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' «

OF THE

CEYLON BRANCH

OF THE

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,

1837.

VOLUME X.

No. 34.

EDITED BY THE HONORARY SECRETARY.

CE CO SE CE x

‘““The design of the Society is to institute and promote inquiries into the History,

Religion, Literature, Arts, and Social Condition of the present and former

Inhabitants of the Island, with its Geology, Mineralogy, its Climate and

Metecrology, its Botany and Zoology.”

SS.

CoLomBO. ~ Saye S,

Se? s sl ~

G. J. A. SKEEN, GOVERNMENT PRINTER, CEYLON,

AMS WF Wt WP NS YO OP No

Wa \ L/W an

JOURNAL

OF THE

CEYLON BRANCH

OF 'THE

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,

1887.

VOLUME xX.

No. 84.

EDITED BY THE HONORARY SECRETARY.

‘‘The design of the Society is to institute and promote inquiries into the History,

Religion, Literature, Arts, and Social Condition of the present and former

Inhabitants ef the Island, with its Geology, Mineralogy, its Climate and

Meteorology. its Botany and Zoology.”

% Feces A

CEE Fy Sf firs

\*% . mS

COLOMBO:

G. J. A. SKEEN, GOVERNMENT PRINTER, CEYLON.

1888.

CONTENTS.

PAGE

Jottings from a Jungle Diary.—By S. M. BURROWS,

WSO. C.CS. -.. ae ue ai |

The Pearl Fisheries of Ceylon.—By G. VANE, ESQ.,

C.M.G., late €.C.8. aoe oe Saeees k

An Account of the Weheragoda Dévalé.—-By ARTHUR

JAYAWARDHANA, HsQ., MUDALIYAR ear all

A Year’s Work at Polonnaruwa.—By 8. M. BURROWS,

HSQ@., C-C.S.- ... an ie nar AG

Three Sinhalese Inscriptions: text, transliteration,

translation, and notes.—By MUDALIYAR B.

GUNASEKARA. ee RESO

JOURNAL

OF THE

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,

CEYLON BRANCH.

JOTTINGS FROM A JUNGLE DIARY.

By S. M. BURROWS, ESQ., C.C.S.

O begin a Paper with an apology is neither novel nor

admirable, yet I feel that some apology is due for

laying before a Literary and Scientific Society a

_ Paper with so frivolous a title and such ill-assorted contents.

The only possible excuse is, that to the intellectual as to the

physical palate a change of diet may sometimes be accept-

able, even though the change be from caviar to cabbage.

The scheme of this Paper is simple almost to crudeness. It

is to give some account of the more recent archeological

discoveries at Anuradhapura, and to describe one or two

places and incidents which I have come across on circuit in

the less beaten tracks of the North-Central Province.

ANURADHAPURA.

It may be doubted whether there is anything much more

exciting than the finding of a really fine archeological

treasure which has lain hid for manycenturies. Mr. Wallace,

in his “Malay Archipelago,” has described the hysterical

48—88 B

2 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XX:

state, almost ending in a fainting fit, into which he was

thrown by the discovery of a really new butterfly; and

though perhaps “stone-hunting” may petrify the heart against

such emotional expression, yet the sensation is somewhat akin.

While carrying out some excavations on the Outer

Circular road near the “Stone Canoe” in November last, we

had the good fortune to dig up a magnificent stone, nearly

Square, and weighing some four or five tons, with sunk

panelled mouldings to a depth of one and a quarter foot.

As the stone had fallen on its face, the delicate lines of

moulding proved to be almost as perfect as on the day

they were carved. A little further search was rewarded

by the discovery of two smaller stones of similar design,

which exactly fitted on to either side of the centre piece;

and it was then evident that the trio had formed an

oblong canopy over some statue, or perhaps over a throne.

When the centre piece was first discovered, the square

impress of each of the pillars that supported it was plainly

visible, as were the notches by which the masons had

determined the square where each pillar was to rest. In

the centre of one of the longer sides we found what |

believe is called by masons “the primary mark,” from which

all the other measurements are taken. In this case it bore a

very fair resemblance to the familiar “broad arrow.” The

pillars were discovered at some little distance from the

canopy, at a depth of about four feet below the surface, and by

degrees a series of oblong slabs were turned up, each bearing

abold fresco of peculiar design, which ran along, and were

keyed into, the upperrim of the canopy. Finally, the site of

the building was found about two feet down. ‘The sub-

sidence of the ground had displaced some of its pavement

stones, but the general shape and the measurements left no

doubt of its identity.

Now came the task of restoring the canopy as nearly as

possible to its former condition. The combined weight of the

three roof-stones may be put at about fifteen tons; the pillars

were ten feet high. We had no appliances whatsoever but an

No. 34.—1887.] JoTTINGS FROM A JUNGLE DIARY. 3

old bit of chain, and our only “skilled labour” consisted of

a convict who was said to have been a mason before he took

to the more profitable pursuits of a burglar. So we had to

set to work in truly native fashion. Fixing the eight pillars

in three feet of concrete and cement, we filled up the space

between them with earth, just leaving the tops of the pillars

visible. A sloping platform of earth, from the tops of the

pillars to the ground level, was then made, and up this, with

considerable difficulty, the heavy roof-stones were prized

with wooden levers and rollers; and it was a gratifying

moment when the last roller was knocked out, and the stones

allowed to drop upon their allotted resting-places. The slabs

of the frieze were then put in position, the earth cut away,

and the restoration complete.

Further excavations revealed no less than three large stone

sannas—one quite perfect, the other two more or less

mutilated—and also a very perfect specimen of a Yoga stone

with twenty-five squares. These stones, of which four

specimens have been discovered, appear to have been always

placed near some shrine of peculiar sanctity and importance.

They were used by the Yogis, or Mystics, for purposes of

abstract meditation, and the number of squares with which

each stone was provided had a mystic signification : nine, for

instance, representing the nine gates of the body. These

squares were filled with certain prescribed ingredients, and

the devotee whose contemplation of them was sufficiently

abstracted and prolonged, was rewarded at last by discerning

a faint flicker of the light in the centre square, which

eradually expanded and increased until the whole of the

heaven above and the earth beneath was revealed to him.

But perhaps, after all, the most striking point elucidated by

the operations at the stone canopy was the extraordinary depth

to which it was necessary to go before reaching natural soil.

Dig as deep as you might, there were still tiles, bricks,

broken chaitties, and stone fragments, bearing strange testi-

mony to the vast size and dense population of the buried

eity.

4 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). ~~ “«[ VoL. X.

A careful exploration of the jungles on the opposite side

of the road to the stone canoe led to some very satisfactory

“finds.” Besides a multitude of stone pillars, stairways, and

pokunu, too indefinite to describe, a very large sedent statue

of Buddha was uncovered, in excellent preservation, with

the exception of the forearms, which are missing. A smaller

sedent limestone figure, seated at right angles to it, was

also discovered, but terribly mutilated. The deeply worn

hollows in the “ kneeling-stone”’ at its base perhaps attest its

sanctity and account for its mutilation. A little further on

the extreme tip of a large dvarapdala, or “door-guardian

stone,” and a small square pillar, protruded above the surface.

Curiosity, excited by the size of the dvarapdla, prompted

excavation, which resulted in the unearthing of a magni-

ficent staircase, unrivalled in the ruins for completeness and

size, leading to the platform of a large Vihara, of which the

outer boundary wall is almost perfect. One of the “door-

guardian stones” had fallen headlong, and was buried seven

feet or eight feet deep, but when it was at length raised

into position it proved to be the most perfect specimen yet

discovered. It measures 4 ft. 6in. high by 2ft. 3in. wide

inside the frame, the total length of the stone being 6 ft.

The tip of the nose is broken, otherwise it is as perfect as

on the day when it was carved. On either side of the

landing-stone at the top of the stairs two oblong slabs are let

in, which are carved exactly to represent the sides of a couch,

and are hollowed to receive the back of a man in a sitting

posture. Mr. Wrightson of the Public Works Depart-

ment calculates that the landing-stone by itself weighs

about sixteen tons. The whole of the staircase (which has

also a fine “moonstone”) is in solid granite, the outer

sides terminating in bold ogee moulding. This moulding

is continued in brickwork coated with chunam the whole

way round the outer wall of the platform, which measures

85 ft. by 68 ft.; the brick moulding is based on a square

stone pediment. Very little trace of the flooring of the

platform is left, and most of the huge pillars have been

No. 34.—1887.] JoTTINGS FROM A JUNGLE DJARY. ao

broken, but near the southern boundary, and exactly

opposite to the great staircase, a Yoga stone with twenty-

five squares has been uncovered, still in its original position,

surrounded by a broad pavement of planed granite. Besides

a considerable quantity of iron clamps and nails, pieces of

mica and basketfuls of dwmmala (which I believe to be

a species of sandarac, and which is still used here for

sacrificial purposes), two copper nails and a few small pieces

of copper were found here at a depth of three feet to five

feet, but not in the least corroded—a fact 1 am unable to

explain unless by the extreme purity of the copper. I also

found two round pieces of the blue glass decorated with

a spiral groove, and apparently fragments of a necklace, and

also some very thin fragments of green glass, which seemed

to be the remains of a small vase or box. The large Vihara

has four smaller annexes at its four corners, with stairways

facing each other.

Still deeper in the jungle another large Vihara was dis-

covered. When the trees and underwood that entombed it

were at length cleared away, several pillars of great beauty

were brought to light. They are monoliths, with highly

decorated capitals, 10 ft. 6 in. in height, while the width of

each side of the pillars is 1} ft. Excavations are still going

on here, as I have failed at present to discover the staircase

which must have led to this beautiful shrine, owing to the

vast accumulation of earth and tiles round it. In the centre

of the building a “ kneeling-stone ’—a granite fald-stool—has

been unearthed, one side being decorated with the familiar

“dwarf-and-pillar”’ ornament.

About two hundred yards to the east of this shrine I dis-

covered still another Vihara, which differs in design from all

those previously exposed to view. The platform is, as nearly

as possible, 38 ft. square. Three rows of beautiful monolithic

pillars, with delicately carved capitals, run from east to west

along the two sides of the platform, leaving a blank space

in the middle, and I have little doubt that they supported a

pagoda, or dome-shaped roof, and represent the only instance

6 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

of this kind of roof at present discovered in Anuradhapura.

The pillars are much longer and thinner in the shaft than

those described last, standing, on an average, twelve feet

out of the ground. The whole building is in the most

picturesque state of ruin conceivable. The long graceful

pillars slope in every direction; the moulded granite base-

ment heaves and undulates as though from the shock of a

great earthquake; the fine “ moonstone,” and every step of the

decorated staircase, is cracked right in half; broken pillars,

portions of the flooring, fragments of the frieze, lie about in

wild confusion; while the deep russet of the felled jungle,

and the brilliant background of dense foliage and fantastic

creepers, lend colour to the scene, and complete a striking

picture of gorgeous desolation. I have succeeded in unearth-

ing some portions of a frieze which must have surmounted

the moulding of the platform: lions and grotesque men in

very high relief figure on it in alternate panels, and it bears

a strong resemblance to the frieze that surrounds the Wata

Dagé at Polonnaruwa, but I do not know whether the resem-

blance may be taken asa fair criterion of the date of this

building.

I would further mention two other discoveries made still

more recently. One is of a Vihara and Dadgaba near the

Gal-gé on the Lankdérdma road. The Vihara is remarkable

for its doorway, which is composed of two solid upright

slabs of granite, standing about 5 ft. apart, each measur-

ing about 8 ft. in height by 3 ft. 8 in. wide, and 5 in.

thick. The platform and the mouldings on its outer wall

are fairly perfect, and it has four annexes at its four corners,

the dvarapdala, “moonstone,” and steps of each annexe

being elaborately carved. The Dagaba is at present a grass-

covered mound, but I hope to cut a trench through the

débris that covers it, and see what time and Tamils have left

of the original structure.

To the north-west of the Kuttam Pokuna a square

Pokuna of similarly elaborate workmanship has been found.

The sides are lined with long smooth slabs of granite,

No. 34.—1887.] JOTTINGS FROM A JUNGLE DIARY. 7

arranged in tiers, and a long stone water-pipe projects into

it, supported on a very grotesque and obese figure. Near it

a very curious inscription was found, in a _ character

unknown to me. A careful copy has been taken of it,

and forwarded to the Colonial Secretary. Two other exca-

vations are also being carried on. Out of the five so-called

“ Pavilions” on the Outer Circular road, two are being carefully

cleared. It is hoped that when all the scattered stones are

fairly exposed to view, a good many of the staircases, door-

ways, bathing-chambers, &c., may be replaced and _ revealed,

and a better idea be gained of the details of these ancient

palaces; but of course no restoration will be undertaken

which is in any way doubtful or “original.” Also the

débris which entirely covers the eastern chapel of the

Abhayagiri Dagaba is being removed, and a trench is being

cut inwards towards the bell of the Dagaba. No doubt the

chapel will prove to be in ruins, but the prospect of recover-

ing some remnants similar to the magnificent fragments

that mark the sites of the other three chapels makes it well

worth while to prosecute the search.

At the risk of being wearisome, I must briefly describe

two other “finds” of some interest. In the jungle

not far from the Thiparama, I came across a curious

stone, which has been identified as a pandu-oruwa, or dye-

ing vessel. It is an oblong stone, about 5 ft. in length

and 14 ft. thick. At one end there isa deep circular hollow,

narrowing towards the bottom; the outer rim of the upper

lip being decorated with the lotus-leat pattern. At the

opposite end of the stone an oblong raised platform is cut,

and its edges moulded. The stone was apparently used

exclusively for the dyeing of priests’ robes. The pandu,

or “dye,’ was poured into the hollow, and the robes, after

being thoroughly soaked in it, were laid out upon the little

platform, and the dye worked into them with wooden

pounders and rollers. The pandu appears to have been

made by boiling the following ingredients :—either (i.), the

heart of the kos-gaha (Artocarpus integrifolia) with the

8 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

leaves of the kora-kaha (Memecylon umbellatwm) and of the

bombu (Symplocos spicata), and the heart of the ahu tree

(Morinda citrifolia) ; or Gi.), the flowers of the sépalika tree

(Nyctanthes arbor-tristis)—this is supposed to make the

choicest pandu; or (iii.), the wood of the timbol, a large

thorny creeper; or (iv.), the heart of the milla (Vitex altis-

sema), with ashes made by burning the wood of the kebella

tree (Aporosa Lindleyana ).

In the banks of a channel recently cut I have found a

large collection of ancient roof-tiles, thickly coated with blue

enamel or glaze. None are absolutely perfect, though many

are very nearly so. One fragment is coated with white

enamel, the only specimen I have seen of this colour, while

another has evidently been thickly gilded, and still bears

very perceptible traces of its gold coating. All the blue tiles

were found in one spot, about seven feet deep, and even the

offer of a reward has failed to elicit any more specimens.

From such authorities as I have been able to consult on the

subject of enamelled or glazed tiles, 1] gather that glazes

having the composition of good enamels were manufactured

at a very early date. Excellent glazes are still preserved on

some of the bricks which have been referred to the eighth or

seventh centuries B.c. Nor should we forget the glazed

slipper-shaped coffins which occur in great numbers at Warka,

—probably the ancient Ur of the Chaldees,—and are referred

to the Sassanian period. The glazes on the Babylonian

bricks were examined by Dr. Percy, who found that the

base was a soda glass or silicate of sodium, rendered opaque

in some specimens by the presence of stannic oxide, or

coloured blue in others by means of silicate of copper asso-

ciated with the sodic silicate. Glazes of a similar character

were also manufactured by the Egyptians as early as the sixth

dynasty. Separate figures, &c., were produced in a substance

which has been miscalled porcelain, and which is in fact a.

frit coated with various coloured glazes, of which the most

common isa fine celestial blue colour. This colour is due

to the presence of a double silicate of copper and sodium.

No. 34.—1887.] JovrINGS FROM A JUNGLE DIARY. ag

Now I cannot help thinking that some interesting links

with other civilisations might be discovered by a careful

analysis of the glaze on these Anuradhapura tiles. I would

eall attention to the fact that the prevailing colour in these,

as in the Egyptian tiles, is blue; and perhaps the various

pieces of pure copper which we have found in the course of

our excavations may have a close connection with that colour.

But I must leave such a subject in the hands of more

scientific investigators than myself.

One or two minor details remain to be mentioned. A

great deal of old iron has been found,—mostly in the form of

nails, clamps, and bolts,—proving, I think clearly, that most

of these stone pillars bore superstructures, and that the

superstructures were of timber. The only articles of domestic

use I have found are two old keti, a pair of long iron

scissors of a peculiar design, and one leg of an iron arecanut-

cutter, ornamented with the head of a mythical beast.

There is an old Italian saying, that the safest time to turn

heretic is when the Pope is dying. Perhaps it may appear to

be somewhat on the same principle that, in connection with

the carvings and buildings we have been discussing this

evening, | venture to suggest a theory to which I know that

our President, of whom we are to take regretful leave to-

night, will not agree. But I cannot help thinking that it is

Just possible that the Tamil invader, who is generally looked

upon as a mere iconoclast, was both the artist who designed

and the workman who carried out the patterns and mould-

ings of the Great City. Of course one would like to believe

that these delicate and chaste designs were the spontaneous

outcome of the artistic Aryan mind, and spread from the

cities of the Aryan invaders in Ceylon to the dark Dravidian

continent, its neighbour on the north. Mr. Phcebus, the

prophet of Aryan principles in Disraeli’s “ Lothair,” “did not

care for the political or commercial consequences of the Suez

Canal, but was glad that a natural division should be

established between the greater races and the Ethiopian. It

might not lead to any considerable result, but it asserted a

10 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON) - [Wonk

principle. He looked upon that trench as a protest.” Inthe

same way, there are many followers of Mr. Phoebus who

looked upon the Palk Strait and the Gulf of Mannar as a

protest, a watery intervention between the Tamil iconoclast

and the Aryan artist. I confess that my own view of the

matter is different, though an Aryan fellow-feeling makes

me hope that the arguments which weigh with me will be

successfully demolished. They are these :—

1. Failing evidence to the contrary (and I submit that

there is none trustworthy), the natural hypothesis to form

concerning the architectural and artistic ideas which are

realised in stone at Anuradhapura is that they gradually

travelled down from north to south, and so were imported

into the Island from the extremity of the continent, and not

vice Versa.

2. Unless we are to believe in the mystical flight through

the air of the great missionary Mahindo, the assumption is

that he travelled through the south of India to Ceylon,

carrying with him reminiscences of the sacred edifices he

had seen in his native land and on his journey, which he

persuaded his insular converts to imitate, and perhaps

surpass, for the honour and glory of Buddha.

3. If we may trust the “ Mahawanso,” we know as a fact

that the early Rajas all sought their wives from Southern

India, that the Tamil Elala reigned peaceably for 44 years,

that the great Polonnaruwa monarch, Parakrama Bahu,

imported Tamil artificers to carve his temples, and, as a

pretty certain inference, that the early religion of the Island

was Hinduism.

4. Nearly all the religious emblems are plainly imported,

and not originally representations of local animals and ideas.

The conventional rendering of the horse, the lion, the bull,

and probably of the goose, must have travelled southward

from the continent; while the dvarapala or door-guardians,

the makara toran and the frescoes at the Iswrumuniya

Temple are obviously of Hinduistic origin.

5. The interesting ruins thirty-five miles south of Madras,

No. 34.—1887.] JoTTINGS FROM A JUNGLE DIARY. 11

known as “the Seven Pagodas”’ (so called.on the lucus a non

lucendo principle, because they are nine in number), which

are of unknown antiquity, present so many strong points of

resemblance to the sculptures of Anuradhapura that I am

surprised they have not been more dwelt upon. There are

to be seen the same stairways, with highly mythical animals

forming the balustrades; the same “door-guardians,” in the

same saltatory attitude; there is the familiar flute-player of

Isurumuniya (an incarnation of the Hindu Mercury), and

the squat, obese figures with a half-fractious expression,

looking like Falstaff after he had swallowed his halfpenny

worth of bread. There isa roof precisely the same as that of

the newly-discovered stone canopy; a stone bull, which is

own brother to the Anuradhapura bull with the prolific

reputation; a wall with a bold frieze of elephants and lions,

closely resembling the elephant wall that surrounds the

Ruwanweliséya; and many other minor likenesses too

numerous to detail. If my previous arguments are of any

value, they go to prove that Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa

are more or less replicas of “the Seven Pagodas” and similar

Indian shrines.

My Paper has already run to such a length that I must

reserve for a future occasion several subjects that I meant to

touch upon. But I should like to add a word of admiration

for the monolithic statue of Buddha at Sasseruwa, which I

visited on my last circuit. It is athousand pities that it is not

in a more accessible situation, for it is difficult to conceive

a more impressive image. Mr. Wrightson succeeded in

measuring it, and found it to be of exactly the same height

as the Aukana Buddha, viz., 39 ft. 6 in., but the rock from

which it is carved is of far more imposing dimensions, and

the position of the statue is much more cunningly chosen.

There are some very curious artificial caves in its immediate

vicinity, surmounted by inscriptions which I presume have

been already deciphered, though I have failed to find any

record of the fact.

Time will not permit me to dwell on the interesting folklore

12 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

that has collected around the Kalawewa tank, and the tales

its villagers tell of the terrible exactions of the “Aiyana

Dewiy6o.”

But I may be allowed to add as a postscript two small

but interesting: discoveries made since this Paper was begun.

1. I have unearthed the stone “sill” of a doorway made

for folding doors, near the Outer Circular road. Two shallow

holes are cut in it to receive the door-pins, and in each hole

there is a fragment of an zvon door-pin firmly fixed in the

stone. It has always been supposed hitherto that the

ancient doors were made entirely of wood, revolving on

wooden pins. This small discovery possibly proves that the

ancients were much more addicted to the use of iron, and

adept at working it, than we are generally inclined to admit.

Perhaps the iron gate which secured the primeval citadel of

Vuyjitapura, and the tall iron pillar which several people have

seen in the Anuradhapura jungles, but can never find again,

are not mere fables after all !

2. Very little has hitherto been known of the irrigation

system of ancient Anuradhapura. Former and _ recent

jungle clearings have laid bare a large number of long rows

of stone blocks, which have been generally taken for boun-

daries or enclosures. This week we have, in the course of

some excavations, come across a channel about two feet down,

which runs up close to the side of the beautiful pokuna

north of the Public Works Department yard. Here a stone

water-pipe meets the channel, passes through the side of the

pokuna, and projects into it. This channel exactly resembles

in formation the long rows of granite blocks referred to

above, and appears to prove two things: (1) that these

pokunu were not dependent on the clouds for their supply

of water, but were all carefully connected by elaborate

irrigation works with the larger tanks (for the newly-found

channel can be traced right up to Basawakkulam, a distance

of three quarters of a mile); and (2) that the long lines of

granite blocks are not merely enclosures, but were all con-

nected channels, bringing water past the various religious

No. 34.—1887.] JOTTINGS FROM A JUNGLE DIARY. 13

and secular buildings and into the several pokuna, and

ultimately discharging themselves into the Halpan-ela or

Malwatte-oya.

In conclusion, I would venture respectfully to urge upon

this Society the advisability of encouraging in every possible

way excavations similar to those I have detailed in so

disjointed a fashion this evening. I only speak from a year’s

experience, but I am quite sure that an immense quantity of

interesting discoveries remain to be made by a careful and

intelligent use of the mamotie and pickaxe, and I can

conceive no better archzological investment than the gradual

acquisition of details concerning the two magnificent cities

which have been so long and shamefully neglected. The

first great want isan accurate and complete survey of all that

has been discovered up to date; and with that foundation to

work upon, with a regular supply of convict labour under

intelligent overseers, and an annual monetary grant, I feel

confident that these ruins would rank among the most

interesting and instructive to be found in the East.

14 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). — [Vou. X.

THE PEARL FISHERIES OF CEYLON.*

By G. VANE, ESQ., C.M.G., LATE C.C.S.

AN T this great and wonderful Exhibition of the power,

resources, and wealth of England’s Colonial Empire,

the Ceylon Court, so admirably arranged, fully

exhibits her varied products, her beautiful pearls and gems,

her works of art, past and present ; and in many characteristics

vies, I think, with her great neighbour, India.

These Conference Meetings having been instituted for the

representation and discussion of special interests connected

with each Colony, the Ceylon Commission consider the

Pearl Fisheries an appropriate one, in the fact that Ceylon

has, from the most ancient times, been famed for the beauty

and value of her pearls; and therefore any information

connected therewith would be interesting.

The Chairman, Sir James Longden, in introducing to your

notice the subject for to-day’s representation, has, in very

kind and complimentary terms, told you that I would

describe the manner in which the Ceylon Pearl Fishing was

carried on, and that I was well able to do so from the

knowledge I had gained in conducting these Fisheries during

the years 1855-60.

Sir James has also observed that the Berl Fishing of

Ceylon was one of the most ancient—perhaps the most ancient

—industry of the world; that it was carried on to-day as it

had been for two thousand to three thousand years ; and that

it owed little or nothing to modern civilisation in the manner

of getting from the depths of the sea that wonderful, beautiful

product of Nature—the Pearl.

* Read at the Conference Meeting of the Colonial and Indian Exhibi-

tion, October 6, 1886; Sir J. R. Longden, G.c.m.G., in the chair.

No. 34.—1887.| PEARL FISHERIES OF CEYLON. 15

This is true, and bears on the manner in which I purpose

treating the subject, in describing the manner in which the

pearl oyster is fished from sea-depths of forty to fifty feet, the

working and customs of the divers and boatmen, the wash-

ing and valuing of the lovely pearl, and generally of all

relating to this most interesting and very productive, though

precarious, source of Ceylon’s revenue.

BEAUTY OF THE PEARL.

In my view the pearl is the most unique of jewels, requir-

ing no setting of gold to enrich or ornament it, and truly

meets the saying, that “ beauty unadorned is adorned the

most,” for in its beautiful pure self it adorns the child, the

bride, the matron, suiting alike the fair skins and com-

plexions of the beauties of the West and their darker sisters

of the East. That this is so you see in the three strings

of valuable pearls, the property of Mr. C. H. De Soyza, a

wealthy Sinhalese gentleman who has done much to display

the resources of his native country in the loan of very many

valuable exhibits of the Ceylon Court.

FORMATION OF THE PEARL.

Differences of opinion exist as to the production and for-

mation of the pearl.

One view is, that the pearl is formed by the oyster collect-

ing, or taking in, some substance, and covering this with

pearly matter; but as pearls are generally found in all pearl

oysters, often in large numbers, and when cut or divided

for setting their formation is shown to be uniform in layers

of pearly substance only, the idea of needing a covering

material is not, I think, supportable.

Another idea is, that these beautiful productions are the

effect of disease, exciting secretion of pearly matter, and

ultimately causing the death of the fish. Evidently the pearl

oyster has the power of lining the internal surface of the

shell with matter of the same nature and appearance as the

pearl, and therefore, instead of being the result of disease,

16 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. X.

why not be attributed to the distinctive character of the

species and the inherent quality of the pearl oyster ?

The pearl oyster is distinct from the common edible

oyster. It somewhat resembles the latter in shape, but its

valves are thinner, and it is provided with a byssus, commonly

called cable, by which it holds on to rocks and other sub-

stances on the bottom. The meat is different to that of the

common oyster, being much thicker, fatter, and slimy; and

if they do live to the age when pearls are found therein, they

are in beds of millions, thus showing, I think, that it is health

and natural causes, and not disease or forced substance, that

create pearls.

PEARL BANKS.

Pearl banks, or “paars” as they are called, are believed to

extend all along the north-west coast of Ceylon, from

Negombo to Manndr; and the charts and records give the

names and positions of nineteen paars, but the larger por-

tion of them have not yielded fisheries, either to the Dutch

or English Governments, the Kondachchi Paar having only

been fished in 1801, the Chilaw Paar in 1803 and 1815, the

Karaitivu Paar in 1832, and the Peri Karai Paar in 1833, 1835,

and 1886; the Chevval and Médragam Paars having before,

as now, been main sources, from whence the large, though

precarious, pearl fisheries and revenues have been derived.

The more general productiveness of the Chevval and Modra-

gam Paars is, I believe, attributable to their position affording

a degree of protection from the influences of the weather and

currents, to which causes are attributable the disappearance,

before arriving at maturity, of many beds of young oysters.

Fish, snakes, and chanks destroy an enormous number ;

currents carry them away into deep water, and drops of

sand cover them.

SERIES OF FISHERIES.

Notwithstanding that long lapses have occurred between

each series of fisheries, the Arippu Paars have yielded large

No. 34.—1887.| PEARL FISHERIES OF CEYLON. 17

revenues to the Kandyan kings and the Dutch and the

English Governments. There is no record that the Portuguese,

during their occupancy in the sixteenth and seventeenth

centuries, fished the pearl banks, though the Dutch did so

as far back as 1667, and with intervals up to 1768.

