkhu safiighassa dema.
__ [We give this evening meal to all the priests of Buddha who
"are sitting in this hall.]
210 : JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). | [Vol. VIII. :
This is repeated three times. The relic-casket on such
occasions is placed at the top of the hall, on a raised
platform, with a table to serve as an altar in front.
One of the priests rises up and makes an offering of part
of the food, and pours some water from a flagon into a chalice,
repeating the following ancient stanzas, which, however,
are not found in the Tripitakam (Buddhist Scriptures):—
Adhivasetu no bhante |
Bhesajjaih parikappitamh
Anukampam upadaya
Patiganhatu muttamamh
Sugandham italath kappath
Pasannamadhuram subham
Paniyaih etain bhagava
Patiganhatu nayako.
{Let our Lord favourably receive
This well-prepared meal :
Let him graciously
Accept this excellent offering :
This water, sweetly-scented, cool, and good,
Clear, and sweet, and bright,
Let the Blessed One,
The chief (of the worlds), accept !|
He then turns from the altar, and kneeling down close to
the food which has been offered to the priesthood, proceeds
to allot it to the assembled priests, who are seated on either
side of the altar, saying, as he sets apart a portion for the
senior of the priests present:— __
Ayaih pathamabh4go mahatherassa pépunati avasesa bhaga —
‘ amhakam papunantti.
| This first portion belongs to the Mahathero, the remaining
portions belong to us. |
This is repeated three times. It is an ecclesiastical
act, which can only be performed by priests who are pure, 2.é.
who at the time are not liable to censure for any offence
against the laws of the priesthood. If any one liable to such
censure is present, he must retire, in which case a portion of
the food will be given him apart. The priests’ servants,
or some of the principal villagers, now come and give the
No. 29.—1884.] BUDDHISTICAL CEREMONIES. | 211
priests their food. The portion set apart for the senior
priest is handed to him, and of the remainder sufficient
is given to the other priests, who leave in their bowls
enough for their servants. What is over after the priests
bowls are filled is given to the dancers and musicians, and
tothe poor. ‘The priests take their food in silence, repeating
to themselves the usual grace.*
_ After the evening meal the priests chew their betel, which
serves the purpose of the after-dinner cigar in the West.
The priest who is to remain in was then adjourns to the
preaching-hall [dhammasala], to preach to the assembled
multitude the thanksgiving sermon [anumodanadhammda].-
In the middle of the hall is placed a chair with a
eushion, on which the priest takes his seat, holding before
his face a sort of fan, like a hand fire-screen, to prevent his
attention being distracted. The people are seated on the
floor, the men on one side, the women and children on the
other. There is a tendency to break this rule: influential
families will be seen, the men and women together, sitting
in a place apart from the crowd. When the priest has
taken his seat, the people say :—
Namo tassa bhagavato arahato samma sambuddhassa.
[Praise be to the Blessed One, the Holy One, the Author
of all Truth. |
The priest then gives the Three Refuges and the Five
Commandments [pafica silam], the people repeating them
after him, sentence by sentence, as follows :—-
The Three Refuges.
I put my trust in Buddha,
I put my trust in the Law,
I put my trust in the Church.
The Five Commandments.
Refrain from taking life,
Refrain from stealing,
Refrain from fornication, -
_ Refrain from lying,
Refrain from using strong drinks.
~* See Note supra Sakkaccam.
212
aaet |
= = AS ebe
JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vol. VIII.
~The priest then says :—
Namo tassa bhagavato arahato samma sambuddhassa.
{ Praise be to the Blessed One, the Holy One, the Author of
all Truth. ]
This he says three times, and then recites some favourite
passage from the sayings of Buddha. The one generally
selected is the
1.
| Nidhikanda Sutiam.
Nidhim nidheti puriso gambhire odakantike
Atthe kicce samuppanne atthaya me bhavissati.
Rajato va duruttassa corato pilitassa va
Inassa va pamokkhaya dubbhikkhe 4padasu v4,
Etadatthaya lokasmith nidhi nama nidhiyate.
T4va sunihito santo gambhire odakantike
Na sabbo sabbada eva tassa tam upakappati.
Nidhi va thana cavati safifia vassa vimuyhati
Naga v4 apanamenti yakkha va pi haranti nam.
Appiya va pi dayada uddharanti apassato
Yada pufifiakkayo hoti sabbam etam vinassati,
Yassa d4nena silena samyamena damena ca
Nidhi sunihito hoti itthiya purisassa va.
Cetiyamhi ca safighe va puggale atitisu va
MAtari pitari va pi atho jetthamhi bhatari.
Eso nidhi sunihito ajeyyo anugdmiko
Pahaya gamaniyesu etath adaya gacchati.
Asddh4ranath afifiesam acoraharano nidhi
Kayiratha dhiro pufifiani yo nidhi anugamiko.
Esa devamanussanam sabbakamadado nidhi
Yath yad evabhipatthenti sabbam etena labbhati.
Suvannata sussarata susanthanasurdpata
A’dhipaccaparivara sabbam etena labbhati.
Padesarajjaih issariyam cakkavattisukhamh piyam
Devarajjain pi dibbesu sabbam etena labbhati.
Manussika ca sampatti devaloke ca ya, rati
Y4 ca nibbanasampatti sabbam etena labbhati.
Mittasampadamh 4gamma yoniso ve payuijato
Vijja vimutti vasibhavo sabbath etena labbhati.
Patisambhida vimokkha ca ya ca savakaparami
Paccekabodhi buddhabhimi sabbam etena labbhati.
Evain mahiddhika esa yadidam pufifiasampada
Tasma dhira pasamsanti pandita katapufifiata.
E> No. 29.—1884.] BUDDHISTICAL CEREMONIES. 213
[ The Hidden Treasure.* —
A man buries a treasure in a deep pit, reasoning thus within
himself: ** When occasion arises this treasure will be of use to
me,—if I am accused by the king, or plundered by robbers, or for
release from debt, or in famine, or in misfortune.” Such are the
-Yeasons for which men conceal what in this world is called
treasure.
Meanwhile all this treasure, lying day after day concealed in a
_ deep pit, profits him nothing.
Either the treasure vanishes from its resting place, or its
owner's sense becomes distracted with care, or Nagas remove it,
or malignant spirits convey it away, or his enemies or his kinsmen
dig it up in his absence. ‘The treasure is gone when the merit
that produced it is exhausted.
_ There is a treasure that man or woman may posssess, a treasure
- laid up in the heart, a treasure of charity, piety, temperance,
soberness. |
_ It is found in the sacred shrine, in the priestly assembly, in the
individual man, in the stranger and sojourner, in the father, the
mother, the elder brother.
A treasure secure, impregnable, that cannot pass away. When
a man leaves the fleeting riches of this world, this he takes with
him after death.
_A treasure unshared with others, a treasure that no thief can
steal. Let the wise man practise virtue: this is a treasure that
| : follows him after death.
A treasure that gives every delight to gods and men; for
whatsoever they desire with this treasure it may be bought.
Bloom, a sweet voice, grace and beauty, power and pomp; all
these this treasure can procure.
Sovereignty and lordship, the loved bliss of universal empire,
yea, celestial rule among the gods ; all these this treasure can
procure.
All human prosperity, every pleasure in celestial abodes, the
full attainment of Nirvana ; all these this treasure can procure.
Wisdom, enlightenment, tranquillity, in one who lives wisely for
_ the sake of virtuous friends ; all these this treasure can procure.
Universal science, the eight emancipations of the mind, all the
* For this translation I am indebted to Mr. Childers’ beautiful
| rendering in his “‘ Khuddaka Patha,” pp. 13 and 14.
214 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII.
perfections of the disciple of Buddha, supernatural knowledge,
supreme Buddhaship itself; all these this treasure can procure.
Thus this possession of merit is of great and magical effect ;
therefore are good works praised by the wise and learned. |
The priest simply recites these stanzas once, and then one
of the assembled multitude is put forward as the respondent
[patiwacanadayako; Sin. pratiuttaradenna| or clerk who
makes the responses. He sits or stands in a posture of
adoration in front of the priest, who then proceeds to
explain each stanza in clear and simple Sinhalese. He
repeats the stanza in P4li,and then explains it ; and after
each sentence the respondent answers in Sinhalese “A’ma
bhante’’ |“It is so, lord’’|. Or, if he does not quite under-
stand, he sometimes replies, “‘ Pardon me, lord, Ido not quite
understand,” or any of the listeners can ask him to say that
they do not understand ; and the priest proceeds to explain
the meaning more fully. “Whenever Nirvdna is mentioned,
all the people raise their hands above their heads and shout
Sadhu! sadhu!”
This service occupies about two hours. Itis closed with
a benediction in Sinhalese to the following effect :—
By virtue of the doctrines of Buddha, to which you have
been listening, may you be born in the worlds of Brahma and of
the gods, and finally attain Nirvana! May you all share in the
merit of this preaching of Buddha’s hely word !
The people then make obeisance and depart.
The priest retires to his chamber and says to himself
the appointed pirit [or devotions| for the first day of was,
namely, the Mamgalasuttam [sources of happiness|, Rata-
nasuttam {the three jewels|, Karaniyamettasuttam | good will
to all]. The translation of these devotional hymns, by
Mr. Childers, is as follows :—
The Sources of Happiness,
Thus I have heard. On a certain day dwelt Buddha at
Sravasti, at the Jetavana monastery, in the garden of Anatha-
pindaka. And when the night was far advanced, a certain radiant
celestial being, illuminating the whole of Jetavana, approached
Fae
;
fap
=
a
: No. 29.—1884.] BUDDHISTICAL CEREMONIES. alo
the Blessed One, and saluted him and stood aside. And standing
aside addressed him with this verse :-—
Many gods and men, yearning after good, have held divers
things to be blessings ; say thou, what is the greatest blessing ?
Buddha: To serve wise men and not serve fools, to give honour
to whom honour is due; this is the greatest blessing.
To dwell in a pleasant land, to have done good deeds in a former
e existence, to have a soul filled with right desires; this is the
greatest blessing.
Much knowledge and much science, the discipline of a well-
trained mind, and a word well spoken; this is the greatest
blessing.
To succour father and mother, to cherish wife and child, to —
follow a peaceful calling ; this is the greatest blessing.
T’o give alms, to live religiously, to give help to relatives, to do
blameless deeds ; this is the greatest blessing.
To cease and abstain from sin, to eschew strong drink, to be
diligent in good deeds ; this is the greatest blessing.
Reverence and lowliness, contentment and gratitude, to receive
religious teaching at due seasons; this is the greatest blessing.
To be long-suffering and meek, to associate with the priests
of Buddha, to hold religious discourses at due seasons ; this is the
greatest blessing.
Temperance and chastity, discernment of the four great truths,
the prospect of Nirvana ; this is the greatest blessing.
, The soul of one ucshaken by the changes of this life, a soul
- inaccessible to sorrow, passionless, secure; this is the greatest
blessing. |
They that do these things are invincible on every side—on every
side they walk in safety ; yea, theirs is the greatest blessing.
The Three Jewels.
All spirits here assembled,—those of earth and those of air,—
let all such be joyful ; let them listen attentively to my words.
_ Therefore hear me, O ye spirits ; be friendly to the race of men,
for day and night they bring you their offerings, therefore keep
diligent watch over them.
Whatsoever treasure there be here or in other worlds, whatso-
ever glorious jewels in the heavens, there is none like Buddha.
Buddha is this glorions jewel. May this truth bring prosperity.
Did the tranquil sage of the race of Sakya attain to the
216 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). ——“«[ Vol. VIII.
knowledge of Nirvana,—Nirvana, sin-destroying, passionless,
immortal, transcendent ? There is nought like this doctrine. The
Law is this glorious jewel. May this truth bring prosperity.
Did supreme Buddha extol a pure doctrine ? Have holy men told
of an unceasing meditation? There is nought like this doctrine.
The Law is this glorious jewel. May this truth bring prosperity.
There are eight orders of men praised by the righteous—four
that walk in the paths of holiness and four that enjoy the fruits
thereof. They are the disciples of Buddha, worthy to receive
gifts ; in them charity obtains an abundant reward. The priest-
hood is this glorious jewel. May this truth bring prosperity.
Who are they that with steadfast mind, exempt from evil desire,
are firmly established in the religion of Gautama? ‘They have
entered on the way of Nirvana, they have bought it without
price, they enjoy perfect tranquillity, they have obtained the
greatest gain. The priesthood is this glorious jewel. May this
truth bring prosperity.
As the pillar of a city gate resting on the earth is unmoved
by the four winds of heaven, so declare I the righteous man to
be he who has learnt and gazes on the four great truths. The
priesthood is this glorious jewel. May this truth bring prosperity.
. They that clearly understand the four great truths, wellpreached
by the profoundly wise Being, however much they be distracted
by the temptations of this world, they shall not again receive
eight births. The priesthood is this glorious jewel. May this
truth bring prosperity.
He who is blest with the knowledge of Nirvana, and has cast
off these three sins—vanity, and doubt, and the practice of vain
ceremonies, the same is delivered from the four states of punish-
ment, and cannot commit the six deadly sins. The priesthood is
this glorious jewel. May this truth bring prosperity.
If a priest commit sin in deed, or in word, or in thought, he is
wrong to conceal it, for concealment of sin is declared to be evil
in one who has gained a knowledge of Nirvana. The priesthood
is this glorious jewel. May this truth bring prosperity.
As the tree-tops bloom in grove and forest in the first hot month
of summer, so did Buddha preach for the chief good of men his
glorious doctrine that leads to Nirvana. Buddha is this glorious
jewel. May this truth bring prosperity.
The noblest, the greatest of men, the finder of Nirvana, the — !
No. 29.—1884.' BUDDHISTICAL CEREMONIES. 217
i giver of Nirvara, the bringer of Nirvana, preached his glorious
Law. Buddha is this glorious jewel. May this truth bring
prosperity.
Their old karma is destroyed, no new karma is produced.
Their hearts no longer cleaving to future life, their seed of existence
destroyed, their desires quenched, the righteous are extinguished
like this lamp. The priesthood is this glorious jewel. May this
truth bring prosperity.
Ye spirits here assembled,—those of earth and those of air,—
let us bow before Buddha, the Tathagata revered by gods and men.
_ May there be prosperity.
Ber
*
Ye spirits here assembled, —those of earth and those of air,—let
us bow before the Law, the Tathagata revered by gods and men.
May there be prosperity.
Ye spirits here assembled,—those of earth and those of air,—let
us bow before the Church, the Tathagata revered by gods and men.
May there be prosperity.
Good Will to All.
This is what should be done by him who is wise in seeking his
own good, who has gained a knowledge of the tranquil lot of
Nirvana. Let him be diligent, upright, and conscientious ; meek,
gentle, not vainglorious.
Contended and cheerful, not oppressed with the cares of this
“world, not burdened with riches ; syieangull, discreet, not arrogant,
not greedy for gifts. |
Let him not do any mean action for which others who are wise
might reprove him.
Let all creatures be happy and prosperous, let them be of
joyful mind.
All beings that have life, be they feeble or strong, be they tall
or of middle stature or short, be they minute or vast ;
Seen or unseen, dwelling afar or near at hand, born or seeking
birth ; let all creatures be joyful.
Let no man in any place deceive another, nor let him be harsh
towards my one; let him not out of anger or resentment wish ill
to his neighbour.
As a mother, so long as she lives, watches over her child, her
only child, so among all beings let boundless goodwill prevail.
Let goodwill without measure, impartial, anmixed with enmity,
p Prevail throughout the world, above, below, around.
218 o JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII.
If a man be of this mind so long as he be awake, whether
standing or walking, or sitting or lying, then is come to pass the
saying, “ This place is the abode of holiness.”
He who has not embraced false doctrine, the pious man endowed
with a knowledge of Nirvana, if he conquers the love of pleasure
he shall never again be born in the womb.
When the priest has finished his devotions he enters
upon the period of was with these words :—
Imasmim vihare imath temasam vassam upemi idha vassain
upemi.
[In thisabode for three months will I dwell ; here will I have
my dwelling. |
Having said this he is not at liberty to sleep during the
ensuing three months in any other place, except under special
circumstances, such as having to attend a distant eccle-
siastical meeting ; and under no circumstances can he
be away for more than six nights.
He now retires to rest for a few hours, and rises before day-
break. He meditates on the virtues of Buddha on the develop-
ment of friendliness and goodwill towards all living beings,
on the impurity of the body, and on death. The manual
for these meditations is called the Cattarokammatthana.*
He performs his meditations walking up and down in
his own chamber or in a cloister [cankamo|, and when his
meditation is over he washes his face, &c., and taking with him
his rug [cammakhando; Sin. patkada| or kneeling-skin
(lit., strip of skin) he goes to the building or chamber which
for the time serves the purpose of the shrine of Buddha. As
already explained, a figure of Buddha or a relic-casket is
kept in this place: here he worships Buddha, kneeling onhis —
rug, and prostrating himself in front of the shrine, and says:
Vandami Buddham bhavaparatinnam
Tilokaketum tibhavekanatham
Yo lokasettho sakalam kilesam
Chetvana bodhesi janath anantam.
* Hardy is in error when he says (“ Eastern Monachism” p. 28) that
this book is a manual of meditation on “ Buddha, gag evil desire, —
and death.” :
No. 29.—1884.] BUDDHISTICAL CEREMONIES. Pais)
Yath nammadaya nadiya puline ca thire
Yam saccabaddhagirike sumanecalagge
Yam tattha yonakapure munino ca padam
Tam padalaficana maham siras4 namaémi.
Suvannamalike suvannapabbate sumanakiite yonakapure
-nammadaya nadiyé tai ca p4davarath thanam ahath vandami
dirato aham vandami dhatuyo, ahath vandathi sabbaso.
Vandami cetiyam sabbath
Sabbathanesu patitthitam
Saririkadhatumaha bodhith
Buddharapath sakalath sada.
Ice-evam accantanamassaniyyam
Namassamano ratanattayam yam
Punfabhisandath vipulamh aladham
Tass-anubhavena hatantarayo.
Buddhe cittappasadena
Dhamme sanghe ea yo naro
Kappani satasahassani
Dugegatith so nagaccati.
i [Worship Buddha who has passed beyond the regions of
ty existence,
_ Who is like a banner to the three worlds—their noblest chief,
_ The saviour who, by overcoming all sin,
_ Has been the teacher of countless men.
_ In reverence of the foot-print of the holy sage,
_ In the sandy desert of the Yon country on the banks of the
. Nerbudda, |
_ On the rock in Siam, on Adam’s Peak,
- Do I bow my forehead to the ground.
_ That spot made sacred by the holy footstep on the Yavana’s
li golden sands by Nerbudda’s banks, on the gilded rock, on the
_ bank of Sumana, I worship from afar. I worship the relics ; I
_ worship in every way.
_I worship continually all the relic-shrines,
Whatever they may be—
_ The relics of his body, the sacred Bo-tree,
And all the images of Buddha.
Thus exceedingly in all fitting ways
Way I show reverence for the three jewels.
21—86 B
oe pes ae
220 JOURNAL, R.A.8. (CEYLON). — [Vol. VIII. a
By the greatness of the merit thus acquired—
By the wondrous power of such merit—all dangers
are removed.
If any man will purify his thoughts
And think on Buddha, the Law, and the Church,
In thousands and thousands of years,
The lot of sin shall not be his. |
The priest now rises from his knees, and tastefully
arranges his offering of flowers on the altar, saying—
Vannagandha gunupetamh
Etam kusuma santatim
Pajayami munindassa
Siripadasaroruhe.
| These fresh flowers,
Endued with colour and perfume,
I offer at the lotus feet
Of the Lord of Sages. |
One of the villagers now brings him in a bowl a small
' portion of the morning meal, which he places on the altar.
The offering is made in the same way as the evening meal,
except that dhgjanam is substituted for bhesajjam in the
stanza Adhivdsctu, &e. This being concluded, the priest
proceeds to the refectory, where he is served with his morn- —
ing meal. He gives the benediction in Pali and in Sinhalese, —
as at the evening meal. He takes this meal also in ©
silence, repeating to himself the grace (Pindapatam, &c.)
for food. 3 a
After this meal he devotes himself to instruction or study.
If he has any pupils he reads with them, or teaches the —
children of the villagers, or he prepares for preaching —
bana in the evening. ¥
Before mid-day he proceeds to the image-house, and
there offers a portion of the mid-day meal in the same way
as the morning meal was offered, and his meal is then served -
to him in the refectory in the manner already described. __
After this meal he goes to the image-house to worship, —
_ repeating the stanzas “ I worship Buddha,” &c. [“Vandami —
Buddham,” &.|, but on this occasion he makes no offerin,
% No. 29.—1884.] BUDDHISTICAL CEREMONIES. 221
of flowers. He then meditates on the ten objects (Dasa
_ Dhamméa), by aid of the Dasa Dhamma suttam, which is
as follows :— |
Evamh me sutam. Ekath samayath Bhagav4é Savatthiyam
viharati Jetavane An4thapindikassa 4rame. Tatra kho Bhagava
bhikkhu 4mantesi bhikkhavo ti bhadante ti te bhikkha bhagavato
-paccassosumh Bhagava etad avoca. Dasa ime bhikkhave dhamma
pabbajitena abhinham paccavekkhitabba katame dasa.
1, Vevanniyamhi ajjhtpagato ti
Pabbajitena abhinham paccavekkhitabbamn.
2. Parapatibaddha me jiviké ti
Pabbajitena abhinhain paccavekkhitabbam.
3, Afifio me akappo karani yo ti
Pabbajitena abhinham paccavekkhitabbamn.
4. Kacci nu kho me atta silato n’upavadatiti
Pabbajitena abhinham paccavekkhitabbam.
5. Kacci nu kho mam anuvicea vififit
Sabrahmacari silato n’upavadantiti
Pabbajitena abhinham paccavekkhitabbam.
6. Sabbehi me piyehi mandpehi :
NAn4, bhavo vind bhavo ti
Pabbajitena abhinham paccavekkhitabbamn.
Kammassa ko’mhi kammadayado
at
- Kammayoni kammabandhu
Kammapatisarano yam kammain karissami
Kalyanath va papakain va tassa
Dayado bhavissamiti
| : Pabbajitena abhinhath paccavekkhitabbam.
i 8. Katham bhitassa me rattimdiva vitipatantiti
| Pabbajitena abhinhamh paccavekkhitabbamn.
9. Kacci nu kho’ham sufifiagare abhiramamiti
: Pabbajitena abhinhath paccavekkhitabbam.
10. Atthi nu kho me uttarimanussadhammé
Alamariyafianadassanu viseso adhigato
So’hath paccime kéle sabrahmacd4rihi puttho na maiku
bhavissamiti
oa Pabbajitena abhinham paccavekkhitabban.
a Ime kho bhikkhave dasadhammé pabbajitena abhinham pacca-
' vekkhitabb4 ti. Idath avoca bhagavé. Attamand te bhikku
| bhagavato bhasitam abhinandun ti.
| fas
{ f
ees
B2
222 i. JOURNAL, R.A.8. (CEYLON). — [Vol. VIII. a
[ The Ten Objects. .
Thus I have heard. On a certain day Buddha dwelt at |
Sravasti, in the Jétavana monastery, in the garden of Anatha- —
pindika. On that occasion Buddha called the priests, and they
answered ‘Lord’; and the Blessed One thus spoke :-—
These, my priests, are the ten objects which must be continually
kept in view by an ordained priest :—
1. Beauty is nothing to me,—neither the beauty of the
body nor that that comes of dress.
2. My very existence is dependent on the bounty of others.
3. My way must be different from that of others.
4. Shall not my conscience be my accuser for neglect of
the precepts ?
5. Will not learned and pious followers of Buddha, after
questioning me, blame me for neglect of the precepts ?
6. By repeated births I shall be separated from all whom I
love, from all who are dear to me.
7. I am bound up with karma. I am the heir of karma.
Tam born of karma. I am karma’s close relation.
Karma is my helper. I inherit the fruit of my every
action, whether good or bad.
How shall I pass my days and nights inthis mortal life? _
9. How comes it that I delight in abodes removed from
the haunts of men ? |
10. Have I attained to more than human perfection? If I -
attain to the full or perfect knowledge of sublime
wisdom, in my last moments I shall be able to say, in —
a nswer to the inquiries of the righteous, that I die _
contented. |
so
These, my priests, are the ten objects on which the thoughts _
of an ordained priest should dwell.
Thus spake the Blessed One, Those priests greatly rejoiced |
at the words of Buddha. } |
Having finished his devotions he retires to his chamber
and rests. Mi |
If any villagers desire to hear portions of the historical |
chronicles, or of the stories of the births of Buddha, or —
of the Three Pitakas, the priest is now ready to read to them. |
This is called the mid-day dana. He then gives his pupil i
a No. 29.—1884.| BUDDHISTICAL CEREMONIES. 223
further instructions, or devotes himself to study. Before
- sunset he again goes to worship at the image-house, and
makes an offering of flowers. An Upasampada priest
cannot pluck the flowers for himself; they must be provided
for him. After making his offering, or if he is not provided
_ with flowers, after the prayer Vanddmi Buddham, &c., he
' repeats the three sutras—Mamgala suttam, Ratana sutiam,
| Karaniyametia suttam. He then offers a small portion of
the evening meal, and after his meal is finished he goes to
the preaching hall, and if any people are assembled he
preaches dana in the same way as on the previous night. It
is, however, only called Anumodana bana on the first night. —
- Sometimes there are no attendants at this evening dana,
but the villagers never fail to attend on the evenings of the
four poya days, which hold in the Buddhist system very
- much the same place as the Sabbath in the Jewish Church.
_ Before going to bed he meditates on the virtues of Buddha,
_ and says the grace Senasawam, &c., as he lies down.
? This is an example of the way every day is spent during
_ the three months of was. The villagers arrange amongst
_ themselves how the priest’s wants shall be supplied during
this period. It is usual for the householders to take the
_ duty in turn,a day atatime. It is the duty of the house-
- holder for the day to provide all the meals, flowers for
offerings, oil for the lamps, &c. ‘There is often a little
' generous rivalry in providing for the priest’s comfort, and
no one is ever known to avoid his turn. It is in a way a
_ high festival for the priest.
' On the new moon and full moon days, the priest must go
| to the nearest simam [consecrated place] to join in the
| patimokkho. If he cannot return the same night, before he
leaves the place he must give notice that he will not return
that night in these words (repeated thrice):—
- Sace me antarayo n’atthi sattah’ abbhantare puna nivattissami:
[If no accident happens within the next seven days I shall again
| sty here. |
tf from any cause he is prevented from returning before
224 JOURNAL, R.A.8. (CEYLON). (Vol. VILL.
seven nights have elapsed, the was is broken, and cannot.
be resumed.
After three months have passed, the was season comes
to an end. This is on the full moon day of A’ssayujo —
[September—October], on which the priest attends the
fortnightly chapter as usual, and after the Pratimoksha
has been read as far as the end of the section Aniyatadhammu,
a midnight service is usually held.
He kneels down and says :—
Namo tassa, &c. Sangham bhante pavaremi. Dittana va
Suttena va parisankaya va vadanta mam ayasmanto anukampam
upadaya. |
[ Lords, I have finished the was. Venerable Sirs, if you have
any doubt from what you have heard or seen, in mercy to me
speak (and say in what I have offended). |
This is repeated three times. |
If no one speaks he is free from blame and returns to
the place where he was in was to take part in the mid-
night service, which is usually held on this day. These
midnight services are called by the Sinhalese rdtrz dana
[ night-preaching], and are the services generally known by
Huropeans under the name of Bana. s
On these occasions, the people from the neighbouring
villages, dressed in their holiday attire, attend in great
numbers. The priest invites another priest to join him,
as two are required for this service. After their evening —
meal, each is presented with a robe which he puts on, ©
and they are then conducted under a canopy, with music
and flags, from their lodgings to the preaching hall,in the
middle of which two pulpits are prepared for them. The |
pulpit is made of four upright posts supporting aplatform |
about four feet square,and a canopy above. The platform |
is hip-high from the ground. Cushions are placed onthe ©
platform. The pulpits and the hall are tastefully decorated
with flags, palms, ferns, and flowers. The priests take their —
places in front of the puipits, holding their hand-screens
before their faces, while the people make obeisance and
say, ““ Sadhu! sadhu! sadhu!” ‘The priests then say :—_
+ LR
No. 29,.—1884.] BUDDHISTICAL CEREMONIES. 225
Icchitam patthitamh tuyham
Khippath eva samijjhatu
Purentu cittasahkappa
Cando pannarasi yatha.
| May your desire and your happiness
Soon be accomplished,
May your hopes be fulfilled
Like as the moon becomes round. |
_ They are then lifted into their pulpits, on which they sit
eross-legged. One priest has with him a copy of a portion
of the Sutia pitakas, from which he reads, while the other
expounds it to the people in Sinhalese. The reader recites
the Three Refuges and the Five Commandments, which the
_ people repeat after him, and he then summons ie gods to
attend and hear the anak of Buddha :—
' Sagge kame ca ripe girisikhara tate cantalikkhe vimane
Dipe ratthe ca game taruvana gahane gehavatthamhi khette.
Bhumya c’4yantu deva jalathala visame yakkha gandhabbanaga
Jitthanta santike ’dam munivaravacanam sadhavo me sunantu.
| Let the gods of heaven and of earth, those that dwell in the
_ Brahma world, the deities that keep guard over mountain tops,
_ and lakes, and ponds, and those who have their mansions in the
sky, and the tutelar deities of the countries of India, of our
villages, our trees, our forests, our houses, our gardens, our fields,
and the earth-born, the doling in swamps, malignant spirits, the
dancers of the god-world, and dragons,—let all draw near and listen
with pious reverence to these words of the renowned sage. |
The expounder or preacher then says, ‘‘ Namo tassa,’’ &e.
[‘‘ Praise be,” &c.|, and recites some stanzas in praise of the
‘ _Three Jewels. He either selects stanzas from Buddhaghosa’s
or other Gommentaries, or sometimes he recites stanzas of
his own composition. The reader then reads a few stanzas,
and the preacher explains them sentence by sentence in
' Sinhalese, but in learned language which only a few
. understand.
This is continued for about five hours, and the reading
| iy comes toanend. The respondent [pativacana déyako] now
_ comes forward, and the preacher preaches to the people in
226 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vol. VIII.
We
‘
plain and simple language, taking the sutra that has been —
read as his text. The people are at liberty to seek expla-
nations of any difficulty, as at the Anumodana bana. This
continues till the preacher has gone through the whole of the
matter suggested by the passage which has been read, and
the reading and expounding begin again as before, and are
followed as before by a popular sermon. ‘The service ends
at daybreak, and is closed with a benediction as in the ©
Anumodana bana.
The Kattiko, called in Sinhalese the robe month (October
—November), has now begun, and on some convenient day
the material for the kathinam is presented. The people
ascertain beforehand which of the three robes the priest is
in need of, and they subscribe, everyone giving something,
to purchase the required calico or linen.
A chapter is summoned for the appointed day, and early
in the morning the people bring their offering of cloth for
the kathinam (kathina dussam), with a procession of flags
and musicians, and present it to the priests in chapter
assembled, saying, “ Imam hathina dussam sanghassa dema ”
[“‘ We present this robe cloth to the priesthood” |.
The priests receive it, and consult together to determine
to whom it shall be given, It should be given to the one
who is most in want of it, but in practice it is always given
to the one who has been in was at the place where it is
presented. The question, however, is regularly put to the.
chapter, and a resolution [atti] is passed allotting it to
him. On these occasions it is necessary that eight or ten
priests should assemble, as the robe must be dyed and
completed before sunset, and only ordained priests can be :
engaged on the work. The laity supply everything that
is required —dye, scissors, thread, needles, &c.
After the resolution has been passed, the priests proceed
to make the robe. The cloth is cut, if for the outer robe
[sanghati] into thirty pieces, if for the upper robe [wutta-
rasamgo| into fifteen pieces, if for the under robe
Lantaravasako| into fifteen pieces—and the pieces are sewn
together into the proper shape. The robe is then washed
No. 29.—1884.] BUDDHISTICAL CEREMONIES. 22
and dyed yellow, and, if practicable, dried inthe sun. When
this is done, the priests resume their seats in chapter, and
the priest to whom the robe has been allotted takes it, and
kneeling, says, “Zmam sanghatim adhitthami” [1 appropri-
ate this robe” |, and he proceeds to mark it, saying, “ Imam
kappabindum karomi” [1 put this mark upon it’’]; he
then puts it over his knee, saying, “Imam satghdtim
attharame”’ {* I spread out this robe’’].
It is now a kathinam —a robe made by a chapter of priests
in a single day from cloth presented to the chapter in the
morning, and publicly appropriated to the sole use of one
of their body before sunset. The practice is to finish before
sunset ;, the ordinances of Buddha allow one day—~. e., from
sunrise to sunrise. In ancient times, lands and other |
valuable presents were given on these occasions ; all such
presents went to the priest to whom the fathinam was
assigned.
The priests who assembled for the occasion return to their
respective monasteries, and the priest who was in was
preaches a thanksgiving sermon called Kathinanisamso.
The subject, of course, is the benefits which the faithful
derive from the kathina offering. The order of proceeding
does not differ in any material respect from that observed
at the Anumodana dhamma at the beginning of was.
Before the priest is conducted back to his monastery, it is
necessary that he should be presented with the eight
requisites of a priest | atthaparikkharo|, viz., the three robes,
a waist-belt, an alms-bowl, a razor, a water-strainer, and a
needle. :
Before these necessaries are presented, it is customary, if
the people can afford it, to close the priest’s stay in the
_ village by a religious exercise, lasting seven days and seven
nights, called in Sinhalese the Maha bana pirit, or the
Seven days’ piri. .
| Great preparations are made for this ceremony. ‘The
priest sends invitations to the more learned priests in the
neighbourhood, to the number of twenty-five or thirty ; not
less than twenty-four are required. The preaching hall is,
228 JOURNAL, R.A.8. (CEYLON). [Vol. VILL. 4
decorated for the occasion, and a gorgeous canopy, in the
shape of a Chinese pagoda, is erected over the pulpits, which
are placed on a raised platform. Temporary lodgings for
the invited priests are put up round the preaching hall.
The invited priests are told to assemble at some con-
venient place in the afternoon, where the people go out to
meet them. They are brought in procession, preceded
by musicians and dancers, and are conducted to the refectory,
where the evening meal is served with the same formalities
as are observed, where several priests are assembled, at
the beginning of was. They are then conducted in procession
to the preaching hall, with the pirit book and a relic-casket.
The priests go in single file, each priest holding his hand-
screen before his face. When the procession has reached
the hall, some of the leading laymen place the book and
the relic-casket on a raised platform in front of the
pulpit, and the priests then take their seats on the plat-
form round the pulpits. No deacon or layman is allowed
on the platform, which is made only of sufficient size to
accommodate the number of priests who are invited.
The priests being seated, a layman standing near the
principal entrance says, eigen the priests on behalf of
the people :—
Vipatti patibahaya
Sabbasampatti siddhiya
Sabbadukkhavinasaya
Parittam britha mangalath.
This is repeated three times, substituting for dukkha in
line 3, dbhaya the second time, and roga the third time.
| To keep misfortune far away,
To bring us all good fortune,
To destroy all disease, fear, sorrow,
Recite the glorious pzrizt. |
One of the priests then gives the Three Refuges and the
Five Commandments. When this is over some of the lay-
men burn incense round the platform, and the musicians who
are kept outside the hall strike up an inspiriting air.
- No. 29.1884. BUDDHISTICAL CEREMONIES. 229
One of the assembled priests now summons the gods to
_ attend, using the formula already given above (Sagge name
| ¢a, &c.), after the usual formula of adoration—
Namo tassa bhagavato arahato samma sambuddhassa.
[Praise be to the blessed one, the holy one, the author of all
truth. ]
All the priests chaunt the Paticcasamuppdda, or the
doctrine of the production of the successive causes of
existence :—
Avijja paccay4 sankhar4 saikharapaccay4 vififiénam vififiana-
paccaya namarupam, namaripapaccay4 salayatanam, salayatana-
paccaya phasso, phassapaccay4 vedan4, vedanapaccayé, tanha, tan-
hapaceaya upadanam, upadanapaccay’ bhavo bhavapaccaya jati,
_ ‘jatipaccaya jaramaranam, soka—parideva—dukkha—domanassu-
payasa sambhavanti—evaih etassa kevalassa dukkhakkhandhassa
samudayo hoti. Avijjayatveva asesaviraganirodhé sankhara
nirodho, saikharanirodh4 vifiifiananirodho, viifidnanirodha nama-
rupanirodho, n&marapanirodha salayatananirodho, salayatana-
nirodha phassanirodho, phassanirodh4 vedananirodho, vedana-
nirodha tanhanirodho, tanhanirodh4 upadananirodho, upaddna-
nirodha bhavanirodho, bhavanirodh4 jatinirodho, jatinirodha
_ jaramaranaih sokaparideva dukkha domanassupay asa nirujjhanti.
Evam etassa kevalassa dukkhakkhandassa nirodho hoti.
{Of ignorance, ignorance that is of suffering, its origin, its
destruction, and the road leading to its destruction, come accumu-
lations of merit and demerit by deed and word, and thought of
these accumulations of merit and demerit comes consciousness, ©
which has its birth by means of the eye, the ear, the nose, the
tongue, the body, and the mind ; of this consciousness comes mind
and body ; of the mind and body come the six organs of sense,
namely, those of the eye, the ear, the nose, the tongue, the body,
and the mind ; of these six organs come the six modes of contact;
of contact comes sensation ; of sensation comes evil desire ; of evil
desire comes attachment to sensible objects ; of this attachment
to sensible objects comes existence ; of existence comes birth ;
of birth comes decay and death, sorrow and weeping, suffering
and grief, and prostration. Such is the origin of this whole
aggregation of sufferings.
By the destruction of all lusts which arise on account of
%, ignorance, the accumulations of merit and demerit are destroyed,
ON gy FO OLR hy Cee
a CE ES SRR Py Re eat ri
230 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). — [Vol. VIII.
by the destruction of these accumulations of merit and demerit
consciousness is destroyed, by the destruction of consciousness the
mind and body are destroyed, by the destruction of the mind and
body the six organs of sense are destroyed, by the destruction of
the six organs of sense contact is destroyed, by the destruction of
contact sensation is destroyed, by the destruction of sensation evil
desire is destroyed, by the destruction of evil desire attachment to
sensible objects is destroyed, by the destruction of attachment to
sensible objects existence is destroyed, by the destruction of
existence birth is destroyed, by the destruction of birth, decay and
death, sorrow and weeping, suffering and grief, and prostration are
destroyed. Such is the destruction of this whole aggregation of
sufferings. | :
A hymn of victory is then chaunted, and the service is
closed by all the priests together chaunting the Aatana
suttam and the Karaniyametta suttam. This is the end of
the service on the eve of the pirit festival.
Next morning, at daybreak, all the priests assemble in
the preaching hall, and two of them take their seats on
the pulpits. Of these two, one reads the first portion of the
pirit book to the end of the Dasadhamma suttam. They
then descend from the pulpits and take their places with
the other priests on the platform, and all chaunt together
the Mamgala suttam, Ratana suttam, and Karaniyametta
suttam. Two other priests then take their places in the pulpits,
and continue the reading of the pirit. The other priests
return to their lodgings. Thereading of pirit is continued
day and night, interrupted only by the assembling of all the
priests three times a day to chaunt the three sutras, and by
the relief of the readers every three Sinhalese péyas (equal
to about two anda quarter English hours). Thetworeadthe
pirit together in Pali; no explanation of the meaning is
given. During the port week the congregation is, of course,
constantly changing. The people come and go as they
please. The largest attendance is in the morning, at noon,
in the evening,—when the priests assemble to chaunt the
three sutras.
The first portion of the pirit book is read through from
end to end over and over again, till the night of the sixth _
eh Seg
Be SM
_ No. 29.—1884.] BUDDHISTICAL CEREMONIES. 231
day, when the second portion, containing seven sutras,
comes into reading.
On the morning of the seventh day a procession is
formed, and a written invitation is sent by a special
messenger, who accompanies the procession to one of the
temples of the gods [deviyo], inviting the gods and the
four guardian deities of Ceylon to attend. On the return
of the procession, the messenger reports that the gods are
in attendance, and one of god’s priests utters a benediction.
After this the A’tandtiya suttam is read by the priests, four
and four at a time, again and again till daybreak on the
eighth day. The Ratana suttam and the Karaniyametta
suttam are chaunted, the benediction is given, and the pirit
service is ended. The priests who took part in the service
receive presents, each a robe or twenty cubits of cloth, and
depart to their respective monasteries,
The priest who was in was receives the eight requisites,
and is conducted in procession with the relic-casket and his
books back to his monastery with the same marks of
respects as were shown when he was brought down to the
village.
2.—The ** Jivaddnam,” or Pinkama by a man whose end is
approaching.
This pinkama, called in Sinhalese godane, takes place
when a man thinks himself soon about todie. The vriest
of the village whdré |temple]| officiates, A few days’
notice is usually given, and on the appointed day the man’s
sons and relations go in the evening to the whdré with an
offering of flowers, oil, and necessaries for the evening
meal. After making their offering at the vihdré they go to
the priest’s residence, and thence conduct the priest with his
bana book to the house, where a temporary preaching hall
is made ready. After the priest has finished his evening
meal, the sick man and his relations assemble to hear dana.
On Vuene occasions the priest reads and explains some por-
tions of a Sinhalese book, such as the Ratandvaliya. This
lasts for about six Hnelish hours. If the priest’s residence
__ is near he returns to it, if not he retires to rest at the house.
232 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII. “
Next morning the priest is supplied with his morning
meal, His mid-day meal is made ready with great ceremony,
and when it is over the following offerings are made : a brass
water-pot, a lamp, a spitting pot, a bill-hook, a mammoty,
an adze, an axe, a chisel, a mat and a pillow, a basin and a
plate, some fruit and some cooked food, and the usual small
boxes in which the articles used by betel-chewers are carried
—in short, all the ordinary articles of daily use. They are
put down in front of the priest, and a piece of calico 16 or
20 cubits long is brought out ; one end of it is given ‘to the
priest, and the sick man’s relations hold on to the other end.
The relations then say :— |
To the venerable priest who is here present as the representa-
tive of the holy succession of priests who have received ordination
uninterruptedly from the times of Sariputto Maha Moggalano,
we make this offering in behalf of our father Punchirala in order
that he may be born in the world of gods, and finally attain the
eternal rest of Nirvana.
The cloth is put down with the offerings, and the priest
says “Ichchitam patthitam,” &c.
May your desire and your happiness
Soon be accomplished,
May your hopes be fulfilled
Like as the moon becomes round.
Pandmena s4ram sarirassa dhiré
Padanena danath dhananam sapafifio
Susilena saram sada jivitassa
Gahettiina vififiti na socanti pacca.
[ By reverence do the wise secure health for their bodies,
By almsgiving do they lay up treasures for themselves,
By piety do they secure for ever prosperity of life ;
The wise have not sorrow at their death.]
After giving the benediction the priest rises to depart, and
is conducted back to his residence with the offerings he has
received, which are borne in procession, accompanied by —
- music and dancers.