In 1796 a series of fisheries commenced under the English

Government, continuing with intervals of one and two years to

1809 ; then 1814, 1816, 1820, 1828, 1833, 1835, and 1837 ; then,

after a lapse of eighteen years, another series from 1855 to

1860, yielding in forty-four years over a million of revenue;

and fisheries have continued at intervals up to 1881, giving

large revenues.

I refer myself to the series for 1855-1860, because I was

connected therewith, and as Superintendent had to conduct

them under difficulties connected with the determination of

the Government not again to rent the right of fishing for a

sum of money, or to allow the claim, as the renters had, of

the Hindu temples of the Madras Presidency to fish on

their own account.

The renting system and Temple claims had given much

trouble at former fisheries so conducted, and led to abuses

of the rights of the divers and boatmen (also, as believed,

to the over-fishing of the banks), had interfered with a

knowledge of the resources of each bank, and the real out-

turn of each fishery, and had prevented the public at large

from speculating, as well as the renting clique.

The decision of Government to fish the banks, and to sell

the oysters daily by public auction, led in 1857 to strongly-

formed combinations on the part of the Chetties, the former

renting class, to prevent legitimate sales at public auction,

and so to force on again the renting system.

To such an extent did they carry proceedings, that I had

to assume the serious responsibility of closing the fishery ;

but the issue of notices to this effect, and for vessels to remove

the establishments, broke up the league, as the Chetties had

no wish to lose the chance of making some money if they

could not make all they desired.

48—88 e

18 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. X.

IT was thus relieved from a very grave responsibility, as the

Government Proclamation had implied a fishery of fifteen

days, and the divers, boatmen, traders, and speculators had

attended in this belief.

INSPECTION OF THE PEARL BANKS.

The pearl banks are annually visited by the Inspector to

see if oysters are forming, and when so, to note their progress.

If the oysters remain intact to the age of three or four years,

they generally afford a fishery.

The Inspector of the Pearl Banks proceeds at daylight,

when the sea is calm, with boats in charge of coxswains,

carrying each two divers, taking courses to the four points

of the compass, diving in depths of eight to nine fathoms,

and noticing results. If rock is found, one flag is hoisted on

the masthead, as oysters are more generally found on rocky

ground ; if oysters, two flags, and a buoy is laid down; then

the boats work their way to this point, noting the ground

by flags, and placing buoys where oysters are found.

The limits,—north, south, east, and west,—age, condition, .

and supposed quantities being ascertained by the coxswains

noting the number of oysters the diver brings up from each

dive, a calculation is made of the probable number five

divers constantly at work for six hours a day would obtain.

The quantity of oysters is thus estimated, but this mere

estimate is, of course, always below the actual outturn of a

fishery. :

The Inspector then notes on a chart the exact position of

the bed by bearings of landmarks on the Arippu coast.

When it has been thus ascertained that oysters of from

five to six years old are in sufficient quantities to be fished,

a sample of from 10,000 to 20,000 oysters is taken to

be washed, and the outturn of the pearls valued. If this

justifies a fishery being declared, notice is given by publica-

tion in the Government Gazette and the newspapers of

India and Ceylon, that a pearl fishery will take place at

Arippu about March 1, from a bank named, estimated to

No. 34.—1887.] PEARL FISHERIES OF CEYLON. 19

afford employment for fifty to one hundred boats for ten

to fifteen days, and a statement is given of the outturn

of the samples of oysters washed, giving description,

weight, and value of each kind of pearls found in the given

number of oysters. These particulars are given on the results

of an inspection in October, and early in February following

another sample of oysters is taken, washed, and valued, so

that this outturn may be compared with that of the pre-

ceding October, and thus give the latest condition and prospects

before fishing commences. It is by this sample (always very

much superior in weight and quality of pearls) that the

speculators are guided in bidding for the oysters, until they

have washed and sampled their purchases.

SAMPLE PEARLS.

I will now describe the process of obtaining the sample

pearls.

The sample oysters are carefully counted and packed in a

ballam—a boat of particular construction. The inside is

smooth, without beams, or lined, so that pearls may not be

hidden and lost.

The ballam is covered with matting and sealed up by the

Superintendent, the place of deposit being secured and

guarded day and night for ten to twelve days, by which time

the oyster flesh is a decomposed mass of putrid matter and

shells. Washing commences by the ballam beng filled with

sea water, and coolies, divested of all clothing that would

allow of any concealment, are ranged on each side of the

ballam, watched by the Superintendent, Inspector, and

peons to see that they keep their hands under water when

separating and washing the oyster shells, and do not take or

conceal pearls they may feel or see.

They rub the shells well together under water, those shells

having pearls adhering thereto being set apart for the pearls

to be cut away, the other shells being placed alongside each

cooly, and when all is done, counted to ensure the correctness

of the quantity upon which the estimate of value is based.

20 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. X.

All the shells being removed, the water is baled out

through sieves and cloths to arrest any pearls so taken up,

and then amass of putrid flesh, matter, sand, and small shells

remains. This being carefully cleaned by repeated washings,

is laid on cloths in the sun, and when thoroughly dried the

larger pearls are collected by hand and the smaller sifted for.

During this process every precaution is taken that no

pearls are lost, every article used being washed through

sieves of the smallest size.

The same process is carried out by the buyers of the pearl

oysters, as opening before decomposition of the flesh could

not be done with the many thousands bought by speculators,

and, if so opened, would entail loss of pearls, especially of

the small kind generally embedded in the flesh.

The washing of oysters for pearls is carried on by the

buyers during the fishing, and the outturn influences their

purchases.

The work and trials of a pearl collector are great, in the

incessant supervision needed during washing, the anxieties

and excitement as to results, and the intolerable stench

proceeding from this heap of putrid oysters.

All this he has daily to bear for four or five weeks, or until

he has secured the outturn of his speculation in pearl oysters.

Good, and often large, profits are made by speculators—a

deserved recompense for all they undergo in this very trying

method of money-making.

VALUING OF PEARLS.

Having described the process of washing and collecting

pearls, I now briefly note the manner of sorting, sizing,

classing, and valuing.

These operations are carried out by four pearl dealers, most

of the Moorman class. Each of the four has his vocation : one

sifts, another classes, the third weighs, and the fourth, as

accountant, records results, all which occupy much time, need

great judgment, and cause much discussion, owing to

differences of opinion.

No. 34.—1887.] PEARL FISHERIES OF CEYLON. 21

Sorting and sizing the pearls into ten different sizes, from

the largest to the smallest, is done by passing them through

ten brass sieves of 20, 30, 50, 80, 100, 200, 400, 600, 800,

and 1,000 holes.

The sieves are from three to four inches broad and one

deep, with holes in the lower part, and fit closely into each

other. The pearls are first sifted through the upper sieve, or

saucer, No. 1, of the 20-hole size (the largest holes) ; those

retained therein as not passing through the holes are of the

first size ; those held by the 30-hole size, of the second size ;

and so on through the ten sieves or sizes. Those that pass

through the last size (No. 10, of one hundred holes) are

called masit tul,—small, like powder grains,—and these are

said to be prepared for use in chewing with the betel by rich

natives.

There are also pearl excrescences, cut from the oyster shell,

of various sizes and shapes, which will not pass through the

sieves; these are included and noted in the Government

sample, to show that all its outturn of every character is fairly

exhibited for the information of the speculators.

Hach of the ten sizes may include some of every class of

pearls; the 20 to 80 and 100 may each have the dni,

anatari, and kallippt kinds, and this necessitates the opera-

tion of classing, which requires great judgment on the part of

the valuers. |

Itis said that no two valuers will class a given set of

pearls alike, and that one person does not class twice in the

same manner.

Perfection in pearls consists in shape and lustre, viz.,

sphericity and a silvery brightness, free from any discoloura-

tion ; and according as the pearls possess these essentials the

valuers assign their appropriate class, namely :—

A ‘ni ... Perfect in sphericity and lustre.

Anatari ... Followers or companions, but failing somewhat

: in point of sphericity or lustre.

Masanku ... Imperfect, failing in both points, especially in

brilliancy of colour.

22 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Won

Kallippi ... Failing still more in both points.

i Kural ... A double pearl, sometimes dnz.

Pisal ... Misshapen, clustered, more than two to each other.

Madanku ... Folded or bent pearls.

Vadivu ... Beauty of several sizes and classes.

Tul ... Small pearls of 800 to 1,000 size.

The pearls having been thus sized and classed, each class

is weighed and recorded in kalaftchu and manchadi.

The kalarchu is a brass weight equal, it is said, to sixty-seven

grains Troy. The manchadi is a small red berry; each berry,

when full-sized, is of nearly, or exactly, the same weight ;

they are reckoned at twenty to the kalanchu.

The weights being ascertained, the valuation is then fixed

to each pear! class or set of pearls, according to the respective

sizes and classes: the inferior qualities solely according

to weight in kalatchu and matchadi; the superior, ani,

anatari, and vadivu, are not valued only by weight, but at

so much per chevo of their weight, this chevo being the native

or pearl-valuer’s mode of assigning the proper value by

weight to a valuable article of small weight, form and colour

also considered.

This is but a meagre explanation of the native system of

valuing pearls, which is full of intricate details that cannot

now be entered into.

Mr. Gillman, formerly of the Ceylon Civil Service, has,

given the subject great consideration, and at my request

wrote an interesting account of it after the fishery of 1857—

1858, published, I think, in the Sessional Papers for that year.”

FISHING PROCEEDINGS.

Karly in February, the Superintendent and Inspector of

the Banks, with the needed Hstablishments—Judicial, Medical,

Police, and Clerical—assemble at Salapatturai, an arid, desolate,

sea-shore village on the north-west coast of Ceylon, scarcely

inhabited, and so situated asto the exact position from which

*See Appendix.

No. 34.—1887.] PEARL FISHERIES OF CEYLON. 23

the fishing boats can daily go to and from the pearl banks—

distant from the shore from eight to twelve miles.

This village affords space for all the needs of a fishery,

and is too far distant from any place for its results to be

the cause of annoyance to any but those whom duty or

inclination collect on the spot.

Before the end of February Salapatturai is thronged with

a population of many thousands,—pearl merchants, buyers,

traders, beggars, divers, boatmen, boat-owners, coolies, and

visitors,—brought thither by the varied interests of the fishery,

all combining to form what may be called an Eastern Fair.

There may be seen the light brown Sinhalese with

beautiful long black hair confined with a large comb, effemi-

nate in appearance as compared with the dark Tamil by

his side, and the generally burly, strong, shrewd Moorman ;

then the varied tribes of the Chetty caste, some with peculiar

hats and turbans, others in coats with jewelled buttons and

large earrings, some only in simple white sarong around the

loins and loosely thrown over the dark well-formed shoulders.

All these varied costumes, corresponding to country, caste,

and class, set forth the human form in the East in a manner

far more picturesque and characteristic than the fashions of

the West can do.

Throughout February boats arrive with the sea breeze, laden

with men, women, and children, and the materials for their

trades and habitations. It is wonderful, considering the long

distances these open boats come from the continent of India,

that loss of life seldom occurs.

By the end of February the barren sand village of

Salapatturai is filled with five thousand or six thousand

persons, housed in kajan buildings, according to the means

or caste of the resident.

Koddus, or enclosed spaces, for the deposit and decomposi-

tion of the oysters bought at the Government public sales,

are erected on the seabeach to the south of the inhabited

ground, and as the prevailing winds are from the north and

east, the stench of the decaying oysters is carried away from

24 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). EV OLX:

all but the parties engaged at the koddus in receiving,

stacking, guarding, and washing, but an occasional burst of

strong southerly wind disperses the aroma of the pearl

oyster over all parts; and this is indeed a trial, for the

stench is intolerable and indescribable.

Then come flies—innumerable—of the largest kind ; indeed

flies are constant plagues, but are worse with a southerly wind,

everything being covered with a black mass,—a glass of wine

or water must be drunk as poured out, or it is filled with

flies,—but southerly winds do not last long, and it seems as

though providentially arranged that the prevailing winds

should aid the purposes and needs of a pearl fishery. The

land or night winds are from the east, fair and gentile, to

carry the boats out to the banks, and also to bear the effluvia

of the oysters from the land out seaward, thus giving the

inhabitants a somewhat sweetened period at night for rest ;

then the sea or midday breeze is from the northward,

and brings the boats quickly from the banks to the shore,

whilst carrying away most of the oyster aroma from the

inhabitants of Salapatturai.

SELECTION OF BOATS FOR FISHING.

A very important matter is the arrangement for the

number of boats and divers required and authorised to fish.

The boats are all registered as they arrive, and after the

date fixed for closing this list, there is an examination as to

size, condition, fitting, and crews. Many have to be thus

rejected ; but as the residue are always many more than

needed, the fortunate privilege of being engaged in the

fishery is determined by lottery.

A selection would be difficult, and certainly not give

satisfaction, whilst the result of the lottery is borne as a

matter of fate or ill luck.

This lottery is the first great, I may say momentous, event

of the fishery, as the interests of one thousand five hundred

to two thousand persons as divers, boatmen, and boatowners

are concerned.

No. 34 —1887.] PEARL FISHERIES OF CEYLON. 20

It is thus conducted: say that 50 boats are required, and

that there are 75 well found from various places of Ceylon

and India; the prizes are regulated as near as possible

to the proportion, and in the desire to give employment

to the boats from each place, namely :—

Kilakkarai boats 14, equal to about one-fifth of the 75 ... 9 prizes

Talaimannar do. 14 do. do. es. Ondo:

Navanturai do. 13 do. do. soso do.

Kalpitiya do. 6 do. do. .. 4 do.

Pampan do. °5 do. do. se8 74 Os

and so on.

On the day of the lottery the Kachchéri grounds are

crowded with hundreds to witness the proceedings, to wish

good luck to friends, and to laugh at the unfortunate.

The Superintendent, calling a set of boats, counts the

number of prize and blank tickets into a bowl, and the

tindals, showing their register numbers, draw. Agitation,

anxiety, and eagerness are naturally depicted ; many appear

to utter a prayer or invocation, the Catholics cross themselves,

some are almost too nervous to take out the paper, which,

when done, is handed to the Superintendent, who opens and

declares prize or blank; and so eagerly do they watch his

glance, that I have recognised disappointment or joy before

I gave the result. If successful, they are greeted by their

friends; if not, by the laughter of the bystanders. The

unsuccessful are, however, mostly afterwards employed : some

get the places of boats misbehaving, and if the extra number

of boats is larger, two divisions are employed ; for as the

people connected as boatmen, divers, &c., come long distances,

and embark their means in this hope of work and gain at the

fishery, the effort is made to employ all before the fishery

is closed; but the first selected have the claim to and good

fortune of continuous employment.

DIVERS’ SHARE OF OYSTERS.

The crew of a boat consists of twenty-three persons, viz.,

one tindal or steersman; one samdn vatiai in charge of

the boat; one toddi, who bales out water and cleans the

26 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. X.

boat ; ten divers, two for each stone ; ten manducks, or divers’

attendants, to pull up the stone and oysters; and five diving

stones are allowed and required to each boat.

The remuneration for fishing up the oysters was, in my

time, one-fourth of the quantity daily fished. This compact

ensures the certainty of every possible exertion from all

concerned, avoids consequences that might arise if remu-

nerated by daily pay, and the speculative character of each

day’s work gives, to all concerned, the personal interest needed

to carry on the hard and anxious work ofa pearl fishery. Hach

boat’s share is divided by themselves daily, according to very

old established customs; and the earnings of the divers at

good and large fisheries are very considerable. The division

is as follows :—Saman vattai, tindal, and toddi, the oysters

brought up in two divings for each stone ; two divers of each

stone, 2s. 3d.; two manducks for each stone, ls. 3d.; the

boatowner, the whole of the boat’s share once in six days of

fishing, but not to be taken previous to the third day’s fishing.

COMMENCEMENT OF FISHING.

The fishery commences on the first night. The boats go to

the banks, and this creates great interest and excitement.

Thousands assemble on the beach to see the start.

The tindals, who carry on the right arm the ticket

number of that painted on the bows of each boat, assemble

with crew and divers, and as the beachmaster checks each,

they go to their boats and make preparation for getting under

weigh directly the signal is given. At midnight a gun is

fired; the Adappandr, or senior headman, with a light at the

mast head of his boat, leads off. In afew minutes all the

boats—sometimes one hundred—are under press of sail, and

the sight is very interesting and exciting, as the crews cheer

and the people on shore echo these, whilst the white sails

following the signal light of the Adappandr, may, on a fine

night, be seen for miles.

The Inspector’s guard vessel, anchored close to the fishing

ground, carries a light at the main top mast head, and on dark

No. 34.—1887.] PEARL FISHERIES OF CEYLON. 27

nights blue lights and rockets are burned to show her

position.

The banks, distant from Salapatturai from ten to twelve

miles, are reached about three or four o’clock in the morning.

DIVING AND FISHING FOR OYSTERS.

At six in the morning a gun is fired for the boats to get

under weigh and follow the Inspector and headman to the

fishing ground buoyed out for each day’s work; and as the

sun rises, and the sea gets calm, the busy hum of two to

three hundred persons at work is heard.

As before noted, each boat has ten divers and five diving

stones—three working on one side and two onthe other. The

stones are suspended on a running rope over an outrigger

projected from the boat’s side, in such a convenient position

as to allow the diver to place one foot within a loop affixed

to the stone; these, of about fourteen pounds in weight, are

used to accelerate the diver’s descent to the bottom,—a dive of

40 to 50 feet,—and I have seen a corpulent, and therefore

more buoyant, diver carry a stone affixed to his waist.

The diver having placed himself with one foot on the

stone, with a coir net around his neck to hold oysters, draws

in his breath, closes the nostrils with one hand, and raises his

body to give force to the descent. The manduck in charge

of the stone and net lets go, and the diver rapidly reaches the

bottom, leaves the stone (which the manduck instantly

hauls up and refixes), throws himself on the ground, creeping

along, and fills his net with oysters. This done, he jerks the

rope, which is pulled up by the manduck in charge, and the

contents of the net discharged into the boat; the diver mean-

while rises to the surface, ready to repeat diving until the

number of his turns is over, when the second five divers and

five manducks work in the same manner. Thus, under the

excitement of expected gain, the divers continue for six hours

at this most trying exertion. They remain under water about

.0 seconds ; I have timed 60 to 70 seconds, but such time for

general work is, I believe, exceptional. “

28 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [PWion: 2x.

The number of oysters obtained at each dive depends, of

course, upon whether the oysters are in plenty together, and

the nature of the ground: if very rocky, the oysters are not

so easily detached and picked up. I have known of eighty ;

but forty to fifty is very good, and would give over twenty

thousand asa day’s fishing. At the fishery of 1857, when the

total yield was over thirty-two million of oysters, and the

daily yield from one to one anda half million, some boats

brought loads of thirty to forty thousand.

At 12 or 1 o’clock, according as the sea breeze sets in, the

Inspector fires the signal gun to leave off fishing. Soon every

boat is under sail for Salapatturai, racing to be first in and

discharged at the Government koddu, as this is recorded,

and gives consideration for employment during extra days ;

then the first discharged gets, of course, first sale and best

prices for the oysters they care to sell instead of wash.

Between 3 and 4 o’clock the boats are in, and discharging

their oysters into the Government koddu—a very large space

on the beach, enclosed by a wall of thick sticks, within

which are marked out matted spaces bearing the number of

each boat. The crew deposit the loads therein, and the divers

arrange and divide the oysters into four lots. The Govern-

ment officer in charge of the koddu awards one of each four

divisions, and as the diver does not know which of the four

heaps may be assigned, they very fairly divide the oysters.

They take their shares away, and the remaining three shares

are at once heaped together, and counted by men specially

paid for this very hard and trying work to the hands. When

the counting is finished, a return of the Government share of

each boat, and the total of the day’s fishing for sale, is made

to the Superintendent.

SALE AND DELIVERY OF OYSTERS.

A sale is held daily as the Kachcheri, by the Superinten-

dent putting up the oysters in lots of one thousand, with the

right of the buyer to take at the price knocked down from

No. 34.—1887.| PEARL FISHERIES OF CEYLON. 29

one thousand to twenty or thirty thousand, according to the

quantity for the day’s sale ; and when there are no combina-

tions, purchases are quickly made for the larger quantities ;

but when there is either combination to lower prices or

opposition between the Chetties and Moormen, the sales are

prolonged by lots of one thousand or two thousand, and all

possible ingenuity exercised to effect the object in view ;

indeed, the sales are always the cause of much excitement

and amusement.

As soon as the buyers pay, delivery orders are issued, and

deliveries by counting are made by the koddu officers. This

goes on daily from the first day of the fishing until the conclu--

sion. The work is incessant upon all the Establishments ;

there can be no regulated hours, all must work as the need

requires. In 1857 (the period of thirty two millions) the large

quantities daily fished (often over a million), and the combi-

nation of buyers, so retarded the sales that I was often kept

at this work until 10 o’clock at night.

Then at times the sea breeze blows very strong and not

fair, driving the boats to leeward of Salapatturai, obliging

them to pole for miles along the shore, getting in late—some

during the night; then the shore has to be lighted with

*‘chools,” and guards posted to prevent oysters being illicitly

landed, and of course all the Establishments have to be in

attendance.

The only relaxation from incessant work occurs from an

occasional southerly gale, or the combination proceedings |

staying daily fishing.

In 1885, 20 days’ fishing yielded over 6,000,000 oysters,

which sold at an average of episod eal KS:

In 1857, 23 do. 32,000,000 ... £0. 16s.

im asos, 1S) do, 2-16,000,000 ... £1. 19s.,4 per 1,000.

In 1859,18 do. 12,000,000 ... £5. 5s.

In 1860, 14 do. 3,000,000 -... £13. 15s.

The total fished at this series exceeded 72,000,000 oysters,

the Government share of 54,000,000 selling for £140,300

gross, giving, less expenditure, a net revenue of £117,453 ;

30 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). DV on. OX.

and the divers’ share, being 18,000,000 oysters, gave to divers,

‘boatmen, and boat-owners a recompense of £53,000 and over.

The total sale value of the oysters at this series of five fisheries

was over £190,000.

Then, as the expenses attending the washing of the oysters

for pearls are considerable, so the outturn of these must have

been great and very valuable indeed, and explains in a great

degree the increased prices given by the buyers of oysters at

the fisheries of 1855-60, though no doubt the more limited

quantities then fished, and the known character of the

Modaragam Paar, fished in 1859-60 for dni pearls of the

large kind, much influenced speculators.

The getting of wealth by pearls from the sea, like the

getting of gold from the earth, has, besides hard toil and

anxieties, the attendant risks of sickness, as the congregation

of thousands too generally creates disease. Outbreaks of

cholera prematurely closed the pearl fisheries of 1858-59 ;

but for this the fishery of 1858 might have yielded £50,000

instead of £24,000, and that of 1859 £70,000 instead of

£48,000.

At these fisheries deaths from cholera amongst the divers

and boatmen and people caused panic, their rapid desertion of

Salapatturai, and the premature closing of fishing, whilst

oysters were in plenty on the banks.

In 1858, before the Establishments could be got away, cases

of cholera occurred amongst the troops and police, and

during a voyage to Colombo of twenty-four hours there were

five deaths.

I have never forgotten that night’s passage. Sea sickness

was believed to be the commencement of cholera; the calls on

the medical staff were incessant, and the anxieties of all on

board very great; indeed, I believe another twenty-four hours

of passage would have frightened many more to death.

In 1859 the Establishments did not suffer, but before the

cholera outbreak I was ill with dysentery, and as I could

No, 34.—1887.| PEARL FISHERIES OF CEYLON. 31

not, and would not, leave my duties so long as fishing lasted,

the cholera outbreak in stopping the fishery was possibly, in

a sense, providential to myself, as I might have died at

Salapatturai from dysentery, for the illness got worse, and

obliged me to leave Ceylon for the recovery of health. The

Almighty, in His great mercy, restored my health, enabling

me to return to Ceylon, and serve there until 1882, when I

retired from the office of Treasurer, after a public service of

over fifty years.

A large Pearl Fishery is expected in 1888, and I say to those

who have the time and inclination for travel : ‘Go and see

this most interesting proceeding and the beauties of Ceylon.”

The voyage is a pleasure trip: Gibraltar, Malta, Perim, and

Aden, instructive in themselves, and gratifying to see as

salient points of England’s Empire.

If you make Colombo in the early morn of the north-east

monsoon, when the sun is lighting up nature, you will see the

mountains looming in the distance, especially Adam’s Peak,

wonderful in sight and legend; the shore, lined to the sea

edge with the cocoanut and other palms—a wondrous, soft,

enchanting sight, that clings to memory, as in my case,

for now over fifty years, when I first saw the shores of

Ceylon on entering Trincomalee harbour.

The Colombo Breakwater, a great engineering work, lately

completed (under the Government of our Chairman, Sir James

Longden), giving easy access and safe anchorage to the

largest class of steamers, and now entered by vessels of all

nations; then the Town of Colombo, the Cinnamon Gardens,

and the Lake, are full of interest.

The Railway, wonderfully constructed around mountain

heights toa summit of over five thousand feet, will convey

you first to Kandy, a beautiful place, and once the capital of

the Kandyan kings ; from thence through the Tea, Coffee, and

Cinchona districts to Nuwara Eliya, the sanitarium of Ceylon.

Then there are the interesting Ruins of Anuradhapura,

testifying to the former greatness of Ceylon under her very

ancient native dynasty.

32 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). Vion. 2X.

If you see all this with the mind as well as the eye, you will

be mentally improved, and | hope acquire the feelings that

bring Ceylonites together in their regard and admiration

for their lovely Island—The Pearl, indeed, of England's

Colonial Diadem.

APPENDIX.

VALUATION OF PEARLS IN CEYLON.

PEARL VALUATION is a subject that has been somewhat elaborated

by the refinements or the policy of pearl merchants ; but stripped of

the obscure and roundabout methods usually employed, it will be seen

to be, at bottom, a comparatively simple process ; and the groundwork

being once understood, the nature of all native adjuncts may be then

readily comprehended.

The following account does not profess to be a complete one, or to

give all that might be said on the subject. It has been gleaned chiefly

from conversations with native merchants, from analyses of published

statements of valuation, and from entries in old Diaries of the Pearl

Fishery, till lately filed in the Jaffna Kachchéri.

In the process of valuing a given quantity of pearls there may be

particularised four distinct steps, or operations, each in itself sufficiently

simple, viz. :—

i.—Sizing, or arranging all the given pearls into ten different sizes,

from the largest to the smallest.

ii.—Classing, or sub-dividing according to shape and lustre each of

these ten different sizes.

i1i.— Weighing the pearls in each of all these classes separately.

iv.—Assigning the money value to such pearls, each in its class, by

weight, and the market price per weight at the time of the

valuation.

Tf the distinctiveness of these four operations be borne well in mind,

it will be easy to realise the actual manner in which each operation is

eonducted by native valuers.

No. 34.—1887.] PEARL FISHERIES OF CEYLON. 33

I.—S1IzING THE PEARLS.

This is done by passing them successively through small brass sieves

(peddi, or “baskets” as they are commonly termed in English), like

saucers in shape, of about three inches broad and one inch deep, with

the holes in the lower part. There are ten such sieves, with holes of

ten different sizes.

The pearls are sifted first in the sieve with the largest holes ; the

pearls retained by it without passing through are the largest, the first

size in fact.

Such pearls as pass through it are then sifted again in the second

sieve, having next smaller-sized holes. Pearls retained by it are those

of the second size, and those that pass through it are again sifted in

the third sieve, with holes of next smaller size ; and so on through the

whole ten sieves or baskets.

Thus the pearls are divided into ten sizes, which the valuer

generally places now on ten pieces of cloth on the table before him.

IJ.—C.LassING THE PEARLS.

Each of the ten sizes is classed separately. This step in the process

of valuation is the one that chiefly requires skill and judgment on the

part of the valuer. It is said, however (and with truth), that no two

persons will class a given set of pearls exactly alike, and that any one

person cannot class the same set twice in the same manner.

The perfection of shape in pearls is sphericity, and the perfection

of “water,” or lustre, is a silvery brightness, free from spots or dis-

colourations, and according as each pearl has these two qualities—

viz., shape and lustre—in a greater or lesser degree, so does the valuer

assign such pearl to its appropriate “class.”

Convention has established several classes, each indicating shades of

differences between pearls in respect of the two qualities mentioned.

The best description that can be given of these classes is a recital of

their names with the meanings of them, which for the most part

indicate their respective characteristics. They are as follows :—

Chevvu.

i.— A’ni (900011): perfect in sphericity and lustre.

ii—Anatéri (9300 Srl): failing somewhat in one point, either

sphericity or lustre.

ill. —Samatayam (#10 SWb): naif in both points, but not very

much.

iv.— Kaiyéral (@Gwmev): failing still more in both points.

48—88 D

34 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. X.

v. fap EAD (to%00&): an appropriate name.

—Vadivu (aig a): “beauty.”

“vii, a 6 (co_m &): “folded” or “bent” pearls.

Kalaiichu.

vili— Kuruval (GM aev): “double” pearl, sometimes double A’n.

ix.—Kalippu (@oSury): “abundance.”

x.—Pisal (Ssev): mis-shapen.

xi.— Kurd] (Go): very mis-shapen and small.

xii.— Tu] (sen): small as “powder.”

These classes of pearls are those into which the ten ‘‘sizes,” such as

result from sifting, are each generally sub-divided. After them all

may be added :—

xill— Musu-tu] (con & gon): small, like ‘powder,’ and generally

discoloured—a class which usually contains those pearls

that may have passed through the tenth sieve, constituting,

as it were, an eleventh “size.”

xiv.—Oddumutta (@_Oaps »): “shell pearls.” Those that have

adhered to, or seem like excrescences on the shells, are

generally not subjected to the process of sifting. They

constitute a “class” by themselves, independent of their

“sizes,”

On reverting to the first operation, that of sizing, it is plain now that

each of the ten sizes of pearls may include those of almost every

class ; for instance, among the first size of pearls (those retained in

the first sieve or “basket,” without being sifted through) there may

occur pearls of classes such as A’ni, Anatari, Pisal, &c., though not

such classes as T%#/ and such-like.

ITI.— WEIGHING THE PEARLS.

The third step in the process of valuation is that of weighing

the pearls in each class. This is, of course, a very simple operation, if

the scales be finely balanced, as they ought to be. There is nothing

to remark upon except the system of weights, which is peculiar.

These weights are known by the names of kalatchu and mafchadi

(20 matchadi = 1 kalatchu).

* These pearls are found in the 5th, 6th, and 7th sieves.

No. 34.—1887.| PEARL FISHERIES OF CEYLON. 30

The mafichddi as commonly used is not a brass weight, as the

kalatichu is, but a small red berry of that name. These mafchddi

berries, when of the full size, have the property of being all very

nearly, or exactly, of the same weight, which of course fits them well

for the purpose.

Stewart gives 73 grains as the English weight equivalent to that of

the matchadi. From a mean of several weighings, however, I find the

manchddi equal to 33 grains, or more exactly 333,; and therefore the

kalatchu is equal to 67 grains.

There is also another kind of berry called kundwmani used ; its

weight, when in its full size, is half that of the matchad.

Fractional parts of these weights are in frequent use by valuers.

They manage to obtain such by using grains of rice, or bits of grains,

whose weights are determined beforehand.

IV.—ASSIGNING THE MONEY VALUE OF THE PEARLS.

The fourth and last step in the process is the affixing the money

value to each pearl, or set of pearls, in their respective ‘sizes’ and

‘« classes.”

This is an arithmetical calculation of the simplest kind with regard

to the pearls of the inferior classes,—viz., the Kurwval class, the

Kalippu class, the Pisal class, the Kural class, the Tu/ class, the Masu-

tu class, and Oddumutta class, and often the Madanku class,—for

these pearls’ weight being ascertained, each in its class as before

mentioned, in kalaftichw and mafchdadi, their money value may be

then obtained immediately from the market price of such pearls at

the time, at so many star pagodas (Rs. 34 each) per kalafchu.

Though scarcely necessary, an example will make this still

clearer.

Example.—Suppose that in the second sieve (that “No. 30”) there

are found (say) 17 Kalippu pearls, which weigh together 10 matchad ;

and suppose we know the market price for such pearls at the time of

valuation to be 12 star pagodas per kalatichw (20 mafichadi): then

the value of those 17 Kalippu pearls will, of course, be 6 star pagodas,

or Rs. 21. Thus :—

’ Mafichidi. Star Pagodas. Majfichadi.

20 : 12 Be 10

20)120(6 star pagodas, or Rs. 21.

36 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

The classes just enumerated are the inferior classes, and as seen,

pearls of these classes are valued by simple weight at so much per

kalatichu, the market price of course varying for pearls of the various

“sizes.”

But this is not the plan followed with regard to pearls of the

superior classes—viz., 1, the A’nz class; 2, Anatari; 3, Samatayam ;

4, Kaiyéral ; and generally also 5, the Vadivu class ; and 6 (if tolerably

good), the Machchakai class.

Pearls of these classes are not valued by simple weight at so much

per weight, but at so much per chevvw of their weight.

This chevvu is a conventional artifice for assigning the proper value

by weight to a very valuable article of very small weight. Its effect

is much the same as if valuers agreed to assign to these classes of pearls

increased weights above their real weights, and then valued the pearls

at these fictitious weights.

Something of this nature is usual with diamond merchants also.

Suppose that a diamond weighing one carat is valued at £8; then one

weighing two carats will be valued at £8 x 2, or £16; but a diamond

weighing three carats will not be valued simply at £8 multiplied by

3, or £24, but at £8 by the square of 3, or £8 x 3 xX 3 = £72; likewise

a diamond of four carats is valued at £8 x 4 x 4= £128, and a

diamond of five carats at £8 x 5 x 5= £200. |

The price of the diamond is thus found on multiplying £8 (price

of one carat) by the square of the weight (in carats) of the

diamond.

This is a good illustration to show what valuation by chevvu weight

of pearls means. The chevvw weight is simply three-fourths of the

square of the weight (in mafchadi) of the pearls.

Suppose, for example, there be a large A’ni pearl of first sieve

weighing four mazichddi, and that we know the market price of A’ni

pearls of first sieve to be, at the time, 11 star pagodas pera’ chevyu.

What is the value of such an A’ni ?

Square of four manchadi,4 x 4= 16

Three-fourths of this tk?

(As just stated, this 12 is the chevvu of the weight 4.)

Then 12 x 11 star pagodas = 132 star pagodas, or Rs. 462, the value

of this one pearl.

This extreme example will tend to make the principle clear. The

weight of the pearl (superior classes) having been found in mafichddi,

three-fourths of the square of this weight is taken. This is the

No. 34.—1887.] PEARL FISHERIES OF CEYLON. 37

chevvu. Then the money value follows at once from the market

price per chevvu at the time.

If there be more pearls than one of the same “size” and “class,”

they are generally weighed and valued together, and then the chevvu,

calculated from the weight of all these pearls together, is to be divided

by the number of pearls before calculation of the money value of each

pearl is made.

In practice, from the nature of the small weights used, fractions of

different kinds would come into the chevvu calculation. To preserve

uniformity in such fractions, and in the results arrived at, convention

has established that all the fractions in the calculations be reduced, or

made, to have the number 320 as denominator, this number being one

that can, from the nature of the weights in use, arise in chevvu

calculations. |

The actual process, then, in use by native merchants, may be stated

thus :—

ii—The weight, in mafichadi, of the pearl (or pearls, if there be more

than one of the same “size” and “ class”) is reduced to a

fraction having 320 as its denominator.

ii—The numerator of the fraction is multiplied by itself, 7.e., its

square found.

iiii— Three-fourths of the square is taken.

iv.—The result is divided by the pearls (if there be more than one,

as above stated).

y.—The result is then divided twice consecutively by the number

320, which gives, as the final result, the chevvw of the weight

in the form of a fraction with 320 as its denominator, as

required.

vi.—And the money value then follows from the (known) market

price of the pearl (or pearls) per chevvu at the time.

Such is the plan followed by native pearl merchants with regard to

pearls of the superior “classes” above mentioned. Probably only afew

of these men see that all they do is simply calculating three-fourths of

the square of the pearls’ weight. To facilitate their own operations

they have certain tables, constructed once for all ; and besides these,

something like a multiplication table to 320 times, which one may

sometimes hear them repeating to themselves. But all these aids are

quite unnecessary to anyone who can work an ordinary sum in “rule

of three.”

38 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). iViou. x:

It may be well to give a few examples taken from old published

statements of valuation.

Example 1—Fourth sieve, 8 Anatdri pearls, weight 175 maichadi,

market price 8 star pagodas per one chevvu. What is the value of

each Anatari ?

13, mafichadi = +4 = 340

Then, 340

340

13600

1020

115,600 = square of 340

Deduct + = 28,900

86,700 = three-fourths of square of 340.

Then ae = 271 which is the chevvu of these 8 pearls ;

and chevvu of each = } of this = 34, nearly ; which at 8 star pagodas,

or Rs. 28, per one chevvu, is valued at Rs. 2:23 annas nearly.

Where the weight is large it is shorter to postpone to the end of the

operation the bringing of the fractions to the denominator 320.

Example 2.—Three pearls weigh 1 kalafichu and 3 maichadi. What

is the chevvu of each ?

Here 1 kalafichu and # maichadi = 203 mafichadi A=) manchadi ;

83\2_ 6889 20667 sare

and (=) ree three-fourths of which = oa This is the

chevvu of all these pearls together; the chevvu of each one = }

6889

of this = eq = 1072, or, with denominator 320, = 107333, the

chevvu required.

Notrt A.—The first four “sieves” or “baskets” are called chevvup

peddi (A Fa@aweur. ), or the “chevvu baskets,” from the fact that

in them chiefly are found the pearls of “size” and “class” good

enough and valuable enough to be valued by chevvw weight, and not

simple weight ; though this does not by any means prevent pearls of

the inferior classes also occurring in these four sieves.

The next three sieves are called vadivup peddi (woaqwOoOurio),

or the “vadivu baskets,” because the good pearls in them are called

No. 34.—1887.] PEARL FISHERIES OF CEYLON. 39

vadivu, or “beautiful.” The pearls of these three sieves (excluding

generally those of the Madanku class) are also valued by chevvu

weight, so that the vadivw baskets are, in a measure, chevvu baskets

also.

Nore B.—Like all other things of the kind in the world, these

“sieves” or “baskets” are sometimes made the means of deception.

Pearl merchants sometimes have one set of sieves for buying with and

another set for selling with. Indeed it is obvious that if the holes be

of too large a size, a pearl which should properly belong (say) to the

first sieve in size, might pass through it and be reckoned as of only the

second sieve in size, and its value be thereby depreciated.

However, there is a rule for determining the proper size of the

sieve-holes. It is this for the first ‘‘sieve” or ‘“ basket” :—

Rule.—Suppose one has twenty perfectly spherical and equal-sized

A’ni pearls of such size as to weigh together exactly 1 kalafichu

(= 20 majichddi); then the diameter of any one of these pearls

is the diameter proper for the holes of the first sieve. Hence this sieve

is called usually the sieve or basket “20,” by which number it is

usually known and indicated.

Similarly, the second sieve is called the basket ‘‘30,” from the fact

that the diameter of its holes should be that of any one of 30 equal and

spherical pearls weighing together one kalaichu ; and so on through

all the sieves, which are usually known by the following numbers :—

20, 30, 50, 80... Chevvup peddi

100, 200, 400... Vadivup peddi

600, 800, 1,000... Zul peddi

though the rule does not apply very strictly to any but the first

four sieves, the pearls in the others being so small that a few over or

under the numbers mentioned will not turn the scale.

Stewart has made a curious mistake in his ‘“ Account of the Pearl

Fisheries.” He says the first basket has twenty holes, and is therefore

called the “20 basket,” and so of the others, as if this would fix the

size of the holes. The fact, too, is, the baskets have not “20,” ‘30,”

&c., holes.

Nore ©O.—With regard to the weights in use, Mr. Dyke has

informed me that pearl merchants sometimes make them also a means

of deception. Being desirous on one occasion of getting a true set

of weights, he experienced great difficulty in doing so, and finally

succeeded only by a stratagem.

40 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (VoL. oX.

Note D.—If a pearl or set of pearls of the same “size” and “class”

be exceedingly good, pearl merchants will add on to the money value

(calculated as before described) something additional according to the

more than usual excellence of the article.

This is done especially with regard to pearls of the Kuruval class,

which sometimes consist of two very fine pearls joined together, and

which, when disunited, will be fine pearls for setting, though not for

stringing.

Similarly, if a pearl be less excellent than is ordinarily the case,

merchants will strike off something from the calculated value.

It is to be remarked, however, that the valuers called in by Govern-

ment to value samples too often exercise this undoubted discretionary

right to the depreciation, more than proper, of the Government samples.

HERBERT W. GILLMAN, C.C.S.

Jaffna, Ceylon, 1858.

No. 34.—1887.| | WEHERAGODA DEVALE. 41

AN ACCOUNT OF THE WEHERAGODA DEVALE.

By ARTHUR JAYAWARDANA, HSQ., MUDALIYAR.

N the village Weheragoda, or, as it is incorrectly but

“| popularly termed, Wéragoda, in the Wellaboda Pattu

of Galle, there exist traces of the site of a temple

called Weheragoda Dévalé. This site (on which, it-is said,

stood also a wehera or viharé, put up in the days of the

King Dhutugemunu, 164 B.C.) is within sight of and a few

yards from the minor road at Wéragoda—a village which

seems to have derived its name from the existence of the

temple. But no book now extant contains any allusion to

this viharé, much less to the devale. The fragments of a

clay lamp, two lamp-holders, and tiles,—unique in their kind,

and fashioned in a manner quite unfamiliar to the oldest

inhabitants of the place,—and a coin found during excavation,

support the current tradition as to the existence of the dévalé.

This dévalé seems to have been built and occupied by a

Malabar man called Dewol Deviyo, a native of “ Malayalam-

désa,” in India. The date of his visit, however, is not known.

There are some Sinhalese verses and a “raft” of granite stones

at Sinigama, within the Totagamuwa division, also in the

Galle Wellaboda Pattu, having reference to this Deviyd’s

landing at that village, and his subsequent sojourn, &c., at

Weheragoda. But none of these verses give the date either

of his visit or of the building of the temple. The fact of

his having taken up his residence, however, at Weheragoda

in preference to any other place is a striking circumstance,

both as pointing to the existence at the time of the viharé

and to the reason why that place, above others, was resorted

to by him.

A person professing to be a god (deviyd), and intending

to earn a living by the offerings which such a _ public

42 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

profession of his supernatural origin was sure to secure

for him from the people around him, must, if he cared

for a successful realisation of his intentions, show himself in

a place where people given up to devotion are in the habit of

congregating ; and no better place could have been chosen

for such a purpose than the premises where a famous

vihare was known to exist, as people would, as a matter

of course, gather there in large numbers for devotional

purposes.

The belief of the Sinhalese in the supernatural powers of

gods, the protection afforded by them to Buddhism, and the

readiness with which they give ear to the invocations of

men, the striking dissimilarity from themselves in appear-

ance, habits, and language of this Malabar man, as also the

circumstance of his being possessed of a knowledge of witch-

eraft, which must have at that time been looked upon as

miraculous,—all this must have made the credulous regard

him as a deviyo, and have induced them to make offerings

to him.

This custom lasted for several years; and even up to the

present time offerings are made at this dévale in the hope

of protection both from calamities and even in prosperous

circumstances.

Orthodox Sinhalese, too, whose belief in this deviyd had

taken an unusually strong hold of them, turned Kapuralas

(demon-priests), and initiated the performance known as

Dewol-samayama, or Gini-yakuma—a ceremony which, in

behalf of sick or diseased persons, Kapuralas continue to

perform up to date, dressed in scarlet garments, and dancing

with lighted torches in hand, varying the wild antics they

perform with occasionally treading heated coal with amazing

briskness and confidence, while engaged at the same time in

the manipulation with equal agility of the several tom-toms

that contribute the music necessary for the ceremony. ‘That

part of the ceremony which has to do with the heated coals is

enacted, I am told, in imitation of a like feat performed by

the Dewol Deviy6 himself.

No. 34.— 1887. ] WEHERAGODA DEVALE. 43

The famous Pattini Deviyo having become jealous of the

several deities landing in the Island, and fearing that Dewol

Deviy6 would, by the magical powers he possessed, and the

other daring feats (for which as a Malabar he was distin-

guished), attract to himself the offerings that had hitherto

been made to her, placed a great heap of red-hot coals on the

spot where he landed. But with an insensibility to pain in

keeping with the other supernatural gifts to which he laid

claim, he is said to have trodden on these red-hot coals with

the utmost calmness, and, as was to be expected, came off

unhurt.

Without waiting to inquire into the probabilities of this

story, it is of importance as fixing the arrival of Dewol

Deviyo at a date somewhat contemporaneous with that of

Pattini Deviyd. But unfortunately even the date of her

arrival is not accurately known as yet.

In different other places in the low country dévalés were

erected in honour of this Dewol Deviy6, and the Kapurdlas

connected with these dévalés still continue to perform these

ceremonies. In Pahalagamhaya, in the Bentota-Walallawiti

Koralé, this ceremony is performed once a year shortly after

the yala harvest,—thanks being offered for the crop already

reaped, and a sort of protection invoked for the coming crop,

as wellas for the people engaged in agricultural pursuits,—by

the Kapuralas of Horawala, who are called Samés (lords)

in that village.

On the site at Weheragoda where this dévalé and viharé

existed, there are no buildings now except a watch-hut.

There are, however, seven stone pillars on the ground marking

the boundaries of the viharé or dévalé. There are also on

the ground lying lengthwise some stone slabs planed so as to

be used for door-posts. These stone slabs may possibly have

been pillars intended to point to some sacred edifice on the

place, although none of them bear any inscription.

On this temple’s premises there are huge umbrageous

trees—one of them of a variety that no native is acquainted

with—which the mind of the superstitious devotee can only

44 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Viou axe

too easily imagine as being haunted by gods. In the garden

Neralugedarawatta, about a hundred fathoms to the east of

this devalé, there is an oval-shaped well which it is said

belonged to the temple. In this well there is said to be a

subterraneous passage leading to the site where the dévalé

stood. But no attempt seems to have been made to ascertain

the correctness of this report.

At the edge of this well there is a stone slab formed into a

pillar, with a lily engraved on one side near the top. There

are also certain gardens in the neighbourhood of this dévalé

called Pinunwela pittaniya, where feats of strength are

wont to be practised—llanganwatta, where dancing and

beating tom-toms are practised; Maluwewatta, where pro-

cessions are formed and singaram band played ; Kapugedara-

watta, place of the residence of Kapuwas ; Kapugodellawatta,

a garden where there was a cotton plantation ; Pokunewatia,

where there was once a pond; and Neralugedarawatia, a

garden where there was a cocoanut plantation. All these

gardens were, it is said, granted by King Bhuwaneka Bahu for

defraying the ordinary expenses of the dévalé.

The circumstances under which this grant was made by

the king are also a current tradition in the village. It would

seem that the queen, being seriously ill, and all efforts at

restoring her health having proved unsuccessful, she was

warned in a dream to have a Gini-yakwm ceremony per-

formed by two Kapuralas attached to the Weheragoda dévale.

The king being apprised by her of this dream, a mission was

at once despatched to this devalé, and two Kapuralas brought

thence in grand procession. No sooner was the ceremony

performed by them than the queen wholly recovered from

her disease. The king’s pleasure and satisfaction at -the

successful issue of this marvellous ceremony were so great

that he at once made a grant of the gardens referred to for

the sole use of the temple. This grant, they say, was on a

copperplate sannas, now lying, I am informed, in the

archives of the Colombo Kachchéri.

This dévale, and particularly Sinigama, are even yet the

No. 34.—1887. | WEHERAGODA DBVALE. 45

scene of pilgrimages by Kandyans—the object of veneration

at the latter place being the “stone raft,” which on inspec-

tion I found to be only a heap of stones. A deéevale, however,

is being built at Sinigama by the people, thus affording a

proof that offerings are largely made to it.

But that at Weheragoda there stood a vihare as well as a

dévale admits of no doubt. Upon the suggestion of a Kapu-

rala I had the more elevated ground of the temple premises

excavated a foot deep when I last visited the place, but found

only an old brick. If a proper excavation is carried out at

the sites of both this devalé and the viharé (where a dagaba

in which Buddha’s relics and other treasures are supposed to

be buried, must also have doubtless existed) I have reason to

believe that articles of archeological interest will be found.

Asin connection with the Kali Kovila of Bentota, of which

I had occasion to write during my residence in that District,*

it igs the intention of several influential headmen in the

Weheragoda division to rebuild the dévalé on this site.

But before the site is covered with any building it would be

advisable to excavate it, as it is still almost intact, no proper

excavation having been yet made. I have also heard it

authoritatively said that this Dewol Deviy6 worked so much

on the fears of the people of Weheragoda and its environs

that not even a grain of gravel has yet been removed from

the premises.

* See C. A.S. Journal, Vol. VIII., No. 29, 1884, pp. 434-9.

46 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. X.

A YEAR’S WORK AT POLONNARUWA.

By S. M. BuRROwS, ESQ., C.C.S.

sanditiE Report which I have been directed to submit to

3] Government on the results of recent excavations at

Polonnaruwa contains a detailed statement of the

various works undertaken there, and leaves me very little to

say in this Paper. I will content myself with forwarding

the text and translations of the twelve inscriptions which

have been discovered during the last year, with my notes

upon them ; and will only dwell on one or two points which

would have been out of place in my Report.

I wish first of all to say a word as to the celebrated “Gal-

pota”’ of King Nissaynka Malla. The inscription has been

dealt with both by Professor Rhys Davids and by Dr. Miller,

and both have come to the same conclusion, that the received

notion of the block of stone having been brought from

Mihintale is absurd and impossible, and that the word

“ Segivi” at the end of the sannas isa mistake for Sigiri.

To quote Dr. Miiller’s words :—*

In the margin of the stone, on the left hand, we read that this stone

was brought by the strong men of Nigcganka from Segiri (Mihintalé).

This curious passage has found its way into all the books on Ceylon

(Forbes, I., 420; Pridham, II., 558; Emerson Tennent, I1., 589),

but evidently there is a mistake in it, and it can easily be corrected.

As already Forbes remarked, it is a matter of surprise that this weighty

mass should have been thought worthy of being removed from

Mihintalé, which is about 50 miles distant in a direct line ; but if

instead of “Szegiri” we read “Sigiri,” it is quite natural : Sigiri is only

10 miles distant from Topaweewa, and it is easily understood that the

engraver, who knew Segiri to be a celebrated place of Buddhist

worship, put this on the stone instead of Sigiri.

It is perhaps a little presumptuous to take up the cudgels

against two such authorities: but I confess I find it very

~ 7 rs

* Ancient Inscriptions in Ceylon, page 66.

No. 34.—1887. | POLONNARUWA. 47

hard to accept their conclusion. In the first place, there is no

doubt about the lettering of the word in dispute. The part

of the inscription in which it occurs is in perfect preservation,

and the word is indubitably “ Segz77.”

Now, to get out of an apparent difficulty by saying that

the word which presents the difficulty is obviously a mistake,

is rather a heroic measure. That the engravers of these

inscriptions did occasionally make mistakes, and those, too,

of an elementary and obvious kind, no one who is acquainted

with them can deny. But a grammatical blunder is one

thing: a mistake in the name of a place thoroughly well

known to everybody is another.

The fact that this enormous piece of granite was trans-

ported from a considerable distance by “the strong men of

King Nissanka” is not doubted by Messrs. Rhys Davids and

Miller: but they refuse to believe that it was dragged all

the way from Mihintalé (Segiriya),—some sixty miles,—and

prefer to suppose that it was brought from Sigiriya, which is

only fifteen miles distant. Now, in the first place, I would

point out that if the fact of its transport is admitted at all

(and there is no reason whatever to doubt it), it was not a

much more difficult feat, considering the physical character-

istics of the country, to transport it from the former than

from the latter place. No hills or mountains intervene; no

large rivers are interposed: the country is as level as it can

be. The difficulty of making a road through thick jungle

applies to the one transit as strongly as to the other. If there

was a road in existence from either place to Polonnaruwa, it

certainly ran from Mihintalé rather than from Sigiriya.

There is no record whatever of any visit paid by King

Nissanka Malla to Sigiriya; whereas there are several records

(more especially the great slab inscription on the platform

of the Ruwanweli Dagaba) of the state visit paid by that king

to Anuradhapura, of the respect he paid to its shrines, and

of the great works his piety prompted him to carry out there.

We are told that he went thither numerously attended :

and the passage of chariots and horsemen, to say nothing of

48 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). EVO. OX.

the rest of his suite, implies the existence or the formation

of a road of considerable dimensions. Given the use of

wheeled vehicles, and the possession of large numbers of

elephants, it is not difficult to guess how and by what route

the monolith was dragged.

But there is still another and stronger argument in favour

of the transport from Mihintalé. The inscription on the

“Galpota”’ is evidently the crowning act of an inscription-

loving king. It contains by far the fullest account of his life

and doings, and required a material worthy of its contents.

It was quite unnecessary to go so far as Sigiriya simply to

find a large block of stone: that could very easily have been

procured from the home quarries which supplied the

materials for the great city buildings. There was every

reason, froma sentimental point of view, for not going to

Sigiriya: there was equally every reason for going to Segiriya.

The latter was, in Buddhist estimation, the most sacred

spot in Ceylon. It was the Canterbury of Buddhism: the

place at which the first great missionary first appeared, whose

teaching was to direct the religious thought of the Island for

two thousand years : a visit to which was the ultimate object

and aspiration of every pious Buddhist. Sigiriya, so far from

having any reputation for sanctity, had precisely the reverse.

It was associated in the minds of the people with one of the

most revolting episodes in Sinhalese history; it was the

last refuge of a parricide king, who tried in vain to expiate

his awful crime by the strictest attention to religious

observances : whose munificent endowments and elaborate

penances failed to win the approbation even of the monkish

chronicler of the “Mahawanso.” A stone from Sigiriya could

be nothing but a souvenir of Kasyapa the Parricide; a pious

Buddhist like King Nissanka would have been about as likely

to claim such an origin for his great monolith as a Protestant

of Queen Elizabeth’s day would have been to treasure, and

boast of, a relic of Bloody Mary.

There is another interesting point connected with this

“Galpota”’ inscription. In it King Nissanka Malla gives

No. 34.—1887.] POLONNARUWA. 49

the names of his queens at full length, and the name of one

of them is transliterated by Dr. Miiller* Ganga wamea

kalyana Maha Dewin wahanse. Now, in the first place, this

is the only passage out of all Nissanka Malla’s inscriptions

in which a caste title is added to the personal name of a

queen or princess; therefore it looks as if some importance

attached to the caste in question. Dr. Miller, however,

passes it by without question. But the interpretation of

the words Gazga-vansa is not easy. The Ganga-vansa

— minissu are the washers of the Oliya caste, who are not only

a low caste, but come below the Paduvé and Berawayo, and

are the only caste who will carry the pingoes of the smiths.

lt is hardly likely that a king of such strict aristocratic —

ideas as Nissarika Malla not only married a woman of a

very low caste, but made the fact patent to all the world on

his great ‘‘ Galpota.”

After carefully examining the word, I am of opinion

that the word is not Gazga, but Gaha, and if so,

Gahavansa would stand for Gowi-vansa, or “the Velldla

caste.” The question depends upon the presence or absence

of the saf#foga symbol before the second ©. The local

pandit, who has had considerable experience in reading

sannas of this period, fancies he can detect it, and no

doubt Dr. Miiller thought so too. I maintain that the so-

called © is written quite differently from an undoubted ©

that comes a few words later, and that the appearance of the

sannoga symbol is caused by a slight slip of the graving

tool. If itis allowable to read Gaha-vansa, meaning the

Vellala caste, some light is possibly thrown upon the inscrip-

tion by the same king near the Dalada Mandiraya,{ of which

two other copies have been found this year, testifying to the

importance which the king attached to its contents. In it

he urges the impropriety of allowing the Gowi-vansa

to aspire to the sovereignty, and the advisability of securing

* Ancient Inscriptions of Ceylon, p. 97, B (2) (3). + Miller, op. ciz., p. 100.

A8—88 E

50 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. X.

the succession to the Kalinga dynasty. It is just possible

that the king’s marriage with queen Kalyana of the Gowi

caste had inspired that caste with the idea of securing the

throne for themselves: at least there appears to be no other

explanation of the king’s apprehension of their probable

rivalry with his own family. If, however, the reading

Ganga-vansa is insisted on, possibly Gazga may be an

equivalent of I’swara, and so not out of the keeping with

Parvati, the name of the king’s mother.

I should like to call attention to a curious historical

parallel, though it has no importance beyond its curiosity.

In nearly all his newly-discovered inscriptions King

Nissanka Malla lays stress on the fact of his having twlab-

hara nengi “ascended the scales according to his vow”:

the vow being to give his weight in gold to the poor. He

reigned about 1187 A.D. Some fifty years before that date a

hero of early English history was undergoing a similar

ceremony. We are told that the pious lady Rohese, the

mother of Thomas a Becket, Archbishop of Canterbury, who

was the type of the devout woman of her day, was wont

to weigh her son each year, on his birthday, against

money, clothes, and provisions, which she gave to the

poor.

I would also venture to point out the advisability, or

rather the necessity, of removing at least the greater number

of these inscriptions to the protection of some building

under the eye of the Disawa. The extreme importance of

preserving them from further decay, not so much perhaps

for archeological as for philological reasons, is too patent to

need insisting on. The certainty of their rapid deterioration

if constantly exposed to the weather is not the only—nor

possibly the strongest—reason for their removal. The present

inhabitants of Polonnaruwa are a hybrid and irreverent race,

most dangerous neighbours to the ruins. Moreover, its

pasture lands make the place a kind of local Texas, with

many interesting examples of the tropical cowboy, a bevy

of whom were seen, shortly before my arrival, amusing

No. 34.—1887.] POLONNARUWA. 51

themselves by throwing stones at the beautiful statues of

the Galvihara.