When a man is at the point of death he generally sends
for the priest, who, after repeating the Three Refugesand
the Five Commandments, reads to him that portion of the
4
es
y
'
roNo. 29.—1884.| BUDDHISTICAL CEREMONIES. | 233
- Satipatthéna suttam which sets forth the unprofitableness
of having regard for the body.
3.—The ‘ Mataka-danam.”’
When a man dies he is buried by his friends quietly; a
priest awaits the arrival of the body at the grave; the body
is dréssed in the ordinary dress of the deceased, and is placed
on sticks at the top of the grave. The cloth which covers
it is removed and presented to the priest, who says :—
Anicca vata saikhara,
Uppadavayadhammino,
Uppajjitva nirujjhanti
Tesaih vipasamo sukho.
| Assuredly all that are born
Decay and pass away,
They are born and they cease to exist,
Their rest is happiness. |
The priest departs, taking with him the cloth ; the friends
of the deceased remain to bury the body. The important
ceremony after a death is the Mataka-danam, or pinkama,
-. for the release of the spirit of the departed from purgatory.
A man after death may be born again: (a) in the world
of gods ; or (6) as man or an animal; or (c) in one of the
places of torment ; or (d) as a sprite or kind of hobgoblin
[ peto|. These sprites are of four kinds: (4) Vanandsiko,
who live on loathsome and disgusting food ; (11) Khuppipa-
siko, who are never able to relieve the cravings of thirst
and hunger ; (iii) Nyjhamatanhiko, whose bellies are always
burning like a hollow tree which has been set on fire ; (iv)
Paradattipiko, who derive benefit from offerings made in
their behalf. It is this class only which can be benefited
by the Mataka-danam. In all other cases the merit of the
offerings benefits the givers. If a relative has been as a
Paradattupikapeto, by the merit of this ceremony he is
speedily released from his birth as a sprite, and is born
again in the world of gods or the world of men.
4.
About a month or six weeks after a man’s death his
234 7 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vol. VIII.
relatives generally perform this pinkama. The preliminaries
are the same as in the Jivaddénam already described. The
priest brings with him a Sinhalese book, called the ©
Preta-kathavastu-pota, from which he Tends after the
evening meal. One of the most striking passages in this
book is the Sinhalese transalation of the Tirokudda sutta.
The Spirits of the Departed.
They stand outside our dwellings, at our windows, at the corners
of our streets ; they stand at our doors, revisiting their old homes.
When abundant food and drink is set before them, by reason
of the past sins of these departed ones, their friends on earth
remember them not.
Yet do such of their kinsmen as are merciful bestow upon them
at due seasons food and drink, pure, sweet, and suitable. Let this
be done for your departed friends, let them be satisfied.
Then, gathering together here, the assembled spirits of our
kinsmen rejoice greatly in a plentiful repast.
‘“‘ Long,” they say, “may our kinsmen live through whom we
have received these things; to us offerings are made and the
givers are not without reward.”
For in the land of the dead there is no husbandry, no keeping
of flocks, no commerce as with us, no trafficking for gold; the
departed live in that world by what they receive in this.
As water fallen from a height descends into the valley, so surely
do alms bestowed by men benefit the dead.
As the brimming rivers fill the oceans, so do alms bestowed by
men benefit the dead.
Let a man consider thus—‘“ Such a one gave me this gift, such
a one wrought me this good deed; they were my kinsmen, my
friends, my associates.” Then let him give alms to the dead,
mindful of past benefits.
For weeping and sorrow and all manner of lamentation are of
no avail; if their relatives stand thus sorrowing it benefits not —
the dead.
But this charity bestowed by you, well secured in the priesthood,
if it long bless the dead, then does it benefit them indeed.
And the fulfilment of this duty to relatives, to the dead is a
great service rendered, to the priests a great strength given, by
you no small merit acquired.
No. 29.—1884,| BUDDHISTICAL CEREMONIES, 235
NOTE.
Sakkaccam.—W hen a priest receives food he should repeat
to himself the following grace (sakkaccam refers to its
repetition ):—
Patisanikha yoniso pindapitamh patisevimi n’eva davaya na
madaya na mandanaya na vibhdsandya ydvad eva imassa k4yassa
thitiyé yapanaya vihimsiparatiy4 brahmacariy4nuggahaya iti
puranafi ca vedanamh patihankh4mi navafi ca vedanamh na uppa-
dessami yatra ca me bhavissati anavajjata ca phasu viharo citi.
[In real wisdom I take my food; not for amusement, not for
sensual enjoyment, not that my skin may be soft, not for beauty—
only to keep life in this body, for the subjugation of the passions
and as a help toa holy life. Thus I overcome my former pains
(z.e., the pains of hunger), and give not rise to new (?.e., those
_ which come from indulgence of the appetites), Thus will my
journey (7.e., on the way to Nirvana) be blameless and my
dwelling happy. |
This grace is an elaboration of the sentiment expressed
/ in the homely phrase “ eat to live, do not live to eat.’”? As
» Charles Lamb observes in his essays of Elia, “the proper
| object of the grace is sustenance, not relishes ; daily bread,
| not delicacies ; the means of life, and not the means of pam-
_ pering the carcass.”’
_ The Buddhists do not confine the custom of saying grace
_ to dinner: they have a grace for each of the four requisites
of a priest. For robes :—
| Patisaikh4 yoniso civarath patisevami y4vadeva sitassa pati-
| ghataya unhassa patighataya dathsamakasa vatatapasiriin sapa-
samphass4namh patigh4taya yavad eva hirikopinapaticchadanat-
| thath.
ie [In wisdom I wear my robes, as a protection against cold, as
/a protection against heat, as a protection against gadflies and
) Mosquitoes, wind and sun, and the touch of serpents, to cover
_) nakedness. ]
21—86 C
i)
236 : JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vol. VII.
For a place of abode and the like, such as beds, chairs,
&C.:— :
Patisankha& yoniso senasanath patisevami yavad eva sitassa
patighataya unhassa patighataya dathsa-makasa-vatatapa-siritsa
pasamphassanaih patighataya yavad eva utuparissaya vinodanam
patisallanaramatthamn.
[ In wisdom T occupy this abode as a protection against cold, as
a protection against heat, as a protection against gadflies and |
mosquitoes, wind and sun, and the touch of serpents, to keep off
the inclemency of the seasons, for the sake of peace of mind. |
And for medicines and the like :—
Patisankhd yoniso gilanapaccayabhesajja-parikkharam pati- "
sevami yavad eva uppannainam veyyAbadhikanamh vedananaih —
patighataya abhyapajjhaparamatay ati. )
_ [In wisdom I take medical requisites and drugs for the cure of ©
sickness and theills that arise therefrom, to secure the blessing of ©
freedom from suffering. | |
He No, 29.— 1884. | THRESHING-FLOOR. 237
THE LANGUAGE OF THE a G-FLOOR.*
{
Dy de 2. toe Hsq., .C.C.8.
(Read 12th February, 1884. )
THE use of a conventional language when engaged in the
various operations of paddy cultivation is not confined to
the Kandyans, but prevails more or less among paddy
cultivatorst throughout the Island, both Sinhalese and
| Tamil.f For instance, I found that it existed among the
Sinhalese of the Balapitiya and Tangalla Districts of the
| Southern, and among the Tamils of the Northern Province,
while Mr. Bell met with the same custom in the Rayigam
and Siyané Koralés of the Western Province. Nor is it
only when engaged in paddy cultivation that the Sinhalese
make use of a conventional language. The same custom is
| observed to some extent, at any rate by pilgrims, during
their pilgrimages to Adar’ s Peak, Tissamahardma, Katara-
) gama, and other sacred places. The reason for this
_ custom is that given by Mr. levers, viz., to guard against
giving the yaksayo§ an opportunity of yeas Aieanines: in
> any way of what is being said to the prejudice of the
speakers. Thus, I have heen informed, it does not do to
speak of “ ee” for instance, by the nord gaha, on account
| *Sin., OmBadac [goyibdse]; Tamil, aonuCuge [kalappéchchu].
| The Tamil name is the exact equivalent of the title of this Paper.
7 When the people are engaged in reaping, threshing, or measuring
}corn, they converse with each other in a peculiar language, which is
‘only understood by those who are cultivators. Those who are not
| acquainted with these terms could not speak in a threshing-floor with-
out giving offence.— (Correspondent of Ceylon Observer.)
| 4 Doubtless the same practice prevails among the Madras Tamils,
: ‘and probably among paddy cultivators throughout India. |
) § In the place of the yaksayéd of the Sighalese, the ‘'amils have the
Riuilis (g_oflaer—I do not mean the ‘labourers,’ who are sof) sei
\[Rulikal| ). They and the yaksayé correspond, as Mr. [evers says, in
" many respects to our malicious fairies or ‘ good people.’
| c2
238 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol VIII.
of the resemblance that word bears to gahanava |“ to beat’’ |,
lest a yaksaya who happened to be just within hearing
should (whether purposely or not I am not aware) make
an unfortunate mistake as to the word used, with con-
sequences unpleasant to the talkers!* ‘Tree’ is therefore
spoken of as pelétiya, a word which ordinarily means “a
small plant of any kind.” So for yanava [“ go”’], they say
issaraha balanava | “look ahead’’|, and for hatuvak enuna | “a
thorn has pricked me’’| the expression used is parandalak
issaraund, meaning literally, ‘a dried leaf has come
forward.’ For dara [“heavy’’| in this lingo its opposite,
sehellu [“light’’|,is substituted. Karuna karanawva [*to be
kind”’] has several curious significations. Thus, wmbala mehe
karundkalé kavadada means ‘when did you come here?’
(jit., ‘favour this place with your presence’) ; and api heta
gamata karundkaranda hita innava means ‘ we are thinking
of returning home to-morrow. Perhaps these expressions
are used by people who wish to be extraordinarily polite to
each other; but it is carrying politeness to an excess to
say for ‘a tick is biting me,’ .bbek karundkaranava [“a
tortoise is doing me a favour’’].
There seem some grounds for believing that, with the
progress of education, this practice is gradually dying out
both among Sinhalese and Tamil cultivators. It is very
often only in the memories of the elders of the village, or
of the pitisara minissu [“ country people’’| that the words
still linger. The words used by the Sinhalese cultivators
are not to my knowledge to be found in book or manuscript
of any kind, but are handed down from generation to
generation.| Hence it is, perhaps, just as well that as
* “ A man will not use the word ‘ take’ lest the yaksayé should con- |
sider it as a permission, and steal the paddy.” —Mr. levers, inC. A. S. |.
Journal, 1880, p. 50.
7 I may here remark that although several of the ‘l'amil conven-
tional words and expressions are given in Winslow’s and in Spalding’s
Dictionaries, I have not been able to find any of the Sinhalese words | ,
(except those ordinary words, which are used by the cultivators with | —
a different and conventional meaning) in either Clough’s or Bridgnell’s |
Dictionaries. 3
No. 29.—1884. | THRESHING—FLOOR. 239
many of these conventional words as possible should be
recorded before they are quite forgotten. Every word of
this kind, however primitive or uncouth, may have its use
in the study of the development and philology of the
Sinhalese language. With this object, I have added some
words used in the Districts of Balapitiya and Tangalla to the
vocabularies of Mr. Ievers and Mr. Bell already printed,
and I append also a list of Tamil words from the different
divisions of the Jaffna District. I have endeavoured where
possible to show the meanings and derivations of the
words.*
I annex also some goyiya songs from Balapitiya District,
with free translations.
From an examination of these lists the following remarks
are suggested :—
1. It may be inferred from the fact that the same words,
or words very similar, are used with the same meanings in
districts wide apart from one another, that there is an estab-
lished conventional language used by all Sinhalese cultiva-
tors, and that this language is not of recent origin.
2. Most of the words appear to be merely nicknames
coined for the purpose, generally from some peculiarity or
characteristic of the objects to which they are applied.f
This is especially the case with the names given to animals,
some of which are comical enough. ‘Thus, a grey monkey
is a ‘tree stag,’ while a brown one is ‘the cougher. A
chetah appears to be ‘the old man of the woods’ [beddé
muttd|. Itis not clear why, in Tangalla, the bear should
* An explanation of the meanings of most of the words in the
Kéealla List appeared in the Ceylon Observer of 5th December, 1882.
7 Thus, in Siyhalese: ‘whiteness’ [suduvd] for ‘chunam’ ;
‘sweetness’ [rahatiyd] for ‘jaggery’ ; ‘redness’ [ratid] for ‘fire’; ‘the
intoxicator’ [mathkarannd] for ‘tobacco’; ‘ black-water’ [kalu vatura |
for ‘arrack’; ‘white-water’ [sudu vatura], or ‘sediment-water’
[bora vatura], for ‘toddy’; ‘the cutter’ [kapannda] for ‘ knife,’ &c. ;
and in Tamil: ‘the runner’ [dddakkdran] for ‘ chaff’; ‘the inflamer’
[sulliduvdn} for chunam; ‘the rustler’ [suwrasarappan| ‘for mat’ ;
‘the joiner’ [aduvdén] for ‘rope’; ‘the accountant’ [kanakkan] for
‘lacham measure.’
240 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIIT. |
be at once a ‘village elder’ [gamaya], and ‘the donkey ’
[kaludéva|. More respect is perhaps paid by the Kandyans
to the boar; he is pre-eminently ‘the quadruped’ [hataraya|.
It cannot be said that the names given to the cock—‘ the
ground scratcher’ [d:npahura| and ‘the crower’ [anda-
lanna|; or by both Sinhalese and Tamils to the elephant,
‘the great animal’ [Sin. mahabdlaé, Tam. perumpéolan],
are inappropriate. So the Tamil cultivators call the ox
‘the walker’ [nadaiyan].*
3. In some instances the system adopted seems to be
merely to call the object by some word which ordinarily
has a different meaning ; thus a tick is called ‘tortoise’
[7464], a thorn ‘ dried leaf’ [parandala|, &c. Sometimes,
indeed, things are called by their contraries, or after quali-
ties the reverse of those which they possess, as for instance
sehellu |“ light’’| for dara [“ heavy], and muiriya
[‘‘ sweetness ’’| for dunu [“ salt’’].
4. A peculiarity which is characteristic of both the
Sinhalese and ‘Tamil threshing-floor language is the paucity
of verbs and the different significations of which each verb
used is capable. Thus, in Sinhalese, jayakaranava is
used both for ‘to eat’ and ‘to drink,’ and it is the
same in Tamil, where kodddppikka means either ‘to eat’
or ‘to drink:’ it also means ‘to smoke (tobacco)’ and
‘to chew (betel).’ Puravanavad, in Sinhalese, means ‘to
eat,’ ‘to drink,’ ‘to go’ (Kégalla), and ‘to place,’ and
* Similar nicknames are to be found in ordinary Sinhalese. A
mantis is tanagiravd, [‘‘ the grass parrot’’|,and there is another insect, a
kind of grasshopper, I believe, called bim-uira [“the ground boar.” | Sir
John Lubbock remarks (“‘ Origin of Civilization,” pp.821—2):—“ Hvery
one who has paid any attention to children, or schoolboys, must have
observed how nicknames often derived from slight and even fanciful
characteristics are seized on, and soon adopted by general consent.
Hence, even if root-words had remained with little alteration, we should
still be often puzzled to account for their origin. I believe they arose
in the same way as the nicknames and new slang terms of our own day.
These we know are often selected from some similarity of sound, or
connection of ideas, often so quaint, fanciful, or far-fetched, that we are
unable to recall the true origin even of words which have arisen in our
own time.”
No. 29.—1884. | THRESHING—FLOOR. 241
udavukaranava ‘to eat? and ‘to kindle (a fire).’ The
verbs, in fact, seem to be purely euphemistic words selected
entirely without reference to their having any, or no, resem-
blance in meaning to the words in place of which they are
used. Words with such meanings as ‘to increase,’ ‘ to
multiply,’ ‘to make fat,’ ‘to fill,’ appear to be considered
lucky words to use. Hence the Sinhalese cultivators use
puravanava |“ to fill” | and vadanava [*‘ to increase ’’| ; for
‘to begin the work’ of cultivation, puravadanava,* and vada-
nawoa tor ‘to sow’ [brttara vadanava|,t or, ‘to draw the
threshing-floor diagrams’ [aluhan vadanava|.{ Just in the
same way the Tamils use perukha |“ to cause to increase ”’ |
with many different meanings. The various meanings of
puravanava | “to fill’) I have already noticed. The Sinhalese
Kapurala shouts Pura! pura! [“ Full! full!’]; the
Tamil cultivator urges on the oxen on the threshing-floor, and
at the end of the work greets the appearance of the heap of
threshed corn with shouts of Poli! poli! (Increase! in-
erease!’’?|. Sothe Sinhalese say dokaranda (“to multiply ’’|
for ‘ to chew (betel),’ where the Tamils use metta [“‘to be
abundant ’’ |.
5. In one or two instances the Sinhalese cultivators
make use of ordinary Tamil words as their conventional
words, while a corresponding process is found among the
Tamils with respect to some Sinhalese words. Thus, in
Mr. Bell’s list of words from Rayigam Koralé, valapalam
(Tam., vdlaippalam) is given as the threshing-floor word for
“»lantain,’ while the Tamil cultivators calla “ winnow”’
kullam (Sin., kulla),§ and ‘a lime’ tésikhdi.
6. Sometimes the general is used for the particular, and
vice versa. In Sinhalese, “ winnow ” is yatura |“ the instru-
ment ”’| ; in Tamil “‘ margosa leaf” is pattiri [“ the leaf”’],
‘arecanut ’ is koddai [“‘the seed’, ‘ plantain’ is kani [“ the
* ©. A. 8. Journal, 1883, p. 46.
+ Ibid, 1880, p. 47.
+ ibid, 1880, p. 49, and 1883, p. 49.
§ This, however, is a Pali word.
242 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vol. VIII.
fruit’?|. On the other hand, the Sinhalese cultivator’s
word for ‘man’ is goyiyd ‘ cultivator ’—he is thought of
primarily in his agricultural capacity. For the same reason
his wife is goyzamma |‘‘ mother cultivator’”’|. Words with
a general meaning being thus sometimes used in a particular
sense, it follows that the latter varies a good deal in different
districts. For example, ambaruvad seems to mean “any
horned animal.”* In the Kégalla and Balapitiya districts
it means ‘elk’ [gona], but in the other districts it means
‘buffalo’: it is also, I think, used for ‘deer’ [muva].
Kalu gediya {the black lump’’| is applied to ‘monkey ’
[vandura| and ‘boar’ [ura].
7. It will be noticed, as another peculiarity of these
localisms, that many of the words denoting inanimate things
have the terminations which in ordinary Sinhalese or Tamil
are confined to words denoting animates, or are words
ordinarily denoting animates. This is particularly the case
with respect to those natural objects, agricultural imple-
ments, &c., to which in the exercise of their occupation
the cultivators have occasion oftenest to refer. Thus in
Sinhalese—T
ratta == fire (lit., redness)
Objects in J} gangula == water
nature. miriya = salt (lit., sweetness)
suduva == chunam (lit., whiteness)
pehiya = rice (lit., ripeness)
Fruits, 5c. HEE —= arecanut (lit., bitterness)
rahatiya == jaggery (iit., sweetness)
tittaya = gourd (lit., bitterness)
{ kapanna —= ‘knife (lit., the cutter)
Tools, &c. < liyanna = reaping-hook (lit., thecutter)
turankarannaé = spoon (lit., the separater)
* Cf. the difference in meaning between English deer and German thier.
7 To these may be added several K¢galla words, which in Mr. Ievers’s
list seems to be in the accusative plural. See the words marked with an
asterisk in the list at the end of this Paper, and compare them with the
corresponding words from the other districts,
No. 29.—1i884. | THRESHING—FLOOR. 243
And in Tamil—
vatarayan == the wind (lit., wind-king)
Obicets in | dddakkaran = _ chaff (lit., the runner)
Ae 4 sulliduvan == chunam (lit., the inflamer
smarter)
velichchakaran = camphor (lit., the shiner)
karukkuvan = _ tobacco (lit., the burner)
fruits, §¢. pukaichchadkaran benzoin (lit., the smoker)
¢ kollan = sickle (lit., blacksmith). So
| with the words for mamoty,
axe
fools, $c. \ sarasarappin == mat (lit., the rustler)
velaikaran, vélaiyal stick for separating the straw —
L from the grain (lit., servant)
This would at first sight appear as if the cultivators in
their euphemistic language were accustomed to adopt a sort
of personification of the more familiar, natural, and other
objects. Asimilar peculiarity has been noticed by Profes-
sor Max Miller as characteristic of a primitive state of
language. As a rational and probable explanation of it,
I cannot do better than quote his words. Referring to
language in its most primitive state, he says: “ Here, in the
lowest depths of language, lie the true germs of what we
afterwards call figurism, animism, anthropopathism, an-
thropomorphism ; here we recognise them as necessities—
necessities of language and thought—and not as what they
appear to be afterwards, free poetical conceptions. Ata time
when even the stone which he had himself sharpened was
still looked upon by man as his deputy, and called a cutter,
not a something to cut with; when his measuring rod was
a measurer, his plough a tearer, his ship a flier, or a bird ;
how could it be otherwise than that the river should bea
shouter, the mountain a defender, the moon a measurer?
.--.- hese are the simplest, the most inevitable steps of
language. If we want to know........ .what the ancients
thought when they spoke of a river, the answer is they
thought it exactly what they called it, and they called it, as
we know, in different ways, either the runner [sazi¢] or the
244 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). — [Vol. VIII.
noisy [zadi or dhuni|; or if it flowed in a straight line, the
plougher or the plough [sérd, river; sird, plough], or the
arrow; or if it seemed to nourish the fields, the mother
[mdtar|; or if it separated and protected one country from
another, the defender. [ sindhu, from sidh, sedhati, to keep off |.
In all these names you will observe that the river is con-
ceived as acting. As man runs, so the river runs ; as man
shouts, so the river shouts; as man ploughs, so the river
ploughs ; asa man guards, sothe river guards. The river is
not called at first a plough, but the plougher ; nay, even the
plough itself is for-a long time conceived and called an
agent, not a mere instrument. The plough is the divider,
the tearer, the wolf, and thus shares often the same name
with the burrowing boar, or the tearing wolf (vrzha is both
wolf and plough in the Veda). The conclusion arrived at
by Professor Max Miller is that grammatical gender is
not the cause but the result of personification. ‘ When
everything that was known and named had to be conceived
as active, and if active, then as personal ; when a stone was
a cutter, a tooth a grinder or an eater,a gimlet a borer ;
there was no doubt considerable difficulty in dispersonify-
ine, in distinguishing between a measurer and the moon, in
neutralising words, in producing in fact neuter nouns, in
clearly distinguishing the tool from the hand, the hand from
the man; in finding a way of speaking even of a stone as
something simply trodden under foot. There was no
difficulty in figuring, animating, or personifying. Thus we
see how for our purposes the problem of personification,
which gave so much trouble to former students of religion
and mythology, is completely inverted ; our problem is not
how language came to personify, but how it succeeded in
dispersonifying. ’’ *
Thus, then, although primitive language is “ without any
signs of gender, all ancient nouns expressed activities......
It was almost impossible to speak of things not active or
not personal. very name meant something active.”
oe
| * Max Miller, Hibbert Lectures, 1878, pp. 186-190.
=
< leit
No. 29.—1884. | THRESHING—FLOOR. 245
Feminine nouns were next introduced “with the setting
apart of certain derivative suffixes for females. By this
all other words became masculine. At a still later time
certain forms were set apart for things that were neuter.”’
I think, then, we have an analogous instance in this
language of the threshing-floor, which is in effect a rudi-
mentary language.
[Vol. VIII.
JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON).
246
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No. 29.—1884.]
[Vol. VIII.
JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON).
298
. Apped » tapun ves 170d 1o.q *(MoysutA\) ,,ngunyyrjod
oY} 0) 9XOU Feyo JO oouvs puoovos 04},, —= nyuvytinuvy |*** njuvytinaey (9)
,(LOOP-Surgseiq) oY} Opisjno sum10f
Woy Feyo Jo dvoy 949,, (g) $ , awoop-Surysoayy oy
puuost mers Jo dvoy 04},, (z) $,, yoou 944 Aq aoyjos
-04 uoxo Sut4y toy odor e ,, ([) = mojsuryy UL muny |" nyueyyod (¢)
. fe qa § wsjeynjuey (FP)
«Bey TIA poxrur Lppeq ,, Y aerate
‘LIBYVUNT UL posn ,.¢ JouuNA OY], ,, | ** uereyyeppo (Zz)
,90U9TIIS9d Fo auIT} UL §$}90.198 VS19ALA} 07 posod
dus ‘sjtaop 04} Suowme uowep Sutpvo] oy},, suluvout
sv Mojsury fq UoAT ,od0Joq SUNA OYA yey], ,, ¢ |*** ipoutinur (1) |'°* rweppeddes ‘avged |--: Hey
‘DANPNS POM AOOY-surysoayy osopeyUrg O47 GAIA “fy
,C ULVUNYO,, LOF SPIOAM OY} FO QUO SB 2) jad SOATG MOTSUT AA, =
_Coysey quosund
@ oAvy,, ,“GavWIS 09,, ‘wpajjns HOTZ ,‘touTepUl oJ, ,, |*** tivanpijjns |** nduryutns | meungy
CWSI B AWOYs 07, “wppyy ywit : |
pipyynyoyoujea == 1toyduvs uing OF, ,,touLys omy, ,, |°°" UeleyyVyoyoroa |<** wvinddaey |: xoydursy
"10}20UL JOPVA wppoy —=_,jNUBIIAB PU& [eJ0q SUIMOYD,,
“MOTSUIAA UL WOATS SI 20727700 Joppa SULTONITAA 5, |""° [epea |r IB[IVJOA |""° [219q
4 LOYOUS 0Y},, ,(YSuY B INOYIIA =
pees jo purty duv,, sutuvoul se morsutA, Aq uUeAty |** uUviBy-jeqorwynd |: Tuvaiduarvyo js ulozuog
‘ldeyvuNng Ul pos;y |**° 1vppoy |** nyyed |r gnuBoOIy
*SyIV MOY ~ *pLOAA [BUOT}UEATO,) *(Areurpso) [rue J, *Ys|Louy
08 ‘spine ‘s79019Q ]04NIDAT—¥
‘SdYOM YOOTM-ONINSTUHY, TINV[— TL
THRESHING-FLOOR LANGUAGE. 209
No. 29.—1884.
JSG ,, St od Jo Suruvow [RUISITO OTT,
UII PUOUIBIC, ,,
(901d partog,, (¢) £,,yytud,, (F) §109eM,, (g) *,,ssoupooms
(z) {,,vIsoaquie ,, ([) Saruvour se MO[sUIAA Ul WOAH]:
‘(lavyeun | Ul posn) , parHouys Ot], ;,
(avo Surkvoap 9Y},, 10 ,“vjv Moay Sutdad ,, oY} TOYITY
F978 M5, Tapun veg
*(,uodia 04,, = atiny) yay ony,
‘02 ‘SUTTSIIG) JO
FIOM OY} Ul pesvsus oIGM vou oy} fq pejnoys paoMm
snorordsne oy} st yog _,,, eS¥arouL 0},, Suveut 270d qaoA
oy} $ (moOTsUrA ) ,,WIeIs zoy}0 10 Apped pomouutmuy ,,
_opveredas 07,, ‘njgzoan) wi0ay AQIS
-SOq “JOIISI(] SpURIS] OY} UL posu px1OM OY} SE SIT,
« peqyurod ,, = tipuny
Ayjeroues Apped,, uvow 07 yo1ysiq lMWeyeung
oy} JO asendsuvl [BUOTJUATOD 9} Ur ‘19AOMOY ‘posn
S14] A011 JO pULY B,, CULULOT SB MO|SULAA UL UAT)
co OMe
“2yap aso[eytitg 9
‘suvioishyd Suome posn Sv PIOM SIG} SOATS MO[SUL AA
«MSIL, 10 dae] OL, »,
duel iq OUT »
«¢ 40BI1G ,, apun veg
(C20URS9TO,, ,“Ajnvaq, ,,
03 dn ,Yous,, wor issutueeu Aust svy pa40M SITY,
(Z) JO “Meyeung ut pes/)
SOUS ,, =—=jjaa ,,+ Aynvoq,, ,, ‘SSIUIYON ,, = IPP
S (,,782q 09 ,, = nppoy)
4.) 2] [eu,, st suruvoum Arvuntad say ,,"]NUL0DOD ,, Joy ‘IV0F
-duIyselg} oy} 98 posn se “Woppoy sSoAIG MOjSULAA|’™
od
tpoddearkea
nynue (¢)
Tunynjr (2)
ranynje (1)
US|
tuey
tjod (g)
njuvary (Z)
tivany (1)
11194%d
yy 1894
Wey Yoo
wey gorjoa-naed
aod (Z%)
ox (1)
ueeare{joa (f)
uvAvarpsy (¢g)
ueppoy (2)
teppoy (1)
ooo npns
ae jeuvu
yes nioyo
as Tel eu
oe: wejeddie(va
a0 nyjou
ses rejiddga.
wejedmeyoqornye
oes nddnieu
sec Tueyo
2 kyy-tigy
(Apped) yorig
pur
(peytoq) aorsy
ley]
VN AF UleL UB] FJ
Apptg
jeoy Bsosavyy
(may) our]
oll
(@enieo) Sang
qnuvo00y
[Vol. VIII.
JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON).
260
“LayINT LVF{[—,,10jNOU & SB OU ‘surI[Nosvul B sv
‘004 ‘SIy) uq * 9Svlq 047, VIBA OF puL “TaMOTG 9q),
ekB A 0} posseappe sumdy updo A 04) UL puy eA sniyy,
“JSe[q 94}, PUB JO U0/q OY}, UAOMJOq Op AA sv SING
-Ul}sIp Jou op qoveds pur yysnoyy Ayaey ,, “npehrany
tiphipsnjpa = ,,GUIMOG S14], “(GIAysuBg) _, SULY-pPUL AA 5,
‘wwytinjoy 70d = . 10}e@M GUNP-MOD ,,
*(, porvjise,, ‘aoyem axl] du pois oq 0},, =
nytojony) ,,t0jVM APpNU,, SULUVOT SB MOTSUI AA Ul UIATS)
‘62 “dd
“6181 ‘eumno0e “Gg °yW “OQ ,“poop yuepora kuv,, 10
,CUIBI JO JOMOYS B,, JUBOTT OUT] 9UO 4B YOIGM ‘Munna
piom osopeyuig ot} JO SuLuvoUT 94} UL soouvyo
oY} UO FprmMyosplor Aq Syavulet 04} 90Q "poopy syJ, s;
TAN AMON
“py pug ,,{sqdoaorg [lWIey,, SBVAlNteg 909
194VM S3r Jo Aytqotodus oy} a0f powez st ory
‘IBALL LIQABY OY} JO WLU 94} 9q OF SUIOOS PAOAA SIT J,
"70]70UL
fivanyynsny = ,009¥q0} Suryowmg,, _“deauanq oy, »;
«, UNG “YOIOOS 0},, = nyynupy $ , Suruang.,,
«MeIZS JO Ysiqqna,, —= wojny ,“pury ,, = vvyy
‘SyIVMoy
tivAvreer
dé v
ms jeyavyex (g)
= mejjea (Z)
Se I19ABV¥y IO 1yaavy (T{)
uvdeany
-ynivy 10 Uvanyynavy (7)
gn6 [By >[n1B yy ( 1)
vse UBT NY YTB y
ee 1poyxyrpod
*pIOAA [BUOTJUAAUOD
“‘panuyuoa—‘a& ‘sping ‘sqoalaQ poInjuUNT— ¥
200 n44By foo put AA
see xuuey |**° TO7C AA
ss reyrArveynd [+ 0d0¥QO J,
(qa
— pexim Apped) mezyg
a yoyyrea |" MBIA
*(Cavurps0) [we “Ysyoaq
THRESHING-FLOOR LANGUAGE. 261
No. i.
(C8OXV,, Tepun ag
, 9d01-ayvug,,
_dtoutol oq, ,,
‘op
(oeg ,, dapun vag
« preaq ,, ,yejd 02 ,, = wpnyyr
,,OU0T MOIS ,, ,.“pud}Xe 0},, —= NpPayy
e ¢
PIOM OAjezoN UB (“ToIsNt OUT, ,,
4 OXY 5, dapun vag
(107UN09 9Y] J, 5,
pee CU cle ED OR a
., [OMO14 S toseut,, (¢)
te T[Oy
nduvddiund
JOOP-Sulysaiyy
9} JO 9ye4s ot} U0 O44
4 poyorsye odoa ‘111938 (9)
ee
+, UITOIS ORT », @)! *,, Puly Aue jo yjruis # ,, (1) = tinyjoyy| *
uvanpe (¢)
tivunaey (FP)
tvanquey (¢)
UvAvavyipoyxytjod
uvaearwy (%)
njuey (1):
uedeansod-pipuy
tvdvansod-dnjz,0¥
teqomepam-Avd (¢)
tizummpou-ded (Zz)
uvddeieseaes (1)
iieoy- Yppoateua
uvyyeuey (Z)
uejedta (1)
yod-deyeaey
weyoyovyt
tiedvansod-deyupry
itv (eanasod-jeum
TeTPOY-YLIGVeH HT y
"08 ‘squamajduy— gq
voe
208
uvarre | ITIIIG
1ind-[ey yea |°*° (toop-surysoayy
ay} Sutpavns
toy) odor mMeayg
nardvy |**° edoy
[ipay jo 19A00-YOIVY
ny}Oy | (q} nou
OPIM YIM) oansvo yy
ked |-** (Surysoaqy) ye yy
Ippeauvur |": A}.0008 JA
weqoyoeyr |e (sjaenb g
= dINsvoul) WByoV'T
UIByAVIVy \*"° dug
ippoddnarje | (surmmsevou) yayseq
wreyepey |-* (epo) yoysegy
jeum |: (elo) seg
yyeyyrey | Oxy
(Vol. VIII.
JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON).
262
Surpsooid oy} 908) s[ewine yuoTO_Ip Sutouop sproM
UI SOXIYY Se punoy ore yod pu unjod yoq -(4011}
-siq, vdijidejeg ul posu paom v) ,,uomIOM,, = ofy0g
‘tig oy} orsdwoo yoryM yqIM ‘270d st Wao} OUTULUIOT
oUT, ,~Uou 944,, ,,“SJUBALOS-UWIAIB] OIVUTIPAOGNS 9 ,,
= joyspunjpog (,MO[Te,, ‘ssorppe Jo W194 AVeITIUNey
e@ ‘upjog “WIS JO) ,,ajenbo uv ‘aoqyouer sojquiesea oat
au0,, tipa-zod aouay ,‘ae[tus oq 04,, njod wo} 41 ST
"MO[SUIAA UL UDALS JOU SI tinjog *Dj/9G-vYyDU IO DIO ‘FQ |*** tiejod |*** jee: uosied ‘uvyy
“DIOG-DYyvUu “WIG “JQ, [eurrue ywoas oy T,,, |°"° tivyjod-mnuaod |° 1euy |" queydorq
‘ppg “HIS “JQ “PAO ATVe}IUNT UY |" * uvanpr [ea |*** keu |*** s0g
aie we jeytod eee eee soe | ay}9e9
‘op ae toddnsed |*"° used |" MOD
(UCIT ,, Topun vag |*" roddietind |: teuad | qeg
“SJOUUP —"-—)
“(Giaysueg) mpyny big Jo [°° welpay | nyeyuygo |°*° ~~ AAOUUL AA
ae = nivuz-tpod |*** NABl LU
= = nayjrur-tyod | rppoy | (pes) yous
: tier y-1epaa (¢@) sive
« TOIMOGB] OUT, | je-1ejaa (Z) oq} Woy MeIYS ON}
quent £J009 Oy,» |"*" ipArny (1) | they [eqdepnor jsuyeredes az0y yo
é "SyIVUI AT *PlO AA [BUOTJUA UOD *(Areurpso) [TUB “YsILdaq
“‘panuruom—"9.) ‘szuamajdug— gq
263
No. 29.—1884.| THRESHING-FLOOR LANGUAGE.
piom suipuodsoi109 & si ‘jouz ut tivjog *(sotduiexe
"nduohe = (at) Surrg ,,
“‘nyyntaddiduvh: = , Keae (41) OAV, ,,
*nyynsaddianynut poYUNJ DY = _,dyI pues O4,,,
“pyynsad wpynuU —= _IINSVIU OF, ,,
dvey B OJUL U109
poie;480s 04} 1ayIVS,, vyynwaddrnjjnj ny =, LOOP-sutqsoay} oy} dooas OT, ,,
“pyynsadjuvyunoyjod = 1dy@M SUNP-MOO YIM opyuIAds OF ,,
“nypppra 2yynsad = | (siVd Vy} JO) yno oir sey (Apped oyy,),,
“pavuvuvyog ‘pavnu
OStdIOUL 0} Osnvd 04,, ‘A[;RIOILT
((O[0dld UIVIO BV OYVUI OT, 5,
*(ALo[SUr AA )
,C90LL paysery} 9q} WO spaez Yoor[nq oy},, ‘ngnyyaddpppoy ywhrod tiohwp
-DNY “qSearvy UL poesn paom jerouraoad @ se moyjsutA4 AQ UOAIS si 47
*(,,guuv0D00,, Jepun oes) tinppoy moay paattop oq 0} savodde paom si y,
“Dpvoa Spo oystureqdna “tig 949 “FO
*SHIBULOY
r
ae
|
eXkos ueppea rod
eyyiddeppoy
l
"(pro AA [BUOIJUSAUOD) [TUTE]
aqa
Srey
(1007
deomg
(1048 MA
sanp-Moo) epyuradg
ses on
oe aw0g
-SuIqseIq, 91)
UIVIS 94} J99T[0D
(0908q07) 9youIg
qeqy
yulig
(ja}0q) MoT
"YSt[suyq
"$q.la4—q
“apoyun
-pppu = _,UdxX0 JOWLI, V,, “psOM AOOP-surysoayy B
se Ayjeoods you Inq ‘MO[SUTAA UL UdAIS,, JON]VM ON T,,, |°°°
FL d “o/-1981 ‘Teuanopr “g _Y "9 209
*90U9}UOS OY} UI 270d SUIAOT|OJ PIO OUIOS 03 SUISUOTAG
d yeuy ayy ‘dijod sv ‘jeuanoe -g -y Avquog oy) ut
e[917.1B Us WO ‘stmpY *f Aq pojonb paom oy} oq 4snuT
‘yurgy | ‘270g ‘phoquad pao [euomueauod ‘fig 34} 07
rs ees
uvdepeu |:
nine
xO
JOURNAL, RAS. (cHYLON )e [ Vol. VIL.
264
z eyyiddeygnd
(
‘panininyn.to) nnsins tig JO ‘nhany ininwoa = _ DUIUTBI SI YT 55 |
s “nphiany tivipwnjpa = ,, SULMOTG SI4T,, | 7°" eyyIAny 4
: du deay 03,, ‘A]]B10q1ry |
L
"SyEWOy *(pIO AA TEUOTJUEAUOD) [LWT Y,
SS SP EE ET
eee desig
580 wey
pe (puIM sv) Bolg
wie (Sunp-m09) jug
pe (qov}s oy} WOT]
sivd 94}) UMOP suULIg
ue (ureas jo dvoy
oy} uo avdtejjid) oovlg
*** (1ooH-Surysoayy oy Jo
gjod oajue0 oy)) xg OT
"ysl sug
*PInuyuUogr—Sq4a ff == CI;
No. 29.—1884.] THRESHING-FLOOR LANGUAGE. 265
EK.— Miscellaneous.
There is a peculiar method of notation in use among Tamil culti-
vators, similar to a system described by the late Maha Mudaliyar L. De
Zoysa, as found in ancient Sanskrit and Sinhalese works,*
Thus, one person — kaddaiyadiyitpolan, because there is one centre
pole (kaddaz) in the thre-hing-floor, or perhaps one man whose duty it
is to fix it there (kaddaippolan). In the Sinhalese system “one” is
represented by Méru, because there is but one Méru mountain in the
world.
“Two persons” = hkavaipolépolamar. Kavat means “the fork of a
branch.” In Sinhalese nétra (eyes) — 2.
“Three persons” = chilampélépélamar. Huilam = “trident.” In
Sinhalese Siva (who has three eyes) = 3.
“Four persons” = vélampdlépdlamar; so in the Sinhalese system
Véda = 4, because there are four Védas.
“ Rive persons” = kaipdléepdlamar, because there are five fingers. In
the Sinhalese system sara = 6, because there are six tastes.
I understand that similar fanciful methods of representing numbers
are in vogue in the bazars.
1].—Siyuatese CuLtivators’ Sones.
1 —Whilst Sowing.
ACHE aABad BO dA
So DSyo DY SoH
QBS BG0k awa
BASOSOD O¢Som €5_
BHIMOS BO DEO
OMS BM@ED) HD CH
S69) 8S Q@domads
@E5ERBOS 2 VOcSH
aMEMaae gO BBO
EDeseos CSAQz Doves
OHnasIvG BOD YO E@mo
Qa omd2& aocond &
Qeoar:B&u QOd,SHS
BeGsy BSQHs 05
BEOQ cma! &O8
OOD EDosy Sas
©: © © © ©2000. 0 © 0-0] 220) ©. ©
*C.A.S, Journal, 1852, p. xlv—xlvi.
266
JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII.
Balagala kandé hima vata
Kapa tana ema vigasata
Mulbiju vapurayi sanikata
Sataravaram deviyo evita
Satara karé veta bendimata
Goyi semadena avi évita
Palamuva siti mulgoyiyata
Devipihitayi sema devituta .
Gonagalé puravedimata
Dahasak rajavaru veda sita
Mahasakvala hima medikota
Veda keruvayi sadenek sita
Mulgoyiya gurupandurata
Sadamin kirimuhun evita
Kirimavu dahasak emavita
Genna dunné vigasata
[When all the fields are well prepared,*
Which lie round Balagala hill,
Right quickly then the seed is sown
By the Four Regents of the earth.}
*I cannot vouch for perfect accuracy in these translations, the meaning
in some places being very obscure—at any rate to one who is not “to the
manner born.”
+ “ Below the highest sphere four regents sit,
Who rule our world.”—“ Light of Asia,” 8th ed., p. 1.
At the Birth of Buddha.
« When they brought the painted palanquin
To fetch him home, the bearers of the poles Pe
Were the four regents of the earth, come down
From mount Suméru—they who write men’s deeds
On brazen plates—the Angel of the East,
Whose hosts are clad in silver robes, and bear
Targets of pearl: the Angel of the South,
Whose horsemen, the Kumbhandas, ride blue steeds,
With saphire shields: the Angel of the West,
By ndgas followed, riding steeds blood-red,
With coral shields: the Angel of the North,
Environed by his yakshas, all in gold,
On yellow horses, bearing shields of gold.
These with their pomp invisible, came down
And took the poles, in caste and outward garb
Like bearers, yet most mighty gods.”—Jdid, pp. 4, 5.
See also J. Alwis’ “Contributions to Oriental Literature,” Part Il,
pp. 113,114, for an account of the four guardian dévas, by the Rev. R.Spence- —
Hardy, upon which the description in the “ Light of Asia” would seem to be ~
founded,
No. 29.—1884.] THRESHING-FLOOR LANGUAGE. 267
)
Then come the numerous husbandmen,
On the four sides a fence to raise,
While to the leader of the band
The favouring gods assistance give.*
His heart is filled with joys divine,
When Gonagala’s fields are sown,
A thousand kings the rites attend, {
The great world’s bounds by them enclosed.