Other iconoclasts have recently defaced a fine doorway

forming part of the Wata Dagé, and there is every reason to

believe that they or their fellows have removed the missing

portions of the inscription at the Lata Mandapaya for

domestic purposes. An admirably carved lion, belonging to

the frieze of the Wata Dageée, was found in the house of the

local A’rachchi, performing the functions of a turmeric

grinder.

To add to the horror of these general tendencies, it is well

known that any stone with letters on it is popularly

supposed to mark hidden treasure, concerning which

fabulous notions exist in the rustic native mind. Of course,

were it practicable, it would be far more satisfactory to leave

all inscriptions in statu quo; but I am perfectly sure that in

the face of the facts I have mentioned a local museum is the

only place for them,—care being taken to attach to each

inscription a label detailing the exact place in which it was

found.

LIST OF NEWLY-DISCOVERED INSCRIPTIONS DEALT

WITH DURING MARCH, 1886.

1.—Inscription running round the four sides of the stone

seat, found on excavating the inmost shrine of the Thuparama.

Complete: transcribed: translated.

2.—Inscription on two large slabs forming the ‘side wall

of the porch of the Heta Dagé. Complete: transcribed :

translated.

3.—Inscription on a series of stone slabs forming the

right-hand outer wall of the inner entrance to the Heta

Dagé. Complete so far as it goes, but unfinished: tran-

scribed : translated.

4.—Inscription on four sides of a stone pillar to the east of

the Vishnu Déwalé. Complete: transcribed : translated.

BE 2

52 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

5.—Inscription on a large stone slab found a little to the

south of the above-mentioned pillar. This is nearly com-

plete: about six lines are missing. It is a copy of the slab

to the south of the Dalada Maligawa, which has already been

transcribed and translated by Dr. Miller.*

6.—Inscription on a broken slab near the new Vishnu

Déwalé, No.1. This is very incomplete, and is another copy

of the preceding inscription.

7.—Inscription on decorated frieze which ran round the

inside of the Nissanka Lata Mandapaya. Very incomplete :

transcribed : translated.

8.—Inscription on one (and each) of the pillars of the

Nissanika Lata Mandapaya. Complete: transcribed: trans-

lated.

9.—Inscription on a broken pillar of the Nissaika Dana

Mandapaya. Complete: transcribed : translated.

10.—Two fragments found inside the newly-discovered

Vishnu Dewale, No. 1. Too incomplete to be intelligible.

11.—Inscription on large upright slab to the east of the

main road, between the Heta Dage and the Rankot Dagaba.

Partly illegible : transcribed : translated.

12.— Inscription on a multitude of fragments found inside

the outer shrine of the Heta Dage. Partly illegible and

incomplete: transcribed : translated.

1.—Inscription on the large Stone Seat inside

the Thiiparama.

(Text.)

Sri Wira Nissanka Mallena Sri Parakrama Bahu nanida

margaya sita maha nuwansa kshrirarna wenuna.

* Miller, op. ctt., pp. 100, 133.

+ The original copies of these inscriptions have unfortunately been

mislaid by Mr. Burrows. ‘The manuscript transcripts in Roman

character have therefore been followed exactly, rather than delay the

printing.—Hon. Sec.

No. 34.—1887. | POLONNARUWA. 53

Okawas raja parapuren 4 Kalinga Sri Pardkrama Bahu

Chakrawartin wahanse Lanka dipayata eka mangala dipayak

men paena Lankatan kaprasa maya kotae samasta Lanka

dwipaya apawaraka grahayakse sambadha kotae Sita Chotta

Gandadin ha sangra martita Maha Dambadia Maha piriwerin

waeda nano sa rajadin rata bim haerae walwadanawun bala

kulunin abhayadi Dambadi waeda prattimallayak hu no

daekae jaya sthamba karawa naewata Lak diu waedae boh6é

kal naesi tubu Lankawaha sakwala Dambadiwae Lakdiwae

tanhi tanhi sastra karawa nanose yajakayanta apamana wastu

widha kotae epamana kinudu satutunowae hawurudupata

sataratula bharayak naegi ran ruan wastra baranddin lo

waessa dilindu haerae lo sasun waeda kotae kaya krichcha

windda pinisa waedae hindina asanayai.

(Sloka.) (Translation.) |

His Majesty Kalinga Chakrawarti Parakrama Bahu, who

was a descendant of the Okkaka race, having made all

Lanka’s isle to appear like a festive island, having made all

Lanka like unto a wishing tree, having made all Lanka like

unto an incomparably decorated house, having subjugated

in war Sita, Choda, Ganda, &c.,—went to Maha Dambadiwa

with great hosts; and seeing that because of his coming

kings and others left their countries and came to him for

protection, he treated them with kindness and stilled their

fears; and having met with no rival after his landing in

Dambadiwa, he erected pillars of victory, and again came

to Lanka’s isle. Lanka having been neglected for a long

time, he erected almshouses at different places throughout

the whole of Dambadiwa and Ceylon; and on his return

spent ever so much treasure on mendicants. Not being

content with all this, he determined on a distribution of alms

four times in every year, and by [giving] gold, jewels, cloth,

ornaments, &c., having extinguished the poverty of the

inhabitants of the world, and done good to the world and to

religion,—this is the seat on which he sat to allay bodily

weariness.

54 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). Paoli 26

(Notes.)

This fine stone slab was found under masses of debris

in the inner shrine of the Thuparama. It lies exactly under-

neath the principal altar, and rests on what appear to be four

capitals of pillars. Iam inclined to think it is not in its

original position, partly from the fact of its supports having

evidently been intended for another purpose, and partly

because it is hardly likely that the king sat down “to rest

from body weariness” in the most sacred part of a Buddhist

temple.

I think there is no doubt that this is one of Nissaika

Malla’s inscriptions, though he calls himself by almost as

many names and titles as he ascribes to himself virtues and

victories. I have a word or two to say regarding this king,

as I think he has been hardly dealt with by Drs. Goldschmidt

and Miller. They both observe that the “ Mahawanso”’ is

silent about the great political and military acts of which

Nissanka Malla has left so many memorials, while at the

same time the “ Mahawanso” ascribes various similar acts to

Parakrama Bahu the Great, and therefore conclude that

Nissanka’s oft-repeated glories are flights of the imagination,

and that he drew largely on Parakrama Baéhu’s career for

his own self-laudation. JI am very much inclined to suspect

that the reverse may have been the case. It is perfectly

true that all his inscriptions teem with high-flown enco-

miums on himself, his. race, and his actions. But this

surely is not an uncommon characteristic of Oriental inscrip-

tions. It is equally apparent, in the light of recent dis-

coveries, that Nissaika Malla erected a very large proportion

of the important edifices of Polonnaruwa; and there is no

reason to doubt that he carried out extensive and costly

repairs at Anuradhapura and Dambulla. There are several

points in the inscriptions he has left behind him which may

give us a clue to the silence of the “ Mahawanso”’ respecting

him. Although he erected several buildings in honour of

Buddha, it does not appear that he did much for, or in-

terested himself much in, the priesthood. His tastes seem

No. 34.—1887. | POLONNARUWA. OD

to have lain rather in the direction of foreign conquest

and lavish almsgiving than of the endowment of viharas.

According to his inscription at the Ruwanweli Dagaba, Anu-

radhapura, he appears to have dealt with those who threw

off their robes and did work which disgraced the church.

According to the “ Galpota,” he “expelled the unrighteous

from the religious communities, and thus freed the country

in general from the thorns (of evil-doers).” In the frieze

inscription of the Wata Dage we find him erecting a

Brahmana almshouse. Probably none of these things were

particularly pleasing to the priesthood. His predecessor

Parakrama Bahu, on the contrary, whose praises are sung in

the “ Mahawayso” so loudly and at such length, appears to

have been just such a royal devotee, of the type of Tissa and

Dutugemunu, as the priestly chronicler loved. The only

inscription we have of his—that on the Galvihara—reads

more like the confessions and instructions of an ascetic than

the memorial of a king. And it must never be forgotten

that the “ Mahawayso” was written entirely by, and chiefly

for, monks. If we had before us a fair secular and political

history as well, it is more than probable that we should

form avery different estimate of the various kings whose

reigns are detailed in it.

I have not translated the opening words from ndnidd to

wenuna, because I do not understand them.

Okdawas. 1 have translated this literally as “the

Okkaka race,” instead of adopting the Sanskrit equivalent,

“ Tkshvaku.”

Chakrawartin. As this word is not explained or com-

mented on by Drs. Miiller and Goldschmidt, I think the

following extract will be found of interest :—

That the custom of surrounding the sepulchres of mighty kings is

of remote origin throughout the Hast is evident from what we know of

the funeral ceremonies practised at the time of the invasion of

Western Asia by the Scythians, 625 p.c. Thus the Chakravartins,

a branch of the great Scythian race, or Sakas, were styled the Wheel

Kings,—in fact, kings of the circle,—?. e., monarchs who ruled all

56 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). PN On xe

within the “Chakra” of rocks supposed to surround the world.

Hence, as the symbol of universal authority, the tombs of these kings,

after their cremation and certain recognised ceremonies, were

surrounded by a circular range of rocks or unhewn stones,—in fact,

amorpholiths,—to signify that they were lords of the Universe, So

Sakya Buddha requested that he should be buried according to the

rules of the Chakrawartins.*

Wahanse, derived by Dr. Goldschmidt from wahan,

“slippers,” which always formed part of the royal insignia.

This however does not explain the termination se (though

Goldschmidt thinks this may be a local accusative) ; and it

is curious that the slippers, of all emblems, should have been

chosen to form a title of respect. Unless, indeed, as the

modern petitioner “throws himself at your honour’s two

feet,” so the ancient courtier spoke of “the king’s most

excellent slippers”? when he meant “ his majesty.”

Sita Chotta Gandadin. Ganda is said by Dr. Millerf to

be Bengal proper; but I am not aware whether Si/a@ and

Choda have been identified.

Maha Dambadia. 1 take this to mean the Pandi and

Chola country.

2.—Inscription on the side of the Porch of the Heta Dage.

(Text.)

Srih Dharamassoyan sarwuwa (sarbbha?) lokaika man-

yassreyo dayi sarbbada rakshaniyah bhupalendran yachate

kirttihehor bhiyo bhtiyo Wira Nissanka Malla.

Sri mat anat utun guna genen hiwi okawas raja parapurehi

wu akdsachari Kalinga Chakrawarttin wahansé kulena Sri

Jayagépa rajayan wahanse nisa Parabbati maha dewin

wahansé kusen Kalinga ratae Sinhapurayehi jatawu Sri Sanga

Bo wiraraja Nissanka Malla apratimalla Kalinga Chakra-

warttin wahanse raja piliwelin abhiseka ladin wotunu pae-

laendae mahardja tan patwa mulu Lakdiwu nishkantaka

* See “ Mounds and Megaliths,” by Capt. S. P. Oliver, R.A.

+ Miller, op. ctt., p. 23.

No. 34.—1887. | POLONNARUWA. 57

kotae pera rajun nobada ayagena drdstakala Lanka wasayinta

pas awurududeka aya haerae hawurudupata pas tuldbharayak

di nam gam wahal sarak pamunu parapuren ran ruan was-

trabheranadi bohé wastu di suapat karawd kaeti ada haemae

kalatamae haerae wal maha wae tanae pranayinta abhaya di

tun rajaya paedae kunu kotae sialu jala durga giri durga

wana durga panka durga ha gam bim bala loka sasana

samurdha kotae yudhas eyin siywranga senanga pirawara

Damba diu waedae |[dwanda] yudha sena yudha ilwa noladin

Chola Pandiadi raja daruwan wela genae ewu ran aengili ha

raja kanya kawan ha panduru daekae jaya sthamba karawa

Lakdiu waedae milowa saturan naeti baewin paraloa saturan

dinam hai sita swadésa paradesa yehi boho satra namwa _

kaprukse sarahé maha dan pawatwa dalada patra dhatun

wahanseta urehi da Wirabahu maha panan wahanse ha du

Sarbbangasundarin wahanse ha puda dedena wahanse gala-

wana pinisa ghanaran dagobak karawa silamaya wata geya

Nissanka laté mandapaya Nissanka dalada geya karawa

ananta wastu parittiyaga kotae puja karawa bohdo gam bim

werawaesun puda wadala paridden matuwana raja darua

nudu raksha karanu manawi dahamanam me mulu lo

rasaganneyae sita de lowa sapat ada rini raekaneyae matu-

wana raja wirun mese saganneyae Kalinga Lakindu Nisaka

rjwa gunawanneyae.

(Sléka.) (Translation.)

His Majesty the Illustrious Sanga Bo Wiraraja Nissaika

Malla Apratimalla Kaliiga Chakrawarti, who was born at

Sinhapura in the Kalinga country, the son of his Illustrious

Majesty King Jayagépa and of her Illustrious Majesty Queen

Parvati, who was of the illustrious A’kasachari Chakrawarti

race, and belonged to the line of the kings of the Okkdaka

dynasty, whose virtues and high qualities are innumerable ;

[His Majesty] having succeeded to the throne and been

anointed and crowned, and become king of kings, united all

Lankd under one sceptre. He conferred upon the inhabi-

tants of Lanka a five-year’s remission of those taxes which

No JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). CVon, Xu

former kings had collected unremittingly, and had thus

impoverished Lanka. Every year he performed the vow of

the scales ; his gifts of titles, villages, slaves, cattle, enviable

posts, gold, jewels, cloth, ornaments, &c., were immense ;

and gave satisfaction. He exempted from tax such grains

as are cultivated with the kett. He gave security to

animals that live in the jungles and large tanks. He

journeyed throughout the three kingdoms, and inspected the

strong places in the waters, and on the hills, and in the

forests, and in the marshes; and plentifully endowed both

[the people of] the world and the religion. Delighting in

war, and accompanied by a four-fold host, he went to India,

and reduced to bondage the kings of Chéla and Pandiya who

refused to meet him when he challenged them to single and

to general combat. He looked upon the tribute which they

sent, of gold rings and royal virgins, and having erected

pillars of victory, he returned to Lanka. As he had no

enemies left in this world, he determined to gain the victory

over his enemies in the other world: he adorned and

enriched both his own and other countries [till they became |

like wishing-trees ; and conferred vast bounties. As he had

dedicated his son Wira Bahu, the illustrious Viceroy, and his

daughter Sarwanga Sundari, to the illustrious Tooth and

Bowl relics, in order to redeem them he made a dagaba of

solid gold, and he erected the round-house built of stone,

and the Nissaiika Flower-scroll Palace, and the Nissaika

Palace of the Tooth, and distributed vast wealth in alms and

offerings; hoping that future kings will not interfere with

the many villages, lands, and slaves which he dedicated.

He considered that it is the Law which contains the very

essence of this life, and can ensure happiness and love both

in this life and the next. May future kings think the same!

These are the virtuous sentiments of King Kalitga Lakindu

Nisaka.

(Notes. )

This sannas is particularly well perserved, and still in

position. My own impression is that the porch on which it

No. 34.—1887.| POLONNARUWA. 59

stands is a later addition, by Nissarika Malla, to the Heta

Dagée. It is in a much more florid style, and is not necessary

architecturally.

Srih Dharmassoyam ...... Nissanka Malla. This sloka also

commences the “Galpotu.” (See Miller, op. cit., pp. 95, 128.)

A’kdsachari 1 take to be an honorific epithet, like Chakra-

wartin, although Dr. Miller translates it literally. The

power of flying through the air implied in it is, according to

the ethics of Buddhism, “ possessed by all birds and déwas,

by some men, and by some yakas.”*

Wahal sarak pamunu parapuren. The last two words

are left untranslated by Dr. Muller.t I imagine the modern

equivalent to be wenat aniawu prasan saniwu tanaturu, —

and have translated accordingly: but I should be very glad

to be corrected if | am wrong.

Kaetiada means, I fancy, all such grainsas are cultivated

with the seti, 2. e., all chena produce.

[Dwanda] yudha sena yudha. The same phrase occurs

in the “Galpota:” therefore we may safely supply the word

dwanda, which, in the present inscription, is virtually

illegible.

Ran aengilt. This phrase also occurs in the “ Galpota,”

but is not translated by Dr. Miiller.t I suppose it means

“oold rings.”

Sarbbanga sundarin, literally, “the incomparable beauty.”

Silamaya wata geya. This I take to be the Wata Dagé,

which we know from the inscription on it was built by

Nissanka Malla. Dr. Miller has committed a curious

mistake in calling this inscription “the frieze round the

Thiipdrdma.” § The Thuparama bears no external inscrip-

tion, and the newly-discovered one inside does not refer to it.

The inscription he refers to is round the northern entrance

to the Wata Dage.

Nissanka lata mandapaya. This, we now know (see

* Spence Hardy: ‘ Manual of Buddhism,” p.523. 7 Miller, op. cit., p. 135,

{ Za., pp. 98 (17), 131. § Td., pp. 65, 93, 128.

60 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vion exe.

page 68, Inscription 7) is the building to the west of the

Heta Dagé. :

Nissanka dalada geya. This may be the building

known as the Dalada M4ligawa at the present day ; but I do

not think so, as that building appears to me to be in a far

purer and simpler style than Nissaika Malla admired.

Werawaesun. Tam not at all sure about the translation

of this word.

3.—Inscription on the series of Slabs on the right of the

Inner Entrance to the Heta Dage.

(Text.)

Sri Sinha Wikramaeti Sri Sinha pureswara Lankeswara

Kalinga Chakrawartin wahansé raja siri paemini dewana

hawurudu patan Lankawa sisara gam niam gam raja dhani

adiwu noyek prasidha sthana............ samanola adiwut giri

durggada at ambulu pakakse bala wadara gaeniyek nawaratna

piru karanduak genayé numut telé kumak dayi no kiana

niyayen rajeya nistkantaka kotae semehi taba purgwa rajeyan

sat awurudu sat masekin nangwu maligawa bala wadara

apasewu rajakenekun nanguru maligawé hinda wedayi

pansalis dawasak atulehi sat mahal maligawa kudu nangwa

porabalana paridden anarga mandapaya kudu nanwa, aetpora

bala tarada kahara salawa atuluwu tun asanaya kudu nanwa

mehi wasal pauru adiwu taenda karawa silamaya kotae sandi

mandapaya boho kalak pawatna niyayen mese kalingody

anaya diwia bhawanayakse karawa Kalinga Wéga Karnatta

Gujara adiwu noyek désayen bisowarunda genwa antahpure-

yehi wena wenama noyek lesa maligada nanwa boho sanpat

da di wadara tun rajayehi noyek tanhi maligada satrada

nanwa ananta yajakayanta ran walan ridi walandin ichcha

bhéjanaya kotae mesé tun rajaya noyek paridden bala

wadarana kalae gauda nidta kota Nissanka gauyai taem

hinduwa akuru kotawa Kalinga Subhadra bisowun wahanse

ha Kalyana maha dewin wahanse ha maha panan wahanse

ha Wikrama Bahu cepanan wahanse ha Chandra bisowun

No. 34.— 1887. | POLONNARUWA. 61

wahanse ha Parbatti wahanse ha Sarwanga Sundarin wahanse

atuluwu atadena wahanse tula bhara negi hawurudupata

melesadi pera nobada ayagena drastakala Lankawasayinta

ran walan ridi walan adiwu boho sampat da di wadala danata

jiwika hein walkota gatten ayada maha wae taninta piamburu

watada haema kalatamae no gan.

(Translation. )

His Illustrious Majesty Sinha Wikrameti Sri Sinha Pures-

wara Lankeswara Kalinga Chakrawarti, after he had reigned

two years, made a royal progress throughout Lanka, inspect-

ing the villages, fortified villages, towns, &c., and several

places of note...... Adam’s Peak, &c., and the rock fortresses

(having them before him), like a ripe neli fruit in his hand.

He united into one kingdom, and brought peace to Lanka,

so that a woman, though she carried a casket containing the

nine gems, would not be asked, What is it? He saw a palace

which a former king had erected in seven years and seven

months; (and thinking) “a king of our renown should live

in a palace worthy of us,” he erected within forty-five days

a palace of seven stories. He erected an admirable building

from which to watch the fights of wild beasts, and he

watched the elephant fights (from it). Together with the

banqueting hall he erected three thrones, and furnished

these palaces with gates, ramparts, &c. Having built the hall

of beautiful stone work as a lasting memorial, he in this

manner made the royal garden of Kalinga like the residence

of a god. He got him queens from many places, from

Kaliiga, Wega, Karnata, Gujara, &c. In the harem he built

several palaces of various kinds, and expended much

treasure. In the three kingdoms he built palaces and alms-

houses at several places; to numberless beggars he gave the

food which they like in vessels of gold and silver. In this

manner he thoroughly inspected the three kingdoms; and

he prepared mileposts, and calling them Nissaika’s mile-

posts, he fixed them in their places and inscribed them.

He, together with Her Highness the Queen Subhadra of

62 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou X.

Kalinga, Her Majesty the Queen Kalyana, His Highness the

Viceroy, His Highness the Crown Prince Wikrama Bahu,

Her Highness the Queen Chandra, Her Highness Parvatti,

and Her Highness Sarwarga Sundarin, eight persons in

all, took the vows of the scales, and every year gave alms

in this manner. To the inhabitants of Lanka, who were

impoverished by the taxes collected by former (kings)

without restraint, he gave gold and silver and much wealth.

(Notes. )

This inscription is in very fair preservation. It was

found, like the preceding one, when the Heta Dage was

thoroughly excavated. The king Nissaika Malla adopts

yet another style at the commencement: but there is no

doubt about his identity. The first four lines are identical

with the inscription at Wandarupa vihare, seven miles from

Hambantota.”

Raja siri ... patan. I translate this slightly differently

from Dr. Miller who, however, had not the advantage

of the full text.

Prasidha sthana ...... adiwt. The illegible words here

may be supplied from the inscription at Wandarupa vihara.

The text would then run :—Prasiddha sthana hé jaladurgga

panka durgga wanadurgga Samanola adiwu.

At ambulu pakakse bala. The simile is apparently

based on the clearness and transparency of the ripe nelli

fruit. ;

Goeniyek ...... no kiana niyayen. This phrase occurs,

slightly altered, in Nissaika Malla’s inscription at Dambulla.t

Nor are such boasts confined to Eastern kings. The obviously

similar legend embodied in “rich and rare were the gems she

wore” will occur to every one; and in the seventh century

A.D. we learn from Boeda’s History that it was the boast of

Kadwine, king of Northumbria, that a woman with her babe

might walk scatheless from sea to sea in his day.

Purgwa rae ...... bala wadara. This may possibly refer

* Miller, op. ctt., pp. 102, 135. 1 4a@., p. 91 (13),

No. 34.—1887. | POLONNARUWA. 63

to his predecessor, Parakrama Bahu the Great, who, we are

told in the “ Mahawanso” (ch. LX XIT.), built a palace seven

stories high, containing four thousand rooms, with hundreds

of stone columns.

Porabalana paridden ...... aet porabald. _ No trace of

this building has been found yet; but it is the only mention,

so far as I know, of this un-Buddhistical custom, and is

therefore extremely interesting.

Tarada kahara sdlawa. 1 have translated this as

“ banqueting hall” with some hesitation.

Kalinga, Wega, Karnatta, Gujara, ddiwu. Icannot guess

where “ Wéga”’ is, and know of no other reference to it : but

I have little doubt that “Karnatta” and “Gujara” are the —

Karnatic and Guzerat. The latter was probably then devoted

partly to Buddhism and partly to Jainaism, but it must have

been very shortly after this date that its inhabitants adopted

the worship of Vishnu, which in its turn very quickly gave

place to the Sivite cult.

Ran walan ridi walandin. The word walan is

strangely translated in several places by Drs. Miller and

Goldschmidt as ‘“ bracelets,” as though it were the plural of

walalla. In the first place, this is grammatically impro-

bable: nor would a gold bracelet be a peculiarly appropriate

eift for a beggar. I think this passage settles the matter.

It is hardly probable that the king gave food to beggars in

bracelets of gold: but if we give to walan-walandin the

natural meaning of “vessels,” “bowls,” the sense is clear and

the grammar correct. It was quite in keeping with Oriental

ideas of magnificence for the king to feed his almsmen out of

vessels of gold and silver.

Gauda niata kota... kotawad. This is an interesting

fact, and surely saysa good deal in favour of Nissaika

Malla’s domestic policy.

Kalinga Subhadra bisowun wahanse. This queen is

mentioned in the *‘ Galpota”’ inscription, but is there called

Maha Déwin wahanse.

I have not translated the last three lines of the inscription.

64 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

They are obscure, and the sentence is unfinished, though

there is plenty of room for more lettering.

4.—Inscription on the newly-discovered Stone Pillar to the

east of the Vishnu Déwale.

(Text.)

Sri Kalinga Lakeshwara Parakrama Bahu Wira Raja

Nissanka Malla Apratimala Chakrawartin wahanse boho

yajakayanta dan denu kaemaetiwae dakunu digin Kamboja

wasala ha uturu digin dawasei wana ha agala haema kota

naegena hirin simapawra ha basna hirin Nissanka samudreya

himi kotae. Meki satara himin atulehi tyanakkarawa satro

dhyanayayai nam taba Nissanka dana winoda mandapaya

pawra atulehi gas kola pitat wae tesu tan satra santaka kotae.

Me uyanae paluphala satreyen daneya ganna yajakayanta

mae ganut an kenekun tamanta anubhawayata wat tesu

pariddekin yamma wiadamakata wat nogannama sandaha

sita leka kelé. Satruyen pita tésuyamma leseka mein seeka-

matreyaka tamataga wewayi anunta dun wéwayi kawudu

balu wuwawwuayi kabal gat at aeti yajakayan ha samaydyi.

(Beneath the last line is a drawing of a crow and under

it a drawing of a dog.)

(Translation. )

His Illustrious Majesty Kaliiga Laynkeswara Parakrama

Bahu Wiraraja Nissaika Malla Apratimalla Chakrawarti was

pleased to confer a boon on many beggars. He erected an

almshouse and gave it the name of Nissanka’s almshouse

throughout the three kingdoms, and was pleased to bestow

ripe and unripe fruit of charity on such beggars as received

alms from it. The boundary on the south was the Kamboja

gate; on the north the stone wana together with the whole

of the moat; on the east the boundary wall [of the city];

on the west the whole of Nissanka’s ocean [7.e., Topawewa].

He made a royal garden within these four boundaries, and

called it the royal garden of the almshouse; with the

No. 34.—1887.] POLONNARUWA. 65

exception of the trees, &c., which are within the rampart of

the Nissanka Dana Winoda mandapaya the rest of the

land he made to belong to the almshouse. With the

exception of such beggars as receive alms from the alms-

house, [namely] ripe and unripe fruit of charity, no one

else is to take [such produce ], whether for his own consump-

tion or for any pecuniary motive; and to ensure this, he

erected this stone inscription. Any stranger of any sort, not

mentioned in the proclamation, who shall take for himself

or give to others even the smallest twig from it, shall be

likened to dogs and crows, and shall be classed with beggars

who go about with earthen bowls in their hands [7.e.,

“unattached” beggars of the lowest grade].

7 (Notes. )

This inscription is in excellent preservation, as it was

almost completely buried in earth. It is to the east of the

so-called Vishnu Déwale.

Kambgja wadsala.—This is perhaps the most interesting

allusion in all the new inscriptions. I append the passage

from Fergusson’s .“ History of Architecture,” which appears.

to me to lend it especial importance :-—

‘The first assertion in the traditions of the Cambodians is sufficiently

startling. ‘In the country of Rome, or Romaveise, not far from

Takkhasinla (Taxila), reigned a great and wise king. His son, the

vice-king,—Phra Thong by name,—having done wrong, was banished,

and after many adventures settled in Cambodia,” &c. The time is not

indicated, but we gather from the context that it must have been

about the fourth century. It may at first sight look like catching

at a nominal similarity, but the troubles which took place in Cashmere

in the reign of Tungina, and generally in Western India about the

year 319, look so lke what is recorded further east, that at present

that seems the most probable date for the migration, assuming it to

have taken place. Many would be inclined to doubt the possibility of

any communication between the two countries ; but it must be borne —

in mind that the country around Taxila in ancient times was called

Camboja ; that it was the headquarters of serpent worship ; that the

architecture of Cashmere bears every considerable resemblance to that

48—88 F

66 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou

of Cambodia; while there isa general consent that the Cambodians

came from India. If this were so, it seems certain that it was not

from the east coast that they migrated. As pointed out above, it

seems certain that the Indians who introduced Buddhism and Buddhist

architecture into Java certainly went from Guzerat, or the countries .

on the west coast. This seems undoubted, and there is no greater

improbability of a migration from the Indus to Cambodia than of one

from Guzerat to Java. Ceylon was always addicted to snake-worship,

and may have formed a halfway house. On the other hand, it is by

no means improbable that the communication may have taken place

behind the Himalayas...... All this will require careful elaboration

hereafter.

Now, there are four facts which appear to me to throw

light on this problem, and to make it more than probable

that. Ceylon was the “halfway house” which Fergusson

Suspects it may have been.

(1) The fact is elicited from this inscription that one of the

city gates of Polonnaruwa was called “the Kamboja gate :”

possibly, surely, from its being situated on the side from

which the exiles entered, or by which the emigrants left ?

(2) A curious fact is mentioned in Nissaika Malla’s

inscription at the Ruwanweli Dagaba, Anuradhapura, viz.,

that when that king visited the famous shrine, he not only

gave security (abhayad?) to all animals within seven gaw

of it, and to the fish in the twelve large tanks, but he also

gave security to the birds in the following manner: he

presented the Kambodyans with gold, cloth, and other accep-

table gifts, and ordered them not to kill birds! Dr. Miller

makes no comment whatever on this passage, which is either

a very strange omission, or else shows that the matter was too

well known to archeologists to require explanation. I am

unable even to guess why the Kambodians should have been

specially addicted to killing birds. Perhaps a better acquain-

tance with Kashmir or Kambodia might throw some light on

this; but there can be no doubt that here is a second

allusion to the people—as residents of Anuradhapura— who

gave their name to one of the gates of Pulastipura.

No. 34.—1887.] POLONNARUWA. 67

(3) Not only was “Ceylon always addicted to snake-

worship,’ but there is evidence to show that in Polonnaruwa

there were actual “Snake Temples.’”’ The Naipena Vihare,

which is near the Rankot Dagaba, is an undoubted “ Naga

Kovil,” or possibly a pair of temples; and near it there is

another building of a similar intent.

(4) The Hinduism of Polonnaruwa appears to have been

almost entirely Vishnuvite. I know of no direct evidence

of the presence of the Sivite creed ; while, on the other hand,

two stone temples have been discovered this month with

undoubted statues of Vishnu actually inside them. This is

exclusive of the well-known (and very beautiful) Vishnu

Déwalé to the east of the main road. Now, the Vishnuvite

creed is precisely that side of Hinduism (to quote Mr.

Fergusson again) “which picked up the serpent- ey

which the Buddhists had rejected.”

Without wishing to press these arguments too strongly, I

think we may safely say that this is a line of inquiry which

deserves further investigation.

But to return to the inscription under consideration.

Agala haema kota.—The moat which surrounded the

principal part of the city. This, after recent clearing, is now

plainly apparent.

Sima pawra.—The city wall, running along the bund of

the moat. A very good piece of this wall has been discovered

by the Disawa.

Nissanka samudreya, i.¢e., Topawewa.—Compare the

“Sea of Parakrama.” :

Nissanka dana winoda mandapaya.—This has been dis-

covered. (See Inscription No. 9.)

The last three lines of the inscription are illustrated in

sculpture at the base of the inscription, which terminates

with two well-executed figures of a crow and a dog.

F 2

68 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). Rone

0.—Inscription on a broken slab near the new

Vishnu Déwaleé.

(Note.)

This is the only inscription of which three separate

copies have been found. It relates to the question of

succession to the throne, about which Nissanka Malla was

evidently very anxious. Like the preceding inscription, it

terminates with sculptured figures illustrative of the last few

lines. There are two rows of figures represented : in the

upper row are the hansa, the lion, the horse, the elephant,

the cobra, and the sun; in the lower row are their low-caste

equivalents : the crow, the jackal, the donkey, the snipe, the

worm, and the firefly. The meaning of this is sufficiently

apparent.

7—Inscription on fragments of Inner Stone Frieze of the

Nissanka Lata Mandapaya.

(Text.)

Aes se ruan ha gunen mitra santana kotae mitra santana

nekae mattawunta taman wahansegé sau

eee yehidi tutabhara naegi no ek desa wasayinta no ek

wastu tiaga kotae e taenhi boho kalak pawatna paridden

Bees ha Lankeswara Parakrama Bahu Chakrawartti swamin

wahanse Nissanka Malla wiruduwata sudusu baewin Soli

Pandi adiwu raja daruan ha yuddhayata sarasunu kal hi

Lak Wijaya Sinha Senawita wuru nawan wahanse......

bisowarun ha aetun asun

Nie ee waedae karawa wadalada waedae wadarana Nissanka

lata mandapaya.

(Translation. )

pe oeee and gold, having done favours out of kindness to the

others who were unfriendly, His Majesty’s......

sees having performed the vow of the scales, having spent

much money on gifts to the inhabitants of many places, in

order that it might last for a long time in that place......

‘No. 34-1 Seay POLONNARUWA. 69

His Majesty, the overlord Lankeswara Parakrama Bahu

Chakrawarti, because he was fitted for warfare, when the

kings of S6li, Péndi, &c., were arrayed for battle, His

Excellency the General Lak Wijaya Sinha...... and the

queens, elephants, horses ......

Re having accomplished and given, this is the Nissaika

Hall of the Flower-scroll in which he rested.

(Notes.)

Considering how this inscription has been knocked about,

we are very lucky to have got the two fragments which

give us the name of the king and of the building. We

have so many inscriptions of Nissaika Malla, and this

one appears to have been so very like several of the others,

that perhaps we may bear with equanimity the loss of the

body of its contents; but it was evidently the most highly

decorated of all, and it isa pity that more of the scroll and

flower pattern is not left, as suchas there is of it is admirably

executed.

The building in which it stands is extremely curious, for it

appears to be an attempt at reviving in its original form the

old Buddhist architectural peculiarities—the stone “ post

and rail.” The best known (and, according to Fergusson, the

only) built example of this stone fence is at the Sanchi

Tope: but there it is on a very much larger scale, and

moreover the posts there supported a plain architrave, which

is not the case at Polonnaruwa. This building is referred

to in many of Nissanka’s inscriptions. Although it has been

terribly broken, two of the posts with their rails still remain

standing. Itis noticeable that neither posts nor rails bear

any kind of ornament. In India, after the design became

purely ornamental, it was decorated with displayed lotuses

in increasing profusion.

The external measurements of the building are 29 ft. 4 in.

from north to south by 35 ft. from east to west. The posts

measure 5 ft. 5 in. in height (including the slight capital)

by 8 in. by 82 in. The rails are 3 ft. 2 in. long by 7 in.

70 JOURNAL, R.A.S- (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

by 6 in. The two upper ones are 6 in. apart: the lower one

is 105 in. from the ground. The upper rail is 1 ft. 3 in.

below the top of the pillar.

8.—Inscription on each of the Pillars of the Nissanka

Lata Mandapaya.

(Text.)

Mitrayin ldéka sasana sanaha loka wasayinta punyakshépa

kota asana nia lata mandapayai.

( Translation.)

This is the Hall of the Flower-scroll (built) asa resting-

place, out of benevolence, for the sake of the world and of

religion, that the inhabitants of the world may partake in

the merit.

(Notes.)

This is on one of the six tall pillars which supported

the roof of the inner enclosure of the Nissazka Lata Manda-

paya. 'The shape of these pillars is very curious and unique,.

and it is a great pity they are all broken. A very similar

pillar has, however, been found entire near the Sat Mahal

Prasada, and put into position. It will be photographed this

month.

The Nissazka Lata Mandapaya is mentioned in the

“Galpota”’ inscription, but the language is obscure, and I

do not feel quite sure that Dr. Miiller’s translation gives.

the exact meaning, though I hesitate to correct it.*

9.—Inscription on a broken pillar of the Nissanka Dana

Mandapaya.

(Text.)

ori Nissanka Malla Kalinga Parakrama Bahu Chakrawartti

swamin wahanse Dambadiwa no ek desayen 4 paradesayinta

swadesayinta (dijita?) waeda hinda dan dewa wadarana

Nissanka dana windda mandapayai.

* Muller, op. ctt., pp. 98, 131.

No. 34.—1887.] . POLONNARUWA. 71

(Translation. )

This is the Nissanka Hall of Almsgiving, in which His

Illustrious Majesty Nissaika Malla Kalinga Parakrama Bahu

Chakkrawarti sat when he gave bounties to foreigners who

came from several countries in Dambadiwa and to the

inhabitants of his own country.

(Notes.)

This large building—the Nissazxka Dana Windda Man-

dapaya—was found by my exploring party early in March.

Every one of the very large pillars which supported the

roof is broken, but we were fortunate enough to find, in the

jungle close by, the upper fragment of one of them, which

bears this inscription, and thus identifies the building. If >

this is the only pillar which was inscribed—and it is hardly

likely that they were all inscribed—the find was peculiarly

lucky. This building is referred to in the “ Galpota” inscrip-

tion in these terms: “In order to witness in person the

rejoicings of the mendicants who received presents, he built

another almshouse which he called the Nissatzka Dana Man-

dapa.”*

10.—Inscription on two fragments of slabs.

(Notes.)

These pieces are too fragmentary to be of any use. One

piece is let in (apparenily at a later date) to the floor of the

outer shrine of the Vishnu Déwalé; the other is loose.

—_—___—.

11.—Inscription on large upright stone slab between the

Heta Dagé and the Rankot Dagaba.

(Text.)

(First eight lines illegible.)

ae Kalinga Chakrawarttin wahanségé wanséyehi upan

Sinha Bahu rajayan wahanseta jreysta putrawu Kalingayen

* Miller, op. cit., p. 131.

72 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. X.

Lankawata baesa yassappraleya kota manusiya wasa kota

ékata patra rajeyakala Wijaya rajeyan wahansegé wansa

daramparayen 4 Lakdiwa eka rajeya kala Parakrama Bahu

pit himiyanan wahanse rajawa wanseya mattatada pawatna

kaemaetiwa purgwa rajeyan kota a paridden mae Sinhapure-

yata yawa beananuwan wahansegenwa tamanwahanse nae-

mula hitidi pata bandawa saestreyehi nipuna karawa aeti kota

wadar 4rajeya sanatha kalaturen swuregusthawu kal hi mema

kramayen abhisurkta wu Wijeya Bahu wahanseta paeraedae

duskamarttiyayan raja drohi wae Lankdéwata kala wilupat

sidha Wijaya yan taen nawatsetehi taba dun rajayehi

himiyanan wahanse abhisikta wae saha wotunu ambaranin

saedi sinhasana rudhawa daskankalawunta abhiwurdhi wuwa

maenaweyi sita wada4ra Wijaya yan taennawan ruan dam

wuyehi patan sri saerira raksayehi siti henut pera parid-

denma Kalinga paramparawata rajeya sadhadun séyinut me

kunge wansa paramparawada. Wijaya rajayan wahanse kere

patan Kalinga wanseyatama duskamkota a heyinut me kala

duskamata tu.

( Translation.)

(First eight lines illegible.)

Bene form of the Illustrious Kalinga Chakrawarti race,

the eldest son of the king Sinha Bahu, having come from

Kalinga to Lanka, and conquered the Yakkhus, and made it

habitable for man, and brought the kingdom under one

umbrella (sceptre); descending in the direct line from the

race of the illustrious Wijaya Raja, having made the island of

Lanka into one kingdom, his revered Majesty Parakrama Bahu

wished to perpetuate the royal race. After the manner of

former kings, he sent to Sinhapura and fetched his nephew,

and during his own lifetime decked him with the fillet

(of royalty), instructed him in the science of war, and

adopted him. After the kingdom had been firmly estab-

lished at the time that (Parakrama Bahu) died, (there

arose) wicked ministers who were traitors to His Majesty

Wijaya Bahu—who had been anointed king in the same

No. 34.—1887. ] POLONNARUWA. 73

manner (as his predecessor)—and created disturbances in

Lanka. (The king) took into his favour His Excellency

Wijay4 Yan, and in the kingdom which he gave His

Majesty was anointed and crowned, was invested with the

royal ornaments, and ascended the lion-throne. Considering

that it is right to show favour to the faithful, and since His

Excellency Wijaya Yan, from the time of his investiture

with the gold chain and thread, had protected the royal

person, and since he confirmed the kingdom in the possession

of the Kalinga family, (who had it) from days of yore,

and since his race and family had been faithful to the

in return for

Kalinga race from the time of king Wijaya

this fidelity......

(Notes.)

This is probably the most valuable find of all, as, to

whatever king it belongs, it certainly belongs to a king of

whom no other similar record exists at present. I am

inclined, on the whole, to ascribe to it an earlier date than

Nissanika Malla, and to take the allusions as referring to

Parakrama Bahu the Great and his nephew Wijaya Bahu

(the second), who succeeded him, the latter being the author

of the inscription. (See ‘“Mahiwanso,” ch. 80.) It is just

possible, however, that another Wijaya Bahu, of later date,

may be referred to, who began to reign at Dambadeniya, but

subsequently conquered Polonnaruwa fromthe Tamils. Iam

told that there are conclusive references not only to this

Wijaya Bahu, but also to his general Wijay4 Yan, in the

“ Pujawaliya.” Iam having the reference searched for, and

should it be conclusive, I will communicate a further note

on the subject. It isa great pity that only one side of this

inscription is legible, but I have still some hopes of part at

least of the other side, for the lichen with which it was

densely covered in the dry weather when I was there, is said

to disappear partially towards the end of the rainy season

from similar stones; and there is a man on the spot who will

be able to send me an accurate copy of so much as becomes

fe: JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou X.

legible. The last six lines of the illegible side appear to be

in a different lettering.

_12.—Inscription on several fragments of ‘slabs which

formed part of the wall of the Inner Shrine of the

Heta Dage.

(lext,)

Sri Siri Saigha Bo Wira Raja Nissaika Malla Kalinga

Parakrama Bahu Chakrawarttin wahanse Budu_ sasun

paswadahas pawatna sandaha sardhé buddhi pungwangama

wae supilipaen maha sangaya wahanse dharmma wineya wu

paridden purana piliwet.

(Translation. )

His Majesty Saigha Bo Wira Raja Nissaika Malla Kalinga

Parakrama Bahu Chakkrawarti was pre-eminent for faith

and conviction that the religion of Buddha would last five

thousand years; the illustrious purity of the great priest-

hood (having made?) ancient rules in connection with the

doctrine and the law.

(Notes.)

It is quite possible that a Sanskrit scholar would be

able to make out a few more words from the inscription

than I have given. A great many Sanskrit words are

evidently introduced into the succeeding lines, but I was

unable even to guess at them. It was impossible to take a

““squeeze”’ of the inscription owing to its extremely frag-

mentary condition.

No. 34.—1887.] POLONNARUWA. i)

APPENDIX.

NOTE BY Mr. T. BERWICK.

In his “ A Year’s Work at Polonnaruwa” Mr. Burrows discusses a

supposed difficulty in the interpretation of the words G'anga-vansa,

which occur in the name of the queen of Nissarika Malla inscribed on

the ‘‘ Galpota” as Ganga-vansa Kalydna Maha Dewin Wahanse ; and he:

endeavours to solve the question by the theory that the word trans-

literated ganga is really gaha, and that Ganga-vansa would stand for

Gowi-vansa, or “the Wellala caste.”

Having looked into the matter since the Paper was read before the

Royal Asiatic Society, I think there is no real difficulty in the

interpretation, and every reason for believing that Dr. Miller and

the local Pandit referred to by Mr. Burrows were right in reading

the word as ganga. Itis notorious enough that the Indian sovereigns

of Ceylon were in the practice of getting their queens from India, and

from the ancient and royal dynasties there, one of the most ancient

and renowned of which was the Ganga dynasty, house, or vansa.

The country called (Kongu-desa, the heart of which lay in what are now

the districts of Salem and Coimbatore), had, during many ages, an impor-

tant place in the political geography of South India, and “we have a

very definite account of a long dynasty of Ganga, or Kongu, kings”

who reigned over it—a dynasty which, ‘‘on the authority of the Markara

copper plates, ...... has been believed to have lasted from the beginning of

the Christian era down to the year 894 a.pD., about which time it was

overthrown by the Cholas.” It has been said, indeed, that these plates

are forgeries, and that the first king of the true Gatiga dynasty

Kongani-varma Raya I., or Madhava I., “of the Kanvayana family,

and of the Jahnavi or Ganga race,” ruled there only from about the

beginning of the 10th century. But it appears from independent

sources that a Kadamba king, Mrigesa-varma, achieved a conquest over

the “Gangas” in the 5th or 6th century, and a list of twenty-one

Ganga kings of Kongu-desa, including and subsequent to Madhava I., is

given in the “ Kongu-desa Rajakkal.”

A considerable time after the final conquest of the Kongu-desa in

1080 a.p., another line of Ganga kings ruled over Orissa. This.

76 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XxX.

Ganga-vansa dynasty was established there in 1132 a.p., by Chor-

ganga (who ‘certainly came from the south”), and continued to rule

Orissa till the last of that Ganga-vansa line (Kutharuya Deva) was

assassinated in 1534 a.p. And—bearing even more strongly on the pre-

sent question—there was yet another line of the Gangu-vansa which

governed Kalinga, south of Orissa and north of the Godavery, apparently

from an unknown antiquity, and which after a long eclipse reflourished

towards the end of the 10th century.

The foregoing particulars as to dates, &c., are taken from Sewell’s

“ Sketch of the Dynasties of Southern India,” under the titles ‘“ Kongu

or Gatga Kings,” “ Orissa Kings,” “Kalinga,” and ‘ Kadumbas.”

Now, Nissarika Malla tells us in inscription No. 2 that he was

himself born at Sinhapura in the Kdlinga country, of illustrious

parents, whom he names; and it is therefore not surprising that one

of his queens should have been a lady of the ancient and illustrious

Ganga-vansa : nor that both of them should have been proud of her

descent.

This race has links of association with Ceylon of more importance

than the mere fact of having given a queen to one of its sovereigns.

It was the third (or an early) king of that line in Orissa who, in

1174 a.p. (almost synchronous with the erection of the chief works at

Polonnaruwa), ouilt the great temple of Juganat in Puri, the sacred

Dantapura, the city in which till 319 a.p. was treasured the great relic

which has been so bound up with the history and fortunes of Ceylon,

and a temple which derives the origin and sanctity from a Brahmanical

and Vishnuvite distortion of the story of the Tooth. Had the Burmese

or Arracanese invaders of Orissa been as successful in their attempt

to capture the relic as they were in supplanting a dynasty and in

holding the country for one hundred and fifty years, Ceylon itself

would have had a very different history and fame. Anyhow, it was to

consecrate and perpetuate a gross distortion of the story of the palla-

dium of Ceylon that a Ganga-vansa prince built at Jaganat one of the

most famous temples in the world.

Perhaps, too, it is owing to the connection of its sovereigns with the

race of the Ganga-vansa—those devoted followers of Vishnu, who in

Orissa, superseded the Kesari-vansi and the worship of Siva—that

Mr. Burrows has to tell us that he finds the Hinduism of Polonnaruwa

to show little or no indication of Sivaism. It was just when the

Ganga-vansa and Vishnavism were dominant in the native land of

the sovereigns of Ceylon, and when Juganat was being built, to

No. 34.—1887.] POLONNARUWA. 17

signalise the double triumph, that the Hindu Pardikrama Bahus were

adorning Polonnaruwa.

ADDENDUM.

1. General Cunningham, in his “ Ancient Geography of India”

(p. 517 and map, p. 526), places Dantapura on the Godavery, thirty

miles north-east of Koringa, at Raja Mahendri, the present Raja-

mundry ; but Fergusson has since indentified it with Puri.*

2. That Sinhapura in Kalinga, the birthplace of Nissatika Malla, was

actually under the sway of the Ganga-vansa of Orissa during his time,

may be collected from Stirling’s “ Account of Orissa” in volume 15 of

the “ Asiatic Researches.” The town of Sinhapura, or at least the town

in Kalinga which retains that name, is situated in the hill country of the

eastern Ghaats, on the bank of the Nagavelly, some eighty miles from

where that river forms an estuary of the sea at Chicacole, which is about

fifteen miles west of Kalingapatam. And the epoch of the Parakrama

Bahus of Polonnaruwa was 1153-1186 a.p. Now, Stirling tells us

(page 164) that “during the sway of the princes of the Ganga-vansa

line, for a period of nearly four centuries (from 1132 4.pD. onwards),

the boundaries of the Raj of Orissa” extended on the south to “the

Godaveri, or Ganga Godaveri,’ and on the west to “a line drawn

through Sinhburu, Sonepur, and Bastar,” and, therefore, they included

Sinhapura. Again, Raja Anang Bhun Dea, one of the most illustrious of

the Ganga-vansa line, ascended the throne of the Gajapatis, 1174 a.p.

It was he who commenced the great temple of Jaganat in the

twelfth year of his reign, and completed it in 1196 a.p. In his speech

to the assembled nobles he is recorded as having stated his additions

to the Raj to have extended on the south “from the Rassikoilah down

to the Dandpat of Rajinandri,”’ and on the west “to the confines of

Boad (Bodh) Sonepur.” (Jdid, pp. 269-71.)

3. Light is thrown on the origin of the title Ganga-vansa by the

following passage :—“‘This personage [Chor Ganga, or Churang Deo],

whatever his real origin, is fabled to have been the offspring of the

goddess Ganga Sana, or the lesser Ganges (Godaveri), by a form of

Maha Deo. With him [in 1132 a.p.] began the race of princes called

the Ganga-Vansa, or Gangban’s line, who ruled the country for about

four centuries, a period fertile in great names and events of impor-

tance, and which forms unquestionably the most brilliant and

interesting portion of Orissa history.” (Jbid, p. 267.)

* “Tree and Serpent Worship.”

78 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. X.

NOTE BY Mr. W. P. RANASINHA.

In the “ Mahawansa” we do not find a king of Ceylon by the name

of Nissanka Malla. He is called there Kirti Nissaiika, and is said to

have been a prince of the Kalinga race, who reigned nine years, from

1200 to 1209 a.p. His works are highly but laconically spoken of by

the historian.

It is only from his numerous inscriptions that we learn who his

parents were, the names of his queens, and a detailed account of his

numerous works.

In the “ Galpota” (stone book) he is said to have weighed himself,

his chief queens Ka4liiga Subhadra Maha Dévi and Gatiga-vans2

Kalyana Maha Dévi, his son, and his daughter in a balance every year,

and to have distributed five times their weight in alms amongst the

priests, the Brahmanas, the blind, the lame, and other destitute and

friendless people.

Mr. Burrows, in his Paper read at the Royal Asiatic Society’s

Meeting, says Ganga-vansa is a mistake. It would mean, says

he, the Dhoby caste or the Paduwa caste. He therefore suggests

Gaha-vansa. With due deference to Mr. Burrows, I think otherwise.

Gaha-vansa would mean “the Tree-race,’ from gaha, “ tree,’ and

vansa, “race” ; or House-race, from gaha (Sanskrit griha), a

house.

It appears from the same inscription that Nissanika Malla sent an

embassy to the Kéliiga country, and caused many princesses of the

Séma (Lunar) and Surya (Solar) races to be brought hither. One of

his queens, Kaliiga Subhadra Maha Dévi, may have come from Kalitga

the Northern Circars. The name Kdlinga, which the king himself

bore, seems to warrant such a conclusion.

The question is whether the name Ganga-vansa Kalyana Maha Dévi,

as it appears in the inscription, is correct or incorrect.

In this investigation it is necessary to understand what Gatha

really means.

In the “ Vishnu Purana,” page 169, it is said that the “ capital of

Brahma is enclosed by the river Gatga, which, issuing from the foot

of Vishnu and washing the lunar orb, falls here from the skies.”

According to the ‘ Ramayana,” the Gatigé came down from the skyat the

prayer of Bhagiratha, but lest it should destroy the earth by the shock,

he, on the advice of Vishnu, prayed Siva to receive it on his head, and

then to let it fall gently on the earth ; and it was thus allowed to come

No. 34,—1887.! POLONNARUWA. 79

down in streamlets after many austerities had been performed by

Bhagiratha.*

In the renowned Sanskrit vocabulary, ‘‘ Amarakosha,” the common

names for rivers are given as Nadi, Sarit, Tarangine, &c., and various

rivers are mentioned by name. The first is Ganga. Its synonyms are

also given, such as Vishnu podé, in allusion to the myth that it issues

from the foot of Vishnu ; Bhdgirathi, in allusion to its coming down

from the skies, by virtue of the austerities performed by Bhagiratha.

In the Pali vocabulary, ‘“ Abhidhanappadipika,’ the names of five

large rivers are mentioned, namely, Gangd, Achiravati, Yamund, Sara-

bhi, and Mahi.

The common names for rivers as given there are Savanti, Ninnaga,

Sindha, Sarita, Apagd, and Nadi. One synonym for the river Gazgad

is given there, and that is Bhagtratht.

Monier Williams, in his “Sanskrit Dictionary,” says “ Ganga (said to

be from the root gam, ‘to go’), the river Ganges—the Ganges personified

and considered as the eldest daughter of Himavat and Mand,

and wife of SAntanu and mother of Bhisma, oras one of the wives of

Dharma. There is also a Ganga in the sky, Akasa Gatigd, and one

under the earth.” |

Professor Childers, in his ‘Pali Dictionary,” explains the word

Ganga thus : “‘ (f) The river Ganges, the celestial river, the milky way ;

Gangeyyo (adj.), belonging to the Ganges.”

Hence it would appear that neither in Sanskrit nor in ancient Pali

works could the word Ganga have been used as a synonym for nadi,

“river.” If one were to write in Sanskrit or Pali Yamund-Gangd, it

would not mean the river Yamung, but the Yamuna and the Ganges.

In the same way, Achzravati-ganga would not mean the river Irrawaddy,

but the Irrawaddy and the Ganges ; for the simple reason that Ganga

is a proper name, and not a common name forariver. It is only in

Ceylon that the words gangdand ganga—which latter is a corruption of

the former—are made to do duty as synonyms for nad:, “ river.”” Hence

we have in Ceylon the Kelani-ganga, the river Kelani ; Kalu-ganga, ‘the

black river”; Mahaveli-ganga, “‘the great sandy river.” I concede that

in modern Ceylon Pali works written by Sinhalese who have made

gangad acommon name for a river, it is erroneously used as a synonym

for nadi ; but this cannot affect the present question.

The sun and the moon were deified by the ancients, and we have in

*« Ramayana,” page 18.

80 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

the inscription referred to a Solar race anda Lunar race of kings. The

river Ganges, as we have seen, was similarly deified, and it is very likely

that there existed a royal race in the neighbourhood of the Ganges

which went by the name of Ganga-vansa, and that Nissatika Malla’s

queen Kalyana Maha Dévi was one of them.

I do not see how G'anga-vansa could be used for the Dhoby caste or

the Paduwa caste, and Nissanka Malla was too proud a prince to marry

any one not of a royal race: for we read in his inscription at Dalada

Mandirava, in Polonnaruwa, the advice which he gave to his subjects,

not to give the kingdom of Ceylon to Chola or Kerala, or princes of

other countries which were non-Buddhistical. Not even the men of the

““Govi tribe,” says he, should be raised to the throne. In the absence

of princes, he says, one of the queens should be chosen to the

kingdom ; some other caste may emulate the conduct of the kings, yet

it certainly will not meet with respect, but only with ridicule. From

this it is evident that this high-minded prince could not have married

even one of the Govi tribe, much less a Dhoby or Paduwa caste woman.

Since writing the above I have found conclusive proof that there

existed in India a dynasty which went by the name Glatigd-vansa. In

Rajendralal Mitra’s “ Antiquities of Orissa” (ancient Odra), vol, I.,

page 4, the following passage occurs :—“ Traces are not wanting to show

that during the ascendency of the Gangd-vansa princes their kingdom

embraced Gour on the one side and the whole, or at least a part, of

Karnata on the other.” Again, at page 110, vol. IL, he says: “ Puru-

shottama Deva, who next to Ananga Bhéma was perhaps the most

distinguished and successful prince of the Gangd-vansa line, devoted

much attention to the worship of the divinity, and called himself, lke

his predecessors, the ‘Sweeper of the Sacred Temple.’ ”

Marshman, in his “ History of India,” says that the Kesari family

obtained the throne of Orissa, and held it till 1131 a.p.: they were

succeeded by the line of Gungu Bunsu [Gaigé-vansa according to

Marshman’s mode of spelling Indian words], who maintained their

power till it was subverted by the Muhammadans in 1568.**

Balfour’s ‘ Cyclopzedia of India,’ p. 256, contains the following :—

“Ganga-vansa’, or Gugu putee [i.e., Gagapati, meaning the chief of the

Ganges], a dynasty that ruled in Orissa from about the twelfth century.”

It would hence appear that Nissanka Malla reigned in Ceylon at the

time when the princes of Gatig4-vansa dynasty were holding the reins of

* Marshman, ‘“‘ History of India,” page 23, third edition.

No. 34.—1887.] -POLONNARUWA. 81

Government in Orissa—a country, according to Cuningham’s ‘“ Ancient

Geography of India,” lying to the north of Kaliiga ; and Ganga-vansa

Kalyina Mahé Dévi was no doubt a princess of that line.

NOTE BY Rey. S. COLES.