Six persons carry on the work,
Milk-leaven then the chief provides
For offerings meet {—and to the feast
Mothers-of-milk a thousand bids. §]
_* Devipihitayi.—See C. A. 8. Journal, 1883, p. 59, note.
+ Puravedimata—A correspondent writing to the Ceylon Observer says:
“Whether in maha or yala when the field is prorerly ploughed, the cul-
_tivator observes a favourable nekata to sow the first seed; for which purpose
a small space of ground, where two embankments meet, is prepared. When the
first seed is sown, a branch from the sabarala, a cocoanut-flower, and a bit of
saffron are fixed on the spot, that it may be thus exactly distinguished.
This ceremony is called Puravedima. When harvest is at hand, the portion
of corn in this distinguished spot is first reaped by some person who is not
a member of the family. It is kept, to be dedicated to the gods, on an
elevated stick until the harvest is ended, is threshed in a separate place, and
the ‘paddy of that portion forms a part of expense, either of the dance called
- gammadu, or the feeding a kapud, a demon priest.”
According to Mr. Bell, Puravadanavd also means to begin the work of
clearing. It is evidently an euphemistic expression used with various meanings.
_ See C.A.S. Journal, 1883, p. 46.
+t Gurupandwrata. “The money offered to a god or demon is always
called panduru, which means, “ransom money.” C.A.S. Journal, 1865, p. 42.
See also C.A.S. Journal, 1883, p. 58; also a gift to one’s Teacher in grateful
acknowledgment of his services.
Se There is a certain déne or alms-giving ceremony called Kiri Ammd-
marunne Ddne, or “the alms of the mothers-of-milk,” generally observed three
- months after the birth of a child. Besides other people, who are invited to
the house to partake of food or dane on the occasion, seven women, some-
times seven unmarried girls, named for the time kimi ammald, or “ the mothers-
of-milk,” are made to sit apart from the others, and are treated to a breakfast
of boiled rice, plantains, and a sort of jelly called “milk,” made of rice-
flour, jaggery, or country sugar, and the juice of the cocoanut. The dishes
%
nie
b
is
he
of the others, who are treated on the same occasion, are different from these.”
C. A. S. Journal, 1865, p. 65.
21—86 B
his
HON
a =i
268 JOURNAL, R.A.S, (CEYLON).
(2)— While Weeding.
DAIMNAOMY BOD DOA OHNCHAE
Fay D os} &3 om Gd DDD DE
ESMMoss DMEOS F DACOE
aESasd os} SBOS VE amar
O- ©. ©
Bintenné himavatakara nelanakalata
E“tenné siti goyi puravadanakalata
Asvenné kadimayi é¢ kumburuvalata
Deviyanné pihitayi mulgoviyata
[ When the fields are weeded round Bintenna,
When the husbandmen have there the rites performed,
The crop is then a pleasant sight to see,
May the gods grant their help to the farmer chief. |
(3)— While Threshing.
QDeosd ap easy og od
OMS PCOSD OMC0H @os
FCO 65) an0a) ass
ODNOS AGOSD omeodsB Ox
EOS OBNOOS OO WO ran)
HE OCSSDOS DO Fax)
GOS OSNGOS OO WO ma
QS O€5HT0z) DO ma
EOS ODNOOS GO M® mo
ome CMOP zo | Fayy)
EOS ODNOOS OO ADO raw
HB Chad zoo FaXy)
EOS ODNOOS OO DO raw)
DGIODEISAOSY WMO ao
BOD EC QWODOAHS EHO OOKNSI HOD OO BOD O
© a 2 © OHOOOHS GHD OOMSI YSOD ODO DOD O
21 CLES OWHODOHS ECHO ONMNA GSD OO BOD O
SIDBDOiLG QDHODOHS GSO oOGHaI GSD OD BOD IO
GHCODOTG BOsD QimM ongM Zw Hdd oO HO
SHEODOG BOcD Oo onBM oI GSD OD BO
EQOMAOE Boon BO om GH sI YD OO BOD
masast od ©9910 one at gcd oO AD
No. 29.—1884.| THRESHING-FLOOR LANGUAGE. 269
Muduné yana gonrajuné
Tope balayen kola madiné
I'langa yana nambané
Tope balayen kola madiné
Apé noveyi mé kamataé,
Sanda deviyanné kamata
Apé noveyi mé kamata
Tri deviyanné kamata
Apé noveyi mé kamata
Soli rajagé kamata
Apé noveyi mé kamata,
Pandi rajagé kamata
Apé noveyi mé kamata
Gana deviyanné kamata,
Samanala mahavehera usata genet purava mé kamatata
Makkama mahavehera usata yenet purava mé kamatata
Kelaniya mahavehera usata genet purava mé kamatata
Ruvanveli mahavehera usata genet purava mé kamatata
Thalavelé tiyena beta genet purava mé kamatata
Phalavelé tiyena beta genet purava mé kamatata
Atukotuvala tiyena beta genet purava mé kamatata
Génunné héma beta genet purava mé kamatata
[ On—king, leader of the team,
Lend strength the corn to tread;
Lusty steer * that follows next,
Lend your strength the corn to tread.
This is not our threshing-floor,
’Tis the Moon-god’s threshing-floor ;
This is not our threshing-floor,
Tis the Sun-god’s threshing: floor;
This is not our threshing-floor,
Tis King Soli’s threshing-floor ;
* Nambané, a word found in both Sinhalese (ndmbd) and Tamil (ndmpan).
According to Winslow it is a provincial word, meaning “ steer ” or “ bull-calf.”
In Sinhalese, “boar,” == tiru-ndambd.
E 2
270 JOURNAL, RAS. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII.
This is not our threshing-floor,
’Tis King Pandi’s * threshing -floor.
This is not our threshing-floor,
’Tis god Gana’s ¢ threshing-floor. |
High as Samanala’s Peak, fill with corn the threshing-
floor ; ;
High as holy Mecca’s { shrine, fill with corn the
threshing-floor ;
High as sacred Kelani, fill with corn the threshing-floor;
High as Ruvanveli’s shrine, fill with corn the threshing-
floor.
Bring the corn from highest tracts, § and pile it on the
threshing-floor ;
Bring the corn from lowest tracts, and pile it on the
threshing-floor ;
From atuva and kotuva || bring corn to fill this
threshing-floor ;
E’en the women’s wonted share 4 must help to fill this
threshing-floor. | |
* Tamil, Pdndi-rdsan, the King of Madura: Pdndiyan, any king of Madura,
of the lunar dynasty: Pdandu, a sovereign of ancient Delhi, the nominal father
of the Pandava princesi(Wins.). See “‘ Hinduism,” by Monier Williams, p. 112.
‘“‘Indian Kings belonged to one or the other of two great families, which
were held to have descended respectively from the sun and the moon, The
former called surya vansa, or solar dynasty; the latter, the chandra vaysa,
or lunar dynasty. The solar dynasty was the more eminent of the two.?
(“ Arichandra,” translated by Sir M. Commara Swamy, note on p. 217.) »
+ Gana, Ganesa, or Ganapati, the Hindu god of wisdom, and remover of
obstacles.
t Compare the song from the Kalutara District, given by Mr. Bell, in
which reference is also made to “Mecca’s sacred foot.” (C. A. S. Journal,
1883, p, 53.) There must have been some Moormen, I should think, in the
villages in which these songs were composed, whom it was desirable to con-
ciliate.
§ Thala and pahala elapata, the portions of a field which are res-
pectively nearest to and furthest from the tank which irrigates it.
|| The atuva is a store for paddy, either a detached building or under @
the same roof as the house. The fotwva is a shelf or platform used forthe
same purpose, and supplementary to the atuva, Atukotuvala may be merely
a re-duplication, such as is common in Sinhalese and Tamil. Cf. with this —
and the two preceding lines the song above referred to, given by Mr. Bell,
part of which is almost identical with them :
Thala velé tibena betat
Pahala velé tibena betat
Atu-kotu-vala tibena betat
Hda puravan me kamatata.
q The portion paid to the women as hire for their labour.
acs
at:
a No. 29.—1884.] BALANGODA ORNITHOLOGY. 271
NOTES ON THE ORNITHOLOGY OF THE
BALANGODA DISTRICT.
By Freperick Lewis, Esq.
My acquaintance with this District ranges from January,
1879, since which period I have taken more or less constant
ornithological observations, which I venture to condense
into the form of a Paper, showing the number of species
that have fallen within my observation, their range,
migration, and, where possible, their nidification. :
In order to render this Paper as complete as ornitho- —
logical science requires,—a want beyond the mere enumera-
tion of cases,—I have thought it best to describe the
locality, its general physical condition, rainfall, and climate.
Outline of the District.--From an ornithological point of
view, the geographical boundaries of a district are by no
means satisfactory, as the winds and bends made by such
limits are of necessity bound to enclose forms that are
common to both sides of the geographical point of demar-
cation. ae
It therefore becomes more suitable to adopt fixed lines,
which, though seemingly arbitrary, are very convenient and
clear. With this in view, I have drawn lines which enclose
as nearly as possible the district I purpose describing,
while, at the same time, fixing definite boundaries. Accord-
ing to the lines I have drawn, the district may be said to
be bounded on the north by the great chain of hills
dividing the Central from the Western Provinces, from
Miriyakotakanda to Nonpareil estate; on the east by a
line from the Nonpareil estate to the Bilihul-oya resthouse,
-and in a southerly direction from the resthouse to the
Lafikabarana estate; on the south by a short line due
west from the Lafikabarana estate to the 78th mile-stone
on the Colombo-Badulla-road, at a place called Palla-
kanda; on the west by aline running north-west to a
272 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII.
trigonometrical station situated on the boundary of Agar’s
Land tea estate, and known as Balakotenna, and connected
from that station with Miriyakotakanda, the starting point
first named. This includes the whole of Balangoda proper ;
and from the length of my list of species, I think it will
be found to cover a wide number of forms, especially in
proportion to the area of land.
Geographical Outline.—This may be roughly said to
resemble a basin, closed on the south, west, and north by
ranges of hills, and open on the east. The twochief ranges
are those on the north, which are a continuation of the
Adam’s Peak and sister mountains, and the Pettiagala hills
on the south, that are more or less connected with the first
bya number of broken and undulating spurs passing through
the Bambarabotuwa district, towards Kdndurugala.
Miriyakotakanda is approximately 5,800 feet, from which
the dividing range descends into a saddle, continuing to
rise as it goes eastward till it reaches Etamoruwa at 6,600,
overlooking Bagawantalawa. Deteniyagalla is about 6,300,
and, viewed from below, it looks like a huge sugarloaf
towering above the grass lands at its foot. !
Pettiyagala, on the southern range, is over 4,000 feet,
sloping down to Balangoda town, that stands on the
eastern base of the range at an elevation of 1,776 feet,
and facing Kirindigala on the east; that is, part of a
small and distinct line of hills, separate from either of
those mentioned above. The altitude in consideration,
therefore, is between, approximately, 1,609 (at the 78th mile-
stone) and 6,600, or a vertical range of 5,000 feet.
The southern aspects of both the dividing range and the
Pettiyagala chain are equally precipitous, being wholly
inaccessible to ordinary passage throughout wide extents
of ground, and it is only where the rocks give support to
soil and trees that a means of ascent can be found. Below
Miriyakotakanda, and onwards to Deteniyagalla, huge walls
of rock form the face of the hilly range, and it is with
the utmost labour and difficulty that a traveller can get
{rom one side to the other.
No. 29.—1884.] BALANGODA ORNITHOLOGY. 273
Rivers.—The Walawé-ganga is the chief river of the dis-
trict, and takes its rise below and around Miriyakotakanda,
from which a large tributary, known as the Oorawa-ela,
supplies a material portion to its waters. This branch
has to descend over an enormous precipice, that is, I believe,
the highest waterfall in the country. Looking up the fall
from below, the water appears to come from the clouds, as
no part of the land to the back of it can be seen, except
from the opposite hill. The Boltumbé-oya, Boranga-ela,
Maha-oya, and Massena-oya are the chief remaining streams
of any magnitude, or worthy of notice.
The Bilihul-oya is, of course, an important stream, but its
rise is not made within the district, and only passes through
a part of the locality before it finally joins the Walawé-
Sanga. - |
Botanical aspect.—The country to the west of the Balan-
goda town is chiefly large forest, that also clothes the
northern range. The space formed and enclosed by this
forest-clad area consists of chena, grass-land, and the coffee
estates belonging to both natives and Huropeans. ‘The
small district of Boltumbé, comprising a group of villages
together at the foot of the Northern chain. Paddy fields,
both large and small, dot about throughout the middle of
the district, and wherever facilitated by the lay of the land.
The forests contain a curious mixture of trees. The rocky
faces of the hills are covered with the formidable hatuhitul
or spiked palm ( Oncosperma fasiculata), and lower down,
' where the temperature is warmer, cables of rattan (Cala-
mus rudentum) chain trees together with their powerful
grasp.
In the sandy soil exposed to the blasts from the south-west,
there flourishes the ironwood ( Mesua ferrea), that appears
to be widely distributed in the district. Malaboda, or wild
nutmeg (Myristica laurifolia), the favourite food of the
_ Hill mynah, is both numerous and common to different
elevations, but preferring an altitude above 2,000 feet.
Del or wild breadfruit (Artocarpus nobilis ), is frequently
found in the warmer localities, and affords food to both
274 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII.
birds and squirrels. Bombax Malabaricum, or red cotton,
the katu-imbul of the Sinhalese, appears frequently below
3,000 feet, and attains a large size. During the flowering
season this tree attracts a curious number of birds, that
find food both in the flowers as well as on the insects
that congregate upon them. Kekuna (Canarium Zeyla-
nicum) is found in every native garden in the district,
but I do not remember having ever seen it in forest,
Cinnamon trees ( Cinnamomum Aotanens) are not uncom-
monly found in the forest, together with a large number of
species known as bastard cinnamon.
Katuboda (Cullenia excelsa) appears in many parts of
the forest, but it is not very common. Hbony ( Diospyros
ebenum) occurs but very sparingly, and not above 3,000
feet as far as my personal experience goes. The hora-gaha
or “thief-tree’’ (Dipterocarpus Zeylanicus), is frequently
found in sheltered forests, at low elevations, where the
Sinhalese use it for the gum-like oil that is extracted from
it. The next well-known resin-yielding tree, the stately
dun (Doona Zeylanica), is very numerous onthe dividing
range, but becomes comparatively rare below 2,500 feet.
Kina badulla, dewata, and many other valuable timber
trees abound, too numerous to mention in a paper confined
to ornithology, though their claims of interest would —
otherwise demand a much more extended notice than I
am able at present to afford, even presuming that I was —
sufficiently qualified to oe justice to such a task. |
- Tam bound, however, to say a few words with regard to
the grass and Getaed botany. In the former, the wide
extent of mana grass (Andropogon Martini), freely mixed ™
with the patana or brake fern (both largely used by
cinchona planters for “covering”? and “shading” respec-
tively), represent the most characteristic features of the so-
called grass land. These wide areas of grass are here and
there dotted over with the well-known patana oak, and are ~
peculiarly interesting to the ornithologist. As many curious
species may be found, such as Dumeta albogularis, Pyctorhis
nasalis, Prinia socialis, and the ubiquitous Cisticola cursitans,
LS
er
Th
»
ah RE APTS MS ERE Ed,
bees ANALY 8 Fy X
é No. 29.—1884,] BALANGODA ORNITHOLOGY. 279
not to mention hawks, swallows, and bee-eaters that
frequent such spots.
The chena is, of course, characterised by the presence of
that impenetrable bush, Jantana. This plant owes its
spread in a great measure to birds that eat the fruit in
large quantities, and carry the seed into open ground, where
it quickly spreads from a single tree—if I may apply the
word. Lantana affords a very close cover to many. bush-
loving species, and among them the jungle-fowl, that are
quite safe from the collector’s gun, as it is seldom worth
the labour to attempt to pick up a small bird that has
fallen into thick lantana.
Another common and conspicious plant is the guava -
(Psidium) or péra of the Sinhalese. Near to the town of
Balangoda, guava trees abound in countless numbers,
affording during the fruit season food for birds, beasts, and
man. So common, indeed, is this fruit tree, that plots of
land abounding in it are called by the Sinhalese villagers
péra landa or guava-chena.
The walla-gaha (Gyrnops walla) and the wild olive
( Elescarpus serratus ) both occur in chena lands in moderate
abundance, and afford fruit to some of the larger birds.
Climate and Soil—F¥rom the middle of May to the 15th
of October the winds from the south-west keep all vegetation —
in a perpetual state of unrest, when but few birds, compared
to those in the remaining months of the year, are to be
met with, excepting the more hardy and stronger species.
During this time of the year the rainfall is much less in
point of quantity than in the north-east monsoon, though
the temperature is very much lower in proportion, ‘Trees
are frequently blown dowa, and exposed ones are rapidly
denuded of leaves, and appear ragged and torn. Paddy
fields are noisy with numbers of contrivances worked and
agitated by the wind for the purpose of frightening off pigs
and scaring buntings, though the villagers add a curious
commentary on the value of these inventions by having
boys, girls, and even men and women to yell and shout
whenever acloud of goyan-kurull6 hover down upon the
276 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vol. aber ;
ripening rice crops. From October, again, to May, the
very opposite is the atmospheric condition of the year.
All is quiet, and scarcely a branch moves, unless some
storm of an unusual character has taken place. During
this period of rest migratory birds visit the district, and the
number and variety of species contrast curiously with the
south-west months. The north-east rains are much heavier,
though the duration of each storm is smaller than in the
Opposite monsoon. After a downpour, which sometimes
exceeds three inches in a few hours, when the sunlight
falls again upon the drenched vegetation, birds appear
in the greatest profusion. Bulbuls, parrots, barbets,
lorikeets, white-eyes, king-crows, shrikes, and many others
congregate in flocks—I might say—at such times, and
afford easy and abundant opportunities for the collector.
In the evenings, after the sun has sunk below the hill
ranges, and darkness begins to draw on, the congregation
of crows, the returning flight of bee-eaters, the chatter of
cattle mynahs, and the majestic movement of a flock of
koku in a white and regular string as they retire to
warmer regions, are sights indicative of the quiet and still
north-east months, and possess a rare charm. At sunrise
the valleys are hidden by long sheets of mist that melt as
the day advances, when the migration of birds from their
resting -places takes place. At this time the individual call-
notes of many birds can be better studied than at any other
time—a fact that is of use to the ornithologist in many
respects when acquainting himself with the habits of
tropical birds. 7
As rainfall is considered to be an important factor in the
colouring of birds, it is also as well to bear the subject in
mind.
The temperature varies both in regard to altitude and
monsoon. At 2,300 feet elevation, at the burst of the mon-
soon from the south-west, dry- and wet-bulb readings gave
the following result :-—
15th May, 9 a.m,: dry 79°, wet 7°, dew point 72:39,
humidity, 80. |
No. 29.—1884.] BALANGODA ORNITHOLOGY. 277
15th May, 2 p.m.: dry 7°, wet 72°, dew point 69°8°,
humidity 84 ;
At the break of the north-east—
14th October, 9 a.m.: dry 84°, wet 74°, dew point 68:69,
humidity 64.
14th October, 2 p.m.: dry 84°, wet 74°, dew point 67°4°,
humidity 57.
At 1,700 feet the average temperature stands at about
80°, and 10° less at 2,000 higher.
Space does not permit of my saying more than a very
few words regarding soil. One of the most curious facts
claiming attention, however, is the presence of cabook,
which crops out in many places. A sandy quartz appears
at the foot of both ranges of hills, and a strata of large,
white, boulder quartz lies along in an east and west direc-
tion between the villages of Bulatgama and Rasagala.
Precious stones have been found in many places, and
Bambarabotuwa is now sufficiently famous to need no
further remarks on this head.
Plumbago, mica, and firimetta also appear in various
places throughout the district, but not in any very large
quantities. The flat valleys also afford clay in sufficient
quantity to enable the natives to manufacture bricks and
tiles, tiled native houses being by no means uncommon
among the more wealthy classes.
Plan.— Having thus sketched out the physical characters
of the district, and before passing directly to the subject of
_ this Paper, I wish to say a word respecting the plan I have
_ arranged my notes upon. First, the accurate position of
- each is of importance from a systematic stand-point, and in
this I have closely followed Captain Legge’s arrangement
as being the most modern. |
Detailed description I have avoided, as space would not
permit of such being done ; and in all cases that I could rely
_ upon, I have given notes upon the nidification of examples.
Where matters of ornithological interest occur, I have
enlarged upon the subject, with the hope of rendering this
_ Paper both of use as well as of interest.
ae TOR Py ey ae fy i “ Mee ie TAY. nates Aca og ies, aie ania die Chai
278 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). “oN Olas The
1. Circus cineraceous, Montague’s Harries. A winter visitor.
Common.
2, Astur trivirgatus, the Crested Goshawk, Common.
3. Neopus Malayensis, the Black Kite Eagle. Distributed
throughout the district, but more numerous under 4,000 feet than
above it.
4, Spizetus Kelaarti, the Ceylon Mountain Hawk Eagle.
Common, both low down and at the highest levels.
5. Spilornis spilogaster, the Serpent Eagle. Seen near
Balangoda. |
6. Elanus cerulens, the Black-shouldered Kite. Not so —
numerous as at higher elevations. i
7. Cerchneis tinnunculus, the Kestrel. Numerous in the
north-east monsoon.
8. Scops bakamuna, Scops Owl. Not uncommon in the lower
parts of the district.
9. Ninox scutulata, the Brown Hawk Owl. Shot one specimen
in April. Rare.
10. Glancidium castanonotum, the Chestnut-backed Owl.
Very common, especially above 2,000 feet.
11. Syrnium undrani, the Devil Bird. Not uncommon.
12, Paleornis torquatus, the Rose-ringed Parroquet, I only
know of this bird as a common and favourite cage bird among the
natives.
13. Paleornis cyanocephalus, the Blossom-headed Parroquet.
Very numerous about chenas and grass lands, but rarely ascending
into the hills above 4,000 feet. ie
14. Paleornis Calthrope, Layard’s Parroquet. Numerous in
the forests of the upper hills, but less so at lower elevations, where
it appears to be local and confined chiefly to the heavily-wooded
ranges. iy
-15, Loriculus Indicus, the Lorikeet. Very common. on
16. Yungipicus gymnapthalmos, the Pigmy Woodpecker. a
Not uncommon under 3,200 feet. ' “ah
17. Chrysocolaples Stricklandi, Layard’s Woodpecker. Com-
mon, and extending to 2,000 feet, when it becomes less so. ;
18. Brachypternus Ceylonus, Red Woodpecker. Confined
to the lower parts of the district, where it is not uncommon, and
to be found effecting the cocoanut and other trees in village
gardens. :
19. Chrysophlegma xanthoderus, the Southern Yellow-fronted
~
No. 29.—1884.] BALANGODA ORNITHOLOGY. 209
Woodpecker. This bird has only once come under notice, and in
the lower parts of the district.
20. Megalema Zeylonica, the Ceylon Barbet. Numerous
throughout the lower parts of district, up to 2,000 feet.
21. Megalema flavifrons, the Yellow-fronted Barbet. Ex-
tremely numerous.
22. Xantholema rubricapilla, the Little Ceylon Barbet. Very
common, and breeding in the district,
23. Hierococcyx varius, the Common Hawk Cuckoo. A
migrant to the district, and one of the first arrivals.
24. Surniculus lugubris, the Drongo Cuckoo. I have twice
procured this bird, and on each occasion on chena land at 2,300
feet elevation.
25. Coccystes coromandus, the Pied Crested Cuckoo. Ex-
tremely rare, as far as my observations show.
26. Eudynamys honorata, the Indian Koil. I have heard this
bird frequently in the lower parts of the district, and in the
vicinity of the river, but it is by no means So common as in the
warmer localities.
27. Phenicophes pyrrhocephalus, the Mal Koha or Flowered
Koil. By no means uncommon in the thick forests of the lower hills.
28. Zanclostomus viridirostris, the Green-billed Mal Koha.
Not uncommon in the lower parts of the district, and affecting
clumps of large trees in chena.
29. Centropus rufipennis, the Jungle Crow. Extremely com-
mon in the chena, and very frequently to be seen walking along
newly-built bunds, seeking worms and frogs,
30. Harpactes fasciatus, the Trogon. Widely distributed
throughout the jungles of the district.
31. Tuckus Cingalensis, the Ceylonese Hornbill. Dctibatcd
throughout the lower parts of the district, ascending to 3,000 feet.
32. Alcedo Bengalensis, the Little Indian King-fisher. Com-
mon in every paddy field in the district.
33. Pelargopsis Guriel, the Stork-billed King-fisher. I have
repeatedly seen and heard this bird, but most frequently along the
banks of the Walawé-ganga,
34. Halcyon Smyrnensis, the White-breasted King-fisher. Very
common, and resident throughout the year.
35. Merops Philippensis, the Blue-tailed Bee-eater. One of the
_ first migrants to the district, arriving in September and departing
: ae the south-west monsoon advent.
280 : JOURNAL, R.A.S. (cuYLoN). [Vol VII.
36. Chetura gigantea, the Spike-tailed Swift. By no means
uncommon,
87. Cypselus melba, the Alpine Swift. Ihave seen this bird
more than once, but never secured @ specimen.
38. Cypselus affinis, the Indian Swift. I have often seen
this Swift during thunderstorms, but possess no specimen.
39. Cypselus batassiansis, the Palm Swift. Ihave frequently
seen this Swift in the lowest part of the district, but never above
1,800 feet.
40. Coccocalia Francica, the Indian Swiftlet. A very common
bird in the district, and probably nests here in cavernous
streams.
41. Caprimulgus Kelaarti, Keiaart’s Night Jar. IJ have seen
this Goatsucker at a high elavation, and in the neighbourhood of
grass lands, but from my own observations I am not inclined to
think it common in the district.
42. Caprimulgus Asiaticus, the Night Jar. Confined to the
lower parts of the district, ascending as high as 2,300 feet, but
scarce at that level.
43. Corone macrorhyncha, the Black Crow. Very common
about Balangoda and all the native villages up to about 3,000 feet,
ubove which it does not go.
44, Cissa ornata, the Ceylonese Jay. Common in all the ~
heavily-timbered forests from 2,C0O feet and upwards.
45. Oriolus melanocephalus, the Black-headed Oriole. Very
common throughout the lower parts of the district.
46. Graculus macii, the Large Indian Cuckoo-shrike. Ihave
more than once seen this beautiful bird, and procured a specimen
at 2,300 feet, but it is by no means common.
47. Pericrocolus flammeus, the Orange Minnivet. Very com-
mon from 2,000 feet and upwards, and to be met with in both
monsoons, but more numerous during the north-east than in the
south-west.
48. Pericrocclus peregrinus, the Little Minnivet. 1 have seen
and procured this bird close to Alutnuwara (1,800 feet), and
observed it in the grass lands below Denigama, but it is not
nearly so numerous as the former, and only a visitor.
49, Lalage sykesi, the Black-headed Cuckoo Shrike. Not
uncommon during the north-east monsoon, ascending to 3,500 feet.
50. Tephrodornis ajfinis, the common Wood Shrike. This is
one of the most interesting of our migratory birds, arriving early
vy
2
oy
7
a No. 29.—1884.] BALANGODA ORNITHOLOGY. 281
in September, and remaining close up to the break of the south-
west monsoon, when it departs.
51. Hemipus picatus, the Pied Shrike. Not uncommon
about the edges of forests, bounding patana or chena from
2,300 feet upwards,
52. Buchanga leucopygalis, the White-bellied Drongo. Very
common up to about 4,500 feet elevation, but absent, so far as I
arm able to discern, above that altitude.
53. Dessemurus lephrhimus, the Crested Drongo. Strictly
a forest bird, and of considerable extent of distribution, being
equally numerous at 2,000 and 4,500 feet.
54. Terpsephone paradisi, the Paradise Fiy-catcher. By no
means uncommon during the north-east monsoon, and ascending
to over 4,000 feet, but is much more numerous ata lower elevation.
55. Hypothymis Ceylonensis, the Azure Fly-catcher. Numer-
ous about suitable localities.
56. Culicicapa Ceylonensis, the Grey-headed Fly-catcher.
One of the commonest birds at the higher elevations, but not
unfrequently met with at 1,800 feet.
of. Alseonas mutitui, the Rusty Fly-catcher. I have met
with it occasionally at altitudes from 2,000 to 4,300 feet.
58 Soparala sordida, the Ceylonese Blue Fly-catcher, Fre-
quent at elevations above 3,0U0 feet, and descending in the north-
east monsoon to 2,000 feet, and probably lower.
59. Siphia Tickellia, the Blue Redbreast. During the north-
east monsoon this little bird may be frequently seen in the dense
jungles at elevations from 5,000 down to 2,000 feet.
60. Muscecapa hyperythera, Neitner’s Fly-catcher. Though
I am unable to discover the limits of distribution, I can safely
speak of its presence during the north-east monsoon in this district,
and absence during the opposite season.
61. Copsychus soularis, the Magpie Robin, very numerous, and
at all elevations.
62. Thamnobie fulicata, the Black Robin. Rather peculiar in
distribution. I have found it about Balangoda and villages
beyond, and also along the line of road up to Haldummulla, but
never at 4 corresponding altitude towards the centre of the district.
— 68. Larvivora brunnea, the Indian Woodchat, I have seen
_ this bird in this district at an elevation of 4,0CO feet, but from my
experience I find it is rare, and but little known.
Na Be Sl ey ia ie ed or a Pobre Pee 4 5 frame EE. cee
bs Ewe Br ORR ONS | pigsty ale
ey
W827 JOURNAL, RAS. (CEYLON). {Vol. VILL. .
64. Turdus Kinnisi, the Ceylon Blackbird. I have once or
twice met with this bird, but unfortunately failed te procure
a specimen.
65. Turdusspeloptera, the Spotted Thrush. Widely distributed
throughout the district from 1,700 feet to the highest altitudes.
66. Turdus Wardi, Ward’s Pied Blackbird. During February
and March I found numbers of these birds, and frequently as many
as 20 of them together. They were so extremely wary, however,
that I only succeeded in getting one specimen, and that was so
disfigured that I took no measurement. The elevation at which
I found them was about 3,500, and later I met with another flock
_at the same altitude. They were often found in company with
the following species.
67. Oreocincla umbricata, the Buff-breasted Thrush. This
species is not uncommon, but being a lover of dense jungle, it is
rarely seen. I have procured specimens from 2,000 feet to 4,000
feet in the district.
68. Monticola cyana, the Blue Rock Thrush. I procured a
very fine specimen among some boulder rocks at 2,300 feet, in
November. I have since met with it at 4,000 feet in similar
localities.
69. Myiophonus Blighi, Bligh’s Whistling Thrush. Ishot a
specimen about half a mile on the Balangoda side of the dividing
range between this district and Bagawantalawa. I have met with
it since at. 4,000 feet.
70. Hypsipetes geneesa, the Black Bulbul. One of the com-
monest of our birds, and found in both monsoons. It becomes
somewhat scarce above 4,000 feet, and at this elevation is mostly —
to be found in the vicinity of patana land and isolated patches of
jungle, of which it appears to be very fond.
71. Criniger ictericus, the Forest Bulbul. Very common in
all forests below 4,000 feet, though occasionally found above that
level. It appears to remain throughout the year, as I have found
nestlings at 2,500 feet, in the south-west monsoon.
72. Jdxos luteolus, the White Eye-browed Bulbul. The
Cinnamon Thrush, of Europeans. I have rarely met with this
bird above 3,000 feet, but below that altitude it becomes more
numerous, aS it descends. It appears to be a strictly bush-bird, _
frequenting thelantana and scrub jungles in and about patanas.
73. Rubigula melanictera, the Black-headed Bulbul. Very
numerous from 4,000 feet downwards, and common throughout ~
F No. 29. 1884.] BALANGODA ORNITHOLOGY. 283
: | |
_ the year. It frequents bush jungle and also large forests, but is
more partial to the former. These Bulbuls are fond of streams, bath-
_ ing in the heat of the day in shallow pools, into which they wade,
_ throwing water over their backs, after the manner of the domestic
duck. Ihave procured nestlings in the N.E. monsoon at 2,500 feet.
74. Kelaartia penicillata, the Yellow-eared Bulbul. A
purely hill species, and very common from 3,000 feet upwards,
and throughout the whole year. It is gregarious in its habits,
living in small flocks of from six to twenty.
75. Pycnonotus hemorrhous, the Madras Bulbul. Dysentery
‘Bird, and Common Bulbul,of Europeans. Very numerous at all
elevations throughout the district, and more particularly so at
lower altitudes. It nests during the early months of the year, at
high as well as low levels. 7
%6. Phyllornis Terdoni, the Green Bulbul. Numerous
below 3,000 feet, and sometimes ascending above that altitude.
I have found itin both monsoons. It is very fond of open forests
_ and jungles surrounding paddy fields.
77. Lora tiphia, the Common Bush Bulbul. Ceylon Bush-
creeper, Kelaart. Very common about 2,000 feet, and lower. It
affects lantana and ‘‘ guava-chenas,” feeding on the fruit of both.
_ The variation in colouring is very considerable, some having a
_ preponderance of green, and others of black.
78. Malacocercus striatus, the Common Babbler. Very
common from 2,000 feet downwards, and infesting the bush as
well as native gardens.
79. Malacocercus rufescens, the Rufus Babbler. This species
Weis nearly as common as the last in suitable localities in the forests.
Ti is rather a nuisance to the collector, as when once a flock of
these birds are startled, they scare away other birds by their
discordant cries. , They are numerous from 2,000 feet upwards,
| and at all times of the year. I have frequently found them in
eompany with the Sub-crested King-crows. :
| 80. Garrulax cinereifrons, the Ashy-headed Babbler. I
have on three occasions procured specimens of this species in this
_ distriet-—once in November at 2,300 feet, and again in April and
August at 4,000 feet. From my observations it appears to be
‘rare, and seemingly scarce during the S.W. monsoon. Like both
the foregoing, it is a strictly gregarious bird, inhabiting dense
forest underwood, and confined more to the higher hills. Ihave
a specimen shot in Dikoya at 5,000 feet, in September.
21—86 i F
284 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. Vul.
81. Pomatorhinus melanurus, the Scimitar-bill Babbler. To
be found at all elevations throughout the district, and about
equally distributed, but nowhere very common. It may be found
hopping Woodpecker-like up some mossy stem of a tree in the dense -
jungle, or sneaking among the close lantana thickets, much after
the manner of ithe White Eye-browed Bulbul.
82. Dumetia albogularis, the White-throated Wren- cabled
Frequently to be met with in grass lands and “ cane-brakes” of
-rambuk grass that is not uncommon in paddy fields. It
associates in small flocks, and appears to be more numerous
tcwards sunset than during the heat of the day. At such times
I have observed swarms of them in the ‘‘ cane-brakes” mentioned
above. They appear to remain throughout the year in this
district, but I have failed to procure either nests or young.
_ 83. Alcippe nigrifrons, the Ceylon Wren-babbler. Fairly
common throughout Balaygoda. It affects the underwood and
dense cane (bata) clumps, using frequently the leaves of the latter
for building its nest. It breeds about the early part of the year,
and places its domed nest in the fork of a short tree, or bush,
near the ground, in which it deposits two broadly ovate eggs of
a white ground colour, speckled over with red-brown or chocolate-
brown spots.
84. Pellorneum fuscicapillum, the Whistling Quaker-thrush.
Frequenting the bush jungle and thick underwood of the larger
forests. From its skulking habits and tame colours it is often
passed by unnoticed, where a less common and brighter tinted
bird would at once be seen. It builds in the district, and I was
fortunate enough to find two eggs. ‘They are much like those of
the last-mentioned species, but longer and more oval in shape.
The speckles are more profuse, and very generally distributed.
The nest is cup-shaped, composed of fine roots, moss, and leaves,
and situated a few feet from the ground. I observed the nest in
March, and allowed the parents to rear the young ; but, unfortu-
nately, both nest and birds were destroyed by a heavy fall of
rain, before the latter had reached any age.
85. FPyctorhis nasalis, the Black-billed Babbler. I have met
with it in the grass lands of the district, but I have not found it
common, or so numerous as on the Kandy side of the country.
86. Orthotomus sutorius, the Indian ‘Tailor-bird. Equally
distributed through the district, and resident all the year round,
but at no time very common.
" No. 29.— 1884. ] BALANGODA ORNITHOLOGY. 285
_ 87. Prinia socialis, the Ashy Wren-warbler. Affecting
_ the grass lands above 3,000 feet. I have frequently seen it in the
patanas between Denégama and Boltumba, in company with the
___ following species.
_ 88. Drymeca valida, the Robust Wren-warbler. Affecting
a grass lands, grass plots, and not unfrequently abandoned coffee
fields. It is one of the commonest birds in the district, in suitable
localities.
4 89. Drymeca insularis, the White-browed Wren-warbler.
| I have once met with this bird, at about 4,000 feet elevation, but
_. from my observations it is not common in this district.
a 90. Cisticola cursitans, the Common Grass-warbler. I have
repeatedly seen this bird in the grass lands and paddy fields of the
_ district, but it is not so numerous here as in the higher parts of
_ the Island, as for instance Bogawantalawa.
91. Acrocephalus dumetorum, Blyth’s Reed or Bush-
_ warbler. I am not quite satisfied with the descriptions afforded
4 relating to this species by Messrs. Legge, Holdsworth, and
' Kelaart. None of these writers describe it as living in small
flocks, as I have always found both in this and other districts.
i I have observed it in March and April, and procured specimens
in September, and I remember to have seen it in intermediate
months, so that the impression left on my mind is, that it is a
resident, though the greater number may be migratory.
92. Phylloscopus nitidus, the Green Tree-warbler. A migra-
tory species, arriving in September and remaining in considerable
profusion till March, when it becomes scarce, and disappears by
the end of April. During its stay it is one of our commonest and
most restless birds, affecting both forest and coffee alike.
93. Parus atriceps, the Grey-backed Titmouse. Very com-
- mon above 3,000 feet, but scarce below that level. It spends the
year with us, and builds in the district.
«94. +=Dendrophila frontalis, the Blue N ofhanenlhy Very com-
_ mon at all levels throughout the district. ‘There appears to be
5 “some slight variation in size, according to elevation.
95. Cinnyvis Lotenius, Loten’s Sun-bird. Not uncommon
about 1,700 to 2,000 feet, and may be met with in chenas.
96. Cinnyris Zeylonicus, the Ceylon Sun-bird. Very com-
mon below 3,000 feet, but becoming scarce above that altitude. I
_ have found its nest in May, close on the above elevation, and
also at 2,000 feet in March.
EF 2
C-$9
fe
286 JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. Vile
97. Diceum minimum, ‘lickell’s Flower-pecker. The
smallest bird we have. It is very common at all elevations, and —
appears to be equally numerous all the year round. ‘The “‘ mistle-
toe” parasite, common in many trees, especially orange, appears
to afford the most favourite food for this little bird, and owing to
the viscid nature of the seed, it attaches itself to the bird’s bill,
and thus becomes spread to a considerable extent.
98. Pachyglossa vincens, Legge’s Flower-pecker. I have
twice seen this bird, close to Plevna estate (2,200 feet), but failed
to procure a specimen, and unfortunately took no note of the date on
which I made the observation. In November, 1877, I shot a male
in Pussellawa, at 4,000 feet elevation.
99. Zosterops palpebrosa, the Common White-eye. Very
common below 2,500 feet, and to be met with in all chena lands
about that altitude.
100. Zosterops ceylonensis, the Ceylon White-eye. Very
numerous from 2,500 feet and upwards. It associates in flocks
of from ten to fifty birds.
101. Mirundo rustica, the Common Swallow. One of the first
to appear of the migratory birds, and during its stay is extremely
plentiful. It is particularly fond of paddy fields and open patana
lands, where these birds may be said to swarm. I have seen as
many as fifty congregate on a fencein a paddy field, and among
them a curious variety of coloured birds. In some, the plumage
isa dull rusty brown, while others have a fine steel-blue green tint.
They appear in September, and become scarce in March and April. —
102. Hirundo hyperythra, the Chestnut-bellied Swallow.
Numerous throughout the district, but more common at 2,000
feet elevation than 4,000. It nests here, building a curious bottle-
shaped. structures in caves. The eggs are three in number, and
laid about April, and are in form, rather a narrow oval and pure
white in colour.
108. Hirundo Javanica, the Bungalow Swallow. Numerous
above 3,000 feet. much less so below that elevation. It is less —
common during the S.W. monsoon than in the N.E., probably
because the wind is too furious for so small a bird. It builds in
bungalows and other buildings during the early months of the
year—z. e., from about March to May. The eggs are three in —
number, broad oval, of a pale white colour, spotted over with
umber, or red-brown, more closely marked at the broad than the
opposite end.
i ‘ ; No. 29.—1884.] BALANGODA ORNITHOLOGY. 287
104. Passer domesticus, the Common House-sparrow. I omit
further remarks as being unnecessary.
O100,, Passer...... .--? the Olive-brown Sparrow. Early in the
present year, or towards the close of last, when on a snipe-shooting
__expedition,—I have unfortunately forgotten the date,—my atten-
tion was drawn to the noisy chirrup of seemingly thousands of
sparrows, in a clump of “‘rambukkan” grass. On getting closer
a dense cloud of these birds got up, and settled down again in
another clump of rambukkan, about fifty yards from where I stood.
I fired, and secured three or four birds. They appeared to be in
mature plumage, and all much alike in colouration. On my
returning to the resthouse with a few snipe and these sparrows,
unfortunately the servants picked out the latter, and seemingly
threw them away as useless,—at any rate they were gone, and
without any further written notes regarding size, &c. I have
never to my knowledge met with this species before or since, and
am inclined to consider them new. Colour of iris, as well as
I can remember, was brown, billumber, and tarsus straw-
brown.
106. Motacilla melanope, the Grey Wagtail. A migrant,
arriving during the first week in September and departing again
in April. During their stay there is scarcely a stream, be it in
the most gloomy forest or open and cultivated land, that has not
- got its Wagtail actively running about, peeping and peering into
- each crook and corner for food. It is equally common in paddy
fields, where it runs along the “bunds” with the same restless
activity as it does elsewhere.
107. Limonidromus Indicus, the Wood Wagtail. I have only
three or four times met with this graceful little bird, and each time
_ during the N.£. monsoon, and at about 2,000 feet elevation.
108. Corydalla rufula, the Common Pipit. Not uncommon
_ throughout the district, and rather more numerous in the N.E.
than the S.W. monsoon. It is much more common on the Halpé
and Kalupahana side of the district than towards the centre or
western side. |
109. Munia Kelaarti, the Hill Munia, or Bunting. Very
- numerous throughout tbe district... I have shot numbers in
the paddy fields near Balangoda, though I observe Legge
remarks (pp. 651) that “ it is essentially an Alpine bird, not being
~ found below 2,000 feet, and not very numerous at that height.” ©
It breeds from March to about the end of the S.W. monsoon,
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288 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vol. VIII.
building in bushy trees, and sometimes in the hollows of dead
and broken trees. The eggs are from two to four in number, pure
white in colour, and sometimes pinkish-white, when very fresh,
with a cap of paler tint at the broad end.
110. Munia punctulata, the Spotted Munia. Common at
low altitudes, especially about paddy fields and threshing-floors.
111. Munia striata, the White-backed Munia. Very fre-
quently to be found about paddy fields, but scarce away
from them. In Rangalla District I have found these little
birds breeding in fruit-trees in my garden, though the nearest
paddy land was some distance from where I lived.
112. Artamus fuscus, the Ashy Wood Swallow. I have
occasionally met with this bird in small flocks hawking over
open fields and chena, but it is by no means common, as far as
my experience leads me to believe.
113. <Acridotheres melanosternus, the Ceylon Mynah. Com-
mon in every paddy field in the district where there are buffaloes.
114. Sturnornis senex, the White-headed Starling. A
rare bird, frequenting open lands that are here and there
dotted over with solitary trees or clumps of jungle. I believe that
the examples in the Museum of this bird were procured by
myself in this district. I have found it only in flocks, and on
separate occasions of some months apart, at 2,500 feet elevation.
115. Eulabes ptilogenys, Ceylon Mynah. Very abundant at
nearly all altitudes in the district, though less so at 2,000 than
4,000 feet.
116. Pitta coronata, the Indian Pitta. A migratory bird,
arriving during the N.H. monsoon, during which time it is
numerous throughout the district, and equally so or nearly
equally so at all elevations. The Sinhalese often catch these birds
and cage them, but they do not live long in confinement, usually
breaking their necks against the cage, or over-eating themselves.
The Sinhalese name (avichchiyd) is taken from the peculiar call
these birds utter, particularly during the early mornings, or
when going to roost in the trees at nightfall,
117. Palumbus Torringtonie—The Ceylon Wood-pigeon.
Present throughout the year, but local according to the abund-
ance or the reverse of certain fruits, so much so that one
commonly hears sportsmen remark that these pigeons “are mot
in”—a statement rather wide of the truth when made with
reference to an endemic species.
No. 29.—1884. |] BALANGODA ORNITHOLOGY. 289
118. Turtur suratensis, the Common Spotted-dove. Very
_ common, and affecting paddy fields chiefly. They breed in the
— district.
119. Chaleophaps Indica, the Bronze-winged Dove. Frequent-
ing heavy forests and forest glades ; fairly abundant throughout
the year.
120. Osmotreron pompadora, the Pompadour Green-pigeon.
Numerous about elevations from 2,000 to 3,000 feet, and generally
gregarious. Owing to their shyness, and the similarity between
their colour and the trees they frequent, they are not so often
seen as heard. Their flesh is very good, most especially during
the fruit season, when they are fat and plump. |
121. Gallus Lafayetit, the Ceylon Jungle-fowl. Very
common, and not unfrequently shot by native hunters, from whom
I have bought them for a rupee each.
122. Galloperdix bicalceata, the Ceylon Spur-fowl. Very
abundant throughout all the large forests, and at all elevations.
They breed in the district. I have frequently flushed a hen and
her chicks, but the extraordinary shyness of this bird and its
swiftness of foot renders it extremely hard to secure.
123. Yurnix Taigoor, the Black-breasted Bustard- eae
Found sparingly throughout the district, affecting “ kurakkan”
fields, dry paddy, and grass land. I have observed this bird all
through the year, but have never seen the nest, eggs, or young.
124. Porzana fusca, the Ruddy Rail. I have only seen two
examples of this little bird, one of which I shot on the 14th
March, 1883. It was creeping about the bunds in the high paddy,
much after the manner of a quail. This was at an elevation of
1,800 feet.
125. Erythra phenicura, the White-breasted Water-hen.
Very common about all swampy low-lying land and paddy fields.
These birds breed in the district during the latter part of the N.B.
monsoon and into the S.W.; but though I have found chicks, I
have not secured nests or eggs,
126. Rhynchea capensis, the Painted Snipe. I have shot
several of these snipe, and from observations I have made I am
inclined to believe that they breed in the district. One spot in
particular I have repeatedly found these birds in, and though
“shot over,” the scared birds return to the same haunt again and
again.
127. Gallinago stenura, the Pin-tailed Snipe. A visitor to
290 JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). Vol. VIIT.
the district, arriving during September and departing in April.
I have seen a solitary snipe on the Ist of September, and have
also flushed them in May, but they are most numerous from
November to February. During these months, sportsmen come
down to the district from Dikoya, Dimbula, and elsewhere, and
secure very large ‘‘bags,” but much of this depends on the
weather. If very heavy rains have fallen, the fields in the
vicinity of streams become flooded, and the snipe leave for
higher fields, or betake themselves to the chena. These birds
show a strange partiality to particular localities ; thus I have
found in a small field of about an acre in extent, snipe congre-
gating both early and late, in the season, while the surrounding
fields have few, if any, in them.
With regard to the migration of the species, I am inclined to
think that weather has much to do with it ; for even after a large
number have been in particular spots for a length of time, they
suddenly leave them for others, partly because of floods and
partly because of the condition of the field affording much or
little shelter or food, as the case may be. On moonlight nights
I have come upon numbers of Pin-tails in open chenas and dry or
disused paddy fields, and heard them fly off with their peculiar
ery into the surrounding chenas.
In 1877 I had the fortune to shoot a snipe with a nearly
full-sized egg in her, but I have never since either shot one
with egg, or have I seen or heard of the bird nesting in Ceylon,
though the above case is of considerable ornithological interest.
I have heard of the real snipe (G. scolopacina) having been
shot here, but this information I take very much cum grano, as
{ believe it to be a rare visitor, and the confusion that appears to
exist in sportsmen’s nomenclature as to snipe in general, renders
the occurrence to my mind the more doubtful.
128. Tringvides hypolencus, the Common Sand-piper. Very
abundant at low elevations during the N.E. monsoon, during
which time it affects paddy fields and wet places, congregating in
flocks.
129. Bubulcus coromandus, the Cattle Egret. Very com-
mon in the district about the elevations of from 2,500 feet down-
wards. It does not spend the whole year here, and in fact flocks
of these birds may be seen in the early mornings of the N.E.
monsoon making their way to fields, and returning with the
close of day. They fly in a perfect string, not unlike a distant
br eat
i
See ian = ¥> vl
Heer oes ee
No. 29.—1884.| BALANGODA ORNITHOLOGY. 291
train of white carriages, till they reach some tall spreading tree
on which to roost.
130. Ardiola Grayi, the Pond Heron. Very numerous, and
to be found all the year round in nearly every large paddy field
in the district below 2,500 feet. )
131. Ardeiraila cinnamomea, the Chestnut Bittern. Not
uncommon in swampy and paddy lands throughout the year,
but at no time very numerous. ‘They are very slow in their flight,
which appears to be laboured and uneven. When on the wing
they utter a curious grunting sort of sound, accompanied by a
snapping of the mandibles. I have seen another species of
Bittern in the district, but failed to procure it, so abstain from
including it in my catalogue.
182. Astur badius, the Indian Goshawk. Found sparingly
about open land and chenas.
1338. Cuculus Sonnerati, Sonnerat’s Cuckoo. I have only
procured one example of this little cuckoo, which was shot by my
friend Mr. H. B. Roberts on some chena, at an elevation of about
2,400 feet, during the month of March.
i
1.50".
292 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). — [Vol. VIII. )
ORNITHOLOGICAL NOTES TAKEN IN THE
BOGAWANTALAWA DISTRICT DURING
SEPTEMBER, 1882.
By Freprerick Lewis, Esq.
Tae §.W. monsoon of 1882 must be considered to have
been an abnormal one; for both the quantity of rain and
humidity of temperature have by far exceeded those known
for many previous years.
Under such peculiar atmospheric influences as these, the
month of September must be viewed with unusual interest
by the ornithologist, it being the period when the arrival
of migratory birds should first be looked for. With this
object in view, I purpose to give a short catalogue of such
birds as fell within my own observation and that of another
observer,—Mr. H. B. Roberts, of Eltofts estate,—whose
authority I consider unquestionable.
I must preface my remarks by saying that I was stationed
for a month at the Devonford estate, the elevation of which
is over 5,000 feet above the sea, and situated at the extreme
east of the Bogawantal4wa valley, or more properly that |
portion of the district nearest the dividing range between
the Central and Western Provinces; so that an influx of
migrants from the N.E. would pass through or over this
property, before spreading down the Bogawantalawa valley
proper.
During my stay at the locality in question, I never had
the opportunity of a complete week of dry weather, and the
mornings were nearly always misty, cold, and damp—a
contingency which must receive due consideration as bearing
upon the limits of bird migration.
In my list I have followed Captain Legge’s classification.
for the convenience of those possessing his valuable work,
and the nomenclature according to such authorities as are
well’ known and established. As regards systems, it is
No. 29.—1884,] BogaWaNTALAWA ORNITHOLOGY. 293
needless, if not inopportune here, to speak, when a mere
catalogue of observations upon specimens is the object of
the writer.
1. Astur trivirgatus, the Crested Goshawk. I saw one ex-
ample of this Goshawk on the Balangoda side of the range, and
Mr. Roberts spoke of having seen one on or near his estate,
September is very early to find this bird on the hills, though I am
inclined to think that a few individuals may spend the whole year
in the Island. During the dry months from February to May, these
birds are comparatively numerous, though at no time very common.
They affect clumps of forest situated in patana lands, migrating at
times over the coffee estates, where they prey upon the common
green Calotes, so well known in the high districts.
2. Spizetus Kelaarti, the Mountain Hawk Eagle. I saw a
pair of these birds one morning circling round a piece of flat land
near the jungle, on the Fetteresso estate. This was the only
occasion that I can remember meeting with this eagle.
- 8. Elanus ceruleus, the Black-shouldered Kite. I saw two
or three of these fine birds on the Bopatalawa patanas, but though
I fired at them I failed to secure a specimen. ‘They affected the
marshy ground, perching occasionally on the rhododendron trees
_ that grow by the side of the streams in these patanas, and when
flushed they flew off, still in the direction of where these trees
srew. In flight they strongly resemble a Sea-gull, excepting in
the act of ‘stooping,’ when they will continue to hover over one >
spot for several minutes together, before swooping down upon
their prey. They are widely distributed over the country, parti-
cularly during the N.E. months, and in grass or patana lands.
4, Glancidium castanonotum, the Chestnut-backed Owlet. I
found many examples of this little owl. They seemed to be most
numerous in belts of standing forest, where at any hour of the
day they might be either seen or heard. They not unfrequently
come out into the clearings, but only when forest is a moderate .
distance off.
5, Syrnium indrani, the Brown Wood-owl, or Devil-bird. I
heard this Owl on three or four occasions, but never saw or heard
of a specimen being secured. On each occasion that I heard it
the cry came from the direction of the heavy forest.
_ 6. Paleornis calthrope, Layard’s Paroquet. This was the
only paroquet I observed during my stay. I found it near the
294 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII.
river in the jungle reser vation below the Killarney and Bogawarnie
estates. It was very noticeable, that as soon as one got into the
Saffragam country, there P. cyanocephalus was more numerous
than this species; though I failed to see or secure a single
example of the latter in Bogawantalawa.
7. Loriculus Indicus, the Ceylon Loriquet. I think I heard
this bird near the river at Kottiyagala, as it flew over some forest
trees. I saw this loriquet in Dikoya in 1876; so its presence here
is not unreasonable.
8. Ghrysocolaptes Stricklandi, the Red Hill Woodpecker, or
Layard’s Woodpecker. Very numerous. Affecting dead trees in
clearings and in forests, sometimes alone, and at others in pairs or
in flocks. I may remark in passing, that casual observers often
mistake this Woodpecker for the Red Woodpecker ( Brachypter-
nus Ceylonus), so common in the low-country. Apart from other
and more minute distinctions of species, Layard’s Woodpecker
differs from the low-country bird in the colour of the iris : in the
former the iris is buff, marbled in the females; in B. Cey-
lonus it is red, or lake-red. The cry is also distinct, B.
Ceylonus uttering a loud call like the words ‘‘ care, care, care,”
quickly repeated, a note 1 have never heard produced by C.
Stricklandi.
9. Megalema flavifrons, the Yellow-fronted Barbet. Very
numerous in the forest reservation before alluded to, and less so
in the large jungle, except when descending towards Balangoda.
In 1876 this Barbet was nearly rare, but of late years it
_ appears to have spread through the upper hills, as it is to be met
with in the three sister-districts of Dimbula, Dikoya, and Mas-
keliya. It probably nests in the dead trees up- de thonee I
failed to secure either nests or eggs.
10. Centropus rufipennis, the Ground Cuckoo, or Jungle
Crow. Mr. Roberts informs me he has heard this ied, and its
appearance is highly probable, as I have repeatedly seen it on the
Radella cricket ground in Dimbula, which is nearly the same
altitude as the Bogawantalawa district. I never saw the bird
or heard it during my stay.
11. Harpactes fasciatus, the Ceylon Trogon. I saw the
Ceylon Trogon repeatedly, but always by itself. Its skulking
habits and motionless attitude often renders its presence hard to
- discover, unless it should attract attention by its peculiar mono-
syllabic “chow,—chow,—chow” note, slowly repeated, and in a
No. 29.—1884.] BoGawaNTALAWA ORNITHOLOGY. 295
descending scale. Dense hollows, thickly-wooded streams, ana
avines are favourite haunts for this beautiful bird.
In Maskeliya, in 1875, I more than once met with small flocks
of 'Trogons in the newly felled clearings, but I have never since
seen them under like circumstances.
12. Alcedo Bengalensis, the Little Indian Blue Kingfisher.
Nothwithstanding all my efforts I never succeeded in seeing or
hearing this Kingfisher. Mr. Roberts said he thought he heard
at once, while two other gentlemen declared it to be common.
There seems to be no reason why, so far as I can see, these King-
fishers should not be found in this district, as I procured it ona
Mahanillu river, in the eastern extremity of the Maskeliya
district, and found it building on a branch of that stream ; again,
on the Dambulanda-oya, in Lindula, and the Agra-oya, in the
_Agras, Dimbula.
I give it here on the grounds of favourable probabilities, though
as mentioned above, I did not procure a specimen,
13. Halcyon Smyrnensis, the White-breasted Kingfisher. I
have repeatedly seen a pair of these birds perching on some high
dead trees overlooking a marshy piece of ground on Bogawarnie
estate. I never saw them elsewhere, as in Dimbula, where they
frequent the river-banks. This Kingfisher is by no means common
in high districts, and is, I am inclined to think, a visitor, though,
possibly, individual pairs may be found remaining all the year
round at unusual altitudes.
14. Merops Philippinus, the Blue-tailed Bee-eater. This
bird is a migrant to the upper hills during the north-east monsoon,
and may be met with at the highest elevations in the Island, in
the course of its migration through the country. ‘The first I
heard in Bogawantal4wa was on the 21st September. They are
particularly partial to patana land up-country, perching not
unfrequently on the “mdéna” grass stalks in lieu of dead trees,
which form a sort of outlook, from which they dart off after dragon-
flies, or such insects as fall within their reach or observation.
15. Chetura gigantea, the Spine-tailed Swift. Possessed of
such power of wing and flight, it is scarcely to be wondered at
that this bird should be found at 6 a.m. in Bogawantalawa, and
ere sun-down have winged its way over to the Nilgiris.
I have seen the bird in Rakwana and Gampola, and on three
or four occasions two birds used to perch among the rafters of my
bungalow of an evening at Balangoda.
296 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). — [| Vol. VIII.
During my stay in Bogawantalawa I saw this Swift repeatedly.
It seemed to have no special hour for hawking about, unless in
the mornings, and in the evenings after rain.
16. Collocalia Francica, the Indian Edible-nest Swift. Very
numerous. Wet evenings appeared to be their favourite time for
appearing, when they would assemble in great numbers.
In Maskeliya I had the good fortune to come upon a large
“breeding station”’ of these Swifts, situated in a cavernous stream,
at a high elevation. I may here mention, with regard te the nidi-
fication of this species, that Capt. Legge, in his “‘ History of Ceylon
Birds,” says (p. 825) that “ the breeding-season of this little Swift-
let in Ceylon lasts from March until June.” I have found both
eggs and birds in all stages of devolopment at the latter end of
September, and also in the early part of the year; so it appears
probable that it breeds at all times of the year.
17. Caprimulgus Kelaarti, Kelaart’s Night-jar. I am indebted
to Mr. Roberts for information respecting this species. He
informs me that he saw it more than once, and on one occasion
in the compound of his bungalow. It is also said to be
“common” on the patanas. I procured a specimen on the 28th
November, 1876, on the Ingestre estate, which might, from its
situation, be considered as in Lower Bogawantalawa. I neither
heard nor saw it this year during my short stay in the district.
18. Cissa ornata, the Ceylon Jay. Very common in suitable
localities. I am inclined to think this Jay builds up-country, as
on one occasion I found a broken shell at the foot of a high forest
tree, to und from which I had repeatedly observed a pair of Jays
going and coming. ‘The egg, or piece of it, was bluish-green in
colour, closely freckled over with dots and blotches of rust-red
and chocolate-brown.
19. Pericrocotus flammeus, the Orange Minivet. Common
in suitable localities. During very wet weather this bird appears
to become suddenly scarce, and as soon as a blink of sunshine
comes out, the sharp little twitter and graceful flight of the bird
soon proclaims its presence. Individual birds are rarely seen, as
these Minivets keep together in small parties of five or six, and
even more.
20. Hypothymis Ceylonensis, the Azure Fly-catcher. By no
means common, though not rare. I found it in thick jungle
and dense underwood, and occasionally near the edges of heavy
forest.
No. 29.—1884.] BogawanTALAWA ORNITHOLOGY. 297
21. Culicieapa Ceylonensis, the Grey-headed Fly-catcher.
Very abundant, and one of the commonest of the hill birds. It is
by po means unusual to meet with this little Fly-catcher in the
gardens around the bungalows up-country.
22. Stoparola sordida, the Blue Fly-catcher. Fairly
numerous. They may frequently be found perched upon a stump
or branch in the coffee, singing a melancholy little warble at
any hour of the day. After showers they are particularly active
in their search for food, and they render valuable assistance to
the cinchona planter by destroying young cinchona caterpillars.
I found it nesting in Dimbula, in 1874, in the hollow of a rotten
stump. The eggs were two in number, pale dirty-white, spotted,
and blotched with red-brown. :
23. Muscicapa hyperythra, Nietner’s Robin Fly-catcher. I
observed one on the Eltofts estate flying about from branch to
branch in a belt of blue gum-trees. They are rather numerous
in December and January, and spread over all the hill districts,
as far as I am aware, during the cold season, disappearing during
the S.W. monsoon.
24. Pratincola bicola, the Hill Bush-chat. I found this bird
in both adult and in mature plumage on the Bopatalawa and
Bogawantal4wa patanas. Its peculiar habit of seating itself on the
highest branch of a rhododendron is very conspicuous, and ona
rainy day it represents the entire extent of bird life seen upon
the cold bleak plains in the hill country.
25. Copsychus saularis, the Magpie Robin. I saw a hen-
bird on the Campion estate, but during the months of January
and February these robins are comparatively common, though not
nearly in the same proportion as at lower altitudes.
26. Turdus Kinnisi, the Ceylon Black-bird. I once met
with this bird in a belt of forest on the Devonford estate, but it
was not plentiful seemingly around the locality where I was
situated.
27. Turdus spiloptera, the Spotted Thrush. I repeatedly
heard this beautiful Thrush singing its deep and full-toned song
from some shady dell in theforest. I have seen it picking worms
off newly-cut soil, seemingly regardless of my presence, unless
I came within a few yards, when it would fly off into the close
underwood, and be hidden from view.
28. Oreocincla imbricata, the Bufl-breasted Thrush. I saw
a single specimen on a stump in a newly-cleared piece of land close
298 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII.
to the Devonford estate. I obtained it in Pussellawa in July, and
also in Balangoda in October, at an elevation of under 2,000 feet.
29. Myiophonus Blighi, Bligh’s Blue Thrush. I was fortu-
nate enough to shoot a fine specimen of this rare bird. I found it
picking up worms off the road I was engaged in widening, and
it regarded me with little concern. I unfortunately knocked
nearly all the skin tc atoms, intending otherwise to send it to the
Colombo Museum.
30. Kelaartia pencillata, the Yellow-eared Bulbul. Very
numerous in all the jungles up-country. Legge speaks nothing
about the nidification of this species. I have several times taken
the nest in the hill-country, and I was fortunate enough to find a
nest in course of construction near the summit of “ Jacob’s-
ladder.” It is a moderately large structure, composed of fibrous
roots, moss, and leaves, neatly put together in a circular form.
The eggs are (as far as I have found) two in number, of a pale
greenish white ground colour, dotted and blotched with pale red
marks and splashings, which are more closely shown at the broad
than at the opposite end.
31. Pycnonotus hemorrheus, the Madras Bulbul, or Common
Bulbul. Mr. Roberts informs me that he saw a pair, looking the
picture of utter misery, near his estate. During the dry weather
they may be seen occasionally, but not in the same profusion as
in the low-country.
32. Malacocercus rufescens, the Rufus Babbler. Extremely
common, and in large flocks.
33. Pomatorhinus melanurus, the Ceylon Scimitar-babbler.
Fairly numerous. It affects thick underwood and hollows in
heavy jungle.
34. Alcippe nigrifrons, the Wren-babbler. Common, and gene-
rally found in small flocks in the underwood of large forest.
They are very fond of bamboo clumps and fallen trees, over the
branches of which they hop about with astonishing activity.
35. Pellorneum fuscicapillum, the Whistling Wren-babbler.
I met with several examples. Like the foregoing, they affect thick
underwood and close bushes. In the Western Province I have
found them numerous in detached clumps of jungle, and sometimes
in chena.
36. Orthotomus sutorius, the Indian Tailor-bird, Not very
uncommon, and sometimes their nests are found constructed in
the broad leaves of the cinchona succirubra.
No. 29.—1884.] BALANGODA ORNITHOLOGY. 299
37. Dymeca insularis, the White-browed Wren-warbler. I
saw a single example of this species in a piece of bramble near
the river at Bagawantalawa. It is common at 4,000 feet on the
Sabaragamuwa side of the range.
38. Cisticola cursitans, the Common Ce alee This
little bird is as common on the Bopatalawa and Bagawantalawa
patanas as it is in the paddy fields around Ratnapura, or within
the glowing influence of the Kurunégala rock. They are the
commonest birds met with on patana land in Ceylon, and, as
far as my experience goes, they are found all through the
year.
39. Phylloscopus nitidus, the Green Tree-warbler. I saw a
few specimens, but seemingly they had only just reached the
high country, as they were much more numerous lower down.
These truly migratory birds become extremely abundant about
the middle of the N.E. monsoon, departing again before the break
of the S.W. in May.
40. Parus atriceps, the Grey-backed Titmouse. Common up_
in the hill country all the year round. I have seen it building in
dead stumps on estates in February, at an elevation of 5,600
feet. ‘Lhis Titmouse rarely descends below 2,000 feet, though I
_ have seen it once at Polgahawela, but its natural habitat in
Ceylon appears to be above 3,000 feet.
41. Dendrophila frontalis, the Blue Nuthatch. Very abun-
dant. I suppose there was not a day passed but I saw or heard
these Nuthatches.
42. Losterops Ceylonensis, the Common Hill White-eye, or
Ceylonese White-eye, Numerous. I secured a nest with two
eggs in it, in September, in Dimbula, that was built in the branch
of a coffee tree. The most curious instances of species confining
themselves to a particular elevation that I have experienced were
with this and ZL. palpebrosus. On Wahagapitiya estate, in
Pussellawa, the jungle round the store and at the foot of the estate
used to be teeming with L. palpebrosus ; while at the top of the
estate, which was some 1,200 feet higher, L. Ceylonensis was
equally common; but I rarely remember seeing a transposition,
even of individuals.
43. Htrundo rustica, the Common Swallow. I saw a large
number of these birds hawking over the Bagawantalawa and
Bopatalawa patanas. Asa rule, these migrants are much more
common in the low-country than on the hills.
21—86 G
300 JOURNAL, RAS. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII.
44. Hirundo Javanica, the Bungalow Swallow. I saw
several of this species, and occasionally in company with the
foregoing.
45. Passer domesticus, the Common House-sparrow. I heard
several of these birds near the Kotiyagala bazaars. I saw none
at the different bungalows I went to, the statement made by
Mr. Holdsworth—“ found in Ceylon wherever there are human
habitations ’—to the contrary notwithstanding.
46. Motacilla melanope, the Grey Wagtail. The first of these
migrants I saw on the 3rd September on the Balangoda side of
the dividing range, and Mr. Roberts said he saw the first on
(I think) the 7th; but for some years I have always found
them on the 3rd. Late in the evening, before dark, at about this
period, they may be seen at an immense height in the air, darting
along in small flocks, like little winged arrows, descending
seemingly during the night, as next morning they may be found
by the side of any stream as lively as if they had performed no
great journey. I have found this bird in a wild, dense jungle
stream, where it seemed to be the only living creature in the
gloom, where no other sound than the gurgle of the water or
the rustling of the branches broke in upon the silent monotony
of the spot.
47. Corydalla rufula, the Common Pipit. Common on the
patanas. These birds—a great many at least—spend the time all
through the year in the country, but are undoubtedly more
numerous in the cold months thanin Mayor June. I have taken
several nests both in Pussell4wa and Kotmalé.
48. Munia Kelaarti, the Hill Bunting. I saw several, and
on one occasion I came upon a small flock in the jungle between
Bagawantalawa and Balangoda.
49. Munia Malacca, the Black-bellied Munia. I saw several
flocks of these birds affecting the grassy stream-sides on the
Bopatalawa patanas. Mr. Roberts informs me he has seen them
in his garden on Eltofts estate.
50. Acridotheres melanosternus, the Ceylon Mynah, or Cattle
Mynah. I saw a pair of these birds near Bogawanie estate, but
they are comparatively rare on the hills to what they are in low-
country. In Kurunégala, this was one of the commonest of cage
birds, and not unfrequently it would be found perfectly free, but
still enjoying the society of man.
51. Kulabes plilogenys, the Hill Mynah. Very numerous.
No. 29.—1884.] | BALANGODA ORNITHOLOGY. 301
52. Palumbus Torringtonia, the Ceylon Wood-pigeon.
Fairly numerous in suitable localities. I procured a fine specimen
in the jungle reservation below Killarney estate. :
03. Chalcophaps Indica, the Bronze-winged Dove. I saw a
single example of this dove. In 1876 I caught one in a rat-trap
that I had set for jungle-fowl on an elephant path in Dikoya.
Bamboo jungles seem to be the most favourite localities for this
bird, or damp open glades. I have seen them on the railway line
near Liberia estate, Polgahawela, almost in greater numbers than
anywhere else.
54. Gallus Lafayettii, the Jungle-fowl. Numerous, but less
so than at a lower level.
09. Galloperdix bicalcarata, the Ceylon Spur-fowl. Very
common.
56. Turnix Taigoor, the Black-breasted Bustard-quail. Mr.
Roberts and myself flushed three on the Bopatalawa patanas.
‘They are numerous in such localities, and not unfrequently in open
chena in Sabaragamuwa. They usually affect grass land.
57. LErythra phenicura, the White-breasted Water-hen. Mr.
Roberts states that he has seen or heard this bird. This is very
probable, as I once flushed one in a large swamp in the Agras in
1874. It is, however, rare on the hills.
58. Gallinago stenura, the Pin-tailed Snipe. The “ first
snipe of the season” in Bagawantal4wa was shot by Mr. Hadden,
of Kotiydgala estate on the Bagawantalawa patanas, on the 23rd’
September. I did not see the bird myself in order to identify it, |
but I have little doubt that it was a Pin-tail. There seems
to be a variety of opinion with regard to the arrival of Snipe in
Ceylon. I have always found that the Grey Wagtail and the
Snipe arrive either together or within a week of each other, the
Wagtail arriving first. Last year I flushed a Snipe on the 8rd of
September, and have known a “bag” made in Kurunégala on the
first week during this month. Iam of opinion, however, that at
the time of their coming to the country they drop into the first
place that suits them, from which they spread. This theory may
confirm the fact of extraordinary numbers being found in par-
ticular fields at particular periods of the year.
59. Tringoides hypoleucus, the Common Sand-piper. I saw
one example of this species on the river close to the ‘‘ Campion
ford.” Mr. Roberts informs me of an interesting fact hitherto
unknown I believe—viz., that the Common Sand-piper can dive
G2
302 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII.
and swim under water. Mr. Roberts assured me he saw this bird
Swim some distance “beautifully” (to use his own phrase)
under water. This may be known to sportsmen, but I cannot
say I bave heard of so strange a proceeding on the part of a
“ snippet ” before, much less have had the good fortune to wit-
ness it.
With this species I close my list of birds from the Bagawan-
talawa District, observed at a most interesting period of the year
with regard to migration. It must not be supposed, however,
that it comprises the entire avifauna of the locality in question ;
my object being more to show the ornithological peculiarities of
a particular month. I trust to be able to supplement these remarks
later on by giving a complete list, in order to illustrate the migra-
tion of birds to the hill-country of Ceylon.
I append an analysis of my Paper, indicating such species as are
peculiar or indigenous, resident species, and migrants, that I
hope may be of interest to naturalists or collectors of our Ceylon
birds.
SyNopsis.
Indigenous. Acridoth. melanosternus
Spiz. Kelaarti Eulab. philogenys
Glauc. castanonotum Pal. Torringtonize
Pal. calthrope Gal. Lafayettii
Lor. Indicus Gallop. bicalcarata
Chry. Stricklandi d
Meg. flavifrons Resident.
Cissa ornata Syrnium indrani
Hypoth. Ceylonensis Cent. rufipennis
Cul. Ceylonensis Harpactes fasciatus
Stop. sordida Alcido bengalensis
Turdus spiloptera
One. imbricata
Myioph. Blighi
Kel. pencillata
Mal. rufescens
Pom. melanurus
Alcip. nigrifrons
Pell. fuscicapillum
Dry. insularis
Zos. Ceylonensis
Mu. Kelaarti
Hal. Smyrnensis
Coll. Francica
Peri. flammeus
Prat. bicola
Cop. saularis
Turdus K innisi
Pycnon. hemorrhous
Orthot. sutorius
Cistic. cursitans
Parus atriceps
Dend. frontalis
No. 29.—1884. BALANGODA ORNITHOLOGY, 303
Hir. Javanica Tringoides hypolencus
Pass. domesticus Migratory.
-Cory. rufula Ne a
Chal Indicn Astur trivirgatus (?)
: : Elanus ceruleus
Turnix Taigoor M Philipp;
Hryth. pheenicura ecm uae
Muscic, hyperythra
Doubtful. Phyll. nitidus
Cheetura gigantea Hirundo rustica
Cap. Kelaarti Mot. melanope
Mu. Malacca Gallinago stenura
}
304 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vol. VIII.
TAMIL CUSTOMS AND CEREMONIES
CONNECTED WITH
PADDY CULTIVATION IN THE JAFFNA DISTRICT.
By J. P. Lewis, Esq., 0.0.5.
In a previous Paper I mentioned that peculiar ceremonies
were practised, and a conventional language spoken, by the
Tamils* of Ceylon, as well as by the Sinhalese, during the
operations of paddy cultivation.
I have since collected information on this subject in the
Jaffna Peninsula from different sources, and I have hencef
been able to compile an account of these ceremonies, which
it may be interesting to compare with the descriptions of
the ceremonies practised by the Kandyans and Low-country
Sinhalese already recorded by Messrs. levers and Bell.
It is a rule among the Tamils, as among the Sinhalese,
that after the New Year’s Day, which is the first day of the
month Chittirai, and falls on the 11th or 12th of April, no
work of any kind should be begun, except at a “lucky hour.”
* A list of Tamil threshing-floor words is annexed to the Paper
above referred to.
TI may state that [ do not pretend to have myself been an eye-
witness of all the ceremonies hereinafter detailed. This would have been
practically impossible. The cultivators are very chary of performing
them in the presence of a stranger, more especially of a European. I
may add, that it is not easy to get an intelligent account of them from
the natives, and those who are capable of giving such an account affect
to consider them too trivial and ridiculous to describe. It must not be
supposed that all the ceremonies described in this Paper are performed
on every occasion of paddy cultivation in the Jaffna District. ‘This is
the case only in the more remote Districts, such as Poonaryn (Punakari)
and Karachchi; in others many details are omitted, or the ceremonies,
with the exception of the choosing of a lucky hour, are neglected alto-
gether, as in the neighbourhood of Jaffna.
No. 29.—1884.] PADDY CULTIVATION CUSTOMS. 305
This can be ascertained either from the village astrologer
(chattirt) or by consulting one of the Tamil almanacs.*
Paddy cultivation forms no exception to this rule. Itis |
of the utmost importance that every operation connected
with it should be commenced on an auspicious day, for it is
believed that the good or ill-fortune of the undertaking is
decided by the influence of the asterism that governs
the day upon which the work is begun. For instance,
with respect to sowing and reaping, the rule is,
OFdarnIe SégHm Ysoo gaAMyn wars (chevvayil
vittum Putanil aruniyum akatu) “sowing should not be
done on Tuesday, nor reaping on Wednesday’’; while, as
regards threshing, it is believed that if the day be domi-
nated by a malevolent star, the crop is hable to be pilfered
by the £ulis (mischievous sprites, who correspond to the
Sinhalese yaksayo). This is set forth with due precision in
the following stanza :—
Qrauve usGlev ger Mo
OQ b gic Oener Mov ew MILD
AGL sor eper Mov peor Miro
incr los D OS _iQev Ger Mo
QauGe ow om erflaGuvijo_s &ofOsrore@pin
GGuysT Qraxr® poaapd Dar ggGe AGauspGe.
Traviyil pattil onrum
Intupannonril onrum
Varuputan munril onrum
Manmakat keddil onrum
Trupatil onrun karik kiyal pudatk kuli kollum
Kuru Pukar irandu nanram kolur chudu mitippatatke.
[‘*On Sunday the &a/is will carry away one-tenth ; on Monday,
one-eleventh ; on the following Wednesday, one-third ; on Tuesday,
one-eighth ; on Saturday, one-twentieth ; Thursday and Friday,
these two are good for a bountiful threshing.” |
In addition to these precautions it is necessary, before the
commencement of any undertaking, that the assistance of
yt YRS RIN URE CEE oe A Sn IC Es
* There are at least three of these in use in J affna, —one published
there, and the others at Colombo and Madras. See Note 1, at end.
306 JOURNAL, R.A.8. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII
the god Pillaiyar * should be invoked and a ponkalt
performed in his honour. It is usual, at the same time, to —
pay similar honours to any deity to whom the nearest
temple or grove is dedicated. :
The operation which falls earliest in the work of cultiva-
tion is manuring. At the lucky hour the first basket of
manure is carried to the field, and a small portion of the field
selected at hap-hazard is manured and dug with a mamoty.
* “The Son.” This is the common designation in the Northern
Province of the god Kanésar, or Kanapati. He is also called by the
cultivators Periyapiran or Periyavan “the Great One”. He is a son of
Siva and Durga (Pdrvati).and is the god of wisdum and remover of
obstacles.
‘“‘He is lord of the troops of the mischievous and malignant imps,
who are supposed to cause obstacles and difficulties, and is therefore in-
voked at the commencement of all undertakings. His bloated, dwarfish,
and distorted appearance, which is like that of the ganas of Siva, over
whom he presides, indicates sensuality and love of good living, while his
elephant’s head is said to typify a combination of wisdom, or rather of
cunning and sagacity.”— Hinduism, by Proffessor Monier Williams,
p. 165 (Sinhalese Gana, Ganesa, Ganapatz).
“‘In the North-Central Province the villagers worship a god called
Puliar, who, according to them, heals their diseases and affords them
help in various ways. They say they trust Puliar to obtain help in
this world, and Buddha for happiness in the next world.” Report
by Rev. J. Ireland Jones, quoted in Ceylon Observer.
“ And on the middle porch god Ganesha—
With disk and hook—to bring wisdom and wealth,
Propitious sate, wreathing his sidelong trunk.”
— Light of Asia.
} Rice is boiled in milk in a new earthen pot, or in a brass pot cleaned
for the occasion. Plantains, curds, and ghee are offered with the rice—
also jakfruit, mangoes, lemons, &c. Camphor is then burned, and
homage paid to the god.
¢ “Indra” (Intiran ) is lord of the clouds, rains, seasons, crops, &c.,
and he is worshipped at the season of sowing and reaping; but the
chief honours appear to be paid to Pillaiydr. Indra (Sanskrit) — ‘‘the
rainer’’, ‘‘the irrigator” ; /ndw — “drops of rain.”
Winslow has s0unonwé#s5u 0 [halappaichchakkaram|: “A diagram
in astrology in the form of a plough to determine on the best day for
beginning the ploughing of the season.” I have not, however, heard
of an instance in Jaffna of the adoption of this method of discovering
the lucky hour for ploughing. |
No. 29.—1884.] PADDY CULTIVATION CUSTOMS. 307
This forms the inauguration of the work of cultivation.
As in the Jaffna District ploughing is carried on between
April and September, whenever a fall of rain affords an
opportunity for it, it is necessary early in the (Tamil) year
to be prepared for this operation. Accordingly, the ceremony
of yoking the oxen is performed during the first half of the
month Chittirar (April—May). At one of the hours fixed
for this purpose, a pair of very tame oxen, often decorated
with garlands of flowers, red ochre, saffron powder, &c., is
taken to the field with a yoke and a plough, and after the
land-owner has paid the usual homage to Pillaiydr, by split-
ting a cocoanut in the field,* he yokes the bulls together,
making them face towards the north or east.| He and his
* According to one of my informants this should be done in the
north-western corner. In the Deviyanné-ddné ceremony of the Sinha-
lese, the Madupuraya breaks a cocoanut (see C. A. S. Journal, 1883,
p- 59), and it is remarkable that this is called Gana-deviyan-gahanavda.
Gona-deviys — Pillatydr (see note* anté), so that this act of the Madu-
puraya’s has the same object as has that of the Tamil cultivator, viz.,
to sacrifice to Pillaiyar. Probably some of the Hindu ceremonies have
been retained by the Siphalese after their original significance and inten-
tion have become obscured or forgotten. There can be no doubt that
the practice of these ceremonies by the Sinhalese is of ancient origin,
and is not an importation from their Tamil neighbours. In fact, the
ceremonies are more complicated, and have suffered less detrition among
the Sinhalese than among the Tamils. This is one reason why I think
it a mistake to attribute the addiction of the Sinhalese all over the
Island to fragments.of the Hindu cult, mainly to the fact that the later
Kandyan kings were Tamils and Hindus, or to the discovery by the Sin-
halese people (Kandyans) after a trial of Buddhism that as a religion it
was inadequate for their wants. The Sinhalese were Hindus before
they were Buddhists, and though they adopted Buddhism (circa
246 B.c.), the mass of the people never entirely gave up Hinduism, and
retained many of the beliefs and practices connected with it. Buddhism
was grafted on to Hinduism.
y+ “Amongst the four cardinal points, the north and east were
always preferred, and of these the east. The south was highly objec-
tionable, as the realms of the Indian Pluto, Yama, were situate there.
The north was liked, because the abode of Siva was in that direction.
Sunrise and sunset must have operated in deciding the merits of the
east and west.”’-—Arichandra, by Sir M. Coomara Swamy, note on
p. 241.
308 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII.
men then plough three elliptical furrows, either to show -
how the work is to be done, or perhaps in order to test the
implements. All those who are present then congratulate
the field-owner, and they signify their approval of the
work, and their participation in it, by touching the plough-
handle.*
This preliminary ceremony having been performed, the
cultivators are ready to plough at any time when there is a
fall of rain. So scrupulous are some of them, that when,
as sometimes happens, rain falls early in the (Tamil) year,
and before the yoking ceremony has been performed, they
would rather forego the chance of ploughing altogether,
than commence it without having observed the proper
preliminaries.
It is considered an advantage if the oxen used in
ploughing are maman and marumakan—. e., “uncle” and
“‘nephew ’’—and if, as is usually the case, there are two
ploughs at work in one field,f the men in charge of them
should also be uncle and nephew.
It may interest the present Director of Public Instruc-
tion to learn that in constructing the plough the following
rules as to materials should be observed, if possible :—
LiNndev LIL @irer Palat padaval
smo ris Crorsl Pankirdy méli
sroor Oantné Fir cw Karai Koluchchiray
S(hHSTCS OT Shirov Karunkdal érkkal
L)cor oot It). th) BLD Punnaip putu nukam
YGIYLO HFG Bar Putup piddu atti nar
vane BH F510. Pannai Kiddittadi.
* See C. A.S. Journal, 1883, p. 55, note on ‘‘the practice of touching
objects to baffle the evil chance.”
+ The fact that two ploughs are generally used at the same time
in a field (Sometimes there are as many as five or six), both going over
_ the same ground, is an answer to the objection sometimes made to the
introduction of ploughs of a better pattern, viz., that they require more
men to work them than do the native ploughs. It is true that a Jaftna
plough only requires one man to work it, but then there is usually another
plough following it; and though this second plough does not make the
same furrow as the first, it does work that would have been done by the
first plough were the latter of an improved pattern.
is
No. 29.—1884.] PADDY CULTIVATION CUSTOMS. 309
which the accompanying sketch (No. 1) of a Jaffna
plough* will help to explain.
The plough is made of four distinct pieces of wood. In
one of these the padavdl, a diminutive iron share (folu), is
inserted, and it is fixed in its place by a small piece of wood
called the koluchchirdy. The other two are the handle
(mél) and the pole (érkkal). According to the rules, then,
these pieces should all be of different kinds of wood, the
padaval of palar (Ceylon ironwood), the handle of pankiray
(a tree of which I do not know the English or scientific
name), the koluchchirdy of karat (a kind of thorny shrub,
Webera tetrandra), the pole of ebony, the yoke of Alex-
andrian jaurel,f and its pegs of pannai,t while the ropes
(puddan kayiru) for attaching the oxen to it should be
made of fibre from the dtéz tree.§
It seems, however, that the ostensible reason for using
these woods is not their peculiar suitability for the purpose,
but to ensure that in the ensuing season there may be
neither too much nor too little rain for the paddy.
- The cord that attaches the pole to the yoke is called the
nanta,.| |
A field is usually ploughed three times, at intervals of
two or three days.4]1 There is no mud-levelling in the
* Plate No. 1 (see note 2). The shaft is not quite long enough
in the sketch.
+ Sinhalese, domba; Calophyllum inophyllum, L.
t Sinhalese, val-ehela ?
§ “ Bauhinia racemosa, L. There are two species, viz., (1)
&rltmé&) (hdddatti ), the rind of which is used for withes, Bauhinia
parviflora, L.; (2) BH27S 8 (tiruvitti), a flower-tree sacred to Siva,
also medicinal, Bauhinia tomentosa, L.’”—Wins. Probably the first
species is meant.
|| There is a proverb, SGaLpasiGev 550506 NSS HCuUTEV
(nadu ulavilé nantai terrttatupola), ‘ Like the snapping of the yoke-tie,
when the plough has done half its work.” Percival, 4,050.
ae 12.5 DoGaG@uy (nilaveduppu), breaking ground ; 2 LO@S TL
intity (ulavi-raddippu) or 40> (marai), second ploughing; and
eLpomr (yin 2 Lpay (miinrdm uluvu), third ploughing.