Mr. BERwIcK’s article is a very satisfactory solution of Mr. Burrows’

difficulty with regard to the Ganga dynasty, and is a step towards the

confirmation of the hypothesis of Professor Oldenburg, that Pali was

a dialect of the Sanskrit, spoken, not in the basin of the Ganges, but

in some districts in Central or Southern India where Buddhism was

early established, and whence it was easily transferred to Ceylon in the

Pali language.

Howsoever that may have been, my object in writing this is briefly .

to show that the word Ganga is a generic and not a specific or proper

name. Itisalmost certain that in Sanskrit, which was probably spoken

only in the watershed of the Ganges, that the term Ganga practically

was a proper name, as is customary among all riverside inhabitants

throughout the world, who always speak of their river as ‘“‘ The River ”

without any further appellative. Besides, the fact that in Sanskrit

works a celestial and a terrestrial Ganga are mentioned is a proof

that the generic idea of Ganga was not unknown to those people.

In Buddhist works frequent mention is made of other rivers beside

the Ganges under the term Ganga. In the “Savidhi Dipaniya,” in the

Byangana Division, on the 64th page, seven nadis and five gatigas are

mentioned. In the Commentary of the “ Angotra Sangiya,” the word

Ganga is used between twenty and thirty times in connection with

other rivers besides the Ganges. In the course of my reading I have

frequently come across it in the Tipitaka books, where it has the

generic signification.

It appears, therefore, that although the Sanskrit-speaking people of

the Ganges valley used madi as the generic and ganga generally

as the specific name for “river,” yet they also employed the latter in

the general sense, as did also the other inhabitants of those parts of

India where Pali was spoken and Buddhism had been established.

NOTES BY B. GUNASEKARA Mupa.iyér.

Page 53.—Reading Lanka dipayata eka mangala dipayak men

pemina Lankdtanka prasamaya koté samasta Lankadwipaya apawaraka

48—88 rel

82 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). Oh ENV Oise

grahayaksé sambddha kota, I would propose to render it: “ Having

arrived at the Island of Lanka, like a festal lamp (for Lanka),

he allayed the fears (of the inhabitants) of Lanka, and having

screened (protected) the whole Island of Lanka, as one would do in the

case of a lying-in chamber.”

“ Rajadin ....-. deka” may be rendered: ‘‘ Having seen the princes,

&c., quit their lands and rush into the jungle, he kindly gave them

assurance of safety, and seeing no rival even in Dambadiwa,” &c.

Page 56.—Reading Sri Dharmassreyan sarwalokaika mdnyas,

sreyodayt sarwaddrakshaniyah Bhipdlendran yachate kirtihetor, bhiyo

bhiyo wira Nissanka Malla, I would suggest the following

version :—

‘‘(May there be) prosperity! The Dharma (Buddhist system of

doctrine) is most excellent ; (it is) the only thing worthy of being

respected by the whole world: that confers final happiness: that

should be protected at all times: the heroic Nissaitika Malla requests

that supreme rulers of the earth may do so for the sake of

renown.”

Page 56.—I think Ganda must be written Gauda (©®4@)), which is

apphed to Bengal proper. Chéda is the Sanskrit, = Chola Pali =

Siphalese Solérata, identified with modern Tanjore.

Page 57.—Sarbbangasundarin may be rendered “endowed with

beauty all over the body,” being compounded of sarwa “every,” anga

“limb,” and sundart “(a woman) who is handsome.” Werawesun—

“garments,” “coverings for the body,’ compounded of wera “ body,”

and wesun ‘ coverings.”

Page 70.—Sri Siri Sangha Bé Wira Raja, dc. I would propose to

render the above inscription as follows :—

“The illustrious overlord Siri Sanga Bé Wiraraja Nissatika Malla

Kalinga Parakrama Bahu, with a view to (sandahd) the permanence of

the Buddhist religion for five thousand years (and)* influenced by

faith and (prompted) by wisdom, t the duties performed by

the well-conducted great priesthood in conformity with Dhamma

(Doctrine) and Vinaya (Rules of Discipline).”

* Reading purwangamawe for pungwangamawe,—which literally means

“going before” or “ preceded by.”

} Here the finite verb has to be supplied from the latter part, which is

omitted.

No. 34.—1887.] sINHALESE INSCRIPTIONS. | 83

THREE SINHALESE INSCRIPTIONS: TEXT,

TRANSLITERATION, TRANSLATION,

AND NOTES.

By MUDALIYAR B. GUNASEKARA.

I.—LANKATILAKA INSCRIPTION.

(Text.)

aewessy.

GaMdeOaS dsiend OE8BH 10 EVO eEat 8O7rgH

BE™E OOMC(1) 6S SBD BROAD BVOOMMDanyH ©

DOA(2) OO HSIOAD ODSHGAS SHOCGSVD OCO98O05(3)

QHnasasnoodaseoad &SD BES7DOD(4) STVOPOE WE

OD8 ArSH Snsm EEO eVdSsastl GM SEO swnwa

Bst(5) 389 HQ BOHIOOB HeEW BE9mBanw SED

BaBsS sy S106) dg HSIOOB Heal ¢O58 oaoS

OSN5)(7) BGdSSd0 Moaasl(8) SEQ canwasaosy

209 1D VERO HOoc nwa os Mday OSD 299

OQEODSS OES GMO OAdAHTsIO SOE WMsnod

QWs D~ oc&S od wx0(9) oGonsD Onsvod

OOS 14) 675023(10) BBV AG mam SEOemSaay

BIS®Q BEOQ BOHHAOEDNONOD OBS OO©OOGJ OQIDHA

BAVOADOSDY OMOMDASDNISHNOMHHDo@doay ee

@(11) snqen(l2) @8 QaY® 5E4q DONGDOAED Os

O25 OO EOE DIOR EODB SHO7GS EoD Eas

aw Bs(13) egdda(14) oqdddynudsdHTod

oY GOn(15) SBS 85(16) MMHSK(17) ewenzezyO.HE (18)

OESSCSYOODHNOHHIOSDS DOUIOS{;WOOHOSD OOS

ASD SOGSaToas BOZSTA OBME@emmGad DoOg_

OOMSDY DOSY DWiGQ MODE SEVODS Or. Gomosye

BOOST OD WDWAEE avo CSHAdsss(19) ¢cxQog oa

Ont PODSOCiTO cok Saf away 52 BE GiMOD oe

BY OHIST PROGS (20) HTOME sO@cwaat & a.ogQ

84 : JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. X..

eBrt De CdD os ondDat OskD Hi} OD GOormBE@

oS DOG WD OHEGVYIOOADD OGD 2ABAMG

Oat MIATOS Ho) DA3OEsT Cd) DidQ GFOSE Saas

OMDASOSS EBQD BHO” GBROdsS ¢€B6ORDOz

23(21) VDASIOW’ Ei QOD OE€D1HOS OMS BowvwdIMN SOs

BI SSOOMINONSY BIDOSDOCHO AzS_ SetyAY OE

BID BGEWAD OS@sAVOGSY GHMQ GWMTBNMIS OA

BODMODOSS OGAWA EO O.MOV1B OBBD@eADG

MCOas ESO BOWSD OOOO BEC7DWM modaES BS

HGoead BYOwensd ¢Bot QPeEOormd osonOss

BIO €ID2 EQ ¢Yo WEODI MIOWMiSHeE eeEHace

OMBS DAADY snepwd sCOMACCOMIA Bey se

HED €HNID DMSoWBeyf ogoG@enensy oO88 ae

HASOMGOSEO HQegQ sigs aeon@xmGaMdoas

MOISOS 59 4H(22) pod OGS Ee BFGYK COMTI)

BHDOSSY PGOOHeDW DieEE 2x0Q EBMmdasonss

Be SO MACCOMDAMOCD BYOHeQwW wowToz

DAISRASAHNOHS Ee BABGmoaisl Bde

QD SGASasionsy SE O4€CE@OMO BSustlarsimeE

@5(23, 24) <a) S0stT aEDMeCads O99 Eayds MHOz

BFVO O46HUMHW asTID@ONS) OQHGETDOSE(L5)

OMDB BES7D1O) OERDS ADH) OMsY Voc ona Oso

F27@ EIQ VS DEHDE GEOG DMD 6st 13I EE OMDWOO

CD BFOOHeDD €:QYD DADS DYOO CaawdaeEe OGG

HIMsA E1rHDOD OOBHVaT MiB) BOMQGY SSd@ess

OOD DE HS OMG OEBO FiQogQ Dias’ os DsnE@-xand

MSOs} MITIOOsS Ee STITT 5E ORIDH MWD gia

©} HOiMAMT OOOSOD DODODT OQOEGOOHOESI SsIO

DBD HzQsI GSSTIOQD ONEd; oGhaaMD BeCad

Boy GSsoRsy wdsasoz eadhaawy OOoda Sao

HMOs WEOEcs 5H) OMIWDGOES MID) ocHaAsVO Ws

BIO BISDdidaassi Any OC sas HEeoessame (26) sd

BDI OREO EoMDBaTI MODOGT DIG) AMGOHSS =2)

O1PEDO ODGAST SMHYMIsT BeHnOSsY OCSIO BEAD

BOES3 SHQT 1 HO QHHOGSY BO QWAHOnSY MOOD»

No. 34.—1887.] SINHALESE INSCRIPTIONS. 8)

OST GVO HS OPROSS GH Oaendadoasy HD En

SO AVNOcBWss Bs0d meat Bnoasl OHM R&ocoy

BOSGOaSSY EaY Bae OAQd 7D ¢€O Sma svat

ODO O2)\G HDDOWANO Hsmanasae OCSAasIO enmes

Ad OODNOD €97 YNAI7 SSOWSGHHDSY OOF Are GO

MOD OMOMAQVSIO MaSAD sxEz2tQ Aaday oOBsF

BRBOWO SdCAcacst OAD OCIMOcsY S,H,0OOSS OD

OMA ESN DOME BMS moa guc oOo gest

@MNIEMDIACE. MDD) OGOIESY OOST VV Sz OIE za)

DHMNICSTOD EDD MPVSY AETCWO Baw Qanno

OHS E—

B30 Dy) GE Do MAo, e330 OD) GE Bo OE

OSI HOS QVOMOK DMOSED) MIs,

Bcd GVVDHLOHSsS ©OO@CT SCOGT GEAIHQD 7S

BEmMD2OBD GOOVAS SEs BBOMD0aY PReowdsal ods

@2O AsBsy E=_QDIa! SOCMAsy OOESIMOO wen

ZIG OES SHd OSWMEG OE SOSVO) MODEM OMO Hed

EIIDO O© DHES DOD Mg od eHo®less €O

Bw BOs wo HohvnwT nH O© ETIDOO OS

MIQeWASMSOBIDY OOD MPADMDsa} OLDE.

ESM GSMssqgosy MNNMGOasedss

OUMICuAMBzMmOd<ss DOD) OES} GesodsV.

O® ESTADO SO GOMVASAIH SASS VDHOMsSOsT amo

SO Sasmn@z~@QVe JT GCOOVHODTN HEAR 8M (2203

2S DOQ OHSKBoi Boe BQAOxaAOMsY QooW OseVg

ODS BEDE.

WoOSAo DYOOME O7Be

Aas CSV VIAcaDOnNe@eso

DDIMMDOS SaNDEMHBO I DIST

QDGAODASY BIDwMSNID VQ &.

BOYSIESD OD HEC O98 GS Gotdamdasidnst

0% SBA OG EC6ED AOASWOasy SBaw Gs

86 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. X-

EDOOLOOOVSHD ON SOS BS OD GSES For

QHAe BQ OB@OMDICsY SAwM VHADT Ska-aw Aow®

DNOODD BORD SEVMG SAE OtwHd Sms OOS

SOPOESY GOD) B10 8 Be C2SH SSHED MOM SO

OCOOVo@Oasd FWDNOD WVSIO GReEDAHOMIdNDOAGS

OOD QDEODS FiEEDiS Or~VOECVS Ado Oana)

DEMABANOVSDY CDVY OMG 3 Cc OBODIOD OH

SOND SRST O8OS HdMAGODOdSs.

EDWEDODIODS EMe OQGOMMHCMDO

GOD BOG OD HOSTS} Ga@DIEH BAe Seo.

BD O© HMED DOOMOGS MOMs GOs FasT Estado

CAMBRSOdS BHD Ge WWOaST BYOO SKQAVAOsVO

Des DVO SzWMHAG EHO JF @6sOEOasy GYousisad

DOOOBNIE EO7OST Die Q7WHOSO OB) QBNOGWOASY

EBDEINO FT Eons gociss OD onBsre Say

ZODB DOD Oo.DdWIsy Ad Omc®WAIisVOoyY wena

BIAS BODO Ma E72 HD OD COs OMNES BOSSY God)o:

OADEGOS EMIOHBIVST EMSIO EMMA MOGANd.

BAe,

GOO,

MOCIAsOEK),

ZD@WLHLVED,

Bo SOMexp.

(Transliteration. )

Swasti.

Sri Saka varshayen ek dahas desiya saseta awuruddak

pirunu sanda me kala(1) raja pemini Tri Sinhaladhiswara

Bhuvanaikabahu namwt(2) mata tunwanu vesanga pura

pasaloswaka dewasayé(3) maha sanghayawahansé ekwa Sin--

duruwane(4) Panhalgala mudunehi kerawu ndyaka pilima

atawissak hd pilima sahasayakin(5) samptirnawt sataraweni

malat pilimasaminut pilima pahakin sampurnawakin(6)

kerawt tunweni malat atawisibddhiyenut(7) suwisivivarana-

yenut(8) pilima sahasrayakinut sampurnawa mudaliwarun

No. 34.—1887.] SINHALESE INSCRIPTIONS. 87

emadenat seénawat ekwa kerawti deweni malat sri maha

bédhisaminta pita l4 vajrasanayé veda hun dhatu desiya

panas seta(9) denaku wahanségen dhaturupayak(10) pihituwa

kala nadyaka pilima saéminut sitiyama pilima sahasrayak

den& wahansét Maitri bédhi satwayanwahansét 1édkéswara

Nathayan wahanset Suyéma(11) Santusita(12) Sakra,

Brahma, Vishnu, Mahéswaradiwt divya rupat meki ema

denagé divya stri ruipat Lankawata arakgat Kihireli(13)

Upulvan(14) devi rajjuruwan wahansét Sumana(15) Vibhi-

shana(16) Ganapati(17) Skandakumdradi(18) devi rajjuru-

wanwahansét bisdwarun wahansét meki budun deviyangen

sampurnawi Séndlankadhikéri nam wt mekun taman

kerawui pata malat pilima geyi welikonda patan kot kerella

dakwa sthapatirayan(19) etuluwu boh6 achariwarunta dun

vit ratran ridi pili etuluwui deyin masuran 4Asayen(20)

tun kela seta lakshayak di kerawu apit mudaliwarut

sénawat ekwa kerawu mé Sri Lankatilakayayi nama 14

kerawu maha pilimagenut Sénalankadhikarayé tamangé

putra vanitadin lawa kerawt atawisi riyan mandapayehi

pibituwu ghana léhapratimawat apismalawarun(Z1) wahansé

etuluwu dewasayé maha sanghay4 wahansé sepa pari-

bhogayen setapena lesata kerawu sanghir4éma dekat push-

parama phalaramayen yuktawu sri maha _ vihdraya

matu pawatwana lesa pratishthawak eta menaweyi Séndélan-

kadhikaray6 apata ki heyin meséma Sinduruwana nuwara

banda Kiriwamulen bijuvata yalakut apit mudaliwarunut

sénawat ekwa amutuwa ela amunu bandawa tarakerawa 1u

alut Badalagodin kumburu biju sayalakut parana Badala-

godin biju pasyalakut etuluwa kumburu biju dolos

yalakut mehi banda gasa kola wal pita etuluwt tenut

Séndlaynkadhikdrayé tamangé pamunu(22) pravéniyen pidu

Hiddamulla Gonwanikayen bijuvata yalakut wasala kerawt

adhikérayangen pidt parana Badalagoda Yakallen bijuwata

yalakut Satruwan Patirajayangen pidu Kasambiliyagodin

bijuwata yalakut Patirajayangen pidu Deltota Hinpenkan-

duré(23) daranda patan(24) Saputalayé ima dakwa kumburu

bijuwata dolasamunakut Santanayen magula_ piti yela(25)

88 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. X.

ekakut Sinduruwana denuwara kud4 mahat ema dendt ekwa

ela amunu benda kanu mul uduré tana dun ten pidu Goda-

welin bijuwata yalakut etuluwa kumburu bijuwata dasa sat

yala dolosamunak etuluwa meyituwak tena parana imwu

paridden mehi banda gasa kola wal pita etuluwt tenut Séna-

lankadhikérayo tamangen pidut rat ran ridi l6kada tambakada

etuluwu garubhandat meséma tamangé magul wahalin ran

wahalin génun pirimingen vahalru desiyayakut ela sarakin

mi sarakin sarakru sara siyayakut meséma viharage viharaye

kala deya pava nokala deya karavé deviyanta budunta niran-

tarayen bat mal pahan puda malakkam(26) pavatina lesata

Lankawasin tamangé nama la kala heyin awuruddakata

geyakin panamak niyayen denta salasanu pidéni panamut

etulu madigayen pita madigayen navatotin atalos désayen a

vyaparayangen ganna dena yam baduyekin siyayata kalak

niyayen tamba pata liya dun samaya sriyen lat siyalu

wastuwa etuluva ema labhaya pasak kota beda tunu ruwanta

tun bhagayakut deviyanta bhagayakut mekungé daru munu-

buru paramparawen mehi benda pavatvana kenekunta

bhagayakut seleswu niyavat—meyin kisiwakata viruddhayak

kota lodbhayen peheragat kenek et nam narakadi satara

ap4yehi ipada meté budun nodaknahuya—kaka prétadin

men bat pen noleba chandalayantat antawa kavudan

ballanta putwuwahunam vetiyi dena

“tinan va yadi va katthan pupphay v4 yadi va phalan

“+d hare Buddhabhégassa maha petd bhavissati.”

Kiya sri mukha patha heyin melo paralo dekhima sepa

vindindé kemativu uttamayan wisin kisiwakatat asawak nokota

basakin akurak vicharakin me pinkamata sahayawa kala deya

pava nokala deya pavatwa karav4 lana kenek et nam mé kusa-

laya taman kal4 sé anumédanwa diva sepat nivan sepat sadha

gann4 pinisa mé pinkamata Séndlankadhikérayét mesewu

aradhanawak keret :—

“‘ Asy4(27) prasy4 yasatra nan tana padadvayajan rajah

“ Sénélankaédhikéréndrah kuruté murdhni pushpawat.”

Mé pinkamata yam uttamayakhu wisin basakin wat sahayawa

No. 34.—1887.] sSINHALESE INSCRIPTIONS. 89

rakna lebéda é uttamayagé pada dhili Senaélankadhikéari

namwut m4 wisin suvanda mal samuhayak men mage ismudu-

nen pudana ladi.

“ Sanrakshitun dharmamancekartpay baddhafjalir murdhani

yachaté so.

“ Jatannarendranapi ja4yamanan mantriswaran savinya(28)

jitana bahu sri.”

(1) Samptrnawt mé kusala dharmaya upan réjottamayan

wahansé wisinut matu upadina (3) épa mahapé situ senevirat

(2) rajottamayan wisinut upan amatydttamayan wahansé

wisinut matu upadina (4) pradhana mahatun wisinut esema

dhanavanta srivanta Demala Sinhala senawa wisinut meki

paridden Sri mah4 viharaya sanrakshana paripdlana karana

yam uttamayek et nam owunta dasanakhasamodhanayen

-dohot mudunehi endili benda wendemiyi kiy4 Bodhisatwa

charitayak men utumwut guna eti Lanka Senevirat maha

rajanan wisin mesé yachia keléyi :—

“Dana palanayormaddhyeé danan(29) sréyo nupélanam

* Danat(30) swargan cha prapnoti palanadachyutay paday.”

yana me subhashita vachanayen tama tama dimaya anun

dunna raksha kirimaya yana yukti kramayen bijuvata(1)

pihituwuwanta wad4 wetakota rakshdkala ayata é sasyapha-

layen prayéjana wana heyin da daruwan wedt méniyanta

wada sutapremayen etikalawunta é putray4gen praydjana

wana heyin da pinkamehi wachana matravakin kayavyayama-

kin wat sahayawu satpurusha kenek et nam matu divya

manushya sampat s4dh4 kelawara ama maha nivan dakinta

utsaha katayutu.

Siddhirastu. Kalyanamastu.

Subhamastu. Chiran Jivamastu.

A’rogyamastu.

(Translation.)

(May there be) health.

In the third year of me, Bhuvanaika Bahu, the supreme lord

.of the three-fold Sinhala, who ascended the throne of Lanka

in the 1266th year of the illustrious Saka era, on the fifteenth

90 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). || Vou. ae

day of the bright half of the month Wesak, Séndlankadhi-

kara, having told us that it would be well if any help were

rendered with a view to hereafter maintain the great and

beautiful Vihare consisting of—

The fourth story furnished with the twenty-eight principal

images and 1,000 images which were caused to be made on

the top of Panhalgala in Sinduruwana, conjointly with the

priesthood of the two orders (priests who reside in forests.

and priests who live in villages) ;

The third story caused to be furnished with the principal

images and five (other) images ;

The second story caused to be made by all the Mudaliyars

and the people conjointly, containing descriptions of the

twenty-eight Bodhis (trees under which Buddhas attain

Buddhahood) and the assurances of twenty-four Buddhas

(that Gotama will become a Buddha), and 1,000 images (of

other objects) ;

The lowest story caused to be made by Sénélankadhikara,

and consisting (of the images) of these Buddhas and gods,

viz., the principal image, in which was deposited one of the

256 constituent parts of (Buddha’s) body, seated on the

diamond throne with the back turned towards the great and

illustrious Bé tree ; 1,000 painted images, Maitri Bédhisatwa ;

Natha, chief of the world; the divine likenesses of the gods

in the Suyaéma and Santusita worlds, of Sakra, Brahma,

Vishnu, Mahéswara, &c., as also the images of the wives of

the said gods; the god-king Kihireli Upulvan, the tutelary

deity of Lanka ; the god-kings Sumana, Vibhishana, Ganapati,

Skandakumara, &c., as also their wives ;

The big image-house caused to be made under the name of

the illustrious Lankatilaka by Us and the Mudaliy4rs and the

people at the expense of 36,000,000 in value of gold masus,

of things including paddy, gold, silver, and clothes given to

many workmen, including head carpenters, who did the

work from the foundation up to the top of the spire, as also

the ‘solid metal image placed on the terrace of 28 cubits

which Sénadhilankéra caused to be built by his wife and

No. 34.—1887.] SINHALESE INSCRIPTIONS. Ok

children, &c.; (and) the two monasteries caused to be

made with a view to the accommodation of the great body

of the priests of the two orders, inclusive of aged priests who

have but little desire (for the world) ; the flower garden and

the orchard ;—the following grant was made:

One yala of paddy sowing extent from Kiriwamula belong-

ing to the said Sinduruwananuwara, six yalas of sowing

extent from Alut Badalagoda which We, the Mudaliyars,.

and other people conjointly caused to become fertile by

making a fresh, strong dam ; five yalas of sowing extent from

Parana Badalagoda, twelve yalas (inclusive of the above) and

places together with the trees, shrubs, and meadows

belonging thereto; one yala of sowing extent from Gonwa-

nika in Hidd4amulla, which Séndlankédhikara offered out of

his hereditary possession; one y4la of sowing extent from

Yakalla in Parana Badalagoda, which was offered by the

minister who managed affairs at the royal court; one yala of

sowing extent from Kasambiliyagoda, which was offered

by Satruvan Patiraja; twelve amunu of sowing extent lying

between the upper side of the field Hinpenkandura in

Deltota and the limit of Saputalé, offered by Patirdja;

one.........trom Santana; one yala of sowing extent from

Godawela offered by all the small and great, conjointly, in

the two-fold Sinduruwananuwara, after having thrown up

embankments, uprooted the stumps, and prepared it (for

cultivation)—all amounting to seventeen ydlas and twelve

amunu in all the aforesaid places, according to the old

boundaries; the places including the trees, shrubs, and

meadows appertaining thereto; the furniture, including gold,

silver, bell-metal, and copper vessels offered by Senalankadhi-

kara of his own property; 200 male and female servants,

amongst whom some are his own ancestral servants and

others purchased by him ; 400 black cattle and buffaloes ;—

in order that continually rice, flowers, lamps, and religious

festivities may be continued for the sake of the gods and

Buddhas—finishing the work left incomplete and repairing’

the work already done in the temple and monastery.

‘92 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Von. X.

The inhabitants of Lanka having done this work under

their name, offerings at the rate of one fanam from each

household have been enjoined upon them.

All the income derived from everything accruing from

the produce of each season as prescribed on copper plate, to

the effect that one fourth per cent. from any goods given to,

-or received from, the merchants whocome from the eighteen

countries, from the nine ports, and from the carriage

departments in the inner and outer city. It is decreed

that the said income must be divided into five parts, three

of which are to go to the three gems, one to the gods, and

the other one to the children and grandchildren of those

who will constantly maintain (these endowments).

If there should be any one who from covetousness should

take away any of these things (thus granted), disputing title

to the same, he will be born in the four hells, Naraka, &c.,

and not see Meté (Maitri) Buddha; like unto crows, disem-

bodied spirits, &c., he will suffer from want of rice and water,

and be more degraded than the Chandalas (outcasts) and

become the offspring of crows and dogs.

If anybody takes away grass, wood, flower, or fruit which

is the property of Buddha, he will become a great Péta

(hobgoblin).

(1) If, in view of this noble original saying, any great men

wish to enjoy happiness in this world and the next,and

(3) without coveting anything (2) help forward this

charitable work even by a word or letter, and (4) not only

keep up the work already completed but also execute

the work which is left undone, they may participate in

the merits of this act as if done by themselves, and

work out for themselves the happiness of heaven and

Nirvana.

Sénalankadhikara makes also the following request :—

The most excellent Séndlankadhikara places, like a flower

on his head, the dust sticking to the two feet of him who is

the maintainer of this charitable act.

With clasped hands on his head he requests the born and

No. 34.—1887.] sINHALESE INSCRIPTIONS. 93:

the future princes, ministers, and commanders of armies, and

wealthy people to patronise the manifold Dhamma.

Between a gift and its maintenance, the maintenance is

better than the gift itself: in consequence of the gift one

attains heaven, in consequence of its maintenance one

attains the state from which there is no fall (Nirvana).

If, in accordance with the above well-said maxim, there

be any good person who, by mere word or bodily exertion,

will be a helper in this charitable deed, let him endeavour to

attain divine and human happiness, and, finally, to experience

the ambrosial and great Nirvana, keeping in view the fact

that one who puts up a fence and protects seed derives

benefit more than the man who planted the seed, and one

who brings up a child with parental affection derives benefit

‘more than the mother who brought forth the child.

May there be the accomplishment of wishes !

May there be good success !

May there be health !

May there be happiness !

May there be long life !

(Notes.)

(1) Kala is evidently a clerical error for Laka = Lanka.

(2) The king referred to in the following inscription was

Bhuvanaika Bahu IV. of Gampola, who ascended the throne

1344 A.D. According to “ Nikaya Sangraha,” Séndlankédhi-

kara, his minister,, sent pearls, precious stones, &c., to

Kafchipura (modern Conjeveram of Southern India), where

he got a stone image made. He also caused to be made at

Dewunuwara (Dewundara, or Dondra) a_ three-storeyed

house with images (of Buddha) in a standing posture, and

caused a large image-house of eighteen cubits to be built

at Akbé wehera (Agrabédhi vihara). Moreover, on the top

of the Parnasaila rock in the Sinduruw4na nuwara, his native

place, he caused to be built a magnificent vihare, Lankatilaka

by name, which was as beautiful as the Kaildsa rock. He

also performed many other religious acts and led a pious

94 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Viom: xe

life. On hearing of the many irreligious acts of those who

professed the (Buddhist) religion, he made it known to the

chapter of priests in the two monasteries, at the head of

which was the High Priest Wanaratana, who resided at

Amaragiri, and, with royal patronage, he (the minister)

effected a reformation in the religion.

(3) Dewdsayeé: “of the two habitations,” a term applied to

designate priests who live in the villages and those who

live in forests secluded from human society.

(4) The ancient division of Sinduruwana is now divided

into two parts, which form the modern divisions of Udu-

nuwara and Yatinuwara. To the latter a small district,

including lands on the other side of the Mahaweli-ganga,

was added when the capital was built.

(5) Read sahasrayakin for sahasayakin.

(6) Omit kin after sampurnawa.

(7) Atavisibodhi, the twenty-eight sacred trees at which

the twenty-eight Buddhas attained Buddhahood.

(8) Stiwvisi-vivarana, a term applied to denote the

assurances Gotama had of. his becoming a Buddha—

assurances made by the 24 Buddhas who preceded him.

(9) Read panas-saya for panas-seta.

(10) Dhdturtipayak. Here ripayak is pleonastic, as also

rh (1.e. rupa) in wahal-ri and sarak-ru below.