310 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). {Vol. VIIL.
Jaffna District, except occasionally in Ptnakari and Kar-
achchi. The cultivation generally depends entirely upon
rain,* and in consequence there is usually only one
cultivation of paddy in the year.t
' Sowing takes place in August—September. There is no
fall of rain at this season: the fields are sown dry (puluti-
ertaippu ), and the seed then remains in the ground without
germinating until the preliminary rains of the North-Hast
monsoon begin to fall.
On the auspicious day, which, according to the rules
above-quoted, can never be a Tuesday, the land-owner or his
son prepares a small quantity of raw rice from the paddy
which he had stored up for seed, and sends it to the village
temple to be boiled and offered to the deity to whom the
temple is dedicated. Milk, young cocoanuts, betel, camp-
hor, and benzoin, and all the other accompaniments of a
ponkal are sent with the rice.
At the lucky hour a handful of seed-paddy and a mamoty
are taken to the field, and after splitting a cocoanut to
Pillaiyaér, facing towards the north,t the land-owner sows
the seed, and hoes it in with the mamoty ; and in this oper-
ation he is assisted by his servants. The sowing is thus
inaugurated.
Reaping takes place in the month Taz (January—Feb-
* Fields of which the cultivation depends entirely upon rain are
called Lar@paitil (mdndvari fields). Mdndvdri is a corruption of vdnd
vari ='* sky-water.”
+ There are three cultivations in the year, viz., (1) #mevGurein
(kdlapékam) = ‘‘ the regular crop,” which is chiefly of paddy sown in
August—September, and harvestedin February— March. Varaku, chami,
and other dry grains are alsocultivated. (2) HmGur S10 (chirupokam)
= “the little crop,” of peas (payaru), &c., and near tanks quick-ripening
paddy, sown in February—March, and over within two months. (3)
Qoo_wuGuréb (idaippdkam) = “ middle crop,” of. chillies, onions,
&c.; and in Tenmiradchi and Pachchilaippalli, (if there is enough water
in the tanks,) of paddy, which is sown at the end of April and reaped
in June.
t Vide ante, p. 307, note. *
7 ean
partes
Pea aS ee
No. 29.—1884.] PADDY CULTIVATION CUSTOMS. + 311
ruary). It must not bedone ona Wednesday. At the lucky
hour the land-owner makes a rough extempore image of
Ganésa out of a handful of moist cow-dung, decorates it with
the tops of aruku grass,* which is sacred to this and other
gods, and after doing pusaito it, leaves his house, taking care
to pass by a lighted lamp and a full water-pot—the latter ©
placed on a heap of paddy in front of his house. The
mouth of this pot is filled up by a cocoanut surrounded by
five or more (but always some odd number of) mango
leaves.{ On his way to the field, if he has to pass a temple
he does not omit to make his devotionsthere. On reaching
his field he splits a cocoanut, and reaps a few of the ears of
paddy, and takes them home with him, passing by the lamp
and water-pot as before. In the inner room of his house
he hangs up a few of the ears, and treads out the paddy
from those remaining.
The paddy he places in a small old basket, which he
hands to his wife. She receives it with both hands, and,
_ facing north,{ either keeps the paddy or boils it at once
as “ new rice.”
This “ new rice” is eaten at the lucky hour, and a little
raw rice, with the usual accompaniments, is sent to the
village temple to be boiled and offered as a ponkal to the
deity. The reaping is then proceeded with.
But it is the “threshing ” that the cultivators have to be
the most punctilious about. It is commenced on one of the
auspicious days—Thursday or Friday (or sometimes on
Sunday), but never on a Wednesday—and continued on
* Cynodon dactylon, Pers. See C. A. 8. Journal, 1880, pp. 7-8, for
a full account of this grass, by Mr. W. Ferguson.
T The cocoanut-oil lamp also has Eve: < or seven or some odd number
of wick-spouts.
t So the Sinhalese set apart on a post three handfuls of ripe ears
for BR iaraidme LD (the Kantasuvami of the Tamils; Sao the
god of War). (C.A.S8. Journal, 1883, p. 48.)
§ This appears to correspond to the “New Rice-feast” (Alué-bat-
kema) of the Sinhalese, except that the latter takes place after the
threshing is concluded. (Journal, 1880, p. 50; 1883, p. 56.)
312 , JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII.
successive nights. A threshing-floor (kalam ) is prepared—
levelling and smoothing a portion of the field in a circular
shape.
The boundary line of this circle is strewn with pieces of
bark or leaves of margosa* and bits of the pirandar
creepert. This is in order to form a “guard-cord”’
(kavatkodi )t against the kuhs. An extempore image of
Ganésais made of cow-dung, as usual, by-one of the servants,
hence called the Prllaiyarpolan, and decorated with aruku
grass. Pusai is then performed to it—7.e., camphor and
benzoin incense are burned before it, and offerings made of
* There is a saying Guwée@ GarwsevCurGav (péychchu véppilat
polé) ‘as margosa leaves before a demon.” (Percival, 4,955.) The
Kandyans use margosa with the same object. (SeeC. A. S. Journal,
1886, p. 49.) In the low-country the ricks are frequently encircled
with young cocoanut leaves or jungle creepers (C. A. S. Journal, 1883,
p. 48), no doubt as a “ guard-cord.”
+ There must be some peculiar potency also in the pirandai
creeper. See Mr. Fowler’s account of the Panikkan’s use of it as a
sort of charm. (Jbid, pp. 15—16.) It is the hiressa of the Sinhalese
(Zbid, 1880, p. 49; 1883, p. 49.) Moormen have the same opinion of its
efficacy as acharm. “A species of sun-flower (helicophilum)”— Clough,
Pirandat is not given by Winslow.
+ Idid not find that in the Jaffna Peninsula circles were drawn on
the threshing-floor of ashes, as among the Sinhalese, but I dare say there
is such a practice among the Tamils also. I see Winslow gives as a
meaning of eracvO) Ww, (kdvalseyya) ‘to make (with a straw-rope)
diagrams on the ground, &c., to defend the grain from demons.” With
respect to the number of circles drawn, the Kandyans whom I have
questioned on the point said that there should be three concentric
circles. This agrees with what Mr. Bell found in the low-country. In
Kégalla the number is seven. In addition to Knox, Davy, and Brodie,
Nirr also gives a short description of Sinhalese threshing-floor ceremonies,
and _ he, too, states that three circles are described, one within the other,
at the mystic rite when the paddy is trodden out. (Ceylon and the
Cingalese, Vol. I., p. 151.)
Among the Sinhalese the substitute for the image of Pillaiyar seems
to be the mutta (see C. A. S. Journal, 1883, p. 49), “ the great grand-
father,’ which may be either a round stone (2bid, 1880, p. 49) or an
unhusked cocoanut (arakpol). Mutta in Mr. Bell’s Paper should be
mutta.
«| Bi
No. 29.—1884.] PADDY CULTIVATION CUSTOMS. 313
plantain fruit, betel, &c., the worshipper doing obeisance
by crossing the forearms in front of his face, and striking
his temple three times with closed fist.
A stake (polikkaddai)—which, if itis to be a protection
against the kulis, should be of the wood of the strychnos
tree (kdfichirai),* but is generally of some hard wood,
such as vidattal or tiruk-kondal,J—is next fixed by the
chief farm-servant (who is hence called the Kaddaippolan )
in the centre of the circle, with a few ears of paddy and a
few margosa leaves tied at the top of it. If the floor is of
loose soil, mats are spread round the stake ; if not the bare
ground is used as a threshing-floor. Water, in which fresh
macerated cow-dung has been soaked, is sprinkled over the
floor to purify it. The usual cocoanut is split, and then the
Kaddaippolan (asually an elderly man) takes some ears
from the rick, and holding them over his head with the
goad (polimilaru) or the flail (vélai-al) walks three times
round the stake. He places the ears at the foot of the
stake, standing with his face towards the north or east.
He is followed by all the other servants (pdlamarkal), each
carrying sheaves of ears, and depositing them round the
stake, until there is a sufficient quantity for threshing to
commence. The men then pull down the heap (pérppai)
and spread out the sheaves conveniently for threshing.
* Strychnos nux-vomica; Sinhalese, goda-kaduru.
{ Cassia fistula, L; Sinhalese, ehela.
} This resembles the procedure in the Rayigam Koralé. The
Sinhalese dispense with the stake, the place of which is taken by the
mutid. Instead of the chief servant it is ‘‘ any goyiya reputed fortu-
nate.’’ He walks three times round the muttd, and places the sheaf
on it. Instead of facing towards the north or east, he looks ‘‘in the
direction fixed by the astrologer with reference to the nekata.’ But
in the ceremony immediately following, the chief goiyya (the kaddaip-
polan) carries the dett goyiya (vélai-dl) round the corn. ‘The Jaffna
ceremony, in fact, seems to be an abridgment of that followed in Rayi-
gam Koralé. In ‘the Siyané Koralé the cultivator walks seven times
round the arakvala—the hole in the centre of the circle in which the
charms are placed. (See C. A.S. Journal, 1883, pp. 49, 51.)
314 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vol. VI.
While engaged in these operations they keep up shouting
the auspicious word “ poli,” “poli,” for good luck. *
Three pairs of buffaloes or bullocks having been linked
together in a row (nadaiyan kodi) are led into the heap of
paddy, and the biggest of the six is tied to the stake. This
animal is called porppainadaryan, and those further from it
vaddinadaiyar. The last is called the chaduvayan. A man
(porppaippolan) then drives them round and round the
stake, abreast of each other, with repeated applications of a
thick stick (polimilaru) to their hides and shouts of “ poli,
poli,’* until the grain is all trodden out from the ears.
Not until then are the oxen released or allowed even to be
taken to water; neither will the Kaddaippdlan leave the
threshing-floor until all the ricks of paddy have been
threshed, and his food is supplied to him there. When the
oxen are taken out from the floor for the last time each day,
one of the servants takes a wisp of straw, and pulls the tail of
the one nearest the stake, and then puts the straw on the
floor.
The completed heap of threshed paddy is greeted with
shouts of “poli,” and the straw is collected and tossed by
means of a bent stick (vélai-dl or vélai-karan )t to leeward of
the threshing-floor. When nearly all the straw has been
so collected into a heap, the oxen are taken off the threshing-
floor. Four of the men then starting, each from one of the
cardinal points of the floor, and facing the stake, in a sitting
posture heap up the paddy with their hands. In this
operation they move round towards the right, following
each other in a circle, and when they come back each to his
place in rotation, they stop, and the rest of the ceremony is
performed by the Kaddaipolan, who walks round the heap
to the right three times in a stooping posture between
them and the heap of grain, and smoothes and levels the top
* The Coorg ryots shout “polé! polé! Devaré.” (C. A. 8. Journal,
1883,p. 81.) In the Kalatara District, on the other hand, it seems that the
bullock-drivers are not allowed to shout to their animals. (Jd/d, p. 51.)
f That is, the labourer. Curiously enough the name given to this
stick by the Sinhalese cultivators is deti-goyiyd (goyiya = “ cultivator”).
No. 29.—1884.] PADDY CULTIVATION CUSTOMS. 315
and sides. Holding his right arm with his left hand*
he marks on the top and sides of the heap with his finger
representations of the trident (chilam) of Siva, at the four
cardinal points, and also certain diagrams, generally circles,
ornamented with tridents.| A cow-dung representation
of Pillaiyar is again made, and, adorned with aruku grass, is
placed on the heap with split cocoanuts and the knife used
in splitting them. Rice is then boiled and offered to
Pillaiyér. A twisted straw rope is put round the heap as
a guard-cord (kavatkod:) until the winnowing takes place.
The men having thus taken measures to protect havatcheyya
(the heap) against the kélis,are at liberty to leave the thresh-
ing-floor fora time. In case another heap of paddy has to
be threshed the same night, the paddy already threshed is
heaped in the east corner of the floor to await winnowing
after the other rick has been threshed.
Some of the prevalent superstitions with respect to these
kulis may be noticed here. The kulis are supposed to be
mischievous, and to favour, or disfavour, the farmer according
as they are propitiated by him or not. They will remove
paddy from a neighbouring floor to the one favoured by
them, from high to lowland, from east to west, and to
* In a Kandyan picture of a Saluvadana Nilamé (Master of the
Robes) he is handing the Crown in this manner to the king. It is
meant to show reverence or respect. |
{ Tridents are always introduced into the figures drawn by the
Sinhalese cultivators, both Kandyan and Low-country, but it does
not appear that they understand what it signifies. (C. A. 8. Journal,
1883, p. 55.) Neither did Sirr understand what they intended to
represent. He says the circles are quartered by a cross, the four
points of which are terminated by a ‘“‘character resembling a written
letter M.” (Ceylon and the Cingalese,’ Vol. 1, p. 151.) Certainly
there is this resemblance in the florid tridents in the diagrams
- given by Davy, and in the Pasdun Koralé diagram. (C. A. 8S. Journal,
1883, p. 79.)
- Ina Buddhist religious picture in my possession all the gods attendant
upon Buddha, except Siva, are represented holding a ¢risé/a in one hand
and a sword (Aaduva) in the other. ‘Lhe trident is a common emblem
at Jaffna.
21—86 H
316 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII.
leeward, but not to windward.* Accordingly, a man will
not thresh on the same day as his neighbour, if the latter’s
threshing-floor is to the south-west of his.t| He is angry
if his neighbour, with a threshing-floor thus favourably
situated with respect to his, begins to thresh his paddy at
the same time as he does. The neighbour, on the other
hand, congratulates himself on the prospective assistance of
the kus, who will pilfer the paddy from the other man,
and bring it to his threshing-floor ; and seizes the oppor-
tunity to propitiate them, and so begin his threshing under
the most favourable conditions.
If a high festival is going on in the village temple, no
threshing is allowed to be carried on onthat day in thevillage.
No empty vessel or basket can be carried past the
threshing-floor while the threshing is going on, and there
are instances of wayfarers being detained at the floor, if
they happen to pass it at such a time. ‘The upsetting of a
basket or vessel, or the overturning of a hut (Audil)t or
anything that henane inadvertently, is considered an
unlucky omen. Every turn taken by the men engaged in
any of tuese ceremonies should be to the right, not to the
left,§ and even the oxen are made to conform to this
* This is shrewd of the ulis,—they do not like to have the wind
against them.
+ Atthe time of harvest in the Jaffna District (February—March)
the North-East monsoon is blowing, hence the South-West would be
the leeward.
+ A hut is like an exaggerated umbrella made of palmyra leaves,
used for sheltering cattle, stacks, &c.
§ In “A Lady’s Cruise in a French Man-of-War,”’ Miss Gordon-
Cumming, describing the consecration of a Roman Catholic church in
Samoa, says: “I grieve to have to record that, in leading the procession
round the foundations of the new church, he (the Bishop) made the turn
widdershins. I believe that this is contrary to ecclesiastical custom, and,
of course, to my Scottish mind it suggested grievous misfortunes in store.”
—Vol. I., p. 120. To the word widdershins the authoress appends the
following note: ‘‘Or more correctly, in old Celtic parlance, tuaphol—
that is to say, a turn contrary to the course of the sun, keeping the
left hand towards the centre. It was only used when invoking a curse,
as opposed to the turn deisul, which invoked a blessing on the object
round which the turn was made. The superstition is common to all
lands in whose early mythology sun-worship held a place.” (See “From
the Hebrides to the Himalayas,” Vol. I., p. 203.)
aaa
ab
No. 29.—1884.] PADDY CULTIVATION cUSToMS. 317
rule. But it will help to thwart the kuls if the oxen are
made to take one or two turns to the left, instead of to the
right, when commencing operations.
[tis unlucky for men or animals to pass out from the
threshing-floor, except at the proper entrance (halavasal)
on the east cide,
Next comes the winnowing. The winnows to be used
are marked with tridents in cow-dung. After the usual
ponkal to Pillaiyar, one or two mats are spread on that
side of the threshing-floor which is exposed to the wind
(which at this time comes from the North-Hast), and paddy
is poured from the winnows along the windward edge of
the mats, so that the chaff flies off to the leeward, leaving
the grain ina heap. It is an unlucky omen if one of the
winnows upsets, or is blown off by the wind; and if in the
act of sifting the winnow strikes against the heap, a trident
is at once marked on the place in the heap where the latter
was touched by the winnow.
The paddy is formed into an oblong heap of uniform
width, and the surface is made as smooth as possible. A
line is traced with a corner of the winnow along the ridge
of the heap, and tridents are similarly marked at each end
of the heap, and in the middle,* thus :—
eo
The cow-dung (Pillaiyar ) is then placed on the paddy-
heap, and the twisted straw rope is put round the heap as
before.t These precautions are necessary until the paddy
is measured, as it is supposed, after the measuring, to be
secure from the kulis.
Before the paddy is measured, a winnow is plunged into
the heap, and filled up well with paddy, whichis kept apart
to be given to the temple as a thank- offering. This paddy
Pik similar practice is followed by some of the Galle cultures
(C. A. S. Journal, 1883, p. 55.)
f The Kandyans put a twisted straw rope round the paddy after
the winnowing. (Jbid, 1880, p. 49.)
H 2
318 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vol. VIII.
is called misupal.* The measuring of the heap is then
proceeded with, and the land: owner gives the cultivators or
servants their proper shares, and his tithe to the renter.
Sometimes the blacksmith, carpenter, barber, dhoby,
and tom-tom beater—the kudimakkalft employed by the
land-owner—are called, and their dues paid to them in kind ;
and paddy is also dealt out to beggars.{ After this, at
a lucky hour, he has the rest of the paddy removed to his
house, and stored in the loft in large ola baskets, which are
closed at the tops by being stitched with palmyra olas.
The paddy required for seed is kept exposed to the sun for
three successive days, and then placed in a corner of the
house to cool. On an auspicious day it is stored in ola
baskets. |
The harvest having thus been concluded, the farmer
performs a ponkal at a neighbouring temple in honour of
Pillaiyar, Indra, and other deities, and lastly in honour of his
kaniyalar, the ancestors from whom he inherited his
lands.
When any of these ceremonies are performed, everything
must be done strictly according to ancient precedent ; and, as
I have said before, any accident, however trivial, is looked
upon as a bad omen, and therefore every precaution is taken
to prevent the occurrence of one. After any ceremony has
been performed, the chief actor in it takes care not to give
anything away from his house the same day, such as paddy,
* Literally, “grain abundance,” a euphemistic word. See my
Paper on the Language of the Threshing-floor. It is the akydla or
Deviyanné-vi of the Sinhalese which is offered to the gods, and more
especially to the goddess Pattini and to Kataragama Deviyé. (C. A.S.
Journal, 1880, p. 50; 1883, p. 58.) It seems also that some of this
new rice goes to Buddha, or rather to the viharé. (dd., 1880, p. 50;
1883, p. 56.)
| There is an accurate account of the eighteen Kudimakkal by
the late Jaffna Kachchéri Mudaliy4r, printed with the Administration
Report of the Government Agent of the Northern Province for 1883,
p. 144 a.
{ The Kandyans observe the same custom. (See Journal, 1880,
p- 50, and Journal, 1883, p. 55, extract from Knox.)
No. 29.—1884.] PADDY CULTIVATION customs. —_ 319
oil, salt, or money ; but there is no objection to his receiving
such articles.*
There are many superstitions connected with agriculture,
generally among the more primitive Tamil peasantry. For
instance, certain days fixed by astrologers or the almanacs
are called ‘“‘ worm days ” ( pulundl ), and anything sown on
such days is supposed to be liable to be eaten by worms.
On some days the sap is supposed to run up, and therefore
on them fruit trees may be planted, while on other days it is
supposed to run down, and such days are suitable for the
planting of bulbs.t
Various charms{ are used to prevent the attacks iat
flies, worms, crabs, and other pests, Olas, sprinkled with
saffron-water, and previously charmed by the repetition over
them of mantirams for hours together, are tied to the plants
for this purpose. Sometimes with the same object the
cultivator makes a vow of a new earthen pot with which to
celebrate a ponkal after the reaping of the crops.
There is still a widely-prevailing belief in the evil-eye
(kannuru) and the evil-tongue (ndvuru).§ The visitor who
_* Superstition and self-interest are here in most convenient
agreement.
| Cf. the American song quoted by Mr. Bell :—
“ If ye plant yer corn on the growin’ moon,
And put up the lines for crows, __
You'll find it will bear, and yer wheat will, too,
If it’s decent land where’t grows.
‘¢ But potatoes now are a different thing,
They want to grow down, that is plain ;
And don’t ye see you must plant for that
When the moon is on the wane. ”
(C. A. 8. Journal, 1883, p. 68.)
t See Note (8).
s Hence the proverb &o oT NeEGS SI D.ayln SBF CO MSRH
Sue wes (hal erikkut tappindlum kan eritkkut tappak kiddtu)
« Though one may escape the cast of a stone, he cannot escape the glance
of an evil-eye.” (Perc., 2216.) “The evil-eye (#7 com!) and the
evil-tongue (5 7@p_m)) are feared very generally. ‘T'o avert their influence
as regards fruits, &c., in a garden, it is common to put up some object of
attraction, as a water-pot whitewashed, inverted on a stump, and dotted
with black spots, &c. In some enclosures grotesque images are seen. ”
(Ibid) These pots may be seen also in Sinhalese gardens,
320 7: JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). —«[ Vol. VIII.
travels along the roads about Jaffna will not fail to notice
among the tobacco, brinjal, and other crops frequent and
more or less elaborate “ scare-crows’’ (veruli) of various
grotesque shapes. These are not intended to frighten birds,
but to be a protection against the evil-eye.* It is hoped
that they will divert the attention of the passer-by, and
prevent his making a too close scrutiny of the crop itself—
a scrutiny which might have a baneful effect upon it.T
The use of a conventional language by the cultivators I
need not here enlarge upon.
NOTES.
(1).—AsTROLOGY IN AGRICULTURE.
From the ‘“‘ Pafichdnkam{ for the Tarana year 1806 of the
Sdlivdkana (1884-5) calculated by Irakun4taiyar son of Santira-
sékaraiyar, of Nallir, near Jaffna, and printed at the Private Press
at Vannainakar (Vannarpannai) Jafina,” I extract the following :—
Several “lucky hours”—generally on different days of the
* They serve, however, also to keep away monkeys.
+ The late Government Agent of the Northern Province, Mr.
Dyke, on one occasion, in 1867, encamped at Karativu among the paddy
fields, and rode round and inspected the paddy just ready to be reaped.
The crop that harvest was a very good one, giving a rent to Government
of over 3,000 rix-dollars, but next year the rent fell to a little over
600 rix-dollars. The people attributed the failure of the crop to Mr.
Dyke's inspection of the fields. This was carrying the evil-eye theory
rather far, for it was not the crop that was inspected that failed, but the
succeeding one, I suppose the former was too far advanced to be
affected.
{ The Indian Almanac derives its name Paiichankam (payicha five, _
anka, divisions) from its giving the time of commencement and duration of
five important things—1st vdram, the Saturday ; 2nd tit, lunar day ; 3rd
nakshatram, the constellation for the day ; 4th ydkam; 5th karanam. For
the performance of the many ceremonies which his religion enjoins, it is
necessary for a Hindu to examine one and all of these five essentials, to
determine whether the time is propitious or not.’ (Paper by Captain
Mackenzie on the “‘ Patichankam” in Indian Antiquary, Vol. ILL., p. 137.)
No. 29,—1884.| PADDY CULTIVATION CUSTOMS. 321 |
month—are given for each month, during which a particular
agricultural operation is carried on, thus :—
1.— The ploughing festival (E’rmankalam) may be begun (1),
on Thursday, the 7th day of the month Chittirat* at 153 nalikaist
after dark when the stars Suvati and Vellit are at the zenith in
the sign Makaram ;§ (2) on Thursday, the 21st of the same month
at 7 o'clock in the morning, when the human shadow is ten feet
long, in Mitunam ;(3) the same day, 13 nalikats after dark, when
the moon is setting, in Makaram.
2.— Preparation of the Field.—There are seventeen occasions—
viz., four in April,|| three in May, four in June, three in July,
and four in August, on which the fields may be manured and
ridges made, &c. The days are Mondays and Thursdays, except
that there is one Wednesday in May and three in June, and one
Friday in August. The favourable hour is, at night six times, in
the forenoon five times, twice in the afternoon, twice at sunset, once
at noon, and once at dawn.
* That is, April 11th to “ay 11th (31 days in the Tamil month).
7 Nalikai = Sinhalese peya = 24 minutes.
+ Venus. |
§ The Tamil names of the signs of the zodiac are—
1 Médam = Aries 7 Tulam — Libra
-2 Idapam = Taurus 8 Viruchchikam = Scorpio
3 Mitunam == Gemini 9 Tanusu — Sagittarius
4 Karkkadakam = Cancer 10 Makaram —= Capricornus
5 Chinkam == Leo 11 Kumpam — Aquarius
6 Kanni — Virgo 12 Minam == Pisces
|) Though I use ihe English names of the months, it must be under-
stood that the months intended begin on the 11th or 12th of the English
month, or theréabouts ; thus, in 1884-85,
April means April 11th to May 11th.
May do. May 12th to June 12th.
June do. June 13th to July 14th.
July do. July 14th to August 14th.
August do. August 15th to September 14th.
September do. September 15th to October 14th.
October do. October 15th to November 13th.
November do.
December do.
January do.
February do.
March do.
November 14th to December 13th.
December 14th to January 11th.
January 12th to February | 0th.
February 11th to March 11th.
March 11th to April 11th.
322 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VILI.
3,— Sowing.—Two days in June, four in July, four in August,
three in September, four in October, and three in November,—in
all twenty times. The favourite days are Wednesday and Friday,
then Thursday and Sunday ; Monday is chosen once, Tuesday and
Saturday never,
4.—Heaping.—Twelve days in January, seven in February,
and four in March, Every day except Tuesday and Sunday.*
Time,—generally at sunset or night. |
5.—Heaping up the Grain for Threshing.—January, February,
and March in the asterisms{ Kartikai, Tiruvatirai, A'yiliyam,
Uttiram, Suvati, Kéddai, Uttiradam, Chatayam, Révati, and the
slakkinams Mitunam, Karkkadakam, Chinkam, Viruchchikam, and
Kumpam. | :
6.— Threshing.—Thursday and Friday are the proper days,
on account of the saying, “if you thresh on Sunday, the kulis will
carry away one-tenth, on Monday one-eleventh, on Tuesday one-
eighth, on Saturday, one-twentieth.”
1.—Bringing home the grain.—Wednesday, Thursday, and
Saturday, the asterims Parani, Urdkini, Tiruvatirai, Makam,
* “Sunday, Tuesday, and Saturday are, as a rule, considered unlucky
days, Sunday being not quite so bad ag the other two.” (Ind. Ant.,
‘Vol. IIL, p. 138.)
| Nakshattiram — Sinhalese nekata,.—These are twenty-seven in
number, and are the constellations through which the moon in her
monthly course passes. Great importance is attached to them in
astrological calculations. They are divided into male, female, and neuter ;
good, bad, and indifferent ; those which look upwards, those which look
downwards, and those which look straightforward. Hach nakshattiram
is divided into four parts, called poda, and two and a-half nahkshattirams
equal a rdsi, or sign of the zodiac.” (Jbid, p. 138.)
The Tamil names of the asterisms are :—
1 Achchuvini 10 Makam 19 Milam
2 Parani 11 Ptram 20 Puradam
3 Karttikai 12 Uttiram 21 Uttiradam
4 Urokini 13 Attam 22 Tiruvénam
5 Mirukasiridam 14 Chittirai 23 Aviddam
6 Tiruvatirai 15 Suvati 24 Satayam
7 Punarpisam 16 Visikam 25 Puraddati
8 Pdsam 17 Anusham 26 Uttiraddati
9 A’yiliyam 18 Kéddai 27 Revati
ba
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No. 29.—1884.] PADDY CULTIVATION CUSTOMS. 320
Attam, Visakam, Tiruvonam, the zlakkinams Idapam, Karkkada-
kam, Chinkam, Viruchchikam, Kumpam, at the rising of Iraku and
Kulikan, the grain may be brought home. , ;
8.—Storing the Paddy in baskets, bins, &c.—On four occasions
in January, seven in February, and four in March—any day
except Sunday and Tuesday,—generally at sunset or night.
9.—E ating the new rice.—On eleven occasions in January, six
in February, and two in March,—generally at night.
10.— Distributing the Grain.— Monday, Wednesday, Thursday,
and Saturday; the asterisms, Achchuvini, Urékini, Mirukasiridam,
Punarpisam, Puisam, Makam, Ptram, Uttiram, Attam, Chittirai,
Suvati, Visikam, Anusham, Uttiradam, Tiruvénam, Aviddam,
Uttiraddati Révati; the lunar days (tt) Tutiyai, Tirutiyai,
Pafichami, Saptami, Tasami, E’katasi, Tuvatasi, Tiraydtasi; the
ilakkinams Idapam, Mitunam, Chinkam, Kanni, Viruchchikam,
Tanusu, Kumpam, Minam ; the eighth house being vacant, are
the best times for distributing for household purposes the grain
stored up in baskets, &c., and for giving and receiving grain.
On the above-mentioned lunar days, week days, and asterisms, in
Sinhalese /agnaya. The laknams are synonymous with the twelve rasz.
(See C. A.S. Journal, 1883, p. 66 note.)
“ On Wednesday one-third,” omitted from the Almanac.
Tréku (Sinhalese, Rahu, Graha), Caput Draconis, the ascending node
which, with Kétu, Cauda Draconis, the descending node, is feigned to
cause eclipses by endeavouring to swallow the sua and moon.
Kulikan, ‘one of the seven invisible planets said to be the son of Saturn
—of special importance in astrological calculations.” If it is invisible,
it does not seem clear bow the agriculturist is to know when it is
rising.
Although we have thirty lunar days, yet we have names for sixteen
tithis only, because the month being divided into two fortnights, fourteen
of the names are common to both fortnights. (Ind. Ant., loc. sit.) It
seems that the Sinhalese have names for fifteen only. (C. A. S.
Journal, 1883, p. 64.) The Tamil names are :—
1 Piratamai 7 Saptami 13 Tirayédtasi
2 Tutiyai 8 Ashdami 14 Saturttasi
3 Tirutiyai 9 Navami 15 Pournimai
4 Saturtti 10 Tasami 16 Améavasiyai
5 Pafichami 11 H’katasi
6 Sashdi 12 Tuvatasi
324 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII.
the kharanam*™ Viddi, and the clakkinams Médam, Karkkadakam,
Tulam, and Makaram, are the best times for buying and selling
paddy.
Lucky hours are also given for commencing the following
agricultural operations, which form a large part of the occupation
of a Jaffna peasant :—
(1) Digging wells or tanks, and making embankments—every
month in the year, except September, December, and
February.
(2) Planting young plantain trees—every month.
(3) Do. young arekanut trees—September to March.
(4) Do. cocoanuts—every month. |
(5) Do. creepers, &c.—no month specified.
(6) Do. betel—April, May, September, June.
(7) Sowing and transplanting brinjals, chillies, &c.—every
month.
(8) Planting yams—no particular month.
(9) Tethering cattle and making pinfolds in tobacco gardens
—August, November,
(10) Digging tobacco gardens—October to December.
(11) Sowing and transplanting tobacco—August to March.
(12) Cutting tobacco plants, putting kudils, and drying tobacco
leaves in the sun—March to June.
(13) Buying and selling tobacco—March to July.
* Karanas are eleven in number, and divided into variable and
invariable. ‘They answer successively to half a tithi or lunar-day,
Kimstughna being always assigned to the first half of the first tithi,
and the variable Karanas, succeeding each other regularly through
eight repetitions. ‘They are followed by the three remaining invari-
able Karanas which conclude the month; Ehatuspad and Naga
appertaining to Am4vasya, or the new moon, and Sakuni being appro-
priated to the latter half of the preceding tithi,” (Colebrooke, quoted
in Ind. Ant., loc. lit.)
The Tamil names of the Karan4ms are :—
1 Pavam .. 2 €, Lion 7 Viddi we 4.€., Cock
2 Palavam ... ,, Tiger 8 Sakunam wu aks Oiawl
3 Kaulavam ... , Pig 9"Saturppatam ... ,, Dog
A) Vaitilam 4+... 44,7) Ass 10 Nakavam oe yy) Snake
5 Karasam ... 5, Elephant | 11 Kimastukkinam ,, Worm
G Vanisam,) = 2.7 .,, Ox
No. 29.—1884.] PADDY CULTIVATION CUSTOMS. 325
(14) Tying tobacco leaves into bundles— March to June, A ugust
to October.
(15) Planting trees, &c.,—no particular month specified.
(16) Buyiag and selling cattle, &e.
(17) Branding and castrating cattle.
(2).—CrYLon PLoucus.
As it may be interesting to compare the varieties of ploughs
used by the natives of Ceylon in different parts of the country,
I annex some sketches of Kandyan and Low-country (Sinhalese)
ploughs. It will be noticed that they are none of them of the
same pattern as the Jaffaa plough. (Plate No. 1.)
The principal plough used by the Kandyans is shown in Plate
No. 2. Itis called the dadavata nagula. ‘The handle (F) is
generally a rude representation of a bird—hence its name nimun-
_kurulld. It is usually made of buffalo horn.
The other Kandyan ploughis the koku nagula (Plate No. 3),
which is used for muddy land. It does not run so smoothly as
the badavata nagula, and is liable tostick inthe ground. Turned
over sideways, it is sometimes used as a mud-ileveller, the culti-
vator standing on the flat part and holding on by a stick tied to
the haudle.
The ploughs used by the Sinhalese of the Western Province
are something like the koku nagula in shape, but generally
smaller and lighter. There are two patterns in use in the
Western Province (Plates Nos. 4 and 5), known as the tani-hedé
nagula (‘‘single-shaped plough”), and the heda-deké nagula
(‘‘plough of two shapes”). The only difference between them
is in the shape of the front of the vakatta, and consequently
of the iron coulter or share with which it is faced. In the
heda-deké nagula this, instead of being straight projects half-
way down in a curve, to prevent its sinking too deep in
the soil. Itis, I suppose, on account of this division as it were
of the share into two parts, that the plough is known by the
curious name “the plough of two shapes.” This plough is used
more especially for 6wita land, and in kekulan cultivation.
In the low-country plough the koravakkoté is now generally
dispensed with, and the shaft rests on the vakatta, which is faced
326 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). —_[ Vol. VIII.
with iron—the iron projects for an inch or two at the foot to form
a share, which is often shaped like a cobra’s hood. In the Jaffna
and Kandyan ploughs the upper end of the share is inserted
between the vakatia and the koravak-khote.
Inthe Jaffna plough the shaft is rounded—a veritable pole.
This is not the case in the Sinhalese ploughs. In the latter
there is 2 notch* for the tying of the rope at the end; in the
former this purpose is answered by a horizontal peg passing
through the pole. The Sinhalese shafts are usually made of
kitul wood,
The low-country yokes are the same shape as the Jaffna yoke,
but instead of pegs at each end, only the one in the centre is used.
The Kandyan yoke is heavier and more elaborate ; notches
supply the place of the centre peg. In both Kandyan and low-
country Sinhalese yokes, the ropes attaching the oxen to them
pass through holes at the extremities.
(3).— CHARMS.
IL—Against Rats.
@ln celugotertor ySweytanumr Lorient sialic erel)
ever so Ay MbCuTsCa Faran.t
Qin celuigorerear voruTeyt sma aes myo aS
@ YmujenCuraGa Fanen.
gb eaMwentertor ySweorarar Lytcrweorstaicv eres)
LrjovinaliO yortijerw.CureCa aren,
gb ODoHiyréGoe ad ydaragr aVQurvndO@ ou
WosGureaGa: Famer.
1. O'm!t Mr.§ Rat! Mr. Tiger is coming, Mr. Cat is watching.
May all the rats go away together to another quarter.|| Let it
be so! ¥
* Often two, to provide for the employment of different-sized oxen.
The length of the shaft in all the ploughs is from eight to ten feet.
{ Properly #a@7er, an exclamation of mystic import, used in making
an oblation to the gods.
{ The mystic invocation to the Hindu Triad.
§ Ihese honorifics are hardly translateable.
|| Literally, “to that side,” or perhaps Ljevio should be translated
throughout by “ field.”
{| See C. A. S. Journal, 1883, page 76, note.
No. 29.—1884.] Pappy CULTIVATION customs. 327
2. O'm! Mr. Rat! Mr. Elephant is watching. May the rats
quit the paddy field, and go to another quarter: Let it be so!
38. O'm! Mr. Rat! Mr. Tiger is coming, Mr. Cat is watching.
May the rats leave this and go somewhere else. Let it be so!
4. O'm! Mr. Rat-tiger is coming from the city of Indra.
May the rats leave this and go somewhere else. Let it be so!
Il.—Against Worms.
| gb! SayoCorés AIO amGoarso 76 Gana ¢651Cer
Bb Csa Carag maGLuULer yopssor [YCpuE] sehen é HoH
w Soirio_sCs Oram SoLlorormHmohéOrwsugure, ser
Hawks giOFcem acrohOa_eé FL OUCutL_é OFraren Lig.
wire 60 oo anuiGouOs muy gs Gtoreevujuorw plex men 6S
SUD ugFeFssiy Cary yep Glo FEFor Konlpam evar
GmMHs pss Moora fH) Catésomurcr ShHiIYY 5¢H0m
Liguicn GHOUMTUULL LYEpSsOsOorevertin Morb aA oy)
Worn GuraCe Farar.
O'm! I went before the Supreme, and as he graciously permitted
-me to go to the milk-hedge* forest, and cut milk-hedge and burn
all the worms that are in Brahma world, Vishnu world, Naga
world, Moon world, and the world of the Gods. I myself stood with
fire in my mouth and wearing a necklace of sacred beads. Let
these, viz., stinging worms, worms which fold, branch worms,
branch-eating worms, bob-tailed worms, short-necked worms,
worms which bend like a bow, white ants, jointed worms, grass-
hoppers, and all worms of any name whatever, quit this field and
go to another field. Let it be so!
(4).—Report By THE Corer MuTALiyAR AND IRRIGATION
MourartiyAR ON THE CusTOoMs, &C., AS REGARDS Pappy
CULTIVATION IN BaTTICcALoa.t
THERE are three kinds of harvest in the paddy cultivation
of this District, viz. :—
1. The Munmari;
2. The Kalavellanmai; and
3. The Ettalai.
* Euphorbia Tirucalli. Sinh., Nava-handi. ;
+ Administration Report, Government Agent, Eastern Province,
1870, pp. 171-3.
328 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (cRYLON). [Vol. VIL.
Ist.—In the “‘Munmari” there are two different modes of culti-_
vation,—one under the ploughing system, commenced about
September, and the other under the trampling system, commenced
about January in the following year; but the age of the paddy
sown in the former being longer than that used in the latter, the
harvest of both takes place simultaneously in April.
2ndly.—The second, or the “ Kalavellanmai” cultivation, which
is termed “Pinmari” in Trincomalee, is entirely under the tramp-
ling system, and is commenced in March, and sometimes in April:
its harvest takes place in August.
3rdly.—The third, or the ‘“Ettalai” cultivation, which is also
carried on under the trampling system, is commenced in August,
and its harvest comes on about the end of September or the
beginning of October.
In the cultivation of a field, a portion of the land is set apart
for the “Podi,” or proprietor, which is called “Muttaddu,” and
another to the ‘‘Munnilaikkaran,” or the head field-servant, called
the “ Munnilai vayal”; and the rest is divided between the culti-
vators, or ‘‘Veliyans,” which divisions are called “Veliyan
vayal.” Asa general rule, about a fifth of the field is taken as
“Muttaddu,” but if the field be more than twenty avanams’
sowing extent, about a fourth is cultivated as ‘“‘Muttaddu,” and
in consideration of the responsibility and supervision of the whole
field by the “Munnilaikkaran,” who is the sole manager of the
cultivation, the ‘‘Munnilai vayal” either equals, or is a little
larger than, the “Muttaddu”; and the remainder is divided
equally, according to the extent cultivatable by each man, having
respect to the facilities for cultivation, the quality of the soil, and
the means of irrigation, as well as the expenses of fencing and
watching. Care is however taken that each man’s share shall
not be less than two avanams’ extent, nor exceed three avanams’
extent at most. There are, however, exceptiona] cases founded
on either the fertility or the sterlitiy of the soil, where the Mun-
nilaikk4ran has an extra portion, called ‘‘ lavisam” to cultivate.
For instance, in a field of 204 avanams’ extent the divisions
and number of cultivators are determined as follows :— .
MIMIC TAGMW se... ciicchcces) oseeticroce, sem eer & avalalns
| Munnilal vayal ......... ssssessee teeseseee 4 35
PLAVASAIB Uri oss soe es oe *@- @v0ereee noe sae OL 99
Six Veliyan vayals, at 2 avanams each 12 _,,
== 204 avanams;
y ery
ay (ea
No. 29.—1884.] PADDY CULTIVATION CUSTOMS. 329
making the whole to be eight “ vayals”’ including the “Muttaddu”
and “Munnilai vayals,” and with these six ‘“Veliyans” or
cultivators (and two other coolies for ‘‘Muttaddu” and “Munni-
lai vayals”) the whole field is cultivated. For the sowing are
required 205 avanams’ seed and 16 avanams’ maintenance paddy
at 2 avanams each—equals 36 avanams in all; which is liable
to a charge of 50 per cent. profit, payable out of the crop. The
Moors (except thoseof E'ravur and Akkaraippattu) do not charge
50 per cent., because prohibited by their religion, but exact a
portion of the cultivator’s share, which amounts to double the
quantity of the maintenance paddy.
When no agreement is made for the cultivation of “ Muttaddu”
for the ‘‘Pddi,” but advances of seed and maintenance paddy are
made, 50 per cent. is charged on both the seed and maintenance
paddy ; and the “‘Podi” is entitled to a proportionate share of the
produce, as he would be of the sowing extent of the land.
The ‘“‘Pédi” is entitled to the free labour of all the field-
servants in the cultivation of the ‘‘Muttaddu,” that is, if the
cultivators agree to sow a “‘Muttaddu” for the “Pddi” to the
produce whereof he has exclusive right, but he has to pay a cooly
who looksafterthe “ Muttaddu”’; andthe “ Munnilaikk4aran,” or the
manager and superintendent of the cultivation, is also entitled to
a certain degree of free labour which is performed for him in the
cultivation of the ‘‘ Munnila: vayal,” and which free labour is
rendered to him partly because of the attention and general
superintendence of the cultivation of the field, and partly from
fear of the “ Munnilaikkaran,” who will make them forfeit the per-
quisites of the cultivation (which will be seen in the sequel) if
they refuse to render him free labour to a certain extent, ‘The
amount of this free labour is as follows :—
The field-servant must put up the ridges of the “Munnilai
_ vayal,” sow it and fence it, along with the cooly of the ‘“ Munnilai
vayal”; the fence-sticks are to be supplied by the field-servants ;
no fence, by custom of the country, is apportioned for the
“Muttaddu” and “Munnilai vayal,” which is divided in common
with the fences of the field-servants ; cattle for trampling are to
besupplied by the “Pédi” or the “‘Munnilaikkarans,” unless each
field-servant has his own cattle. The usual hire of a yoke of
buffaloes for trampling is one avanam of paddy, and a shilling
and sixpence in money, called “ Kaikkuli,” if paid in advance;
and one and a-half avanam of paddy, if paid after the harvest.
Spent RE PTE MS NERA 2 evi SBD UAV SY RSS RMS eR ae nT a eee Tee
: ‘ AS : kom a eat te Les Sp Rseas BN ak Pedi Yok ee
* \o 1 Y , Ft & hf ENS Bolg strats oy 3
‘ ie rey: ai ia be Sa
x - sf ie c FAA. tay
4 s > Y
ase
330 | JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VII.
The hire for ploughing bullocksis one avanam if paidin advance, and
one and one third avanam, or forty marakkals of paddy at the harvest.
Before commencing cultivation, astrologers are consulted to find
out an “E'rn4l,” or an auspicious day, to commence cultivation ;
and that being fixed upon (which is generally at nights), the.
cultivators go and wait at the field till the Pleiades rise or come
to the meridian, and then the cultivators plough or trample the
land, sow a few seeds, and have a small feast in the open field.
After cultivation, the plain is fenced by the joint labours of all
the cultivators, and watched at nights until the crop is reaped
and stacked.
If the land is not commuted, the tythe goes to the Government
renter, but if commuted, the whole produce of the “Muttaddu”
(after paying two avanams to the “Muttaddu” cooly) goes to
the “Pdédi.” Tythe and seed-paddy, with 50 per cent. profit,
are only taken from the produce of “ Munnilai vayal,” and
those of the “ Veliyans” are subject to various charges, as in the
following instance, viz. :—Suppose the produce of one cultivator’s
share, three avanams in extent, yields twenty avanams of paddy,
he will have to pay
2 avanams 0 marakkal.. Tythe.
3 : Cpe ... Seed-paddy.
1 Rae INE dr ... Interest on it.
2 a Over. ... Maintenance paddy.
] es ORs ... Interest on it.
0 ene osnags ... Removal of above.
10 99 0 9
es
Qavanams 2 marakkal.. Cattle-hire.
1 Ors Ue S aaee .. Hire of reaping his share.
0 tee th} es Do. Muttaddu.
0 Sai) Ras eas ane Do. bird-driver.
0 <5 Ouer ak Do. Vaddai Vitanai, or Superintendent.
0 5 Ors. 3g Do. removal of Muttaddu.
0 . Dowie Do. hunter for driving wild pigs, &c.
0 S Ces Do. charmer of flies, &e. ;
0 43 Biss .. For temple or mosque, and for the poor.
0 Bo Arakku and charm for devils.
16 PSO: sus
which leaves a balance of 3 avanams 20 marakkals to the cultivator.
No. 29.—1884.] | PADDY. CULTIVATION CUSTOMS. 331.
For threshing, Thursdays are considered the best days to com-
mence, and certain charms and ceremonies are performed to keep
off ‘‘Putams,” or devils, from carrying away the fruits of their
labour. The charm is called “ Avrakku,” which consists of the
following stuffs shut up in a box, viz., silver, copper, iron, coral,
pearl, chank, valampuri (a fruit), chadaimudi (a vegetable), and
some arrack in a vial, and buried in the centre of the threshing-
floor with margosa leaves, &c., over which the sheaves are heaped
and the cattle turned on them for threshing. In addition to these
charms and ceremonies, to keep off the devil from, stealing the
paddy they begin, to use a peculiar slang to keep the devils igno-
rant of what is spoken, For instance, the threshing cattle,
instead of beings termed . “Madu” as usual, go by ‘the name
“Varikkalan,” the meaning. of which i is “ productive- “legged” the
“ MarakkAl, ” or the, measure, is termed ‘“‘kanakkan,” meaning
“accountant” ; the baskets are called “ Peruvayan,” r “broad-
mouthed,” and every implement has a different name in ihe thresh-
ee tect. All expressions that’ have’ meanings suggestive of
decrease or other ill,omened significations are avoided, and the word
“multiply” is always substituted. For instance, the expression :—
Drive the bullocks......... isrendered Multiply the “ Varikkalan.”
weep the corm ..)......<... » Multiply the Poh.”
Bring the “ Marakkal”’... is Multiply the *“* Kanakkan.”’
Fill the basket............. ip Multiply the “ Peruvayan.”’
_ Bring some water........ wes ‘5 Multiply some “ Vellam.”
Go home for rice... .... .. “ Multiply home for ‘* Vellai.”
CaJl him to take this and Fal :
deliver it at home....... “ Multiply him to multiply this
and to multiply at home.
&ec., &e.,
In threshing, cattle are driven with a song, the purport of
which is to invoke the deities to give them a good produce.
The perquisites of the field-servants are the following :—At the
-reaping of the “Vayals,” each field-servant is entitled to eight
bundles of the best crop of his “vayal,” by way of “Putir”; and
further, four bundles of corn, called ‘ Kuruvimilai” (bird nook).
“ Paiyali” (the “‘pallam” of the water-course in the ‘‘vayal”),
two “Marakkals’” extent of the “ vayal,” is sown for the field-
servant, to the produce whereof he is solely entitled. Besides, he
gets “ Adichchtidu” (bottom of the stack that is wet), being
sometimes three bundles, ‘‘ Mannankaddi” (bits of earth), the
21—86 I
BBO JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). ote Wt
off-scouring of the threshing-floor, “ Patarkadai” (chaff), and
“ Kandumari” (paddy between chaff and first-class paddy).
The coolies of the “ Muttaddu” and ‘“ Munnilai vayal” are
entitled to similar perquisites from the “ Muttaddu” and ‘“* Mun-
nilai vayal,” respectively. On the day of reaping, the “ Pdédi”
attends the field to take an account of the crop, when the cooly
of the “ Muttaddu” puts up a shed for him covered with sheaves
from the “* Muttaddu,” and when the shed is left unoccupied, tlie
“ Muttaddu” cooly becomes entitled to the sheaves with which
he thatched the shed. |
On the day of commencing the cultivation of the ‘ Muttaddu ”
and “ Munnilai vayal,” a feast is given by the “‘Pdédi” and the
“ Munnilaikkaran,” called the “ Pédi Viruntu% and “ Munnilai-
viruntu,” respectively. But this has died out now. “ Tinda
Chilavu” (a slight native lunch), called fine feast, is exacted from
the “ Péodi” in the following way :—
If the “ Pédi,” or sometimes a representative from the “ Pédi’s”
family, happens to be present at the field on the day that the
sheaves are made up and stacked, one of the field-servants slyly
approaches the “ Pddi” with a sheaf on the top of his head, and all
ata sudden falls down with the sheaf and pretends to make a
great noise, as if in agonising pain, when all the people in the
field flock up to him, one after the other, and being interrogated
“ What ails you ?” the pretender replies, ‘I suffer from pains in
the loins, oppression in the chest, and colic ;” and being asked
to recommend the remedy, the pretender prescribes the remedy,
_ and says that nothing less than it will effect a cure. A Mocrman
asks for cakes and fruits, but a Tamil man asks for cakes, fruits,
and a bottle of arrack. “Unless these be brought and tied on my
back, a cure will not be effected.” When the “ Pdédi” promises
to procure the remedy, the man gets up, and not till then.
This should be given first of all on the day that the threshing of
the “* Muttaddu”’ takes place, and cakes are to be prepared at the
‘*‘ Pédi’s” house by the wives of the field-servants, who must
provide firewood, water, &c. If the remedy that the pretender
wants be refused, or no notice is taken of it by the ‘‘ Pédi,” all sorts
of indignities or provocations are showered upon the ‘‘ Pédi” by
the field-servants, who make an effigy of straw, called “ Pampai,”
to represent the “ P6édi,” which is stuck upon the Muttaddu stack
of the crop, and then representations are made of the ‘‘Pdédi”
i) Hae yi
No. 29.—1884.] PADDY CULTIVATION CUSTOMS. 333
himself eating all the cakes named, by fixing to the mouth of the
effigy mud or clay cakes made by the field-servants. Sometimes |
an ola and a stick are put into the hands of the effigy, to repre-
sent the “1! odi” taking an account of the crop reaped. The
denial qn the part of the “ Pédi” is followed by a virtual denial
of obedience to the orders of the ‘‘ Pédi,” under the pretence of
being sick from the surfeit of the repast given by the ‘ Pddi,”
which is ironical language.
If the ‘“‘ Pédi” does not give the demanded repast, he, to main-
tain his respect with the field-servants, must by all means give
five marakkals of paddy to each field-servant ; otherwise his
stinginess will be thrown in his fuce in public, and kept up.
After the paddy is removed from the threshing-floor to the
Podi’s house, the field-servants must fetch straw from the
threshing-floor, thatch the house of the Pédi, and repair the fence
of the garden, and then they get their discharge.
E. SomanapDA MuTALIyYAR,
‘ Chief Mutaliy4r.
A. D. Zyuva,
Irrigation Mutaliyar.
Batticaloa, 24th February, 1871.
334 | JOURNAL, R.A.S, (CEYLON). [Vol. NOW:
KASAGAL VIHARA.
By HE. R. Gunaratna, Esq., Atapattu Mudaiiyar.
Tue above is the name of a temple historically famous,
but of which very little is known at present. During a
trip to the Hambantota District in February last, reference
was made to it casually by a friend, and the few particulars
gleaned from him were of such interest that a visit was
paid toit with the intelligent Mudaliyar of the District.
The vihdra is situated in the village Udayala in the
Marakada Resthouse Division of the Giruw4 Pattu, on the
minor road from Ranna to Wirawila. Some are of opinion
that it took its name from the hue of the robes of the large
fraternity of monks that once on a time hallowed its
precincts, so that even the rocks looked yellow (asa-gal) ;
others, that the name was derived from the bright yellow
flowers of the grove of kinihiriya* trees with which the
precincts abound, and which, when in blossom, completely
hide the rocks. The latter conjecture seems most likely,
as at the time of the visit these pretty flowers in full blossom
were particularly striking on a number of trees, evidently
the remnants of those which gave their name to this temple.
Our poets frequently refer to the gamboge hue of the
kinthiriya flowers, in describing one of the rays that
emanated from Buddha’s person, and the tree no doubt was
considered ornamental in the parks and pleasure grounds.
* Cistus lobatus, Rock-rose, Wilid,
f In the Kavyaséharaya :—
Sapu peti sadana lesa
Kinihiriyamal isina lesa.—Verse 111.
“(Golden rays flashed about) as if champaka petals were set, or kinihiriya
flowers strewn about,”
Veta nika mal maharu, mutu del lakala piyakaru
Supul kiuihiri turu, sedfbebalena rantoran yuru.—Verse 61.
‘“‘'The kinihiriya trees in full blossom, with thenika flowers close by,
like a valuable pearl network, resembled golden arches in gay display.”
In the Paravisandése, too :—
Sinduwara kesara kinihiribijupura mandara
Magatura nohera tura tura wala bala mitura.— Verse 54.
34g Ue aah ORB
No. 29.—1884. | KASAGAL VIHARA. 33)
A spacious path leads to the temple premises from the
road. One first has to enter the pansala, built recently,
and quite unattractive. About fifty yards from this is the
temple, a small structure, but bearing clear traces of its
antiquity in the huge granite slabs that are used for the
steps and the foundation stones.
From the following lines of the Mahawansa, it would
seem that this temple was originally built by Maha Wijaya
Bahu, who reigned in 1061 a.p. :—
Bhallataka viharavho tatheva paragamako
K4sagallavhayo chanda girivhayavih4rako—Cap. 60, v, 61.
The present incumbent is Matara Sobhita Unnansé, a
‘man of fair intelligence and some learning. He stated
that it is traditionally stated that the Bé tree that exists
here sprung from the second seed of the famous tree at
Anurddhapura, and as this temple was then the resort of
Arahats, it was conveyed with great pomp and planted here ;
that the sovereigns who thereafter reigned in the Island
were scrupulous in the upkeep of these premises, and spent
large sums in embellishing them; that a substantial
granite parapet wall, supported by stone pillars of eight and
ten feet in height, was built around the temple grounds ;*
that within the enclosure there were several edifices
that stood on granite pillars, the principal of which was
the Dalada Mandiraya, the repository in which the
famous tooth-relic was placed, on a solid granite base,
52 feet by 32 feet, and 34 feet high.f
* There are remains of this wall yet to be seen.
¢ Though our records aresilent, there is no doubt that the internecine
wars anid the ravages of the Tamils, which occasionally troubled the
peaceful state of the Island, must have resulted in the removal of the
Dalada relic from one place to another, and it must have been at times
preserved in the Ruhuna division, when the kings had their relatives
stationed there. We read in the Mahdwansa, that in the reign of King
Vikrama Bahn, 1111 a.p., on account of his despotism and hostility to
the State religion, the monks proceeded with the tooth-relic and the
bowl to the Ruhuna Division, and lived in convenient places :—
. Datha dhatum varam patta dhatu madaya Rohanam.
Gantva vasamakappesum phasut thane tabin tahin.—Cap. 61, v. 61.
336 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CHYLON).”,. (Viol Viti
The above is the short traditional history of this noted —
temple that the priest kindly supplied, and there was much
in the place to substantiate a good deal of it.
The dagaba, about forty feet high, is built on the summit
of a rock, which commands a splendid view of the sur-
rounding country.
On questioning the priest for old books and records which
would afford a clue to the history of this temple, he produced
an interesting document, which, upon close examination,
proved tobe genuine. It is a letter written by John Gideon
Loten, who was the Dutch Governor of Ceylon from 1752
to 1757,* to the Siamese Priest Upali, who was the prin-
cipal Thera sent by the King of Siam at the request of Kirti
Sri Rajasinha, 1753 a.p., to revive the Upasampada ordina-
tion then extinct in Ceylon. A copy of it, with a transcript
and translation, is annexed :— ,
ODOMAE GAO GVESY V6eD YBMSSD SACS GBA CHA
GQ AOSOdP—i GE qoOsdoH aI oH od—CO0Q—VHHHe
DO BHOocsodsl SBOGMdad B&D EH Wong Ddod
OSO ORVADOS QESOaI ODACLH) SsMIoED BHS OS
BO) BDD DOH SHO.
QO AEGDID HIB HYTIIHaTOGoo NGsy ¢ood ana
BB OB, SAA. SAIMssyosod DHdIndsto osey GaSE 5D
2 020 E13 B20 VewaDa AGNmDIos BsO ogaoast 8O
BOA ona soslI YF QVaDE DOHOEHAD QdDOs BO®
BrDOEOD OMESI BOQHADHSDOO BH BME HERS BH
—Eistand Vora S8sI orhoalacss cao MOQ GSM
OSDOISAD O6EDIG SMHODE HSo eMsyva one BOOS
eB ©D) 4608 esi O50 Ha Qad ODay HHQSo@
2X EDIOGDA; NOG GO GeDWAO® SOMO B6O Gand
OBDSO AYTMADOSD GHBANDISOO @DAO OhoW Bay ge
SH WMMHoDoOD BnHAaMdCIAHA SOOHDQVEO EH
QaD_D a Sacdss YO amoaia ERodsla ODD BRoaMea &
6—OatiBme Boodad—EQOQg—OHNHAEO BOSS GADD’
—* Pall particulars of the arrival of Up4li in Ceylon, and the cordisl
reception accorded him, are narrated at length in the 99th chapter of
the Mahdwansa, and in a history of the Upasampada Ordination, in a
pamphlet called the Syamanikdya Dipaniya, published in 1880.
No. 29. —188#. ] KASAGAL VIHARA. 337
De sHQade madBen Adymdn a Gad How addae
—OBaddS ed BAD Hansl DD QESada} Qo Bola
DET DOa—H 45 -BsO0od@sood MH ayvomsH Onatayst
OD DIVDMIOMDODAN BOORO @OMSDY OD SDD HIG
DO 6Homa8a BaGsl osMDO omens YO mons Vo
BND s®pMAd GOSD8a Daw occdaad odad mee,
SB SHxas@d @sya~ © Ran maaan EO Haad® Boa
ONa godsl oMons OO DE BOA OOTIA a RoanGst oO
BOD ODD DAGR SHasl Baad BOHM omacq@Aco
AGomeay Bao dod BOBIaQd O52 O88 SOd, OMT
MNOS DOO EXSBOADEA DO O89 HO 5oHa omoawsy
DOANE) OSOECD H/SHOA Di HD OOD H Saw’ mo HHO
FY W688 SHad Gad BoVDOo HoypwaodsD Ea data oa
OED HD SSO SOSzI OND OOD SHa Dom BoOs{ad ddat
Q) OBOED MISO aGe BIACcRS—MVE OD DADO
MOS DOVAOO ONSI HOA OSH Bard ¢1Qd SNHodGsy oOods
Ca SOsaaee 8 dsicnd ato snes Hoddg Se Oe
BHIOIB QIjpED OMOMAMDOALODOSES.
a Das, :
O0od a_gausiowod da eA_Qa
ODSOO CESS GOHY omMasy GAQDad
OPID{ DD OMD, sHHHOEPD, ODO.
Tej6 bala prakrama prabala ripu mardana ékacchatra prathula
prasiddha Lankagra rajéswarawt utum swamidaruwanwahansegé
- 2 Xe Pr ? e,e 2 \7
utumwut maha wasalata Siyam désayen sampraptava sitina Upali
maha terunwahanshéta bohdsé deviyO weda salaswa raksha
karadena pinisa penwa evana waga heti nam.
° Va e e 2 2 °
Mata oppukarana hetiyata tamunwahansége namin apé tanapati
Marten Reyin unndunséta bara karanda yedunu liyawili patraya
- ° - - 4 ? 1? - *
mata lebi kiyawa belu tena, tamunnanse Siyam désayen pitatwanu
tek patan 6 gamanédi kuracealayakata idamak netuwa séma
déma hondin siddhawundya yana waga saba_ Trikunamale
sédi siti nilamakkara mahatten wihin bohdsé dayaé nambu upakara
- . ° ° . .
penwaudat yedunaya yana wagada eyin dakinda yedi, eveni ati
mitra dayakawé danwé evima pinisa mazé mahat satutu wimé waga
danwaminut magé séma puluwankamé pamanata siyalu prakara-
yenma: tamunnanséwa prasania karawimata wenuwa magé hit
adippra kemetté waga sattaka karaminut eveni waga walata ati
f } rd . ° , 7.8 Pie *1 Z
mahatwt setiyakin mama santdésa priti wendadnéwa tibenuva émak_
nisada kiwot utumwt maha wasalata séma wisw4sa prasannawtt
338 JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII.
weda paniwudawal kara kiy4 oppukarana hetiyata magé wera
wéyama nitara etuwa tibunu nisat tawa idiriyatat etuwa tibena
nisat tamaya é era Siyam désayen 4 tdndpati mahattengé
weda kara kenek nevehita genat mata bara karana_ hetiyata
dunnaya kiyaé kiyamin héwanam kenek ema t4ndpati mahatten
metanin pitatwagiya dawasak dedawasakata passé kadadasi
patrayak mata oppukala é kiyana kadaddsiye pita wdsagama
kiyawanda puluwan kenek mé meda sambawenda neti seyin
mé samaga eveni kadad4si patrayat pitatkara evanawé
sondeyi kiy& kalpandwunu nis& esé pitat kara ewwa
memapatraya tamunuansé namata liyawi tibena wanam evita
ema patraya porottu karaganda yedena hetiyatat netuwa
wena hetiyaknam evita é kadadasi patrayé liyawi tibena waga
surukkamen liydenda yedena hetiyata pamanak nowa mema
patraya newata pitat kara evanda yedena hetiyatat illa
hitiifiaya tawada mama tamunwahansé wenuvata mahat nambu
istutiyak etuwa pasuwemin mesé liya pitat kalé warsha ekdahas
satsiya panas hatarakwa Jili masa sataraweni Gurudina Kolon-
nam Kastélédiya.
K’ vagat mesé tamunnanségé weda paniwuda kerimata
adippra mitrawt
Jovan Gipion LOTEN,
Governnadéru wamha,
Translation,
‘¢ May God preserve and prosper the Chief Théra Upali, who
has arrived from Siam at the Great Palace of the Supreme King
of Lanka, illustrious and powerful, victorious over enemies,
and exercising universal sway !
“I was greatly delighted to learn from your letter that you sent
me by Our Ambassador Marten Reyn, that you had a safe
voyage, without any mishap, all the way from Siam, and that a
courteous reception was accorded you by the Officials at Trin-
comalee. Iam also glad to inform you that I rejoice at this
friendly intimation, as I assure you that my wish is to please you
in every way to the best of my ability, and that it gladdens me,
since I have always used and will use my best efforts, to perform
such service as will please the King.
No. 29.—1884. ] KASAGAL VIHARA. 339
“‘ Further, a lascoreen handed over to me a paper given to him to
be delivered over to me by an attendant of the Ambassadors, who
arrived from Siam two or three days after the Ambassadors had
left. As no one could be got here who could decipher the address
on the said letter, having considered it well to despatch it to you,
I have done so ; if it is for you you may keep it ; if not, please
return it, certifying to me of its contents carefully.
‘‘With my greetings and compliments (to you), this is thus
written and despatched on Thursday, the 4th of July, in the
year 1754, in the Castle at Colombo.
<< JoHAnN GIDEON LOTEN.”
a0 Os JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). eyo VIL.
KA'LI KO'VILA.
By ArraurR JayawaRvana, HEsq., Mudaliydr.
Ar Yatrémulla, in Bentota, traces are still to be-seen of
the site of a very ancient building. The villagers connect
it with the Kah Kovila, a temple dedicated to the she-demon
_ Kah, which they have heard their elders tell stood on this
place in very ancient times. we
This demon, and the story of her conversion to Buddhism,
is related at length inthe Dampiya Atuwawa. It is there
stated that she first appeared in this world as a barren
woman, and having passed through many successive births
in punishment for child-murder, finally attained, under
the preaching of Buddha, to the first of the four paths to
Nirwdéna—the path known as ‘‘ Séwan.” In process of time
she came to be invested with supernatural powers, and
having, in consideration of the offerings she received of rice,
&c., for her maintenance, identified herself entirely with the
agricultural interests of the country, she came to be regularly
resorted to for intercession by the cultivators before they
took a single step in the cultivation of their fields. Sheis
also represented as being specially possessed of the power
of predicting the times most suited for dry and wet grain
cultivation, the failure or success of harvests, and so on.
In short, she appears to have developed into the tutelar
deity of the Sinhalese paddy fields, corresponding to the
Ceres of Greek mythology.’ Indeed, the tradition is still
current in Yatramulla, that the grandparents and great-
- grandparents of the present generation of adults distinctly
remembered the site of this kévila being looked after by
two dub women, who could be seen at early dawn
sweeping the place out clean, and, with a lamp burning in
a sort of little watch-hut on the site, patiently awaiting
the offerings made thereat by goyiyd4s on their way to work
in their paddy fields.
No. 29.— 1884. | KALL KOVILA. a4
The site of this temple is within a few yards of the
former ferry over the Bentota river. At this spot well-
marked traces of the foundation of some superstructure in
very old cabook, crumbling almost to dust, are met with
to support the tradition. The usual pond that is seen in
the immediate vicinity of most of the déwadlas and temples
is clearly traceable ‘here, even though it is now overgrown
with jungle, and filled in with earth enough to admit even |
of a plantation of cocoanut trees on it. I have it also on
the authority of the incumbent of one of the viharas in the.
neighbourhood, that he had himself removed coral-stones
from the site of this pond to his vihdra for building
purposes. Hvenat the present day a slab of granite, used
as the threshold of the chief entrance to the Bédimalu
Vihara, is admitted.to have been removed from the site of
this kévila by K4lavila Terunnansé, alate incumbent of that
vihdra. It is also said that about thirty years ago,
a villager, while removing earth from this site, fell in
with a lamp. But I have not been able to trace this
lamp to the parties at present in possession of it. The
man’s descendants disclaim all knowledge. His eldest
daughter, however, has a faint recollection of her father
having mentioned the discovery of this lamp in the family,
but of its subsequent history she is able to say nothing ;
whether through actual ignorance of the facts, or through
fear of confession leading to the confiscation of the article,
or to consequences more serious to herself, it is difficult to
say. The marked difference, besides, in the appearance of
the soil on this supposed site, as compared with the soil
all round, is also very suggestive. The soil in almost the
whole village is composed of loose sand, much like what
might have been thrown up from the river,—iudeed if the
village was not itself originally the bed of the stream. But
on a spot of about fifteen or twenty yards, nearly square, not
only is the surface-soil dark-brown in colour, and gravelly,
but the deeper you dig the more marked are the traces
about the surface of cabook that has already crumbled, and
lower down of cabook in course of crumbling ; while it is a
sae JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII.
well-known fact that the foundatiun of several houses in
the vicinity have been built from the materials dug out of
this site.
Of the existence at Bentota of a temple called the Kah
Kovila, the evidence on record, though not plentiful, is, to my
mind, very conclusive.
In the 86th chapter of the Mahdwansa it is stated that
Parakrama Bahu L1., or,as he is alsostyled, Kali Kala Sahitya
Sarwajfia Pandita, summoned his Prime Minister Déwa
Pratiraja, and having represented that the building com-
menced at the Attanagalla Vihara by his predecessor
Upatissa was in ruins, and that the orchard planted by King
Nissanka at the Bentota Vihara was neglected, asked him to
undertake the restoration of these works in the king’s name.
In obedience to this request the Prime Minister proceeds to
the Attanagalla Vihara, erects a three-storied building there,
and makes a record of the fact in an inscription ona rock in
the temple. He next proceeds to Bentota (Bhimatittha in
the original), and builds a bridge, eighty-six cubits long,
over the Kali river. He next visits Keselsénawa, and
builds a bridge there one hundred wall-plates* long, then a
bridge forty wall-plates long over the Salgama-ganga, and
another bridge one hundred and fifty cubits long in the
Salpiti Kéralé. The Prime Minister returns again to
Bentota, and plants a cocoanut garden one yoduna long from
the Bentota Vihdra to the Kalu-ganga. This took place in
the Buddhist year 1781 (1239-1240 a.p.). :
From the above it will be seen that so far back as the .
middle of the thirteenth century, although the village itself
went by the name of Bentota, the river on which it stands,
or at least a part of it, was called the Kali river (Kdlinadi
in the P4li); that is, it took its name from the temple
dedicated to that goddess which stood on its banks ; for in
no other way can we explain the origin of this particular
name for this river.
Again, the poet Sri Réhula Sthaviro of Totagamuwa,
about a century and a half later, makes direct reference to
* One wail-plate is equal to seven cubits in length.
No. 29.—1884. | nA eli eowita. 343
this temple in his Paravisandésa, where, in an elegant stanza
‘descriptive of the charms of the nautch girls attached to
the temple, he directs the pigeon he was sending with a
message to Vishnu, at Dondra, to refresh himself with a
little rest at the Kah Kovila, on the other side of the
Bentota river, telling the bird, in another stanza, to sleep
for the night at the Weraiisa Vihara, which is aloe half
a mile horn the supposed site of the Kali Kovila.
We have therefore the fact, well-supported, of the exis-
tence at Bentota, many centuries back, of a temple known
as the Kali Kovila; and I can see no reason why the site
that tradition has fixed upon for it should be rejected. For
the fact of its being reached only after Totagamuwa’s pigeon
had crossed the river, and of its being nearer the ferry than
the Wanawdsa Vihara, places it somewhere between the
ferry and the vihédra; and the site now claimed for the
kévila exactly fulfils that requirement. |
The etymological meaning of the name “ Bentota,” a
corruption of the Pali Bhimatittha, or “ fearful ferry,”’ is also
referred by some local pandits to the awe that the existence
on its bank of a temple ded:cated to a dann is calculated
to inspire on the native mind.
But the more obvious explanation, as urged by others, of
the river being indebted for this name to a dangerous
current or eddy that may have existed in times past, opposes
a very serious objection to the acceptance of this hypothesis.
It is none the less true, however, that it is only on the Kalu-
tara side that the river for a few fathoms from the shore
attains a dangerous depth, the remaining portion—more
than two-thirds of the entire width of the river—being one
long sandbank, not more than knee-deep, for a very great
partof the year. And yet the village on the Kalutara bank,
when etymologically examined, discloses no clue that would
go to warn the intending wayfarer of the danger of the
stream before him. It is only after he has crossed it,
and has almost waded over the sandbank, that he comes
upon a village which is supposed to apprise him of the
dangers which he has just safely passed, —a coincidence so rare
344 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). i Vol Wilt. ?
in the consideration as almost to justify us in rejecting this
explanation of the nomenclature of the river. -
Another section of pandits, less courageous in their
convictions, explain away the name by a reference to a
general belief that the river was looked upon at one time
as being haunted by a malicious water-sprite.
As, then, the antiquity of the Kal Kovila seems to be so
well established, the excavation of its supposed site cannot
fail to be advautageous from an archeological point of
view. About fifteen years ago some natives, while in the
act: of removing gravel from this site, were rewarded
with the discovery of an earthen jar containing some old
coins. More systematic excavation cannot, therefore, fail to
unearth even more valuable treasures. I would therefore
suggest that a small sum from the collections now being
raised among the Members of the Society for purely
archeological purposes be devoted to the exploration of this
ancient kdévila, as I feel sure that while a great deal of
information of purely archeological interest will be gained,
we are likely also to be rewarded with historical mformation
of not less importance.
It is the intention of the people of Bentota to revive the
interest in the Kak Kovila by starting a subscription for re-
building it. It is also contemplated to inaugurate its
completion with a procession, and a, fair, after the manner
of the Dondra fair; and if it prove a success, it is further
mtended to hold this fair annually. Of the advantages
that will accrue to the people therefrom, the experience.
gained by the Dondra fair makes it almost superfluous for
me to say anything. The facilities such a fair will afford
the inhabitants for the sale of local produce cannot be
exaggerated; and it will be no small saving to them, if,
instead of having to resort to the larger towns, they are
enabled to provide themselves with the more expensive of
their every-day requirements at their very doors, as they
will doubtless be able to do, by the attraction to this fair,if
properly advertised, of traders from different parts of the
country. The existence, besides, of a shrine in Bentota
nga pot
3 :
No. 29.—1884.] KALI KOVILA. 345
itself, in a temple already hallowed by the associations of
centuries, will at once do away with the necessity to which
suitors at the Gansabhawa are now subjected of having to
_ proceed to the Kandé Vihara, in the Pasdun Kéralé, when-
ever the President in his discretion elects to submit his
decision to the ordeal of oath.
The restoration of a heathen temple, as is foreshadowed
in this Paper, may perhaps require some explanation in the |
eyes of those to whose Christian training 1t may seem an
outrage. But Christian missionary effort in the Bentota
District, it must be remembered, for the last quarter of a
century, or even more, has been attended with absolutely no
results, and the people are still strongly wedded to their
ancestral beliefs. I have thought it proper, therefore,
purely in the material interests of my District, to identify
myself with this movement, so as to ensure for it some
good practical result. Unless under intelligent guidance,
spontaneous undertakings of any kind whatever come to
nought among the Sinhalese people. And where the
weight of authority can, in addition, be throwa into the
scale, the undertaking may be so conducted as to be
attended with good results to the people. Bentota, besides,
can lay claim to five of the most aucient Vihdras in the
Jsland— Bentota, Wanawasa, Bodimaluwa, Galapdta, and
Benwehera. The building of the Kak Kévila is supposed
to be coeval with that of these temples. And as the
goddess is also looked upon as a supporter of Buddhism,
and as she is popularly credited with the possession of
supernatural powers, the restoration and maintenance of a
temple in her honour cannot fail to be pleasing to the
people.
Oe RY, Ce Pa en a ee,
Ore PR a ree
346 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vol, eee
BELIGALA.*
By R. W. Ivers, Hsq., c.c.s.
Tat portion of the old Kandyan Kingdom calledthe Four
Koralés ( Hatara Koralé), which now forms the northern
half of the modern District of Kégalla, possesses many ©
sites of interest for the historian and aatiquary.
From its geographical position the District was very
important as a border land between the Kandyans and the
Portuguese and Dutch. Hence it wasa matter of policy
to conciliate the local chiefs, who were accordingly rewarded
with nindagam,t by both the hill and maritime Govern-
ments; and many of the highest chiefs take title from the
Four Kéralés. The Beligal Kéralé is the most western,
andin it are situated several places which deserve mention,
such as Arandara, Dedigama, Wattdrama, and Menik-
kadawara (the “ Manicavaré”’ of Ribeyro) ; but I propose
in this memorandum to submit only my notes upon the
curious rock called Beligala.
As the rock from its position and nature is abPiodEly the
place to be selected for security in unsettled times, I think
it more than probable that the Kéralé, in the centre of
which it lies, has taken its name from he stronghold.
The hans of Dantakumaraya, son-in-law an a king of
Dantapura in the Kalinga country, settled in the Kirawelt
Pattuwa, 310 a.p., and there remained until the fifteenth
century, intermarrying with the royal race( Rdjawali ). Local
tradition ascribes the works at Beligala to a Kalinga
monarch. I see no reason to doubt that these princes —
made use of the rock as a stronghold, and that when the
* I desire to record my obligations to Mr. J. F. Dicksou, President
of the Society, and to Mr. J. A. Swettenham, for references which
I regret I have not had an opportuni'y of using when writing.
| Nindagama.— A village which, for the time being, is the entire
property of the grantee or temporary chief; if definitively granted
by the King, with sannas, it becomes paravent.”—(D’Oyly.)
No. 29.—1884.] BELIGALA. 347
tooth-relic was in danger from the Tamil invasion, it was
brought from its hiding place in Kotmalé to Beligala.
We read in the ‘‘ Mahawaysa,”’ chapter 81 :—
BIOSKER2 DRCOMD DEsGo GEASHCOS) HA
DAO) SSW 4HINHOD whos
18. DBSEWSR) OMOOA BORD OBxsAEgocs
DIGI Ne SOQiHLY) MAD OMBDOEVOE
19, s@esod SOMDeBo ONMDOWDMLH wien
ZR) QIODe MIMoOaswe HeEGow@n)
20. DOD ODG DWOOA OWS OisHP#ucsAHeocas
(22ENO BGs MOD 5H) t59e5 WCHRBsn0 Sho
21. GA@DER) HGOE@IC DO@E21C08 OH wHGiZe
EQOLc SA) OO1GE Cre OW Mz MMA
22. @5) SO2D'S OMOOR GH SIaanwy O23
OBOBDID ODOOHD G5IoO58 MOD BD
23. MHOD) OD OMO0SDS Oss) Sy ous
SHODS BBce GQ SOME HAOaoss
24. ego Das‘ R DOOW) ODS DAO
EQ SOY ME GRIEG) SOO MOSS Ho
25. BORDA) OWMN@OCOMSaMD> s OS5H
END BH ODI DO OMQOOQOEe
26. tMmAOSA OmMgeso SaAWIMeOs eM 6x5) OD)
EDMWOUDOODODNE As * SHMAVIMOGe Mo
27. CHOSWs IS VANMIE SM) OH FIA
BOBO) TIS ARR HMHe ME BWED O39
28. MBsAQOS OG ORIDBHSOSOSG
CGEMIOOD DNODMD DI) Do GB ede
29. M@EMDDs BSonoagueAa@sjscsee
SLAQOOE OH GSe CELo mand QDOSFuUOA
ES MDNDOWOD Se OONQHIe 49S
— E@RME@D BGOOSH)OSY) HH BOOVGSHS
81. EBDOAMCB emEQckWo HOD ASMOI@OS BA
OOD Eo QGHIDsIDMe BOBOKYH BAWOd
82. BD HODa Oo BGs MO. EGWIMGe Sco
ODOMIMDMND BHO MCS USMS sws
* DaWOam. Tt Sooo.
21—86 K
oie JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON): * [| Vob WiLL
33. BAn@ECOOHD HANG DBECOCL>e HO SWOM)
SOIOVSMMOASA QMIOD De MUOSVDOD)
34. 22M OGGAHEB MCs ME) BOD
meas GASB OEMs ED MBH
35. @EDORs.MOADe OEOHD) DY‘WOB0 Eo
ZOO L2)) Dio SOSOND Wy sd tse O|Be
86. SODBCA:MEDWDIW SISXRNOMD wszede
BEMAOOD OOM) D¥BoOenswWG EH ye
387. MKSo DDBOO GQSMTdIDOcse Hq
CLHOOD DHODOA MD SAHCHOes eoEo
88. MACsSHyHanonmMe OOM: SSBRoe-
WADIADO Me ESD) GMOCTUOSOVS
39. Ed@ds EDOS HTD) SADOHEHQDIIVe
DOLNSS HQ Me GHpOSSOmMeKee
FoAdSoaS aeHas) BO Gudsqnd saeessd1
GOSS GwsaqQeD MaywM HM EMDGnQo GoM
NBEAE GH Oe WISGGS BAO Osmd0O waQsi
DS GEnHOCn DO 58608 dsiBoonws B5mag
w»MGnwsIS wmedHodl J hmqgdOs BdnmMoe),
emanwens QO eQodss HnHADAE HD Oat
SOONG) BSW MNESHHO BIS5Q Sande Gees
Os} eHadsal MOEMD SCENE F158 CmaP@eneEe HS
iH G50 5H GG ME 6D Gone, 01615090 Ha
68 FGASaanwg Medcon® OmDoosass Ho Hbae
WnaIa® snOH S0dsdI (608) Michods. GUOH
G8 meo)) FJ OMoHndiss Oie ENOMD MMMpoOa
SENdid) HodasosseS Sogn. Pwo oimas
GHIDTOWE) O66 DEH NOSGSOHYD FOOcxia
BHoasl wsOgwms whoo gisgoda. JF SHos
GH® J OWHOMG HAMM GS6Q GENO J GmAIOCsO
DOVE Geesly nOW O1d]9do. shod msios Wmye
MOO) eAQg&ss aisiGss eh mm hp adea 0&8
E9ods. SAAB gSeoSOMEOD Owdsiane Osw
anscnt Om HBhmnas casio Gesle Be:H00
S19OMS 5 GONE HDS 23 a Sos) OMMAWGS6
seas} HPs) HOSS ea sios! FT mpncdon oom
Ons oH omens camo AEnI HOO gdodst
a
No. 29.—1884.] BELIGALA. 349
GOL OWOME|SS BMI Me SEs) MODD «HA OGmo
BOO 71 Side) SOne) EOE BSHO 6H HAGAH.
SHNQ 6SGHOO 69 MpsOnmsGderd Onsgges
H|acedus) eda) mm sOaoOstoss omnAasoms
Geon BHodao. “whgmdodss esnms) sneocs
ENEDGSBOSS OOS 6D QD Mawd 6d xis
CHS O8 ok SBosnamBe doddGesnI eHadst
EBORSSD Hos xhomaa wan DOODGMO’S
B51 GOO Goid GEdan) San GHEGtS SHOMdS1
OHaqs SEsI HB) osneih oe doddoew® GE
O22 Msatskbss 6861 6659 MEGSH HISD GENO J
AS ONENS EMO EoFQpOsssas) oGhG~d5sI
HO) GEHHAOMDD GES) OID Gand HS, J wal
SHE SNSHNHD See OmmmBersyowneg HB x89) ESoea
BH OBDD HDSGsd GMM OD SSemMS9 JAS
2) shim HOas) Nd) one) dSomes J Mmoaée
6508 E.8Q) ma hagdoo Onae uw, memeoust
BEeonsne EHVvceds. Ge SaenGOS 23 2H6)s)
56 GES vdd6anI0 InHeHnoOse® esl OE sn Ba)
CO80. Es) GODecw) ene Myson sioneod 622
2) SHhDS Domaine Manos SOsew~ SSHn es
ed MODGSo. ; :
Translation.
Not to speak of anything else in connection with the said
battle, Vagisvara, and all the other elderly priests, removed
beforehand from Polonn4ruwa, taking the tooth-relic and bowl-
relic of the ‘Teacher, came to Maya country, and respectfully
deposited them in a safe place at certain spot on the Kotmalé
mountain. ‘Thereafter, some of the priests, Vagisvara, &c.,
seeking the protection of Lanka, with a view to secure the estab-
lishment of the religion, crossed over the great sea greatly agitated
by huge waves, and went to Soli, Pandi, and other countries. The
above-mentioned King Vijaya Bahu, a mine of mercy, sent his
ministers, and brought them all back from the said countries. He
howed to the priests who returned, and inquired where the two
relics could be found. On being informed that they were in such
and such a place, the body of the lord of men was filled with five-fold
joy. Theking, preceded by the great assemblage of priests, went
Ki
PaO ey JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vol. VUl
to the Kotmalé mountain, accompanied by his forces. He caused
great offerings to be made about the mountain, and with a
gladdened heart, saw the relic and the bowl there; then the lord
_ of the earth being pleased in mind, as if he had obtained either
precious treasures such as chakraratna, &e., or a great hidden
treasure, or as if he was about to attain Nirwana,—being
possessed of wealth equal to that of King Mandhatu,—took the two
relics, and, with great festivities, carrying them from village to
village and from eity to city, brought them to the delightful city
of Dambadeniya, where good people had commenced splendid
decorations and festivities. The learned king, after having daily
made great offerings to these relics, thought “I will carefully
prepare a permanent and safe place very difficult of access, in
such wise that hereafter when other kings come (here) these
relics may not suffer at the hands of foreign enemies.” Having
thus thought, he caused to be built a splendid relic house on the
top of Beligala, as beautiful as a divine mansion come down
from heaven, having first fortified it around in such a Way that
no earthly enemies could reach it, but only celestial beings.
All round it, the learned king caused a monastery to be built—
with beautiful tanks, ponds, ambulance-halls, diurnal and
nocturnal resting-places, which had many palaces and courts
about them: he then respectfully deposited the two relics in the
relic-house with great festivities. Upon priests firm in faith
and zealous in the protection of the relic, he bestowed the
monastery, and established a plan of alms-giving, and made
regulations for the careful observance of a system of daily
offerings to the relics.
The “ Rajaratnakara”’ has the same account, but makes no
mention of taking the relic to Dambadeniya.
From the existing remains I have no doubt that this de-
scription is substantially correct.
I take the height of the rock to be about 800 or 1,000
feet. It is situated about two miles north of the 42nd
mile on the Kandy-road. Inacessible on all sides, except
onthe north-east, where the path is steep and narrow, it
may have been fairly considered impregnable.
The name would appear to have arisen from a fancied
resemblance in the shape of the rock toa delt* fruit. The
* Zigle marmelos, or wood-apple.
No. 29.—1884. ] BELIGALA. 30
analogy of nomenclature of rocks in the District, such as
Alagala, Batalagala, Urékanda, &c., make this probable ;—
but tradition has a story that a Brahmin, travelling with a
shoot of the 46 tree, rested beside a ded: tree in this village, and
placed the sacred shoot ona branch of the del: tree, and went
to eat his rice; when he came to remove the bowl it was
found that the shoot had grown down through the bowl and
beside the tree to the ground, and was firmly rooted there.
There is now neither de/: nor 66 tree on the rock.