(11) Suydma, a clerical error for Ydma, one of the six

divine worlds.

(12) Santusita, name of the fourth divine world, com-

monly called Tusitabhawana.

(13) Kithireli, = Khadiradéhali, an epithet of Vishnu.

(14) Upulvan, = Utpalavarna, an epithet of Vishnu.

(15) Sumana, the tutelary deity of Adam’s Peak.

(16) Vibhishana, the younger brether of Ravana and

friend of Rama.

(17) Ganapati, more commonly called Ganésa, son of Siva

and Parvati, the deity of wisdom and remover of obstacles.

(18) Skanda, ‘the Hindu god of war, more commonly

known in Ceylon as “ Kataragama Deviy6o.”

No. 34.—1887.] sINHALESE INSCRIPTIONS. 95

(19) Sthapatirayan. The correct form is sthapatiwarayan:

sthapati (Sanskrit) “carpenter,” and warayan from (Sanskrit)

wara “chief” or “ eminent ” and yan personal affix.

(20) Proposed to read agayen “in value,” for dsayen “ with

intention ’’; “ of free will,’ which does not suit the context.

(21) Apismaluwaru, from alpechchhamahallakawara,

composed of alpa “ little,” ichchha “ desire,” mahallaka “ old

or elderly person,” and wara “ great,” “eminent.”

(22) Pamunu, probably from paveni (Pali), “series,”

“succession ’’; hence that which is inherited from one’s

ancestors, ancestral land, &c. For the change of w into m,

compare nawaya “nine” and namaya. Perhaps alsoitmay be

derived from papunanam (Pali), which means “attainment,”

“the act of attaining” or “that which is attained to.”

(23) Kandura: spring or fountain = dola or ulpata. It

is apparently derived from the Sanskrit kandara, which is

applied to an artificial or natural cave, with or without

water.

(24) Dardnda, the upper part of a tract of fields.

(25) Magula pitiyela is evidently a clerical error.

(26) Proposed to read puda olakkam for puda malakkam :

olakkam (Tamil) meaning “forms” or “usages,” and puda

“‘ offerings.”

(27) Read asya punyassa yastrata tad padadvyqjan rajah

for asyd prasya yasa tranantana padadvyqjan rajah.

(28) Read sainyapatin bahusrih for savinydjitana bahu srt.

(29) Read ddnadt for danan.

(30) Read dandtswargamavapnoti for dandt swargan-

chaprdapnoti.

(31) Byuvata from bya “seed,” “cause,” and vritiz

“being” or “ cause of being.”

IIT.—INSCRIPTION AT KUDUMIRISA.

Kudumirisa is a hamlet about fourteen miles from Colombo,

and forms a part of Koswinna in Siyané Koralé. The inscrip-

tion is tolerably well preserved, with the exception of a few

96 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). pf Vien.) Xe

lines towards the end which are illegible. The slab of stone

on which the grant is inscribed lies opposite to a small image-

house. The inscription resembles that at Pepiliyana both in

style and character, the only peculiarity being the use of

three double letters which do not occur in the Pepiliyana

inscription, viz., ) = od, 2 = 2d, and @ = Qa.

It records the confirmation by Siri Sangab6é Sri Par4krama

Bahu of Kotte of an endowment of certain lands granted

by his royal father for the benefit of certain Brahmins.

The inscription abounds with orthographical mistakes, of

which I shall here notice only such as have not been corrected

in my previous contributions to the Society’s Journal.

(Text.)

SG ComMBsRBs SAMWHS HagShZaS-DRSz) GVM

HDDODNDOAM-CGOO®D QHIGAMIMD:||AOCHs® wEas

BOGONBHIN BSOAr wMocBuse, SCOrssm O9OSBHD)

OBS HMssy Mowywwssonr®.

DS BMnswD SOWWADHD gsxDomRan

CuwMBsss | BBOaQSRDS mdcsvondss3 GOsy &S

BOGOR GSHTONQ OAD | BH wWosVOmsioddo ¢6

AD QVEO(1)35 OMOGMdOVD SAV@D HIGVO | ocB

BHODOE Geng80) SHVWDsLOdS BmmanosS SSHodd

BO O299)4m(2) | BQ8OVAS Sat axe COS GOS 79H}

OH BSOH OC@O9TIG EM@OVS OWE | HMDS

DCGOMD) DOGNINO OwOada S21H DGS Moo WH

OQISS BYE DS | GOE€9 DoS OG) BB $98) BID

MOIOasd gtd gpeweH Asad Esr™ WHCSYosy |

ODaANoS OD gee MBaVMGQQ F€OQH0(3) 4m

BQO} MODnEHa B@mosasIoge | AG oss SsIaaS(4)

SH) AYO BF MLOODROST HE MQOD QB) MD OOP

EBs Od | OS DH BWSVOES S OOD EDs SSO

DELOS O:.@ OFO EGSS BDiDzH0eWd | ;:ad0¢

a Espn EGS BSVTHogg mM OOD EGS OSE

* Bena. + @@2@.

No. 34.—1887.] SINHALESE INSCRIPTIONS. 97

SC & 88 EBsy O29 | D(5) & EcomDnacd @E

85 DH ANMMBSsY QDEKSEHA mm GHCEBSY BDO

OG | G ANDAiOMMEHS Bo MEQBGAD EEE Mo

OO® EGS OzIsIEg HD HsavoovodseE | 6 1G mm QOSGMDOD

m ©O88 85 O89O AHENA ©9B DA ONG ow

O2MGS | © SE WMAz BHT FrMOQ nst HEMOGVHoOS

EDOWOGRD* OOHOHW HSCS | momft ome

OWOAHOD DSOEMESsI MoMemoen GA9d0so

ZIALSB OO | BrIsdsl m0) So~ean) BOODSIT

MOCO} OG@r) DEVS SADA OD«BNs | oon

QQ OWSD Mmes6oMon KBeADVayssooy mes

SOMOd) Heaze) | ONNVSCOSS{MOSY HrQsSOOOH)

OOOCSEOSSCiDOSTY MOCOBOMag HMHDsnOdsy |

OQLMIDDBOGOH) EHOMIGWDCUD SOO GOMOD CG OS

SOT MOMHOMOLX | GCHVDAOSS{DOT oso

ODMIOD) ORTDSDEIOSS7 DOT DSDOMODVSODSH | OD)

DVS LOSSO{MD1OD OHADOO MOH GCQHSOSSMOsy

ADSNEOODH MGI HH | moOoameg oruehawHsy

VDAHST OE GE3§ Des || AME DSMAsanCOdcstimass |

ODIOVDOOE EMM HA CIB NV A@sGSOMoOD OOGsty Qe

QVOSSC7@DIOSY MMGtsOOMOL | OUECMISSST HEMOG

OD PMDEOHOL OO. AMEDD HWS HEMOOGOH) Sad003

DEO DIOS | DI BHO MOMOVS, MSHDOAOOOD HNOD

OBS1DIOD AHINOMOD OADDA KLE OAqHoDds |

ODIO GO HAS SS O@W1HN39EOB) ONIHWMHSD OADae

DLODIOD DNIDEDneSHomMiRDanoy | eed Si@dE

QaNAs OHWCST HNsSOGNOD) OOF) OOOCBWOSSz

QOS BO@PMOOSAHMOQ QReEanday | mdOH¥Yomogy

DNIASMANWSSS MWQsSOGOs) BOOOOKSSY |giOQ

RBWIMASIosT COMM, SCVOBOOVSY | EHS

PO DAMES SODSH HaHw@ensy BCX—QHWE

* soos § SOeads.

T POD. || Va.

t Md.

48—88 H

98 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou X.

DOAHWOD3 CoM@QocnAsEw® | coMowWeDaKnOOs

GEDISS D@ DIE DVQOMNOSED. GIMDHHaM* GMO wok

BOBQHOAD NDOOI{SsfNAS | HMnqomseormiosy

DOA—ODBANCE GOZDMOGONHE FEBIWOMOSGBASz

GOH HIMIWMOOweOTDSBSS | HNDODOCHD BR

O20 OOVSD COMOCGHDSSsBGavd Weal SOM

BHOSDT BEWIVIEG OOOH | 08st BE@oeAs Cad

EoY ADO G@emnIess BSMap@ar DWest snot

EOGOS OCHSASY AMEsI SO | D OAMOD) EE) MSn@ss

DMNORHS BEY SWINE OGO00GES ..... jb ak diame dinate meee SS aLGh

(Transliteration. )

Sri Lankadhipatih Parakramabhujasstryanvayalankratir

ya | chéham bhavat6 wachassrinuta mé bhimiswara bhavinah

dharmmdéyam sadrisah samasta jaga || tan satyam bhavadbhis

sada rakshydsaumayi jata harsha krapay&4 punyan tatha

bhujjatam.

Swasti sri mahé Sammata paramparanuyata stryavansabhi-

jata sri Lankadhipati | Trisinhaladhiswara nawaratnadhipati

srimat Sirisaigabo sri Parakramabahu chakrawa | rtti

swaminwahanséta dasawana wesafigapura doloswaka Jaya-

wardhanapurapravara | yehi sumangala prasdddbhimukha

chitra mandapayé sinhasanayehi sirinives saha votunu |

sivuseta baranin sedi raja yuwaraja emati gana piriwara

dévéndralilawen wedahinda | hema tenhi kalamana

katayuttata vyawastha vichara wadaérana tene swarggam6k-

shasampatti | udesa nana gotra nand sitra nana namayen

yukta brahmanajitiyata pitrri § maha rajjuruwan | wahansé

weda indadi niyamakalawa agraharadanaya samurddha |

karana pinisa Sina koralaya| bada Koswinnayayi yana

gamata him—negena hirin galkaduwé mawata ha mema digin

Kos | gasa ha sin pen dola ha mema digin pilimatalawuwé

temba h4 mema digin newémiyagée | wékanda ha dakunu

* SneGo. § Pitri.

tT OoS2). || Samriddha.

tT GO36,00.

No. 34.—1887.] SINHALESE INSCRIPTIONS. 99

digin | Kirimetiyé dola ha mema digin talapalawila ha

mema digin mawa| ta ha Undugodayagé deniya ha basna-

hirin Galasitiyawa ha uturudigin batado | la tunbékosgasaha

talagasagawa aturoda ha mema digin vékanda hd tunmédda |

ra ela ha Galkaduwa ha meki siw mahimata etulatwui mehi

bada gan mudala gasa kola wa | 1 wil kuburu owiti etuluwt

ten Harita gotraye agra porohita* Vengadatturavaran | A’tre

+ gotre porohita Taramalanédaran A‘tre gétre Sri Ramaran

Kasyapagotre | Timmayaran Bharadwaja gétre Sawaiyaran

Garge { gdtre Balachandra Panditayan Kaundinya |

gotre Subbrahmanya bhattaran Kasyapa gotre Tiskhandha-

chchakkrarttan Kasyapa gotre Tiskhandha | Tenuwarappe-

rum4lun Kasyapagétre Mailarapperumalun Bharadwajagotre

A‘nandabhattaran | Kaundinyagotre Awuhola Ojjhalupalai

Porokkul Perumalun Gargegotre | Ulakudaya perumélun

Grage gdtre Senpakapperumalun Harita gotre Saraswati |

Tenuwarapperumalun Gautama gotre Ulakudayaperu-

malun Harita gotre Timma awadhanin| MHarita gotre

Bauddhagamachchakrawartin Yamadagni§ Wastra|| gotre

Vinayakabhattaran Kasyapa | gotre Veda amatyadhirayaran

Kasyapa gotre Ailakkuirrankum Perumalun Kasyapa gétre |

Vedattayiran Harita gotre A’‘nanda bhatta Venkadatturawaran

Harita gdtre Vinayakapperumélun | Va4sta godtre Varuna

jatra chandra Vaittangum Perumalun Harita gotre Senna

Ojjhalun Kaundinya | gotre Srirafigarajaran Kaundinya gétre

Mantramuttran Kaundinya gotre Taramalanadaran Kausika

gotre | Atharwwana Veda Brihaspatibhattaran Kasyapa gotre

Vedumialaiyittaperumalun Tirumaraikkattu mudaliyaran |

Bharadwjaa gétre Ndrayana bhattaran Kasyapa gdtre Tim-

maiyaran etuluwa brahmanayangé daru munuburu param-

parawen | agraharawa achandrarkasthayiwa pawatna niyayen

salaswa,—Danapalanayérmaddhyé dana sréyonupalanam |

Danat swarga mawapnoti palanadachchutam padam. Danam

* Purohita. § Jamadagni.

+ A’treya. || Vasishtha.

{t Gargiya.

100 : JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). LV on: Xe

vibhusani * léke sarvvéshamapi bhubhujam | Na bhédjya ft |

na kara | grahy4 danodatta:t: wasundhara. Mekiyanalada

purvvokta wachanayada anagatayehi pemini raja raja maha-

- maty4din wisin | hema vélehima sihikota mekiyana agrahdra |

dana punya kriyawa kalak pawatina niyayen salaswa wadala

mehe | warin silalékhya liyawé dun bawata Sri Laykddhipati |

Sri Pardkramabéhu weda un ten awadhiye dewiyan budun |

santa | ka kotawa dila tanagannalesa palamu sanhasa dewa |

Wada lasmntikt i osdecee swe ceaseeneeeee J aga Soba Seblutienoume mee ue eeEe eamnen #

(Translation.)

I, Parakrama Bahu, supreme lord of the illustrious Lank4,

the ornament of the solar race, make my request to you,

princes, who will hereafter come (to the throne) : Hear ye my

words ! This meritorious deed is certainly common to all the

inhabitants of the world. This should always be maintained

by you with feelings of pleasure and kindness towards me.

May (the fruit of) this meritorious action be also enjoyed by

you.

May there be prosperity.

On the twelfth day of the bright half of the month Wesak (a)

(April-May), in the tenth year of his reign, the imperial

lord, the illustrious Siri Sangabé, Sri Pardkrama Bahu, who is

lineally descended from the illustrious king Maha Sammaita,

is born of the solar race, who is lord of the beautiful Lanka,

paramount sovereign of the three-fold Sinhala, and lord of the

nine treasures,—arrayed himself in the sixty-four ornaments,

inclusive of the crown(b), the abode of Sri (the goddess

of prosperity), took his seat like Indra on the throne in the

beautiful hall in front of the very auspicious palace in the

eminent city of Jayawardhana, attended by kings, sub-kings,

and the body of: his ministers, and having, in the course of

his inquiries as to the administration of the affairs through-

out his kingdom, learned that his royal father had for the

* Vibbushanan. { Danoddtta.

+ Bhojya.

No. 34.—1887.] SINHALESE INSCRIPTIONS. 101

sake of the enjoyment of release in heaven decreed in his life-

time a certain grant (3) to the Brahmin caste of various gotras

(tribes), invested with sacred threads of various kinds and

called by various names, (His Majesty) caused the said grant

to be perpetuated, so long as the sun and moon endure, for the

benefit of the children, grandchildren, and other lineal

descendants of the Brahmins, including the chief family

priest Vengadatturawaran of Harita tribe, the family priest

Taramalanadaran of A’tre (ya) tribe, Sri Ramaran of A’tre(ya)

tribe, Timmayaran of Kasyapa tribe, Savaiyaran of Bharadvaja

tribe, Balachandra Pandita of Garge(ya) tribe, Subbrahmanya-

bhattaran of Kaundinya tribe, Tiskhandha chchakkrarttan

of K4syapa tribe, Tiskhandhatenuwarapperumalun of Kasy-

apa tribe, Mailarapperumalun of Kasyapa tribe, A’nandabhat-

taran of Bharadvaja tribe, Avuhola Ojjhalupalai Porokkul-

perumalun of Kaundinya tribe, Ulakudayaperumalun of

Garge(ya) tribe, Senpakapperumalun of Garge(ya) tribe, Saras-

vatitenuwarapperumaélun of MHarita tribe, Ulakudayaperu-

malun of Gautama tribe, Timma Avadhanin of Harita tribe,

Bauddhagamachchakravarttin of Harita tribe, Vinayakabhat-

taran of Yamadagniwastra tribe, Veda Amatyédhirayaran of

Kasyapa tribe, Ailakku Irankum Perumélun of Kasyapatribe,

Vedattayiran of Kasyapa tribe, ATnandabhatta Venkadattura-

varan of Harita tribe, Vinayakapperumaélun of Harita tribe,

Varuna jatra chandra Vaittangumperumélun of Vasta tribe,

Senn4 Ojjhalun of Harita tribe, Srirangarajaran of Kaundi-

nya tribe, Manila Muturan of Kaundinya tribe, Taramalana-

daran of Kaundinya tribe, Atharvanaveda Brihaspatibhattaran

of Kausika tribe, Vedumalaiyitta Perumélun of Kdsypa tribe,

Tirumaraikkattu Mudaliyaran ............... Narayanabhattaran

of Bharadvaja tribe, Timmaiyaran of Kasyapa tribe,—the grant

of the village, money, trees, shrubs, forests, swamps, fields,

and owitas within the hereinafter mentioned four boundaries

of the village Koswinna(4) in Siyaneé korale :—to wit, on the

east, Galkaduwe road(5), the jak tree, Sin pen dola (a narrow

watercourse), Pilimatalawuwe’s pillar(6), and the bund of

the tank which belongs to the barber(7) ; on the south

102 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

Kirimetiyadola, Talapalawila, the high road, and Undugoday4s

_ deniya (tract of low land); on the west, Galasitiyawa; on the

north, the three-fold jak tree at Batadola, the line of branches

near the talipottree, the bund ofthe tank, Tunmodara ela (canal

at the junction of three outlets for water), and Galkaduwa.

The maintenance of a gift is more meritorious than the

bestowal of the gift (itself). The donor attains heaven by

means of the gift, while one attains Nirvana (the everlasting

state) through the maintenance of the gift.

A gift is an ornament to all the princesin the world. The

earth rendered noble (sacred ?) by virtue of the gift thereof,

should not be enjoyed or seized (nor should any tax be

imposed thereon).

May future princes, ministers, &c., constantly call to mind

the above-cited ancient maxims and cause the perpetuation of

this sacred gift which is a meritorious deed.

Granted by inscription caused to be engraved by order

during the lifetime of Sri Pardkramabahu, lord of the

illustrious Lanka.

Caused to be given in accordance with a previous grant

made for the sake of the gods and Buddhas. ..................

(Notes.)

(1) Wesanga, derived from Vaisakha, the month in

which the moon is full in the constellation Visakha. (April-

May).

(2) Votunu = veshtana, a “turban ” or “ diadem.”

(3) Agrahara, a term applied to express an endowment of

lands for the benefit of Brahmins.

(4) Koswinna, name of a village, meaning a grove or tope

of jak trees. Compare this with Navinna, Dambavinna,

&c., in which connection vinna is evidently derived from the

Sanskrit vanyd, “a number of groves.”

(5) Mdawata = mahapatha, “the high road.”

(6) Temba = stambha, “ post,” “pillar.”

(7) Newémiya = napita (8.) or nahapita, (P.) “ barber.”

No. 34.—1887.] SINHALESE INSCRIPTIONS. 103

IIIL.—DEVANAGALA INSCRIPTION.*

Devanagala is a village in the Medapattu of the Galboda

Korale, Kégalla District. The inscription on the rock records

two grants made for the maintenance of the Devanagala

Vihdre—one by Ratandlankara Terunnansé, who founded it

in 1567 A.D., and the other by Vimala Dharma Suryya, who

reigned at Kandy between 1685 and 1707 A.D.

GRADBOaS ogged Oma CudcToNS Vad ES

Gé, ACHO ooo Ha GBRHSWR ohosnd sto COMM

CDIMI ONC&ssy SBsy OGODOEGED QHNoas, SB

QDs Send aat dO 8 SEnSAO AVQEDTOSO ae ela

AEH) BYOOG QDMA Osada Woda gemeWosy ead

GORD OS 81HH SOCDW yak OWHICSYSO Woy SRaxot

CIDDNOEROSBE(2Z) AD HY BYOO DO EV emen OswScasy

QO FiDED OMaA OTnoOast HHOMES PACD EGHES

BGHOSDS SBCAMBNONO BAI NBGSVHEa Gs OO ocOaD

DEGH 2798 SENT) GHNDE O88E(3)ED OO Bada Bot

ADDO OS GOSS €,OB3 YEROOi WI ME ODnOdsy ea SKB

OOBa8D BSSI:DOOCO Ges’ GCACMASS ODOAO

OWDIUNI Od OMESD® ENOOIE STS EOs OHSsOOaw ea

BDOOGOIMO DODO) AMOHSSPOC ST BOSIE BSDIO BMD

OMGE. DO OSnNBDs OSNOSE OD SMCSO &4 BSC

CO gaeat EXC Daas DE Band ¢oacstl eno EO

WDNMDSADASME SMOFEMOS ENO SzxVO MS DIHMNOOOS.

O®© Baa BsIM® GESOO O&MMDO ERS daNnow en

OOBSADOORZO BMA HVS EBsyo BMD ans.

(Transliteration. )

Sri Buddhawarshayen dedas eka siya dasawannehi

Dharmayata divi puda budubawa pata dmisa pratipatti puja

kota inna Ratanalankara Terasamin visin Devanagala uda

tun bd(1) pihituwé viharayak karaw4 e viharayata Kekulan-

Owita ela amunu bandawa bijuwata démunaka wapasariya

* See ‘Ceylon Friend,” 1873.

104. JUORNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vor. X.

aswadd4 pujakalabawat dena me Laka raja pemini Vimala

Dharma Strya maha rajjuruwan visinut Ruwandeniyeyi(2)

yana gama bijuwata nawa amunaka wapasariyat ita etuluwu

godat noyek gahakolat etuluwa dana lakshanayen salakshana-

kota sannaspatrayak liyawa4 ema Dewanagala uda kerawu

vih4rayata pujakala sedi(d) dena me kiyana pinkamata

raja yuvaraja emati mudaliwarun adi noyek aya visin me

kiyana pinkamwalata awulak uddharanayak nokota nokarawa

me pinkam anumodanwa divya manushya sampat anubhawa-

kota tama tama kemati paridden nivan dakinta sitanawa

honde. Ese nosité noyek me viharayata dipu pidavillata

awulak uddharanayak kala ki karawt ayek et nam ata maha

narakaya Adi satara apaye dukata peminennahu nam weti.

Me kiyana pinkama derata senawama daniti. Epanatata dena

me pinkamwalata sahayawa nivan dakinta sitanawa yahapati.

(Translation.)

In the year 2110 of the illustrious Buddhist era, Ratana-

lankara Terunnanseé, who devoted his life to religion and

offered material and religious gifts in the hope of attaining

Buddhahood, established the Three Bédhis(1) on the top

of Devanagala, founded a vihare, asweddumised two amunas’

sowing extent of Kekulan Owita by constructing a dam

across the stream, and dedicated it to the said vihdre.

Having come to know this, His Majesty Vimala Dharma

Surya, who succeeded to the throne of Lanka, caused a

sannasa to be written, with the usual characteristic marks

of a gift, by which he dedicated to the vihdre built on

the said Devanagala nine amunas’ sowing extent in the

village of Ruvandeniya(2) together with the high land

appertaining thereto, and many trees and shrubs growing

thereon. It will be well if kings, sub-kings, ministers,

mudaliyars, and many others, knowing the above fact, will

neither injure or destroy, nor cause to be injured or

destroyed, any of these meritorious gifts, and if they will

be pleased with these meritorious deeds and think of seeing

Nirvana, each as he likes, after having enjoyed divine and

No. 34.—1887.] SINHALESK INSCRIPTIONS. 105

human happiness. If there be any persons who, without

thinking so, should injure or destroy by word or deed, or

cause to be injured or destroyed, the various gifts made to

this vihare, they will suffer sorrow in the four(3) states of

misery commencing with the eight great Naraka. The above

said endowment is known to people of both countries. It

will be well if people will bear in mind the terms of the

above grant, and think of attaining Nirvana by assisting in

the (upkeep of the) said meritorious deeds.

(Notes.)

(1) Three Bodhis:—(@) Monuments, such as Dagabas,

erected in memory of Buddha, where his relics are

said to be deposited.

(0) The Bo tree (ficus religiosa) and other things used

by him in his lifetime.

his images.

(2) Ruvandeniya, a village in the Medapattuwa of Galboda

~ korale.

(3) Sedi is avery uncommon word for bawa or waga,

meaning “fact.” I think it is a corrupt form of the Tamil

cheyti or seydi (as it is sometimes pronounced), meaning

“news,” “deed,” or “‘ occurrence.”

(4) Hell, state of irrational beings, of hobgoblins or de-

parted spirits, and of Asuras, or Titans, enemies of the gods.

48—88 i

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JOURNAL

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OF ‘THE

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1887.

VOLUME xX.

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EDITED BY THE HONORARY SECRETARY.

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CONTENTS.

Tirukkétisvaram, Mahatirtha, Matéddam, or Mantoddai.—By

W.J.S. Boake, EsqQ., €.6.8.

Translation of an Inscription at the Temple at Monnisva-

ram.—Note by G. M. Fow.eEr, Esq., 6.0.8. .. bk

Note on the “ Hil-pen-kandura” at Kandy.—By J. P. Lewis,

Esq., C.C.8.

The Capture of Trincomalee, a.p. 1639.—Translated from

the Dutch by F. H. DE Vos, Esa. we

A Belgian Physician’s Notes on Ceylon in 1687-89.—TYrans-

jated from the Dutch by D. W. FERGuson, Esa.

Notes on certain Jatakas relative to the Sculptures recently

discovered in Northern India.—By L. Dr Zoysa, Muda-

hyar

175

JOURNAL

OF THE

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,

CEYLON BRANCH.

TIRUKKE’TI’SVARAM, MAHA’TI’RTHA,

MA‘TO/DDAM, OR MA’NTODDAT.

By W. J. S. BOAKE, ESQ., C.C.S.

(Read November 7, 1887.)

except a few fragments of sculptured figures, broken

tiles, bricks, and pieces of pottery. Its site is

entirely overgrown by low dense jungle, the only large trees

being a few tanaku and baobab. Indications may still be

seen of the old streets, and there are two or three old wells.

The foundations of a brick building, somewhere about the

centre of the hill, on which I believe the greater part of the

city stood, are pointed out as those of the palace; and the

entrance of the temple is said to have been near the old well

marked on Plan II.

The Plans which accompany this Paper will give an idea

of the locality. The city was built upon a hill, and the

natural height of the ground was increased by the excavations

necessary to form tanks: or, perhaps, it is more correct to say

that the spur of the hill on which the resthouse stands was

thus formed.

Tradition says that the city extended to the seashore, and

that a considerable part of it is submerged. I have not been

83—88 B

108 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). OTS Oe

able to find any record of this event; but within the last

hundred years there have been at least two considerable

encroachments of the sea in this neighbourhood ; and I find

no difficulty in admitting the tradition to be true, which also

alleges that when Tirukkétisvaram was built, the island of

Mannar, which is now separated from it by about four miles

of shallow water (or mud and sand, as it is in the south-west

monsoon), formed part of the mainland.

It is alleged by Suntaramurtti Nayanar, who sang, or is

said to have sung, in the sixth century, that the city was

“close to the sea where there are plenty of ships,” and if this

was so there must have been much deeper water than now.

The Mannar channel is said to have been artificially formed,

and it is not difficult to understand how its construction may

have assisted the encroachment of the sea in both monsoons.

Of the great antiquity of this abode of wisdom and beauty

there can be no doubt. From its close proximity to the

continent, and the facility of communication by water in

both monsoons with Ramésvaram, which at that time was

part of the continent of India, the colonisation of this part of

Ceylon must have taken place at a very early date.

It is one of the sixty-four sacred places of the Hindus. Its

temple rivalled that of Rameésvaram, and was probably built

about the same period.

The Sinhalese refer to it at a very early date as Mahatirtha.

Tirukkétisvaram was, I think, its mostancient name, for it can

scarcely be doubted but that Ceylon was first colonised from

Southern India, and there was built the great temple dedi-

cated to Siva, as the name implies. Subsequently, when the

Aryan invader who had landed in the south made his way

northwards and met the Dravidian, the great Siva had to

make way for “ Tathagata,” and the place came to be called

Mahatirtha or Mantoddai. Whetherthe present name Mantoddai

is the Sinhalese name, or the Tamil word which means either

“oreat garden”’ or “mango garden,’ Iam not sure. I think

it more probable that it is the former. But, asthe date of its

foundation is lost in obscurity, so also is that of its destruction.

No. 35.—1887.] TIRUKKETI'SVARAM. 109

It must have continued in existence after the Sinhalese

invasion ; for some of the remains are Buddhistic, and it is

quite possible—and some of the glass and other things which

have been found lend colour to the supposition—that it was

included for some centuries in the ancient Kalah, which Mr.

Nevill speaks of as under the sway of the Rajahs of Zabedj.*

However this may be, there is nothing to show whether it

was submerged, gradually decayed, or sacked and razed by

some conqueror. There is a tradition of an Arab invasion

and of a great massacre; and the baobab tree, it is said, was

introduced by Arabs as fodder for their camels.