The path to the summit leads out of the courtyard of the
dwelling of the old Kérdla who lives at the foot of the
rock, and who purchased the arable land on the summit
from the Crown in 1862. Steps arecut in the bare rock
somewhat after the fashion of those on the path to the Peak.
Half-way up, and beside the path, there is a cave, about
eighteen yards deep by five yards wide, which tradition calls a
muragé, or guard-house.”’ Higher up are the remains of a
stone rampart placed after the fashion of those at Sigiri,
and a heap of broken pillars and steps, which appear to have
been a gateway. Beyond this there is a flat space about
fifty yards by twenty, and by this the path went round
the summit to the south side, where the King’s Palace
was situated.
With some difficulty I ascended directly the north platform
of the Dalada Maligawa, and I annex a rough sketch showing
the positions of the places mentioned. The summit, I think,
is about eight or ten acres in extent, but it may be more.
On this site there still remains a quantity of pillars,and
stones which appear to have been cornices with a plain
moulding, thus :—
A number of pillars have been taken down by the Kérdla,
along a “shoot”? made of fitwd tree trunks, to form base-
ment of granaries, thresholds, and steps. But as the pillars
woe JOURNAL, R.ALS, (cytoy). [ Vol. VIII, |
seem devoid of carving or artistic merit, there is not much
to regret. in the vandalism, Here remain in situ two varved
trunks of elephants, such as usually crown the summit of a
flight of steps, and a stone pdéra, or “bowl,” one and a half
foot in diameter.
There is also a curious monolith six and a half feet lone,
three feet wide, and having at each end a tenon to fita
mortice, thus :—
In the centre is a nicely-carved boss, or omphalos, in
relief. This may have been a sidepost of a door, but it
seems unnecessarily broad for the purpose, though there
are some broader than this at Anuraddhapura. |
South of this platform we are met by a deep but narrow
ravine, which has been banked up at each end as a reservoir
for water. It is now dry. Passing over the bund we find
the summit of the rock bare of earth, and bowl-shaped, and
pierced all over with holes, some square, but nearly all ob-
long, four inches by two inches, and three inches deep. They
seem to have been cut without regard to any plan or in line,
and are very close together—not more than two yards apart,
and sometimes less. 1 think these are the holes made to
support wooden pillars sustaining a level platform on the top
of the rock. West of this rock, and deep below it, lies a
natural depression, which has been formed into a tank or
pokuna twenty yards by eight yards, having a retaining
wall on the west side. This no longer holds water.
Descending from this rock on the south side, we reach a
Jarge flat space now overgrown by jungle, and here the
Palace must have stood. But with the exception of some
mounds of brick and rubbish, and some pillars and steps,
even the ruins have perished, or have been covered up.
ORM |} ses
ay Cer ware an as aA
Pat eae ix | te WI
fica | Fis |
i ( &
Ba
4 Be a BU
| 4. Site of Dalada Méligdwa
B..Masswe door frame ?
C. Tank :
4
Th,
fy
WEAN GS
Ee
‘ Ch
ae
Vane 4
f Bri ene
ah B
——
Vie (aaa
TGs
gee
¢
poh &
D.. Kings Palace
ES Small pond cub av rock
a arge pond with bund
| G.. Symbal or lether ?cut wy rock.
y
Ee
th
ee
Tas
{ 7
bee iNe.
Lith. S EC.
No. 29.—1884. | BHLIGALA. | 353
On the south-east the rock falls away bare of earth by
several platforms to the belt of jungle which surrounds the
summit above the cliffs. Here we find two ponds or
pokunu: one cutin the rock of oblong shape, twenty-five feet
by ten feet by six feet ; the other lower down, and circular
in shape, formed by a large bund, on ah large trees
grow. ‘This is about twenty yards in diameter. Both these
hold water still.
On the north-east side there is said to be a large cave,
but the difficulty of descending to its entrance, and want of
time, prevented me from making any exploration.
_ It is curious that no inscriptions are to be found. I was
shown a sign, mark, or letter, six inches by three inches, cut
in the rock near the smal! pond, thus :—
I thought at first that it was the sign Sri, and it
somewhat resembles it from my sketch, but the cut sign
was not like Sri.
I was shown a species of grass, or “ hill-paddy,” which
looks like a small kind of e/-vi, growing among the jungle
on the top of the rock, and is said to be peculiar to the
place. Ihope to obtain an opinion from Dr. H. Trimen and
Mr. W, Ferguson.
Atthe cn of the rock, on the east, hare remains a bund,
or wé-kanda, about ene feet, eh, through a brane
in which the stream flows, the bed ae the tani having been
converted into paddy fields. This work, as well as an
ancient Vihara close by, now falling into ruin, 1s ascribed to
King Kalinga Bahu.
| B54 JOURNAL, R.A.8. (cuyton). [Vol. VIL.
We have no information as to the destruction of the
buildings on the Beligala, but I think we may safely ascribe —
them to the Portuguese, whose religious zeal would not
tolerate even a deserted temple of the tooth-relic.
i have little doubt that excavation made here would
disclose the foundations of the buildings and possibly
earved moonstones (sandakadapahan) ; and would be inter-
esting as forming one of the many links of evidence as to
the accuracy of the “ Mahdwansa”’ chronicle.
NOTE.*
THE principality of Beligala appears in the Kadaimpot, or
old ‘‘ Boundary-books” of Ceylon, ameng the districts of Maya
division. That an important temple early stood on, or near, the —
rock may be gathered from Beligsala being included among the
thirteen great temples where 66 trees were planted by Chalabhaya
Ra4ja.f It is strange that a place of such religious note and
natural strength of position should be so briefly noticed in
Sinhalese and Pali works. As a fact there would appear to be
no detailed mention of Beligala until the reign of Wijaya Bahu IIT.
(1240-1267 a.p.). This sovereign brought the relic from
Kotmalét (where it had been kept concealed during the twenty
years of foreign usurpation that ensued on the invasion of the
‘¢ Damilas” under Magha), first to Dambadeniya, his royal capital,
and thenee to Beligala. He placed it on this rock that it might
be safe for the future, and it rested undisturbed there for some
thirty years. (Vide extract No. ii.)
The Dalada-relic was removed from Polonnaruwa to Kotmalé
by Wagiswara and other dignitaries of the Buddhist Church, and
though the year of its removal to Kotmalé is not recorded, the
last reference to its being in Polonnéruwa occurs in the reign of
Kirti Nissagka (1192-1201 a.p.), who built a temple in which
the tooth-relic was placed. ( Vide extract No. i.)
* The authorities briefly referred to (p 74) by Mr. Ievers are here
given in extenso, and supplemented by additional extracts bearing on
the history of Beligala.—B., Hon. Sec,
+ See Sulu Bodhivansa.
1 See Muah., chap. 81, vv. 25-30.
No. 29,—1884.} | BELIGALA. 300
No known record indicates the exact period at which Beligala was
- first enriched with the palaces, temples, and dagabas, inclosed by ~
huge ramparts, ruins of which still attest its former splendour.
But it is reasonable to assign the credit to Wijaya Bahu III. in the
absence of other evidence, on the strength of the information to be
derived from the “ Rajaratnakara.” (Vide extract No. ii.)
It is said that the son and successor of Wijaya Bahu III.,
Kalikala Sahitya Pandita Parakrama Bahu III. (1267-1301 a.p.),
improved the buildings on Beligala, repairing the old ones, and
adding anew pirivena, which was known by the nameof Buwaneka
Bahu pirivena, after itsconstructor. ( Vide extracts Nos.vi. and viii.)
He subsequently brought back the relics from Beligala to his
capital “ Jambudroni” (Dambadeniya), where he placed them in a
mandiraya erected for the purpose near his palace. (Vide
extracts Nos. v. and vii.) In the ‘‘ Rajaratnakara” (vide
extract No. ili.) it is said that he secured the relics in a tooth-
relic house named Wijyayasundardradmaya, constructed by him near
his palace. But the ‘‘Mahawansa” and the “ Pajawaliya” state
that the Wijayasundardrdmaya was built by his father Wijaya
Bahu III., and that new buildings were added to it by
Parakrama Babu III. (1314-1319 a.p.), in one of which the
relies were placed after they had been brought from Beligala.
(Vide extracts Nos. iv., v., and vii.)
From Dambadeniya the relics had been carried to Yapahu by
Bhuvaneka Bahu I. (1803-1814 a.p.), and had passed into the
hands of the Pandians, from whom they were finally recovered by
Parakrama Bahu IlI. Their subsequent history, though full of
interest, need not here be recorded.
EXTRACTS.
(i. )—Rajaratnékaraya.
MEOOSA MD BEHBEDrAND OS OHOGAIDI/OD aD
HOHE 640.2 BE) OMASEEH) CEG, YOODB OO@CVS
ESE, ONS BO SSMS WIAs BRO DOG, @DHAMSA DEOHS
BOD BODHDCSMS Aestod Seas De Eesed Bah aOst
HIS {OO FOANCWOMSd) EQS GOODS OBB/Os OHBETO
OSEBa Oe SCTHES 6Q@SCOB HDOMAs OHons HaomIs
DID ODOECA.
Translation.
The King Kirti Nissanka, who came from Kalinga, built the
Ruwanweli Dageba at Polonnaruwa, and added a spire to it, and
Sl Wash DRS ieee emt ere. Sid attri OONOM aDeLe-c SCT Aen Ni ta Wil dincu NaMY Lae fer Pt AS Tan Dic OM ORC Ma OSE UN Cr eee Bore OT Log gh
EDP RNA CD be ceke iaieg uel MORE ATT IaR OR UM JN NET COLE MEA Ne Ut aC Sy a One
Say = ” SS Ta ee oar tae AER aN OS ing SR win gh Rta Red a iuh
aT by tee aa 7 o Ce apace a ae ne ae a Rone CIA
is hat ge aR Sei cee
356 | JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). Vol. revue
caused the granite house of the sacred tooth-relic to be built
within the premises of the Daladd-maluwa, and had it finished
in sixty peyas (24 hours), and there itself he had the Watadd-
geya (circular relic-house) erected. He made a pilgrimage to
Samanala (Adam’s Peak) with his forces, and paid adoration to
the holy foot of Buddha. He caused orchards to be planted and
ambalam (rest-houses) to be erected in his own name throughout
the Island of Lanka. He had sixty-three images in Dambulla
Vihara covered with gold plating, and gave it the name
* Rangiri Dambulla,” and much favoured the Buddhist Church.
Gi.)—Rdjaratndkaraya.
GEOG SQEDOGS omaesindodsd Eg HD Most
DODO OOH * QDHHNGOGMNS DHech Seah Jecchas
OY Ech] omwdsoOe omed Ba daBaam8B mena Bas
DANOWIO omG HHISSO 8s wd oan (AMGoo SYR
RIHDOO OHSS) Owdsad (c@oeWMad) ons ¢eg, GD
CHAI OMDIAHO VD ga gS adsoaied) OomoG& OHao
OSD QDHOSND on<d OnatQ gocdistsdoosd omao0e
ome 64 HDD MDQsidasiad ops aSSB Ya ed
EDOOS 66562 avlonaslsaasd o© a® Oaatg gaimdddst
VIoneN_Qa tOq oasyncsm amndomed eg aD
MADOHDIOSO wdonasa adas an OVOP BG 5c,
SEDO Has GOSsHBOMO PMmBoehig_gas ONss oMow
ADDS Di Ce OMIWD Bots OD) BWOSBMOGNO GBD PDEoDH o¢
Ha~mSsd QO Gs SHHUMasiasd EHD] EG, ODO Boda
Sse BOS OHtn DQM®M S Soman p&oas galing
BoMAQOadas OHAD ONesoasd EG WD MAsodasy
@t3 EMODDo MA HdIRHEGOG Baaimga aoDSdasso ots
Oa BBaosids 4HdavdB Mav oOSom Heh oOSEHO Dd
GH DHoalaemmo—aswée.
Translation.
At the defeat sustained from the Tamils (the priests)t
took the tooth-relic and the bowl-relic from Polonnaruwa and
crossed over to Kotmalé, impenetrable by reason of inaccessible
* Mah., chap. 81, v.17. D8aIGe Bad nOSdaal, ManOs Hrasy
QSOO BD3 OO S32.
ff Mah. e@oEeHad Dihon myst, cOasy cdaat cas seh
SsIasoss, &c. |
{ Mah., chap. 81, v.17. The high priest W4giswara and the other
priests.
- SF
Ft, 2H eat
Pati! 2 Y seta
; ¥
~
Mor 29.1884). BELIGALA. 357
forests, mountains, and streams of water, passing through
vast forests and over hnge rocks, and being unable to protect it
even there, buried it uader ground, and betook themselves to the
Soli and Paéndi kingdoms. The king named Kalinga Wijaya
Bahu invited them to return to Maya Region, and having learnt
that the tooth-relic and the bowl-relic had not been destroyed,
he was exceedingly joyfui, and instantly set out and went to
Kotmalé, attended by a great company of monks and his forces,
making many offerings and festivities, and took the tooth-relic
and the bowl-relic, and was overjoyed as if he had obtained the
Chakkravarti (universal kingdom), brought it [down to Damba-
deniya, where it was worshipped daily* |, causing many offerings
io be made in each village. Then the king thinking “I will
build a palace for the tooth-relic and the bowl-relic, that they
may not be destroyed in a (future) conquest,” made a strong-
hold by raising ramparts, masonry works, and gates around
Beligala, making it very secure, so that no human being could
enter it, unless through the air (sky); constructed an incom-
parable tooth-relic house (Daladd-geya) like a divine mansion
descended from heaven on the top of the mountain. And he
- caused to be built splendid monasteries for the priests, furnished
with great and small golden tile buildings, walks and water tanks,
and with great pomp conveyed the tooth-relic and the bowl-relie
into the palace, and dedicated the monasteries to dignitaries
engaged in the protection of the sacred relics, and settled a sys-
tem of almsgiving for them, and ordered daily offerings and pro-
cessions to be made, &c.
(iil.) —Rdajaratnakdraya.
MDH ODEAE Diagwd EEG DHHAQMAOHsIos oasas
DOST NBHODAOD HECAiD SSAQRAAHOMDDA ¢Eg o@
GAG Bd oS eNS Haname Md «EGXosIods Oa
Hved FHHWD Dia D<HHOHIB SNE ACc Ds GogeKo
HOS Dad 3 € EOS CaAsst EOD SEDO SHS oat
@doDQobst da. Ssocnad SHI edeawsasl ENsn &
DHOBMDOQOS Ma» JF dan GE Hocnadisds oOgAec&aosd a
SADA ADS) O89 Yyostiaiadomod oO ds cdssSm Sa
Beda Ooms GORE HMEDSD OB Hd OHOMad DHHO
DO Ones@ 6 OAGAMH HOC DECODES HESIOD Cou
* Mah., chap. 81, v. 17.
358 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII.
CrOaE ABE MNS ood cos COMOzS OCOOS HOD ess
OLMAHOOMIO SODD—AMe.
Translation.
Again, the great king (Pandita Parakrama Bahu) took
the tooth-relic and the bowl-relic from Beligala, where they
rested, and caused a tooth-relic mansion to be erected close to his
palace, and called it Wuayasundardramaya, and had constructed
there a throne of great value. This king, rejoicing in the three
gems (Buddha, his law and church), constructed for the gem
of Buddha a beautiful jewelled casket set round continuously
with precious stones; and covering this casket he constructed
another casket of massive gold, with five thousand pieces
of massive gold, worth five laks; and covering this casket he
constructed a third casket of two carpenter cubits, with thirty
thousand pieces of silver. He made such offerings and festivities
as these ; and on the four quarter-days of the month he gave much
alms to the great priesthood, and in those days caused bana to
be preached at night, and observed the five precepts every day,
and the eight precepts on poya days. He had kept burning
incessantly for twelve years four lamps of sesamum oil, cow ghee,
civet fat, camphor, &e.
(iv.)—Mahdwansa, chap. 81, p. 252, vv. 51, 52.
D1. SBD BMNSNGDD OMOaM GS aw2e0
MOADe BABMe DN) 4 SBHB.25 HOB
D2. BAQOWCHWG MAD) 6 BO) COMBI
COD HIS} BE OOO DM: MW 5IS] esakoCa
GBSRONDGO As mnVecsd o~mMeacd eka 55a
BAIDO PMAOad Md) wmAkMoad wHacd espona.
Translation.
¢
The Lord of the Karth (Wijaya Bahu IIL.) caused the drdma
{monastical ground) known throughout the world by his own
name Wyayasuadardrdma to be formed, and granted the same
to the Buddhist priesthood.
No. 29.—1884.] BELIGALA. : 359
(v.)—Mahdwansa, chap. 82, p. 325, vv. 5-12.
5. OGD'OiMe MSexnS @OAs9o* - socBwR
DEEGOD SOBSMMD BOI MODES Ges
6. SBD GHGs GM yaese SQ 0 Geso
BS EGEqers O8ee9G9R SaBa
7. @OGHD) WOBH 8G} 39) DEGOBAIA
EAHNAo SOOM SHOGSST Gor HO
CHESo Hog COMy SHIDO SsHon Does
ODSEDMo EMBWHEN HVE SOM GEsId) Somat
9. EDYNGD) HONGKHD BSUIGD DOT AS
EDODIDBSs SOV AMAGSS ONOBMe
(10. «mse Mees OCICS MAGSAs OMe
QARBIOGMD De As Hoc DOG MS) o 65)
11. QBS) OHM) OMe HAS MOM a Wess
MICBSD) MGD) MemHQ\oMVga Had
12. arGoS SSonDB OMNoass OF HS
DODIONOSe OHS) Gen Oe OHH WS A He
GHODO®O “OQ EAADOMDO © xastadosions ¢How
24D Easy ODMOMOSS ” B SO@iw O.HOOR Esocs
MAGES. OS OHOO “SEQodsY HBce ooS€HMHQ Heo
OO SH 65H GAaD csloms” & BM Onaga Se a
On F GZwMmMMHOHSIOS SEEDS SHDOSD Soci no
YOGOOSO BD,HOVaecd.
GBSGoo® QHvohdoeS &D 8D omogMs HMedaeGBaw
DESO Doon Head gas BoSst DOd Odds ads
@OSHO JOxQh estan Osddasadgedsa. J dsamoo FJ
(Odd) DE HAG esnatade 85 VHH ge BIooBss 6B.
DSRHMASOVOSS. OBVaSRoD® Om GHassBs edad
DO dz MrndazaY add ENS oOFTHDOO syoOasS SHH
Q) Maronsd FO Mohndg OMA GHOQ VHnay PSMadaAodz
MOQVaca.
; Translation.
He (Pandita Parakrama Bahu III.) saying, “ I shall get the fairy
of Laika under me, and shall not allow her to attach herself to
anybody else,” formed a haughty resolution of crushing foreigu
*CABADS.. ft SoRe.
360 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII.
enemies. He, with intention first to make offerings to the tooth-
relic (of Buddha), and then to go to the Dravidian war, brought
the relic in great state from the rock Billa to his capital Jambud
dr6éni.
‘lhe Protector of the Earth, with the desire reverentiy to
worship the relic at all times when he might wish to do so
during the three portions of the day, caused a beautiful tooth-relic
house (mandiraya) to be erected in close proximity. to his own
palace. In the middle of the house an elegant throne was placed,
and covered with a very costly cloth. He made a shrine studded
with gems for the relic, which was afterwards placed in amore
beautifully ornamented shrine studded with finer gems.
(vi.)—Mahdwansa, chap. 85, vv. 59-62.
EDNOD) HVAGSID Ach OAMMDOoM'S Ges
DECOBCIMIL HOG MArHgS@OcsIo
60. SSGOMO MeH¢OAMESQiime
DIGOD) MNHGS Deo SSHDHQVmD OEM
61. QUNSOGOS) SOAWH SHOoOYB wEce
VDD VMHgSo sssnmsH soane
YF SIODOD (SOGHBD SHDOH) BHNDTAD HOSS ahoes
Cd) OHDEDGODOHS QBOVIONDAAMHNOQ Hae OGANEGS
BS eonsangy ESoodgsnI mod F GVBANHO gdoak B wo
OOD... 00002... SAIGDOM QDEHHODO On Heh 6,0 sda.
Translation.
That king (Pandita Parakrama Bahu) having got his heir-
apparent to cause’ the erection in his own name of a pirivena
(monastery), called Buwanekabahu, on the site of the Beligal
vihara, which is embellished with prdsdda (inner temples),
mandapa (open buildings with pulpits), &c., made great
offerings to the three gems (Buddha, his doctrine, and his
priests) during seven days, as he had done at Sriwardbanapura,
as before related.
(vil.)—Pujdwaliya.
DOE SAdSH 20H SIoMceAnOas Bah wd0O% Ome
HOC) &8 OTIOHS ¢ea sEcons GDsSOonmanast Moos
No, 39. De BELIGALA. 361
855) DAHMAN e569 Damo HO, DHaHdHSad cEs,
Das GVDADHIOGS BESsSdocsyo Om ZHmMDEH.
Translation, |
Moreover, he (Pandita Parakkrama Bahu III.) having in four
months’ time caused great ramparts to be erected round the W yaya-
sundardrama formed by the king his father, and having
improved its new three-storied tooth-relic house, so as to make
it resemble the abode of a deity, and having finished and
embellished it with unequalled paintings, brought the Dalada
relic thither in a great procession, and made great offerings to it
as he had done at Sriwardhanapura.
(viil.)—Pujdwaliya.
DDE QDOVOODAMAaADS OS QdISyH EH OHCaotnaak
QH DISIO SSod anal a 6SVH) Smads Ma GOVngyd
OOR 28 SS€ocsi® aaleda:nd Onatg DQG OT gmhdaAEo.
Translation.
He caused his younger brother Bhuwanaika Balin the heir- .
apparent, to construct in his own name, within the precincts of the
palace on Beligala, a monastery (pirivena )and a royal temple (rdja-
maha vihdra), and he made offerings (there) to the three great
gems during seven days, as he had done at Sriwardhanapura, as
before related.
(ix.)—Attanagaluwansa, chap. 11, sec. 3.
3. SOS) Goakw SeOmMmeardeSo@rses) SH 8H)
GEQEWISHs» EMNAS HEWCODD QOO exw
DSGZD GOB ESHB) OOIMGGiSMIWo Aes
GODIN» NYNSmMssvEsdsOsdonmas ssisOge
DAMS D6agosHo SIaHany wMd5GSasn© Hes |
BAIR MORASSOSOGAEDS) SOHS sg HHsedd
DOGSMAICO NGS) SHIGE SF o5n®D YSDSo Qo yeaa
NL DHG SX) OM» ACSSGonn mHHNeEsoos9
HSomICHHTcodU GH) BME GH MH qx Hrd
B)o GSHODsMV6D PHGGSMW) HOHE mnens’ HOGA
QOQOIDo HOI. QesB@s WKSo Mo MAAANeo BWo®
CHM) ONS) GSMISOGS)» mESVERHONM WW
65) DHASHDWsaDAHMEDA BWOWHGMOH’D
ANSGMS BOGGS) AMHDwmces) OmaMde Ga
EES0 SHSo@ns.
362 JOURNAL, BAS. (CHYLON)., — © | Oly ie
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OHS GAOMO As BdonS ONsgA DEE VEHass
NODIOSY
Translation.
In by-gone times (there was) a king named Wijaya Bahn, the
legitimate son of Wijaya Malla, descendant of the sons and grand-
sons* of the princes of a family equal to Dharmmasdéka, who
accompanied the glorious mahabddhi on the day when it was
sent to his friend the King Devenipétissa by (the said) King
Dharmmasoka, who is like a é/aka ornament of the solar race, and
the Emperor of the whole Dambadiva of 10,000 yoduns in extent.
He (Wijaya Bahu) was acquainted with the different kinds of
religious systems; he by the strength of his own intellect
acquired a familiar knowledge of political science and the customs
and manners of mankind; he had a powerful four-fold army.
He built a city called Dambadeni, and resided there; and by
means of his four-fold forces overcame (his) enemies, and caused
to be brought from Kotmalaya the venerable tooth-relic of
Buddha and his almsbowl-relic ; there he caused to be built a
highly splendid edifice, like unto a mansion of the gods;
* Pali: “Grandsons and great grandsons.”
No. 29.—1884.] BELIGALA. 363
deposited therein those two relics, and, with great endowments,
affectionately maintained the same. He offered unto the 84,000
dhammakkhanda of Buddha, an equal number of kahdpana,
and performed highly meritorious acts in conformity with
Buddhism.
(x)
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BOBO SOSH ada. :
Translation.
During the decline of the (Buddhist) religion, as aforesaid, in
the illustrious Lanka, a mighty Prince, Wijaya Bahu by name,—a _
lineal descendant of the race of Siri Sangabé, who brought the
great and victorious 66 1ree,—took possession of the kingdom of
No. 29.—1884.] BELIGALA. 365
Maya division. Armed with a strong body of warriors, he sur-
rounded Polonnaruwa and drove out the Tamils.
He ruled in the great city of Dambadeniya, which is the crest-
jewel of the Lanka lady, richly adorned with pearls and
precious stones, and possessed of a four-fold army and powerful
forces. He brought back the great priests who had gone to foreign
countries during the wars with the Tamils, and, having heard that
the tooth-relic and bowl-relic were buried in Kotmalé, went thither
without delay with the priests in great procession, and brought
them to Beligala. Then he caused to be built a monastery and a
three-storied palace, which is likeunto a divine mansion fallen from
the blissful celestialregions, and caused therelics to be brought into
the house with great honour and many offerings; enacted all the
necessary regulations; reconciled the priests who returned ; held
an ordination ; caused bana-books to be written ; and a large and
beautiful palace, Wijayasundardrdma by name, to be built;
avoided hell; daily presented one thousand priests with the four
requisities ; encouraged learning for the good of the Church and
state, and reigned in the practice of justice, On his demise, his
son,a great Prince, named Perakumba (Parakrama Bahu), of mighty
valour, attained sovereignity, being endowed with the ten royal
virtues. He brought the tooth-relic and the bowl-relic to the city
of Dambadeniya; caused a costly tooth-relic house to be built
within the inner royal compound ; deposited them therein ; made
a priceless gem-studded shrine for the tooth-relic, and, in order to
cover it, made a casket of solid gold with five thousand
(pieces of coin), and to cover this a silver casket of a carpenter’s
cubit (worth) thirty thousand (pieces of coin). He cleared the
jungle from Dambadentya to the prosperous city Sriwardhanapura;
made a road, removed the black sand and spread it with white
sand, erected triumphal arches on each side, placed pots filled with
scented water and plantain trees in continuous row, and,
with many offerings and great pomp, brought the tooth-relic and
the bowl-relic to the monastery called after his own name. He
sent presents of gold, precious stones, pearls, &c., and brought
back from ‘Tamalingama, the priest Dharmmakirti, famed
for austerity, whose name had spread in the ten directions,
and the other priests; reconciled the priests who had
become schismatics during the former wars with the Tamils ;
freely instructed them in the Tripitaka doctrines, held ordination
eight times, created such grades as Tera, Maha Tera, Aydten ;
L 2
366 JOURNAL, R.A.S. ‘ CEYLON). (Vol. VIII.
wrote a regulation book, in one day spun and wove robes, and
offered eighty kathina robes, together with the other priestly
requisites, and spread his fame throughout the world. His successor
was Wijaya Bahu, who brought the relics from Dambadeniya to
Polonnaruwa. He made great offerings, spending thousands of
coins, assembled about 1,600 priests, held a grand ordination
festival at Dahastota, and kept up a system of alms-giving to the
great priesthood, and, on his death, which took place after he
had done good as regards both the worlds, his younger brother,
Bhuvaneka Bahu, the sole arm of the world, attended by his
ministers of every grade, made the beautiful rock Yapaw his
seat of Government, and enjoyed royal prosperity, having reduced
the three-fold Lanka under one banner ; he held an ordination
festival; caused bana-books to be written ; made great offerings
to the tooth-relic; became renowned, and, acquiring merit, did
good to his subjects and to the cause of the Buddhist religion,
and attained heavenly bliss.
During his reign, a minister, Arisakwiti by name, came to
Ceylon with the powerful army of the five Pandi brother Princes ;
destroyed the Church and State; carried away the tooth-relic
and gave it to.a Pandi King called Kulasékara. Then Peramba,
a son of King Wijaya Bahu, having become King of Ceylon,
went over to the (Pandi) country, conciliated its King, brought
back the relic and deposited it at Polonnaruwa.
A second Bhuvaneka Bahu, of matchless arm, son of King
Bhuvaneka Bahu, whose arm was the abode of the goddess of
property, came tothe throne, made inquiries about the tooth-
relic, and having ascertained the fact, fearlessly went out, .....6 ‘
brought it back to his own city, and regularly made great offerings
to the relic and to the priests with the four priestly requisites; he
caused nine (?) ordinations to be held in the interests of the religion,
patronised learning, created such grades as Tera, Md Tera,
Aydten, Mé Himi, promoted the cause of the religion, and in the
hope of attaining heaven and final release, he bestowed hathina
robes and the eight requisites, highly honoured the three gems,
and went to heaven.
(xi.)—Kadaim-poia.
OE58 O7H3D BANEGE ODEOHE AWaMD oo BIG
MEORBE NETHQO MEGsBe QGHm sad O aslowWosy
BAGA ONSs ODEGSE omg DEVO BMA BMS
No. 29.—1884. | BELIGALA. 367
O20 DMHOLOO HA onksy O50 Sd20 ODER YGaat
BAVEHDE GOVE BWrsOO ONDA ODNGH Smads
BOQ ast OnEsIe CHEE HCO GEC1EH OELID SE
OA OBR CHa SHS OMESIG 82D OCGO EBS OH
BIE SOG sIO ODEO SHED) OHEBDIE ODNEOE AH
BS DO CE ONROHE COMHOD DOBS ocs¥oom O€
VSO 7g ONBS OS OCGHS DO Sx@wss gD.
Translation.
The twenty-second (division) is known as the principality of
Beligala. It was so called, because pearls, corals, and the seven
treasures* were found in delz,f givul,t and other trees, and
inits rock caves (galguhd) &c., because of four stone monoliths,
which stood as boundary marks at the four corners (of the rock),
with a beli-fruit carved on each; because a certain rich man
obtained the land in perpetuity by giving a deli fruit full of treasure
to a former King ; because a belt tree grew in a crevice of the rock on
the east of Beligal palace ; and because there were situated all the
flower gardens from which deli flowers were culled for the King.
Asa flower garden was laid out on alow land (deni pata)
to the west of Beligala rock, there is a tract called Maldeniya.
* Seven treasures, 7.e., gold, silver, pearls, gems, diamonds, cat’s-eyes,
and coral.
¢ Zigle marmelos,
arte
{ Feronia elephantum, or elephant apple.
368 JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON), [Vol. VIII.
AN-KELIYA.
By C. J. R. Le Mesurinr, Esq.,¢.0.8., F.G.8., F.A.S.LON,, F.C.1.
(Read 4th October, 1884.)
THERE is a short description of this Sinhalese National
game in Mr. Leopold Ludovici’s Paper on ‘‘ The Sports and
Games of the Sinhalese’ (C. A. 8. Journal, 1873),* and a
more detailed account of it may not be without interest.
Mr. Ludovici, moreover, describes the game as it is played
with elk or deer horns, a very tame affair when compared
with the an-edima of horns made out of the roots of trees.
The tug which precedes the swinging of the henakanda,
and the art used in the arrangement of the ropes about
the horns before they are hooked into one another,—two
of the most important and curious features of the game,
—are not described by him; while the amount of strength
that is required to break an ordinary deer horn is not to
be compared to that which is exerted, and often exerted
in vain, to break the large and strong roots that are used
in the true game. I witnessed the game once while on
circuit in Udapaldta in the Kandy District of the Central
Province, and on the third or fourth day two horns were
adjusted, which not the united strength of almost all the
men and boys in the village, and that not by any means
a small one, could break, and which I afterwards learnt
never were broken, on that occasion at least.
The an-keliya, as its name implies, is a game (keliya)
played with horns (an). Itis also called an-edima “horn- ~
pulling”, and an-kelk-pwjdwa “the offering of the horn
game.’’ It was, and is for the most part still, a purely
religious game, sacred to the goddess Pattini, and is usually
* Note (1) d.
No. 29.— 1884. ] AN-KELIYA. 369
performed on the occasion of some epidemic ascribed to her
interference. Though seldom witnessed now, it was formerly
the one great national game of the Sinhalese, and was per-
formed in many places on a scale of great magnificence, and
_in the presence of thousands of spectators.
I have been unable to trace out the true origin of the
game, though its mythological one, as believed in Udapaldta
at any rate, is as follows:—The goddess Pattini was out one
day with her husband P&langa, gathering sapu* flowers.
To enable them to reach the flowers, they had long hooked
sticks, and while they were stretching out together, their
two sticks caught in each other in the tree, and they could
not extricate them. While they were considering what they
should do, the three sons of Mah4 Vishnu came by, and on
being appealed to by the goddess, they good-naturedly took
hold of the ends of the two sticks, and with “a long pull, a
strong pull, anda pull altogether,” broke the crook of the
husband’s stick, and so liberated them both. The goddess
was so pleased with the performance that she suggested
- a game after the model of what she had just seen. So the
game of an-keliya was inaugurated, and whenever it is
necessary to appease the goddess, the game of which she
is said to be so fond, is performed to propitiate her and to
rid the country of the particular scourge, which she is
considered in her anger to have brought upon it. :
The game is played as follows: —A flat piece of ground
(an-pitiya) having been selected,—the esplanade in Kandy
is said to have been once a favourite place,—the trunk of a
large tree (an-gaha) is planted in the centre, (unless there
is a large enough tree growing there already) and strong
coils of jungle creepers called pérehe are loosely wound
round its base. About four or five yards in front of this
tree an oblong hole is dug, 6 or 7 feet long, by 3 or 34 feet
broad, and from 4 to 5 feet deep. The exact distance from
the tree depends on the description of horns to be used in
the game. ‘The sides of this hole are lined with cocoanut
* Michelid champakd. + Note (2).
370 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). | [ Vol. VIII.
stumps, and inside it is erected upside down a log of a
cocoannt tree, about 24 feet long, with the roots shaved so
as to have a heavy top. The post is called the henakanda
or the waligaha. The hole at its base is large enough to
allow of the post having a considerable amount of “ play ”’
backwards and forwards, and the heavy top is to add to the
leverage and the strain, as will be described hereafter, on the
horns. As in the case of the aa-gaha, strong bands of creepers
are coiled loosely round the base, a short distance above the
level of the ground, and two long and strong ropes or jungle
creepers are tied to the top ;_ these ropes are called waliwel,
and are intended to be held by the persons taking part in
the game, about fifteen yards off. On opposite sides of
the an-gaha two sheds are put up to keep the horns, with a
platform erected in each.
In some places deer horns are used. The brow antler is
shortened to about two inches, and the branch to about six,
and at the end of the latter a strong piece of wood is tied
crosswise. Two of these of equal size are a pair, and are
fitted against. each other in the game. Horns such as
these are, however, only used when the game is played ona
small scale, and more for amusement than as a religious
ceremony, or where the root horns are not procurable. There
is not. so much detail in this description of the game, and
certainly nothing like the enthusiasm in it that an-heliya
proper calls forth. In an-keliya proper many kinds of
roots are in use, the most important being those of the
andara,* petan,t and ettériyat trees. The greatest care is
taken in selecting and preparing these, for the slightest
flaw or split in the horn would seal its fate in the game.
The Yatipila, or “under-side,”’ horns must be curved, though
not to such a sharp angle as a deer horn, while the Udu-
pila, or “upper-side,” horns are nearly straight. When
required for use they are tied to the centre of long and
stout pieces of wood prepared for the purpose, the length
and girth of which depend on the size of the horns, though a
* Dichrostachys cinerea. { Bauhinia tomentosa, { Murraya exotica.
K.M.P.
Lith: 8.6.0.
No. 29.—1884.] AN-KELIYA. 371
horn six inches in girth would require a support of seven
or eight feet long, and about one and a-half feet round.
These supports are called an-mé/a, and the process of trying
on the horn is always performed by an expert, and is one
which requires the greatest care. The thicker end of the horn
- 1s tied to the an-md/a with ropes made out of the delipatta*
tree, and the ropes must be arranged so as not to let the
horn slip during the tug, for no re-arrangment is afterwards
allowed. The position, too, in which the hornsare tied to the
an-mol is of paramount importance, for, as the whole strain
is to fall on the horn, the position and manner in which it
is attached to its support must necessarily add to or decrease
its power of bearing the strain. The an-mol are cut away a
little so as to allow the opposing horn and an-médla to fit
closely to each other in the contest. f
The only other requisites are two coils of rope containing
- a specified number of coils, with a stick attached in such a
way as to admit of its twisting the coils tightly when
necessary. ‘These are called the waram and their size and
strength depend on those of the horns.
When all is ready the an-mol and the waram are carried
in a procession to the an-pitiya, the captain (wattadiya)
of each side bearing the an-mol. At the an-pitiya they
are put on the platform in the sheds (an-madu) prepared
for them where they are sprinkled with scented
water, and some rosin is burnt under them. They are
then taken to the an-gaha, and the horns are carefully
measured against each other. They must be as nearly as
possible of the same size, or the game will be postponed
until two of equal size are produced. The Kapurala, or
minister of Pattini, is then called in, and he invokes the
aid of the goddess. During the invocation the captains
take the horns round the a@n-gaha followed by the Kapurala,
* Hibiscus tiliaceus.
Tt See Plate: a B are Udupila and Yatipila wooden “horns”; ¢ c,
madu, attached to sticks (rift); pxE, elk ‘“ horns.”
S7e. JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON), [Vol. VITI.
and the tom-tom beaters. When it is over, the Udupila
horn is taken back to the shed, and the coil of ropes
belonging to the Yatipila horn is arranged by an expert
over and under the Yatipila horn, in such a manner
as is best calculated to support it, the loose ends of the
coil being held in the meantime by the Yatipila ad-
herents, who sit round in a ring and pull, press in, or twist
the coils as directed by the expert. The coils belonging
to the Yatwpila having been arranged, the Udupila expert
steps forward and arranges his coil over the ropes already
laid in the manner he thinks will assist his horn, and
increase the strain on the other, the loose ends of the
coil being held and manipulated as before by the Udupila
men. When he has finished, the Udupila horn is brought
up and artfully adjusted through the coils of the ropes
on to the other, and directly this is done, the two sides
stand up, the ropes are pulled and twisted tightly into their
places, and the ends of the coils are pulled by each party in
different directions, with the object, if possible, of breaking
one of the horns. If in about half an hour of this tugging
neither of the horns has given way, the coils round the
_ Yatipila are tied round those of the creepers at the base
of the an-gaha, and similarly the Udupila warama to those
round the henakanda. Both parties then lay hold indis-
criminately of the ropes tied to the top of the henakanda,
and singing a refrain in praise of their own particular
horn the while, pull with long jerks or swings, until one of
the horns break off or is cracked. While the tug continues,
the an-mél are carefully held in their places by one or more
- (according to their size) of each party.* The leverage
afforded by the length of the post, its heavy top, and the
“play” it has at the base, puts an enormous strain on the
horns, and as arule they break soon enough, but occasionally
they last for days, and are sometimes not broken after all.
A few words on the meaning of the words Udupila and
Yatipila, and what the names imply. The Yatipila is the
* When the anemél are very large, sometimes as many as ten or
twelve persons are required to hold each.
No. 29.—1884.] AN@KELIVA. 373
horn whose point is fixed vertically, so as to curve upwards
from below and from under the Udupida, which is placed
horizontally over and across the middle of the curve of the
Yatipila, and at right angles to it. The two parties repre-
sented by the horns belong to either side by descent, and
not by selection or choice, it being considered that every
Sinhalese family belongs from ancient time to one or the
other side. It sometimes happens that members of the
same family belong to different sides, but this is very rare,
and indeed, to prevent its possibility, it is said that inter-
marriages between families of different sides were forbidden
in times past. It is rarer still to find any person who has
voluntarily abandoned one side for the other, and when this
1s done, itis owing to very bitter family quarrels. Thus every
Sinhalese who attends at an an-heliya, has a close interest in
the game, and knows his place in the field.
To return, directly a horn cracks or is broken, it is extri-
cated from its ropes and its an-mdéla, and arush is made for the
broken pieces (¢édu) ; the an-mola is left against the an-gaha,
and the captain of the losing side having satisfied himself
- that the winning horn is intact, admits that he has lost.
As soon as the admission is made, a rope is tied between the
an-gaha and the henakanda, and the losing party are made
to stand on one side of it, while the winners, one or two of
whom carry the pieces of the broken horn, dance round
them, hoot at them, revile them, and make themselves as
disagreeable as they can without actually assaulting them.
In some places indecent expressions and contemptuous
reference to absent persons are forbidden; but, as a rule,
there is little or no restraint on the language that may be,
and is, used.
The losers are bound to sabunit:s in silence; but occasion-
‘ally some one of them is stung beyond endurance by the
taunts of his opponents, and retorts, and then there is a
general fight. Should one of the winners in the whirl of the
dance, or carried away by his feelings, touch one of the
losing side, if he is not at once handed over to be soundly
thrashed by them, a quarrel ensues, and a free-fight is the
result, These quarrels, though they seldom happen, have
374 : JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII.
frequently very serious results, but, strange to say, legal
proceedings are very rarely if ever instituted for the actual
assault. It seems to be considered an offence contra bonos
mores, or an insult to the goddess, to bring a case for
anything that has occurred during an-heliya, so that, what-
ever accidents may happen there, the courts hear nothing
of them.
When the winners are tired of dancing round and insul-
ting their opponents, the latter are set at liberty, and the
winning horn is taken in procession to a Déwalé, or some
other place specially prepared for its reception, where it
remains until the following day, and is then brought back
to the an-pitiya. The losers of the day before come prepared
with another horn, which may be as much as one-fourth
larger than its adversary, and the game is proceeded with as
before, the previous losers being, however, as a preliminary,
subjected to a repetition of yesterday’s insults. If the old
horn breaks, its adherents are repaid their unpleasantness of
the day before, with interest; but, if it is again victorious, the
losers are insulted as before; so the game proceeds until it
is found impossible to break a horn within a certain pre-
arranged time, or until the Udupila wins twice, or the
Yatipila three times successively, when the game is brought
to a close.*
The horns that have been victorious on several occasions
are prized very highly by their possessors, and the names
given to them are often very curious. I annex a few :-—
Pandakuné = “the rotten tailed:’’ the larger end of
this horn is particularly rotten. Benardja = “the hollow
king:” the horn- has a hollow in its thicker end. Kal-
issa = “the prawn:” this horn once slipped out of its
an-mola during the tug. Gunipelikota = “the short fire-
brand :”’ it was accidentally found with some partly burnt
firewood. Gorokgaspdluwa = ‘‘the destroyer of the goraka
trees:”’ this horn was once used, and was victorious when
the an-gaha was a goraka tree, and came down during the
strugele. 7
*It is believed that Pattini is better pleased when the Udupila horn
(which represents her husband’s stick in the sapu tree) is broken.
No. 29.—1884.] AN-KELIYA. 375
NpOMn Wis: *
(1)
Previous notices of the Sinhalese an-kelrya are here brought
together to further illustrate this semi-religious game :—
(4)
A Play or a Sacrifice—There is another sport, which generally
all people used with much delight, being, as they called it, a sacrifice to
one of their gods, to wit, Potting Dio [Pattini Deviyé.] And the benefit
of it is, that it frees the countrey from grief and diseases. For the
beastliness of the exercise they never celebrated it near any town, nor
in sight of women, but in a remote place. The manner of the game is
thus. They have two crooked sticks like elbows, one hooked into the
other, and so with contrivances they pull with ropes, until the one break
the other; some siding with one stick and some with the other; but
never is money laid on either side. Upon the breaking of the stick, that
party that hath won doth not a Jittle rejoyce. Which rejoycing is
exprest by dancing and singing, and uttering such sordid beastly expres-
sions, together with postures of their bodies, as I omit to write them, as
being their shame in acting, and would be mine in rehearsing. For
he is at that time most renowned that behaves himself most shamelessly
and beast-like.
This filthy solemnity was formerly much in use among them; and
even the King himself hath spent time in it, but now lately he hath
absolutely forbidden it under penalty of a forfeiture of money. So that
now the practice hereof is quite left off.
But though it is thus gone into disuse, yet, out of the great delight the
people bad in it, they of Gompala [Gampola] would revive it again;
and did. Which coming to the King’s ear, he sent one of his noblemen
to take a fine from them for it. The nobleman knew the people would
not come to pay a fine, and therefore was fain to go to work by a
stratagem. Pitching, therefore, his tents by a pond, he gave orders to
eall all the people to his assistance to catch fish for the King’s use,
Which they were very ready to do, hoping to have the refuse fish for
themselves. And when they were all thus assembled together with their
tools and necessary instruments for that purpose, the nobleman charged
them all in the King’s name, according to the countries fashion, which
was by pulling off his cap, and falling down upon the ground three
times, that not a man of them should budge till they had paid such a sum
of money, which was so much a piece, for reviving that play that the
King had forbid. Which they were forced to do before they departed
from the pond side. And the money was carried into the King’s
exchequer.—K nox, Cezlon, 1681, pp. 98, 99.
* Added with Mr. Le Mesurier’s approval.—B., Hon. Sec.
S16 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII.
(4) .
Ceremony of “ Pulling of Horns” (March 1, 1830).—The cere-
mony of “ Pulling Horns”’ is now taking place in this village, and I went
this evening to see it. In passing through the village I was surprised
to see so very few people in their houses, but when | got near the place
I found they were all there. A place in the jungle is cleared, in the
middle of which a deep hollow is dug. In this hole is put a cocoa-nut
tree, about ten or twelve feet high, which has been rooted up for the
purpose, with its root upwards. The people of the village divide
themselves into two parties, called the “Upper Party” (uda pila) and
the “ Lower Party” (yati pila), and each party has a large branch of a
tree with the bark peeled off, notched in the middle, and another piece
of wood very strong fastened tight across it, so as to resemble a hook.
In some places the horns of the elk are used. When they have linked
the two together they are fastened to the cocoa-nut tree by very strong
topes or creeping plants (wel), and each party pulls with all their
strength, at the same time making a tremendous noise, till one of the
horns break. The broken horn is put into a little cadjan bungalow
built on one side, and the other is carried in procession on a man’s
shoulder, wrapped in white cloth, together with the ropes with which it
was fastened, round the cocoa-nut tree about a dozen times, under a
canopy supported by four men. ‘They then stop at a tree, in the middle
of which is placed a cocoa-nut shell used as a lamp, and putting the
victorious, that is, the unbroken horn, in it, they repeat some verses in
Singhalese, the object of which is to invoke the goddess Pattini to take
away the “great sickness” (the small-pox) which is now prevalent among
them. Having concluded the verse, they worship the “horn,” with
their hands clasped and raised to their foreheads, in the same manner
as they worship Buddha at the temples. They continue afterwards to
go round the cocoa-nut tree as before, dancing and singing and blowing
the conques, and beating the tom-toms; and then the conquered party
sit down in the ground, and being separated from the other by a rope,
they suffer themselves to have all the abuse which the Singhalese lan-
guage supplies heaped upon them. ‘This, however, though spoken with
apparent earnestness, consits merely in words which are repeated, or
rather sung, by the head of the party, the rest joining in it by way
- of chorus.—SELKIRK, [ecollections of Ceylon, 1844, pp. 398-9.
(¢)
Ceremony to drive away Small-pox (May 2, 1838).—A few nights ago I
went to the an-pitiya, or place where the ceremony of “pulling the horns”
takes place. (See March 1, 1830, supra.) In the midst of a large open
space of ground a high pole is erected, generally an areka-nut tree, with
the bunch of leaves at the top cut off. From the top of this pole, ropes,
made of parts of the cocoa-nut leaf, are extended to the four corners of
an enclosed place. A burning lamp is fixed on the top, and there are
No. 29.—1884. | AN-KELIYA, 377
several other lamps in other places. A large hole is dug in the ground,
in which is placed the lower part of a dug-up cocoa-nut tree, about ten.
feet long, with the roots upwards. Between this and a large tree about
twelve yards distant, are fastened two large horns, and the thick and
tough jungle-creepers, with which they are bound together, are fastened
to the tree on one side, and to the stump of the cocoa-tree on the other.
On each side are from sixty to one hundred men, trying with all their
might to break the horn. If the horn of either party breaks, that party
is conquered, and submits patiently to a great deal of abuse from the
other party. The conquering party, after the performance of some
ceremony at the tree, carry their horn to a small maduwa prepared for
it at another part of the village, in geat triumph, and at the end of a
certain number of days the Kapuwas, or devil-priests, are called, and a
grand ceremony takes place. The people firmly believe that ‘ pulling
horns”’ is the only way to get rid of the small-pox, which they call the
“creat disease.” And they say, too, that when this disease is prevalent
in the country, the gods in the other world are in the habit of pulling
horns at night to stop it. In proof of this a man told me a few days
ago that his father was once travelling at night, and on his way he heard
at a short distance a noise such as is made at the pulling of horns,*
And when he came to the place he found nobody, and he was sure the
noise could only proceed from the gods. The poor man, however, was
so frightened, that he went home and died soon after.
The great ceremony usual when the “pulling of horns”’ is ended
took place to-night. In a distant part of the village of Cotta, the people
had erected three madu, one of which was very large. It was filled
with women and children. In one of the two smaller ones was the devil- —
priest, and in the other were many things that he makes use of in his
ceremonies. ‘There were two tom-tom-beaters and large crowds of
people. The Kapuwa was dressed very fantastically, and had six or
eight little bells on each leg. He first danced with a lighted torch in
each hand, then with a bunch of areka-flowers, then with a pitcher of
water, and at last with a broken chatty, in which was burning charcoal.
He put himself into all sorts of attitudes, with each of these in his hands,
and neither burnt his long beard, which he seemed in great danger of
doing, from carrying, as he did, the two lighted torches, the one on one
shoulder and the other on the other, nor spilled the water, nor shed the
hot embers. All the time he was dancing he continued to throw hand-
fuls of powdered dummala, or resin, into the torches, which went off in
a sudden blaze like gunpowder. All this was done at the beat of tom-
tom, accompanied with singing, by the men beating them. I remained
to witness it till twelve o’clock, and the dancing was still going on and
* The noise made on this occasion is very great, and may be heard
to a great distance. It always reminded me of I. Kings, xviii., 27.
S76 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII.
would continue till sunrise. At 8 p.m., at 12, and at 4 4.m., plates of
rice and seven different sorts of curry are placed in small covered
maduwas, made for the purpose, as offerings to the devil.—dd., pp. 505-8.
(a)
Among the religious games the first in the an-edima, or “ Pulling of
Horns,” the idea of the merry-thought of European superstition deve-
loped on a gigantic scale. It is not a game in celebration of a victory,
nor in commemoration of any great national event, like the games of
classic Greece and Rome, but rather in propitiation of some offended
diety; and whether sickness has visited the people, murrain attacked
the cattle, insects and grubs settled on the young rice fields, or a prot-
racted drought threatened calamity to man and beast, the alarmed
Singhalese peasant know of no more efficacious remedy than an appeal
to Vishnu or Siva, Pattini-deviy6, Kataragam-deviy6, or Basnaira-deviy6,
through the medium of an an-edima. The village elders, as soon as they
awake to a sense of the impending danger, waitin solemn deputation on
the Kapurala, or priest of the district kéwila, or temple, carrying
presents with them for the seer, (very much after the manner of Saul
when he waited on Samuel to learn the name of the particular deity
that ought to be appeased,) and generally to concert measures for the
due and proper celebration of the games, The Kapurala promises to
obtain the desired information, but as this must be done at a lucky hour,
on an auspicious day, and after sundry ablutions and purifications, he
dismisses his visitors with a promise to communicate with them on a
subsequent day. He next proceeds to consult the oracle, and fixes a
day for the celebration of the game, taking care, however, that it should
be sufficiently removed to allow of the real crisis of the danger to be
passed. ‘The day fixed upon is communicated to the elders, who invite
the villagers interested, by distribution of betel leaves ; and preparations
for the celebration commence in earnest. The villagers next divide into
two parties or teams, the upper and the lower. This distinction is
merely topographical, the villages lying towards the head of a valley or
stream being the upper and those further down being the lower.* Each
party next chooses its captain or champion, who brings with him the stout
branch of an elk horn with the frontlet stang on. This horn is held in
proportionate veneration according to the number of victories it may
have achieved, and there are some handed down from father to son—for
the championship is hereditary—that have come
*‘O’er a’ the ills o’ life victorious ”’
for a hundred years. The place appropriated for the game is called the
an-pifiya, an open place in some central situation, and generally under
* Notso; the Udupila anc Yatipila are hereditary distinctions.—B.,
Hon. Sec. :
No. 29.— 1884. ] AN-KELIYA. 379
the shade of an over-spreading 66 tree, thus making the tree sacred to
Buddha participate in a purely Hindi ceremony. At one end of the
an-pitiya
“Stands there a stump six feet high, the ruins of a tree,
“Yet unrotted by rain and tempests’ force.”
The stump selected is generally that of a cocoanut tree put loosely into
a deep hole, with the root-end up, and is called the henakanda, or
“thunderbolt.” A hole large enough for a man’s arm to pass is cut or
burnt through this upper end. The respective teams are now ready
with stout ropes made of buffalo-hide and strong jungle creepers, when
the Kapur4la opens the game, proclaiming, like Pelides at the funeral
pyre of Patroclus,
“Come ye that list this prize to win, and ye-this bout decide.”
The men of the upper team now pass 8 stout buffalo-hide rope through
the hole in the henakanda and firmly make fast to its end the elk horn of
their champion. The horn of the lower team is similarly got ready and
tied to the nearest tree; the henakanda is now leaned forward, and the
two champions hook the horns one into the other, and lash them together
with cords. The two champions grasp the horns in their hands to
prevent, their turning or slipping, and the word is given to puli. Both
teams now unite and haul at the rope passed through henakanda, while
some half a dozen men of both parties lay hold of the henakanda and
sway it up and down, as the rope in the hands of the pullers is tightened
or relaxed. The two champions hold on to the horns like grim death,
and are swayed hither and thither with every motion of the rope. The
contest lasts for hours, the snapping of a rope only serving to prolong it
with a fresh splice, until one of the horns yields, and the pullers go
rolling and sprawling on the ground.*
All the time the mighty tug has been going on, the KapurAla is
engaged at a small booth constructed of white olas under the bd
tree, chanting the sacred hymns appropriate to the occasion, jingling
the halamba, or consecrated armlets, and burning incense to the
accompaniment of tom-tom, fife, and cymbal. After the contest has
been decided the whole assembly go in procession through the villages
that participated in the ceremony, the Kapurala leading with a chant,
the champion carrying the victorious horn in a basket on his hand, and
every one joining in the “ héyiyaé” chorus at the proper stops. By the time
the procession returns to the ground, a feast, consisting of rice boiled in
* In this, as well as in the striking of cocoa-nuts (poropol gehima ),
it is considered a bad omen should the horn or cocoa-nut of the upper
team break. such an accident is looked upon as the consequence of the
continual displeasure of the offended deity. Hence it is not unusual to
concede the victory to the upper team by opposing a weaker horn.
21—86 M
380 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VILL.
cocoa-nut milk, vegetable curries (for flesh of any kind is forbidden), tire,
and honey is laid out on green plantain leaves, The feasting over, they
all rise at a sign from the Kapurala, and give one united shout “ hdyiyd,”
and then disperse. The Kapurala receives the customary presents, and
the victorious elk horn is again Jaid up in “ lavender,” if a liberal sprink-
ling of oil of resin may be so called, until some other threatened danger
brings it out,—L. Lupovici, C. A. S. Journ., 1873, pp. 20-24,
(e)
“ An-keliya,” or “ Pulling of Horns.” March 3, 1883.—Witnessed this
superstitious game of the Sinhalese to-day, at Kalubovila in the
Salpiti Korale, Western Province. Small-pox had been prevailing in the
villages round for some time, and the wiseacres, as usual in case of such
epidemics, had decided to worst the particular demon or demons res-
ponsibie, by invoking the aid of Pattini-deviyé, the patroness of the
sport, with an-keli-pijdva. !
[it is customary with the Sinhalese, when any malignant type of
disease attacks man or beast, to meet and consider what form of ceremony,
an-kheliya, porapol gehima, &c., the remedy had best take. The aid of
the Kapur4la, or lay priest of a Dévalé, is called in to name time and
place. Should an-keliya be decided upon, the villagers, attended by a
Kapurala (sometimes by two, one for each side), proceed to the spot
selected (an-pitiya; an-pittaniya) at the hour fixed, after the necessary
purification of themselves. ‘The ground has already been sanctified by
the erection of a post adorned with cocoanut flowers (hap hitavanava )
and two horns selected by the Kapurala, and handed over to the an-wat-
tadiyd, or captain, of either side. A shed is put up, ornamented with
various flowers and tender cocoanut leaves, which the Kapurala hal-
lows by prayer accompanied by the sprinkling of suaffron-water,
the waving of incense, and jangling of the sacred deyzran, or bangles.
Meanwhile, the foot of a tree (an-gaha) is cleared, and a narrow pit
dug to receive the cocoanut stump (henakanda; waligaha), and lined
with planks. Through the upper part of this cocoanut stump
(which is inserted in the pit with the shaved root upwards) a hole is
bored and a stout rope passed: strong nooses of kirindi* or kalu
_ereeper of a single link or more are also made round the lower part of
the an-gaha and the henakanda.]|
The game had been running on for a week or two, and fortune had
steadily inclined to the Yafipila (lit. “ Under-party”’) side, the special
protegés of the goddess Pattini, as the Udupila (lit. ‘“‘Upper-party ’’) are
of her husband, Palanga. The an-pitiya, or arena selected, was in the
jungle, but not far from habitations. Qn arrival (4 p.m.) found the
* Rourea santaloides, W. and A.
No. 29,—1884.] AN-KELIYA. 381
Vatipila party busily preparing for the strugele by cutting the kon* |
socket (into which the horn itself was let), so as to allow the two horns
to meet closely. Here the “horns” consist of two pieces of hard, well-
seasoued wood, ¢aranaf and andara{ respectively,—six to eight inches in
length and one and a half or two inches thick,—tapering slightly towards
their points. ‘These had been fitted into the sockets, and bound down
fast with the tough bark of ashrub (belz patta§ ), to add to their strength.
Meanwhile the Kapurala was performing an initiatory service in the
shed (maduwa) common to both parties. At the side of the tree (an-—
gaha) and cocoanut stump (henakanda) to which the horns were to be
attached prior to the actual “pulling,” stood the mal-pela, or smali
cadjan-roofed shed for flowers and other offerings of either party. In
these were kept, till wanted, the horns and bark strands (madzu)
used for tying up the horns when finally adjusted across each other.
Festoons of young cocoanut leaves connected the three sheds together,
being carried across high poles, at the top of which rag torches were fixed
—a proof that all were prepared to carry on the stern, if bloodless,
fray ‘till utter darkness closed her wing.” From time to time
the Kapurala might be heard muttering some incantations inthe maduwa,
where he was assisted by a Udupila and Yatipila boy. On ashelf in the’
maduwa were ranged chatties, in which the money offerings ( panduru)
of both sides were placed, a chank, and an old horn (hero of many
a gallant fight) carefully wrapped in white cloth and decked with flowers:
panduru were noticed, too, hung to the roof of each mal-pela inside.
When the Yatipila horn socket had been shaped so as to satisfy
the very scrupulous ideas of both sides, the Yatipila party brought
their madu (five skeins of beli pattd) and placed them to the best
advantage round their horn,—a most important part of the business,
and closely watched by the Udupila faction, it being quite possible so
to arrange the strings as to put the “enemy ” at a serious disadvantage
in the ensuing “tug of war.’ Much time was wasted, more Indico, in
the adjusting of the madu, strong language being freely bandied with
friends and foes alike. When the Yatipila party had at length finished
placing their madu to their own satisfaction, it seemed as if the Udupila
men would decline the contest on the score of some fancied unfair
arrangement of the strings. Undoubtedly, they had been laid with great
skill, skein by skein, —nay, strand by strand,—and beaten down by careful
hands, so as to leave no weak point for the opponents to profit by.
Ultimately the Udupila party consented to take their chance and try
* Schleichera tryuga, or Ceylon oak, Willd.
¢ Debera corymbosa, Willd.
{ Dichrostachys cinerea.
§ Hiribcus tiliaceus.
O82 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). _ ‘[Vol. VII.
conclusions. Their madu were then brought and similarly arranged
over those of the Yatipila. Next the Udupila horn itself was carried
in semi-procession from their own mal-pela—the more zealous of the
party adoring it em route—and inserted through the madu across the
Yatipila horn at right-angles.
Yatipila having won at the last two “pulls’’ the Udupila side was
allowed on this occasion an andara horn as against one of tarana, a
supposed weaker wood. Throughout the whole process of arranging
the madu and the horns, only eighteen men were permitted to take
part—eight of Udupila, ten of Yatipila.
Immediately the horns were fairly hooked together a mighty strugele
ensued between the eighteen champions in their endeavour to twist
their own madu more quickly and tightly than their opponents. Here
and there the seething mass of men was borne writhing and swaying.
‘They tug, they strain! down, down, they go!”
till the sweat poured down apace, and utterly exhausted, both parties
mutually agreed to say “ Hold, enough”—but not until many a flesh-
wound had been gained in the senseless ‘‘ scrimmage.”
As neither horn had snapped in this preliminary trial of strength,
* they were brought to the Yatipzla tree (an-gaha), and the Yatipila madu
bound to the creeper noose (péressa,) which encircled the trunk near
the bottom, The henakanda, or Udupila stump, was then swung over
in its narrow pit so as to approach the Yafipila tree as closely as possible;
and when abouttwo yards off toits péressa, or double-link noose, was joined
the Udupila madu. All being now ready for the real tug, the henakanda
was slowly pushed over to the further end of the pit, thus effectually
tightening up the nooses, madu and horns, between the an-gaha and
waligaha. Thereupon all present, irrespective of party, seized the
rope attached to the other side of the henakanda, dragging it towards
them by repeated jerks,* leaving only the eighteen picked men to steady
the horns, one of the Udupila champions standing on the Yatipila socket
and keeping the Udupila socket perpendicular. Sometimes days
elapse before either horn snaps—occasionally they cannot be broken
at all. In this instance the ominous click was heard within ten
minutes of the “pulling.” The horns were at once unloosed, and the
andara, or Udupila horn, found to be broken. A scene followed bafiling
description. The victorious Yafipila party rushed madly about,
shouting for joy, and shaking the broken pieces of the horn in the
faces of their humbled opponents—looking in the growing darkness
like veritable demons, as they dashed wildly from place to place. ‘The
triumphant horn itself was carried by a few of its admirers thrice
round the maduwa, where the Kapurala recited further incantations.
* The noise of the henukanda striking the end of the pit in each pull
or jerk is called walivetenavd, and may be heard at a great distance.
No. 29.—1884.] AN-KELIYA. 383
After a short interval a rope was stretched from the an-gaha, and the
Udupila party all made to stand on one side of it, whilst their Yatipila
conquerors contemned them by raising an abusive refrain couched in
terms of which the less said the better. It commenced thus, one man
at a time giving vent to his impromptu sarcasm and abuse, the rest
striking in after each line with “ hAdyiyd” :—
Hondada, puté, | ‘Good, my boy, was’nt it,
Hoyiyo ! Ha! ha!
An-keliya, | Your pulling the horns,
Hoyiyo ! Ha! ha!”
[The evident relish with which the foulest expressions, coined exfem-
pore by the Yatipila “corypheus,” would appear to be appreciated by
his fellows, leaves on the mind no enhanced respect for the Sinhalese
villager in his lighter mood. ‘To the credit of the vanquished be it said,
they usually submit to the incessant volley of ‘ Billingsgate’’ with
perfect, if sullen, silence, worthy of a better cause. |*
As I quitted the ed scene now lit by the dim torches, the “ fun”
(save the mark!) began to wax fast and furious, and would probably be
carried on for hours.
[From the day of commencing the ceremonies attending an-heliya, the
villagers should cleanse themselves, and their houses, and refrain from
eating prohibited ‘flesh, in order to keep free of all uncleanness (ili ).
After the lapse of some days, and when one or two horns have been broken,
arrangements are made for the péli, or procession round the villages.
The Kapurala and Kattadiy4 inform the people of the days fixed for
the procession, who, as a rule, then send necessary requirements, as
provisions, cloth, money, &c., to the an-pitiya, for their use. On the
procession day the inmates of each house bathe, anoint their heads,
and get together money (to be offered to the sacred deyiran box),
earthen pots adorned with cocoanut flowers, and saffron-water for
sprinkling. ‘Those accompanying the procession provide themselves
with tambourins, tom-toms, trumpets, and all kinds of Sinhalese music.
* A story is told of a Mudaliyar and his servant, passing together
near an an-pitiyak, the latter holding a talipot leaf umbrella over his
master’s head. Suddenly the cry ‘“ hdyiyd” arose from the victorious
side, to which the servant belonged, the Mudaliyar being of the van-
quished party. Thereupon the servant began to dance for joy behind the
Mudaliyar, ever and anon shouting “ Adyiyd,”’ and tapping the great man’s
head with the talipot leaf. The Mudaliyar, naturally surprised and
angry, turned upon him with “ How now, fellow!” ¢“ Mokada, bola!” ),
to which the servant replied, “See, sir, we have won!” (“ Ané, Hamu-
duruvané, api dinuva.”) Without another word the Mudaliyar passed on,
shamed.
B84 .. JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII.
Some of these players and dancers precede, whilst others follow, the
victorious “horn,” which, wrapped in white cloth, incensed and sprinkled
with saffron-water, is carried on the head of the Kattadiya, dressed
in spotless wh:te, under a white canopy, attended by the Kapuralas
with deyiran on their heads. The people, as they march with lighted
torches and censers, give vent to loud “ hurrahs,” at the same time
extolling the virtues of the goddess Pattini, and of I’swara, Vishnu,
and Kandakumara. Every house of the victorious side is visited,
and on its inmates blessings invoked with the deytran : in return, these
offer refreshments of milk, rice, jaggery, coffee, &c. All the houses
and gardens should be well cleaned, and the former whitewashed for
the reception of the Kapurala and the others conducting the procession ;
otherwise they will not be entered, and thus lose the benefit of the
general exorcism. ‘This procession is continued for seven days, at the
end of which a grand feast is given to the people at the an-pittaniya* .—
H. C. P, Bett.
(2)
The mythical history of Pattina Deviyd, whose aid the
Sinhalese so readily invoke to rid them not only of maha leda,
‘the great sickness,” or small-pox, but of every form of epidemic
* Compare the Tamil velvé at Trincomalie (as described in the
“‘ North Christian Herald,” for March, 1879), which forms the concluding
part of the grdmasdnti (“village propitiation’”) ceremony ‘to perfect
what was lacking in the former.” It is so arranged that the services
of the temple (Konasar) or their benefits became available for every house
and part of the town. Kumbam were carried round from every tem-
porary shrine along all the streets, accompanied by every sort of native
music, and decorated in truly oriental style. An dlavaitfam made of
leaves and clothes, a flag, an umbrella, and the large sacrificial knife by
which the goats had been killed, were carried round and exhibited at
every house. The owners of the houses were expected to decorate
their gates with leaves and plantain trees, and place outside a nirai-
hudam, or a pot of water on a white cloth, decorated with palm and
mango leaves, on a table under which was placed a betel stand contain-
ing betel leaves, arecanuts, and grain, burning lamp, and smoking
incense. The hilnbain were carried on the heads of men who professed
to be under diabolical influence, and who, smeared with sacred dung,
danced through the streets to the sound of tom-toms, uttering cries and
groans which were taken to be the voices of evil spirits. At every
house before which they stopped water was poured over them and a
young cecoanut was given them to drink, so that it is not surprising to
hear that next day two of them were struck down by heat apoplexy.
No. 29.—1884.] AN-KELIYA. 385
disease, is contained in a collection of thirty-five “‘ books,” styled
Pan-tis-kélmuré, only to be found complete in the hands of a few
of her lay priests. Among the episodes of the goddess’ life on
earth is related the occurrence which originated the national
game an-keliya. It may be read, inter alia, in asmall Sinhalese
pamphlet, under the title Ankeli-upata, or Pattint-malava, ‘This
poem contains seventy-seven four-line stanzas, and some additional
verses, written in simple colloquial style.
AN-KELI-UPATA.
Stanzas 1, 2, 3, 4, relate the goddess’ birth in “ the mango grove ” of
King Pandi, whose eyes she put out in the presence of Indra (Sakra
Deva). ‘Thence she proceeds to the city of Madur4 to meet Prince
Palanga, and be married to him. Stanzas 5, 6, and 7: Prelude to des-
eription of an-keliya.
8
awE Sos Ais SICwW ~— OS ra
Oomdvsacdt sats acd E
DCS UDD MIS Bs} cr ¢
ao Gag md 9D) aE5 S
9
HCO DOdzs3 SaiHsi ac5 Od
C8NO DIG sI aNGone &S “ oot
ODN BHO peat gS vod
O0O9S3 CHWS SoIHS3 OES @oos
10
OOO EMBINHO BFHe amo S
OWOE ERIN SEOs ong G
de, OMBst SEG Fa QNae &
6S DOG 50m g5 ong (=
8
From Sol country came Prince Palanga ;
Mayda King’s daughter the goddess Pattini
Came, as her wont, to buy bangles ;
By the gods they were wedded,
9
As Prince Palanga and goddess Pattini
Were sporting in the orchard,
A sapu* flower to bud caused Pattini;
A playful trick she planned.
* Michelia champaka.
TOBbo oF. JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON), [Vol. VIII.
10
“‘ How, love, am I to see this ftower ?
Shall we go to the tank to find it ?:
Went we not near the tank that day ?
Let us go to seek it in the morning.”
/
After due offerings to the gods to ensure a successful quest (11, 12),
13
OMKsT AiSGdS Hong Se Os
QMDH O2NEOIS KT Masi OY Oa
OMS DiSYOS NOG SE Oo
QAH O2NG98 &E HIazI YS Qo
Wending their way a tank of water lilies they reached,
“This is not the spot, love! let us go on;”
Next a grove of nd trees they entered.
** This is not the spot, love! let us go on.”
Thence to groves of vefukeyiyd * and dunukeyiyd f fruitlessly (14), till
at length, within a champak grove, Palanga sees a flower reflected in a
pond (15). Essaying to climb the tree (16), god Visva-karma aids
by bringing a golden ladder (17). In vain P&langa scans the boughs,
north, east, west, and south for the flower (18, 19), butsees it at last out
of reach on the topmost bough (20). They both lament their ill-luck,
until Palanga, with divine eyes, discovers a sandalwood hooked (sapling)
(21). Again Visva-karma assists, providing a golden arekanut cutter
with which to cut the hooks (22).
23
GOB OED G1G OHO OH st ast
Dds D A9HOG QHD HA st @at
DCO Nad QHO 98) ao ast
S333 BORO ow eadAS st 86 ostd
24
OGIDQOD SSBB AHO OD a 86 @a
BWCO GVMS> A@IDH ot = @a
SIH ad Me AE) OB ss ost
OEDTNAD OAND OED OCO OWI as assy
25
BzWOESE OD OSH AE ss ast
VOCED W168 ODB OED GiSOC ot = @at
ODD E1EC) EDOEW 6D)OD st as
160 Rave DOO Ak as ost
* Pandanus odoratissimus, or screw pine. + P. humilis.
No. 29.—1884.] AN-KELIYA. 387
26
DQV6O Oa GVSID « st as
EOS cnaal Ja aa st od
S553 enaal daiada st asd
O69 aGIasy oma ¢sh os ast
27
Ens6 st asSe &S st ost
SbGe Hew EHEC KS os oo
OE8CQ0 BO OMB EME ¢E cy a O=>
HEA DV61O@O amas Boe os ost
28
Ban Ro aS¥e aye, &a
Ba NOS ¢SoMDE OH a)
BS eBGs QeHndsd oas 29
SEBACE BH G18 OWI &o
23
To the foot ofthe tree the hooks they took,
And deftly placed the golden ladder ;
Palanga is first to mount the tree,
To him Pattini hands the hooks.
24
Then goddess Pattini climbed the tree,
To a higher bough ascended Palanga,
On a lower bough remaimed Pattini ;
With their hooks both touched the flower.
25
God Sakra beheld this wondrous act ;
Missing the flower the two hooks caught ;
Pulling at the hooks their hands grew red ;
Unable to part them, both descended.
26
Then to the city they returned ;
(To pull the hooks) a thousand maids
And « thousand men were summoned ;
Again Palanga and Pattini) went to see the gods.
27
All the maids with Pattini were on the lower side (Yafipila),
All the men with Palanga were on the upper side (Udupila) ;
Ranging (themselves) they pulled the two hooks ;
Prince Pélagea’ s hook it was that broke.
388 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII.
28
The Yatipila assemblage, crying “ hiyoyi,”
Danced, reciting horn-pulling songs
As they sang their scornful ditties ;
(The Udupila party) stood silent in their shame.
Enraged at his defeat Palanga cries “Cut down and bring me hither
hooks from all places where hooks may be had” (29). Collecting 7,000
oxen and loading them with seven amunam of arekanuts, he sent men to
bring andara* wood (30). Traversing the hill-country ( Udarata), they
rested in Hévaheta and Hanguranketa; thence through Maturata to “the
city,’ and on through Zunkinda to Kadawata; passing Wellawdya and
Kurugama by winding paths they crossed the ferry at Yadulangamuva,
and spread their gunny bags (of arekanuts) in Usangoda (32). Skirting
*‘ the two ponds’”’ they went through “the city ” to Kataragama (temple);
there they made offerings and started afresh the next morning (38).
Arriving at Katagamuva in Mawatkada, and passing over “ the tank built
of gods,” they beheld the villages Mirdvild and Sttrdvila, where they
rested after crossing the Kirindi-ganga (34). Proceeding, they traversed
the great salt pans of Koholankada, crossed the Walawé-ganga to
Midgama; thence through Dolos-giruva and Mdtota (Matara) to
Devundara (Dondra), where they opened their bags afresh (35).
Learning that they had come from Mdayd-rafa im search of andara
wood, the natives provided a thousand andara sticks in exchange for the
seven amunam of dried arekanuts (36, 37). Stanzas 38 and 39 describe
the return route, through Matofa, across the Walawé-ganga to Mdgama,
and past Buttala and Palatupdna to Andun-oruva and Kebilitta;
thence on through Kavuddva, Mardva, Midavapun, and Bahdre, till they
struck Dambagalla and the Kotabéva road, where they rested awhile.
At length they reach Wellassa, and emptied out the thousand andara
sticks on the ground,
41
Sad@ 29610 €o 2ISQ® UC, ©@3
H1OCD™S 6® QENSD OD @?
acde onGde 20 Aste, @
an GO sod Arq SB @
42
EHOW Q6 HE SHsI CA @
ODEOSD THAN OCKED e@)
Bonn a1. O65 EON AE @
OOOCKSS OMDEad eo&BS 2 @
* Dichrostachys cinerea.
No. 29.—1884. | AN-KELIYA. 389
43
MHOCOIS addwe ona os os
SBISBHOHS ODOVE ¢ st 6 @ad
DEDVUHONST ERIC € ot = @39
SION YEG} EO ViE@ oy Oy
44
Gov OD E80 Sosy Osve Heo e
DO SQHd 6sOsve OanGsd fe
OBOE OTO O85 OS S
SO EGHe3 Bass] Ome S
45
SADADOAG ODBHAODS sy assy
DCoHD TOD DVdE ODOM st ast
AWAY DaHaMG Og OCH st 86st
Bast asda Og God g Fo a OVS
41
God Vismakarma made the horn-pulling post ;
The arch of plantains, God Sakra raised,
With bunches of palmyrah and cocoanut fruit,
Entwined with flowers of cocoanut and ruk.*
42
Brightly shone sun and moon that tide,
Harth’s goddess bore Aalasf in her hand,
All the gods with divine eyes beholding,
With gladness bestowed blessings on the sport.
43
From the Naga world pérest were brought,
Veluva§ was given by the Risis,
Strong rikillal| by Kandakumaru ;
To a paimaka root the hooks were joined.
44
“ For horn-pulling sport is not ran-manda needed ?
Where at this time can we find ran-manda ?
When obtained it must be strong,
Oh! for some plan (by which to obtain it).”
* Myristica Horsfieldea, Bl.
f A pot with cocoanut flower inserted, on which a light burns,
} Double-link noose.
§ Lit., “bandage”’: creeper, &c., for tying the horns.
| The eross sticks of “‘ korns ”, fastened to the nooses.
S00) _ JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vol. VIII.
45
The low-caste Rodiy4 was called ;
Ox and buffalo hide thongs were brought,
And twisted into madu of a fathom length ;
A hundred madu coils were given for horn-pulling thongs.
The price of the medu settled (46)
47
sOOEd Heo GHEC &O @
SAIS C8aAH ad#e BO @3
OD DO eolnatd wom 2a @
ENIES CEHSO DES Ba @2
48
EOS OMS Go BE DHE OD ® 5
ODHKHODEs BO Eich 2) 5
DES Heo eihes od 2) 5
E98 AG SIH estod 2) 5
49
Qoroct BGae COM 8099 sa ast
Qad GHoWES aiT o3E st = @ a
O68ECO adad Easjsd Ra as ast
Mea SHS ES VoE Ve st ast
47
All the gods with Palanga were on the upper side,
Harth’s goddess and Pattini were on the lower side ;
Taking a saffron root in her right hand,
‘‘T will break the thousand andara hooks” cried (Pattini).
48
Breaking thousands of hooks the contest grew (hot),
And (Palanga) standing aloof was shamed,
Even to death was he shamed,
And Pattini by her divine power aware, felt pity.
49
‘““O! my love, be not angry ;
My majestic power I displayed,
Both parties were alike victorious,”
With gentle words she pacified him.
After thus pulling horns at Wellassa, and breaking 100,000, two only
remained ; these they bore to Bintenna (50) Stanza 51; Mayiyangana,
the city of three gold spires, known as Baranes, to rid it of curses.
Crossing the Mahaweli-ganga, and surmounting “the hill of stone steps,”
with joy they beheld the lights of Dumbara (52); then passing the twe
No. 29.—1884. | AN-KELIYA, 391
Denuwara they reached Senkadugala (Kandy), and, dispelling all ills
there (53) stood upon the horn-pulling meadow (an-pitiya).
54
HPBSasy asSao @
GLY COHD Go OME | @)
O8SO16 15 Dated @)
OVOOCRD CVEOz 10 @2
A meadow they decorated for pulling the horns,
And pulled horns for seven days,
Then sprinkled (the country) with Perahera pen,*
By these means dispelling diseases,
_ Thus were all evils driven to the great ocean (55).
56
OAVIE Aco ds & ec oo
mm aes &Hes Oa O ‘ei oS
DiC DD D6MaGH aa Ce od
C2ES1 €16 HB OOMOD GO ec od
57
PCWMN gsc, ~oang @os
AAaE Nid) est omGow sat aS Od
ao Saas oc3 GVEOr 418 Od
OCHA EBD QEIBOAS DONS acd
56
Duly tke horns are measured and tied ;
Daubing (their bodies) with lines of sandal wood unguent,
And putting éella and tdna ornaments round their necks,
They marched through the village driving away diseases.
57
Ah! delightful horn-pulling sport, fraught with blessing,
It is meet to pull horns guilelessly ;
Goddess Sat-Pattini banished all ill;
Henceforth will no sickness rage in the village.
59
ODA Od yeh G10O st = 6a@st
iDiS OHO OS6Hi1G MOS ot asd
QiEsd EDO Go OMES ODE od Osy
OVDCKRSD CVGSi O19 F108 so = @ st
* Lit., Processional water.
Oe Ur JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). PVolev rk.
“Tn Vesak month receive offerings,
In Hsala make processions,
In Medindina hold an-heliya ;
Thus will all diseases quit the world.”
The remaining Stanzas (60-77) relate in incoherent fashion Pattini’s
birth and certain incidents connected with the origin of an-keliya.*
The extra verses would seem to cover an alternative version of the
former half (Stanzas 1-54) of “ Ankeli upata,”’ ‘They commence—
Q60 BESO e1cE OO @ed
aco Bed ede O® Qe
BE BIE OC NDA 3)
SO WED gidg @@ @es
Is the (mighty) sun unclean ?
Is the (gentle) moon unclean ?
Are we also (held) unclean
To pluck the fragrant sandal flower ?
They then proceed to describe the efforts of Pattini and Palanea to
pluck the flower. The gods provide a cord and stafi of gold; Pattini
spares six of her waist-robes in succession (for a rope ladder); Palanga
mounts the tree, and on the topmost bough descries “ the fiery champak
flower” (gint sapu mal) :—
OEs aecaal Sea
BATdaxnat 6100 415 d
EHH MizDO Sz
O53 Emu QB6Oo
DVOrNE OH TO SW
OEASiNIE DQHODEG
HEDOO
“Like a huge water-pot,
With stalk of seven cubits,
Countless petals surrounding thousand buds,
There the bee sucks and wasp and hornet sport.”
Sandal wood hooks and a gold arekanut-cutter are miraculously
forthcoming, and, in striving to reach the flower, the two hooks catch.
Unable to unloose them, Pattini and Palanga weep “till their eyes are
red.” The god of the sky then sends a thousand of his ministering spirits
and the goddess of earth a thousand of her train, to aid in pulling the
hooks asunder. P4langa’s hook is broken, and, in wrath, he proceeds
in search of horns through the lands of Holi, Kalinga, Telinga, Kasi,
Bangali as far as Andara désa, where he at last obtains a thousand horns,
Placing these on the backs of a thousand oxen, he recrossed the sea to
* These stanzas have probably been interpolated into the original
poem, and add nothing to its interest.
No. 29.—1884. | AN-KELIYA. 393
Wellassa, and there “pulled horns,’ and collecting the broken
pieces into a heap, named that place Angoda. With nineiremaining hooks
he reached Navagamuva, and again “ pulled horns’’; finally, with but
two hooks, he came to Pérddeniya, and pulled them at An-pitiya.
So far the legendary origin of an-keliya, which clearly connects
it with the continent of India, whence it may have been imported
into Ceylon—possibly under some form unsuited till modified to
the nature of the people—with the rest of Hindt rites and cere-
monies at present overlying and marring the simpler Buddhism
of the Island. For it is not perhaps unreasonable to recognise in
the two “horns” wdupila and yatipila, and the ceremonial
attending their “pulling,” the Sinhalese development (albeit —
unknown to themselves) of that mysterious worship of the emblems
of Nature, which from early times has formed an important element
in the Hindt cult. The forms in which the linga or male nature,
the type of Siva, the Regenerator, is represented in mystical con-
nection with the ydnz or bhaga, the female power. Siva’s sakéi or
energy, Parvati, are as countless as the names of those gods, and
may well have come to assume on Ceylon soil the disguise of
united opposing “horns.” The struggle of the votaries of
“Palanga” and “Pattini”” (? Maha Deva and Bhav4ni) on the
an-pitiya, to be witnessed almost any day in one district or other
of the Island, recalls a legend related in the Servarasa.
“When Sati, after the close of her existence as the daughter of Daksha,
sprang again to life in the character of Parvati, or mountain-born, she
was reunited in marriage to Maha Deva. ‘This divine pair had once a
dispute on the comparative influence of sexes in producing animated
beings; and each resolved, by mutual agreement, to create apart a new
race of men. ‘The race produced by Maha Deva was very numerous,
and devoted themselves exclusively to the worship of the male deity ;
but their intellects were dull, their bodies feeble, their limbs distorted,
and their complexions of different hues. Parvati had at the same time
created a multitude of human beings, who adored the female power only;
and they were all well-shaped, with sweet aspects and fine complexions:
A furious contest ensued between the two races, and the Lingajas were
defeated in battle. But Maha Deva, enraged against the Ydnijas, would
have destroyed them with the fire of his eye, if Parvati had not inter-
posed and appeased him : but he would spare them only on condition
that they should instantly quit the country, to return no more. And
from the Y6ni, which they adored as the sole cause of their existence,
they were named Yavanas.” *
* Moor’s Hindu Pantheon, p, 387.
CE oa ie JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vol. VIM.
The an-keli-pujawa is not complete without the pélz, or torch-
light procession round the infected villages,—a relic of the primeval ©
worship of Agni, the fire-god, cleansing and hallowing, which has
passed into the superstitious observance of widely separated coun-
tries, and is not unknown even in Christian England,—witness the
_ Easter fires, those of St. John’s Day, Michaelmas, Martinmas, and
Christmas. ‘The Midsummer or St. John’s Day fires, which
were kindled at the season of the summer solstice, were of three
kinds: first, bonfires ; second, procession with burning brands
round the fieids ; third, wheels blazing and setrolling. The bon-
fires were lighted for the purpose of scaring away the dragons
that poison the waters with the slime that fell from them at that
hot season, and therefore bones and all sorts of filth were thrown
into the fire that the smoke might be the fouler and more offensive to
the dragons. ‘‘ Need fires” especially bave retained their heathen
character unaltered, and are for ao most part not confined to
particular days.
They used to be lighted on the occasion of epidemics occurring
among cattle, and the custom is still observed here and there to this day.
Wherever it can be traced among people of German or Scandinavian ©
descent, the fire is always kindled by the friction of a wooden axle in
the nave of a waggon wheel, or in holes bored in one or two posts.
In either case the aoe or aplier? is worked with a rope, which is wound
round it, and pulled to and fro with the greatest possible speed by
two opposit2 groups of able-bodied men,*
The axle working in the nave is equally symbolic of Nature’s
creative energies, and the two forms of worship existed side by
side in England, certainly up to the thirteenth .century. Kemble
(“* The Saxons in England”) quotes from the Chronicle of Laner-
cost for 1268 a.p. how “certain bestial persons, monks in garb
but not in mind, taught the country people to extract fire from
wood by friction, and to set up a ‘simulacrum Priapi’ as a means
of preserving they cattle from an epidemic pneumonia.t ’—B.
Hon. See. : .
* Kelly, Indo-European Folk-lore, p. 48. 7 Id., p. 50.
GEORGE J. A. SKEEN, GOVERNMENT PRINTER, COLOMBO, CEYLON.
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