Thelegend referred to in Hardy’s “ Sacred Books of the Bud-

dhists” of the submergence of the city of Rawana must, I think,

refer to a time antecedent to the building of Tirukésvaram,

though I am inclined for geological reasons not to reject the

legend as altogether untrue. The city must have disappeared

atany rate before the sixteenth century ; for, so far as I know,

it is not mentioned by the Portuguese, who, however, made

ase of the ruins of it in laying the foundations of the Fort of

Mannar, and of the numerous churches which they built on

the mainland and on the island. There is scarcely a village in

the district where stones are not to be found which have

been removed from this city of the “ Three-eyed one.”

Inscriptions have been found on some of these stones, of

which rubbings were furnished to the Society by Mr. E. M.

Byrde, but they have been found so imperfect that it has not

been possible to decipher them; and as they all appear to be

in modern Sinhalese character, I do not suppose that much

would be learnt from them were it possible to do so.

Induced by the discovery of a few coins and other remains

to believe that other objects of archeological interest might

be found by excavation, I applied to the Society and

obtained a small grant, and will now proceed to detail the

result of a few days’ work. I have not had time yet to do

more, but hope to resume excavation before long.

*C. A.S. Journ. Vol. VII., No. 24, 1881.

110 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Wome.

I commenced work with agang of coolies on December 26..

My intention was to cut shallow trenches and run them along

until I came to something, but soon found that the difficulty

of clearing the thick jungle and opening the hard baked

ground—particularly hard near the surface—would run away

with the funds at my disposal in a very short time. I

therefore decided on making pits here and there.

Excavation was commenced at a spot marked 26 on

Plan 2. Ata depth of from four to five feet we came upon a

layer of remains. The soil about that depth was good, but

below five feet it became exceedingly dry—fine sand and

ashes, or something like ashes. I thought I had got into a

dust-bin—and the numerous fragments of chatties, pieces of

bone, and other things looked very like it.

The following is a list of the things excavated this day :—

(1) Fragments of chatties.—I have not been able to find

any writing on any of these fragments, and I am unable

to say whether they bear any certain evidence of their

age. Some of them appear unfinished, and from the

presence of some lumps of clay I am led to believe

that I had hit upon the site of a potter's dwelling.

It will be interesting to compare them with Mr. Parker’s.

specimens from Tissamaharama. I think that the depth at

which they were found alone argues considerable antiquity..

A depth of four or five feet in the silt of a tank is not much,

but on the top of a hill entirely beyond the reach of floods or

cyclonic waves is a good deal, particularly in a dry climate

where vegetation is anything but rank.

(2) Bones.—I have not been able to identify these, but

they are not human. One is a piece of deer horn.

(3) Enamelled porcelain, of a description which, so far as

I know, was never made either in India or Ceylon. It is.

more like Chinese or Japanese ware. I have some Singapore

ware which resembles some of it.

(4) Glassware.—Such as I have seen in the Egyptian.

Court of the British Museum.

(5) Lumps of quartz.

No. 39.—1887. | TIRUKKETI'SVARAM. V11

(6) Refuse of a blacksmith’s forge.—One fragment of the

‘calcined covering of iron ore, such as is still turned out by

the Kandyan smith when making steel.

(7) Horns of different shapes and sizes.

(8) Fragments of flat tiles.

(9) Flat discs, such as Mr. Parker found at Tissa, and says

were used to play “pitch and toss” with. One of them is

inscribed, but whether with writing or mere ornamental

design I cannot say. I cannot identify the alphabet.

Another is pierced through the centre, and might have been

the wheel of a child’s toy-cart.

(10) Chank shells.—These are very numerous, both whole

and sawn into rings.

(11) A piece of soap.—I thought this was a piece of some

sandstone, and put it in water to wash it, when I found it to

be a coarse sandy soap.

(12) A piece of fine porcelain.

(13) A cowrie.

(14) Burnt clay marbles or pillets.

(15) Cornelian.—This is very common. There are frag-

ments of it all over the place.

(16) Some pieces of tale.

(17) Different pebbles.

(18) Beads.

(19) Copper ore.—This also is common.

(20) Two iron nails.

(21) Glass bangles.—Very common.

(22) Earthenware bottle-necks.—I call them bottle-necks,

but I do not think they can be, for they are very numerous :

and yet I have not found a single fragment of any other part

of a bottle. It has occurred to me that they might have been

used as nozzles of blowpipes; and someone has suggested

that they were used to hold the moist clay when being

moulded.

I have no doubt I should have found plenty more of the

same sort of things if I had continued digging in this spot,

but the next day I tried another place in the hope of finding

112 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

something new. I tried the Plan marked 27, near the

present trigonometrical tower, and found :—

(1) Two pearls—a seed pearl and a larger one, worth

about fifty cents. These were almost on the surface.

(2) Two copper coins and a fragment.

(3) Pieces of bones and a grindstone, or rather the frag-

ment of the upper stone still used for grinding curry-stuffs..

(4) A round granite stone, which I think must have been

used for grinding beads.

(5) Some bones.

(6) More bottle-necks, of somewhat different shape to

those found on the 26th. One of them chased.

(7) Beads.

(8) Quartz, cornelian, and pebbles.

(9) Glass bangles.

(10) One fragment of a carved chank ring or bangle.

(11) Fragments of glass.

(12) Piece of glazed pottery (modern).

(13) Two round discs.

(14) One pillet.

(15) One copper nail.

(16) One coral stone for grooming elephants.

These things were all found among the foundations of a.

building built of coral stone and brick, but not laid in mortar,

and most of them at the same depth as the things found on

the 26th. The pearls and piece of modern pottery were

found near the surface, and may have been dropped there at

any time by any one.

I chose to dig here, being informed that it was in this.

place some gold coins and beads were found. I have not

been able to trace the present possessor of the beads, but

Mr. Byrde, I believe, has one of the gold coins.* :

I hope to be able later on to make some sketches and notes.

of the scattered stones, but will conclude this communication

* A gold “Traka” (see Rhys Davids’ Jnt. Num. Orient, vol. I.). The

copper coins found were of the “Bull and Fishes” type (Princep, Ind.

Antiquities, vol, II., p. 423).—Hon. Sec.

No. 35.—1887.] TIRUKKETI/SVARAM. 113

with a translation, for the correctness of which Phillips

Mutaliyar, the Kachchéri Interpreter, is chiefly responsible,

of a song sung by Suntaramurtti Nayanar in the sixth

century :—

1. O thou who dwellest at Tirukkétisvaram! who knowest |

the past, present, and future! who, clothed with the skin of

the elephant, adorned with the bones of the dead, and armed

with the trident, ridest on the bull !—The thirty-three mil-

lions of gods do worship thee.

2. Othou who dwellest at Tirukkétisvaram ! who, anointed

with holy ashes, and with thy black neck encircled by the

hide of the elephant, dwellest on the banks of the milky sea

with thy wife whose girdle out-flashes the lightning !

3. O thou who dwellest at Tirukkeéetisvaram ! thou whom

all divine beings and holy men adore! who wearest the

crescent on thy head and the serpent around thy neck, and

dwellest at Matoddam by the sea of many ships!

4, Othou who dwellest at Tirukkétisvaram ! Three-eyed

one! who reignest on the banks of Palavi, which throws up

heavy waves near Matéddam, where beetles with beautiful

wings make music !

2. Othou who dwellest at Tirukketisvaram! who removest

the sins of thy servants and livest with thy wife Umatévi

in the beautiful palace at Matoddam near the sea, which is

surrounded by beautiful golden flowers !

6. Othou who dwellest at Tirukkétisvaram ! who cleansest

all the sins of thy servants and grantest to them holiness,

and dwellest with thy beautiful wife Umatévi on the banks

of Palavi at Matéddam near the sea abounding in pearls!

7. Othou who dwellest at Tirukkétisvaram! who removest

all the bodily diseases of thy servants! thou who dwellest

at Matoddam near the sky-bound sea with thy wife Uma-

tevi, whose words are sweet as nectar !

8. Othou who dwellest at Tirukkétisvaram ! who with thy

wife Umatévi reignest on the banks of Palavi at Matédddam,

where beetles, drunk with honey, dance !

9. O thou who dwellest at Tirukkétisvaram! thou who art

114 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). ee Omg ee

called Three in one and Two in one! who hast three eyes

and reignest on the banks of Palavi at Matoddam, which

abounds in mangoes ! Remit my sins.

10. I,a native of Tiruvottiyur, which is held in great

esteem by men of all religions, am not worthy to sing these

ten verses on thee who dwellest at Tirukkéetisvaram at

Matédddam surrounded by the sea, where beetles of all kinds

make sweet music.

REMARKS ON MR. BOAKE’S PAPER ON THE

RUINS OF TIRUKKETISVARAM.

By THE Hon. P. RAMA-NATHAN.

THE proper name of the temple is Tirukkétisvaram, or

Tirukkétichchuram, in which Z%rwu (a pure Tamil word)

means “ sacred,” ‘“ prosperous,” or “eminent,’and Kétisvaram

means the residence or temple of the god Kétisvara. I cannot

tell for certain what the derivation of Kétisvaram is, but

Ketu in Sanskrit means, among other things, a banner or

standard of distinction, and I’svaram is the residence of

I’svara or Siva. Nor am I certain that Kétaram in the

Himalayas or Kedara-ghat in Benares has any historic or

legendary connection with Keéetisvaramin Ceylon. The word

is formed on the same principle as Ramésvaram, which is

divisible into Rama-lI’svaram.

Mr. Boake speaks of Kétisvaram asa city. I do not think

it was anything more than a temple, surrounded by a small

population of office-bearers and devotees, such as are usually

found in the precincts of any Brahmanic temple.

Then, as regards the antiquity of the temple, Mr. Boake is

inclined to believe that it was built contemporaneously with

Ramesvaram. It is well known that most of the great stalas,

or holy places, especially temples of India, have each a

purana, in which its history is given. Tirukketisvaram had

undoubtedly a purdna at one time, but from inquiries I have

KURAN TANK

— |

SHEWING

POSITION OF TIRUKESWARAM

Scale - about A Miles to an Inch.

No. 35.—1887. ] TIRUKKETI'SVARAM. 115

made I learn that, except a few leaves, nothing more of it is

extant. It is admitted on all hands that the period during

which the English, the French, and the princes of India were

fighting for supremacy in the Deccan, proved very destructive

to literary works preserved in the libraries of South India.

Perhaps the purana I refer to existed before or about the

commencement of these wars, say 150 years ago, when

Mayilvakanam wrote the history of Jaffna, entitled Yalppana

Vaipava Mdlai. He lived in the time of the Dutch

Governor Maccara (1736), and may have seen the purdana in

question, because it is recorded by him in positive terms in

the history of Jaffna that Prince Vijaya, soon after he landed

on the shores of Ceylon in the sixth century B.C., “ caused to

be rebuilt the temple of Terukkétisvaram, which had long

been in ruins.” ‘That would take us to a much earlier period

than 543 B.C., the year of Vijaya’s landing. The only event

recorded of Ceylon anterior to that event is the reign of

Ravana and his subjugation by Rama. When did these

heroes flourish ? Valmiki identifies the date of Rama’s birth

with the occurrence of an uncommon astronomical fact, from

which Bently, in his work on Hindu Astronomy, computes

that the birth of Rama must have taken place in 961 B.c.

Other authorities assign a much earlier period. As at least 400

years intervened between the time of Rama and Vijaya, are

we justified in believing that the temple of Tirukkétisvaram,

even if it had gone to ruins “long before” the landing of

Vijaya, did exist in the days of Rama? Seeing that the

Ramayana does not, so far as 1 remember, make mention

of it, though lying on the path taken by Rama to Ceylon,

we may conclude that that temple was founded some time

after the epoch of Rama and many years before the advent

of Vijaya.

We are, however, treading on firmer ground when we read

what is recorded of this temple in one of the most sacred

writings of the Tamils, the Tévdram, which are hymns in

praise of Siva sung by Suntra-murthi and Sampanta-

murtti. When did these divines live ? Their lives, like those

116 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). TVou, X.

of many other apostles of the Saiva religion, form part of a

purdna written by Sekkilar-suvdmi. In it is described the

rise, development, and overthrow of Jainism and Buddhism

in South India. It appears that when Ku-pandian was on

the throne of Madura, the influence of the Jains was so

powerful that they succeeded in making a convert of that

king to their religion. His queen, however, Mankaiyarkkarasi

by name, and minister Kulachchirai-nayinar, remained true

to their ancestral religion. They persuaded the king to:

preside at a public controversy between the Jains and the

Saivites; and Sampanta-murtti was the chosen champion of

the Saivites. The many arguments which were urged and

the miracles performed on that occasion need not be

recounted here; but it is enough to say that the Jains were

defeated and the king himself reconverted to the religion of

Siva. This event is generally placed by native Tamil scholars.

in the middle of the third century before Christ. Huropean

savants refer it to the seventh or eighth century after Christ.

It isrelated in the purdna of Sekkilar-suvami that, after over-

throwing the Jains at Madura, Sampanta-murtti proceeded

to Ramésvaram and sang hymns in praise of Ramanata,

the god enshrined in that temple, and also in praise of

Tirukkétisvaram and Tirukkénamalai (Trincomalee). 1

may incidentally remark that Mr. Boake is not quite right

in saying that there are only sixty-four places of worship

sacred to the Hindts. There are (including those in ruins)

1,008, of which two only are in Ceylon, namely, Tirukketis-

varam and Tirukkénamalai. Raéamésvaram is of course part

of India.

I think what I have stated is sufficient to entitle us to

believe that Sampanta-murtti flourished at least as early

as 700 A.c. In his hymns he speaks of Tirukketisvaram

as a temple on the borders of the city of Matéddam along the

Palavi; and of Matéddam itself he says that it abounds in gold,,

pearls, and precious stones, and was full of mango groves,

areca trees, and plantain bushes, among which peacocks and

monkeys disported themselves. The temple must indeed

No. 35.—1887.] TIRUKKETI SVARAM. 117

have been in a most flourshing condition in 700 A.c., and

naturally so judging from the immense activity displayed

about that period by the Tamils, politically and religiously..

They had then become so powerful that the Sinhalese king

at Anuradhapura found it prudent to abandon that city and

shift his capital to Polonnaruwa. In short, the Raja Ratna

Kara records that, in the ninth or tenth century the domi--

nation of the Tamils was so complete that every town and

village in the Island teemed with them, and that in the

whole Island there were not to be found even five Buddhist

priests.

I must not omit to state that in the Mahavansa it is.

recorded that upon prince Vijayo soliciting for himself the

hand of the daughter of the Pandian king of Madura, the

vast retinue of maidens, courtiers, and servants who accom-

panied her to Ceylon disembarked at a place called

Mahatirtha. The author of the Mahavansa says that the

place was so called from the circumstance of a great

concourse of people landing there. Sir Emerson Tennent,

following this authority, translates the name as the “ Great

ferry.” I think that Mahatittha is the Pali form of the Sans-

krit Mahatirtha, literally “the great water or river.” It is

usual for most places of pilgrimage orstalas to havea tirtha or

“sheet of water” where devotees may perform their ablutions

and purify themselves. In the case of Tiruk-kétisvaram its

tirtha was the Palavi or the adjoining sea; and as the temple:

itself was in ruins, the spot at which the princess of Madura

landed could not be better identified than by the name of

Mahatirtha.

Ido not think that Matéddam is derived from Mahatirtha,.

but the present name of the town M4ntoddai is undoubtedly

a compound of Ma and toddam, just as Pintédddam (flower:

garden) is a compound of Pu and téddam, the n intervening

according to the laws of Tamil euphony.

118 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON) [Vou. X.

TRANSLATION OF AN INSCRIPTION AT THE

TEMPLE AT MONNI’SVARAM.

Note BY G. M. FOWLER, ESQ., C.C.S.

aq) HAVE examined the Monnisvaram inscription several

Gx| times, and much of it is illegible. It has, I think,

been removed from an older building and built into

the present one. Several of the letters near the joints of the

stones are covered by the mortar, which would not be the

case if it had been cut 7m situ. The inscription runs along a

kind of cornice, and consists of only four lines, extending

for about thirty or forty feet. Its height from the ground

is about four feet.

In digging a tank near the temple two pieces of sculpture

were found: a bull’s head and an image of (?) “Suppirama-

niyan.” These did not appear to be very ancient.

There is a case in the Chilaw court, I believe, in which

the inscription is evidence.

TRANSLATION.

“‘Let happiness be ! On the tenth day of the waxing moon in

October, in the thirty-eighth year of his reign, His Majesty

Sri Parakrama Bahu,* descendant of the illustrious family of

Sri Sangabodhi, worshipper of the lotus-feet of Sri Samanta-

patra (Buddha), of Solar race, king of kings, serpent to the

royal and mercantile races, and emperor of the three worlds,

invited to the Jayawardhana Kottaf the Nampimar (priests)

who officiate before the god of Monnisvaram, and addressing

himself to the Brahmin Pandit, who is a proficient in all

sciences amongst them, inquired into the circumstances of

* Sri Parakrama Béhu VI., 1410-1452 a.p. + The modern Kotté.

No. 35.—1887.]. | MONNI/SVARAM INSCRIPTION. 119:

that temple and bestowed the lands which formerly belonged

to the priests, lying within the district of Monnisvaram in the

holy name, and as the property of the god. As pusai lands he

granted to the priests 22 amanams of field at [lippedeniya,

and 30 amanams in Kottapitiya to Mutanmai (chief priests),

and 8 amanams of field in Tittakkadai, with the inhabited

places and forests appertaining to this. In addition to the

offering of 3 nalis of rice, he granted 30 fanams to the priests

per mensem and 11 fanams to each of the Mutanmais (chief

priests) for the daily offerings of vegetable curries, greens,

and perfumes, to be enjoyed from generation to generation

while the sun and moon exist, as Sarvamaniyam (free

gift) to the god of Monnisvaram, which is hereby decreed to

be irrevocable. Those who cause any damage to the land

will be guilty of Parchamahapadtakam (the five great sins),

while those who take an interest in it will attain heavenly

bliss.”

Here follows a Sulokam, the translation of which is :—

“To this effect this was caused to be inscribed by Parakra-

man through the grace of Monnisvarar, who is an ocean of

wisdom in Saivaism and lord of all the different classes of

gods.”

120 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

NOTE ON THE “HIL-PEN-KANDURA” AT

KANDY.

By J. P. LEWIS, ESsQ., C.C.S.

(Read December 23, 1887.)

T———~4\iK recent heavy rains carried away a portion of the

| banks of the stream which falls into the Kandy

lake at the Ampitiya end, and laid bare some stone-

work which evidently belonged to an old bathing-place of

some importance.

This consisted of a massive stone conduit about 14 ft.

long, a stone basin of about the circumference of a cart-

wheel, a stone pillar a little over 5 ft. high, on which this

basin had evidently stood, and a large flat stone at the foot of

the pillar for the bather to stand on. (See plan of restored

work.)

The only thing found actually in situ was the pillar, but

the basin was found close to it. All this stonework was

found some feet out of the course of the present stream and

in the bank above it, so that the course of the stream must

have been diverted since the bathing-place was used. Scat-

tered about were found several cut stones. In the bank

behind the site of the pillar there appear to be the remains

of a wall.

The basin is a contrivance to allow of three people bathing

at the same time, each standing under a spout, the water

flowing into the basin through an aperture on the fourth

side, which was no doubt connected with the conduit; the

pillar is square at the back and rounded on the outer side, so

that it probably stood against the masonry wall referred to.

It is just high enough to allow a person to stand underneath

No. 35,—1887.| =‘ HI'L-PEN-KANDURA.” 121

the spouts of the basin placed at the top. Very likely there

was a large flat stone under each spout, though only one seems

to have been found. One or two other stones have a channel

cut or worn at the side as if they had been fixed under a

spout.

The name of this stream is Hil-pen-kandura, “cold water

stream.” It is said to be the best water ofany round Kandy

town (Ratémahatmaya’s report of October 5, 1874). Until

afew years ago it wasa favourite bathing-place of the Kandy

people, but the opening of the new Gregory road diverted

the course of the stream in some places, and made the old

bathing-place, which was situated a short distance lower

down the stream, unsuitable for public use.

A spout which, according to the Ratemahatmaya, had

existed there from time immemorial, was removed by the

inunicipality some years ago, and although a new one was

put up it did not last long. The stream is much fouled by

dhobies, of whom there isa whole colony in Ampitiya. A

portion of it has been diverted to a private bathing-place,

and the old bathing-place is not now used.

This seems to have been known as “the king’s spout,”

and, according to prevailing traditions, the Kandyan kings

preferred the water of this stream for bathing in to any in

Kandy. Probably the real “king’s spout” is the bathing-

place that has just been discovered. Although hidden from

view for generations, its name remained, and in course of time

began to be applied to the other “spout” lower down, which

had not disappeared.

The last king of Kandy granted the land about these bathing-

places to a tenant, who held it by the tenure of watching

the spout for the palace.

It is to be regretted that the present tenant has removed

the pillar, basin, and flat stone to the compound of his house,

a short distance off. He had to employ an elephant for the

purpose. There will not be much difficulty in having them

replaced. It is needless to remark that the land about this

stream ought never to have been sold by the Crown.

122 JOURNAL, R A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou.. X.

I annex copy* of a rather high-flown but well-meaning

letter addressed to the Government Agent some years ago by

Mr. Abeyeratna, a former Gravets muhandiram, on the

subject of this stream. The scheme he suggests was never

carried out, and the dhobies have won the day, for although

the Queen’s Advocate was of opinion that they might be

prosecuted under the Nuisances Ordinance, no steps have

ever been taken to proceed against them, and they have now

full possession of the lower part of the stream, just before it

falls into the lake.

The man who was in charge of the stream was called

Hil-penkandurd, a name rather absurdly formed from

the name of the stream itself.

The man in charge of the bathing-place was called Wahal-

kadaya, which means “ door-keeper.”

Descendants of both these functionaries are living at

Ampitiya at the present day. They have sold the lands.

which their ancestors held by this tenure to dhobies.

There is a descendant cf the Hil-penkandura called Alu-

gollégedara Bodiya: he is a temple tenant, and is of Panniya

(toddy-drawer) caste. He is a peon in the fiscal’s office.

A man called Wahalkadagedara Sififio isa descendant of

the “ gate-keeper,” as his name “ gate-keeper family ” shows.

He is of the tom-tom beater caste, and is a beggar.

According to information given to the Ratémahatmaya by

the Maha Nayaka of the Malwatta Viharé, it was the king’s

custom to proceed to this bathing place on Wednesdays.

December, 1887.

* Not printed.

No. 35.—1887.] CAPTURE OF TRINCOMALEE. 123

THE CAPTURE OF TRINCOMALEE,

A. D. 1639.

EHXTRACT from Report of the Ratémahaimaya of Lower Héwaheta to

the Hon. the Government Agent, Kandy, dated December 12, 1887.

oe It is believed that during the reign of King Kirti-sri he caused

the waters of all the natural springs in the vicinity to be weighed and

_ tested, and the water of this Hilpenkandura was found to be the best of

all. So his Majesty ordered that this stream should be kept exclu-

sively for the royal household, and no one was allowed (except those

of the royal household) to use it.

The king also ordered a bath-room to be built there, surrounded with

a strong wall, and a gate leading to it ; and also appointed two officers —

one to watch the kandura and one to guard the gate ; and his Majesty

made it a rule to proceed thither every Wednesday in a palanquin

followed by procession of tom-tom beaters, musicians, and others. This -

rule was followed by his successors.

[Vo face page 122 of R. A. S. Journal No. 35 of 1887.)

information, to report it early next morning. So he returned

to land and nothing further took place that evening.

April 19—In the forenoon Vice-Commander Willem

Jacobsz Coster and the Fiscal Gerard Herbers having rowed

ashore to ascertain whether the Prince of this place (who

was unwell, having suffered with sore-eyes for the last five

years) would come on board to deliberate with the Comman-

der touching the attack on the Fort of Trincomalee, and what

steps should be taken to conquer it, the aforesaid Prince

came on board the Admiral’s yacht “ Armuyden” with one

83—88 Cc

122 JOURNAL, RA.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou.. X.

I annex copy* of a rather high-flown but well-meaning

letter addressed to the Government Agent some years ago by

Mr. Abeyeratna, a former Gravets muhandiram, on the

subject of this stream. The scheme he suggests was never

a ie

= 7 19 ™m2 oy

custom to proceed to this bathing place on Wednesdays.

December, 1887.

* Not printed.

No. 35.—1887.] CAPTURE OF TRINCOMALEE. 123

THE CAPTURE OF TRINCOMALEE,

A. D. 1639.

Extracts from the Journal of the Commander Antonio Caen.

TRANSLATED FROM THE DUTCH BY F. H. DE VOS, ESQ.

(Read, November 17, 1887.)

po7ea PRIL 18, 1639.—A bout evening arrived in the Bay of

Ky A if Coutijar, leaving to starboard the Portuguese Fort of

Trincomalee, lying ina sandy bay between two head-

lands jutting out into the sea. Inside the bay on the same

side were some islets or rocks bounding the passage through

which we had to sail, about S. to W. and N. to EK. Anchorage

for sailing right into the bay good and deep, being 10 to 11

fathoms quite close to land. After anchoring, Vice-Com-

mander Coster went ashore at Coutijar with some blacks. In

the meantime the Governor of Samantura came on board,

having left Batticaloa on the 12th. Being interrogated by

the Commander on the position and nature of this place

and the state of the Fort of Trincomalee, he gave little

information, apologised for the tardy arrival of his people

and said that he had never in his life been here,

nor as yet spoken with the Prince of this place. He therefore

desired to go to him and promised, when he got further

information, to report it early next morning. So he returned

to land and nothing further took place that evening.

April 19.—In the forenoon Vice-Commander Willem

Jacobsz Coster and the Fiscal Gerard Herbers having rowed

ashore to ascertain whether the Prince of this place (who

was unwell, having suffered with sore-eyes for the last five

years) would come on board to deliberate with the Comman-

der touching the attack on the Fort of Trincomalee, and what

steps should be taken to conquer it, the aforesaid Prince

came on board the Admiral’s yacht “ Armuyden ” with one

83—88 C

124 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von X.

of his sons and his brother, in company with the Vice-Com-

mander Coster and the Fiscal. He said that the Fort of

Trincomalee had three bastions. On that to the landside

there were six guns, and on the bastion which commanded the

inside of the bay also six guns. Upon the seaside bastion

there were two guns, which could scour the bay over some

rocks. They were all of iron, shooting 5 to 6 lb. iron, having

been taken from a certain Danish ship which was wrecked

here onarock about twenty yearsago. The garrison stationed

there consisted of forty European-Portuguese, also blacks

and Mestices to the number of about a hundred or little more.

‘There were among them about thirty married men with their

wivesand children. The extent of the Fort was about as great

as that of Batticaloa. The walls on the side facing the inner

bay were about 24 to 3 fathoms high, built of black and hard

stone, and on the Pagoda side about 4 to 5 fathoms high and

5 cubits thick. There was, besides, a suitable place where one

could safely land with men and guns beyond the reach of

their cannon. In order to sail in safely it was right that we

should reconnoitre the place with some of our boats. The

question, therefore, having been put whether one hundred of

our soldiers would be able to land there without peril, (the

‘Governor) replied, laughing, that the Portuguese had not one

hundred in the Fort, and that they would not have the

courage to meet so many soldiers, as he himself intended that

day to provision his blacks and land them that evening or

early next morning, and to maintain them without any assis-

tance from us. They consisted of four hundred Coutijar

soldiers and workmen and five hundred soldiers from Batti-

caloa, who were to unite at the place where we intended

encamping, and to bring there a quantity of long straight

poles to make ladders of, and to see that there should

be in readiness a goodly number of baskets to carry

earth in. As regards provisions and ammunition, those in

the Fort were well provided, and had resolved (so it was

understood) to stand to the end and defend themselves to the

last man.

No. 35.—1887.] CAPTURE OF TRINCOMALEE. 125

April 20.—In the morning at break of day, Vice-Com-

mander Coster, the Fiscal Herbers, Captain-Major Martin

Scholtes, and Sea-Captain Daniel Jansz, with seven boats

rowed to a certain enclosed bay lying about 3 miles

N.N.W. from the ships, in order to inspect not only the

situation of that place and how they could land their men

and guns there without resistance, but also how the Fort and

its outposts could be safely attacked and besieged most

advantageously. On their way in to the aforesaid bay they

found it at the mouth 30 fathoms deep with a strong

coral bottom, and, stretching from the east point a little

inwards, a small stony reef with a depth of not more than

3 fathoms, which could easily be avoided by hugging the >

west coast a little. In the middle, opposite the bay, the

anchorage was mostly good from 20 to 6,5, and 4 fathoms,

rising by half and whole fathoms, and the ships could lie right

against land and sail at pleasure backwards and forwards,

and the boats come so close to shore that one could step

out without wetting the feet. The land was moreover,

thickly overgrown with scrub. The roads and footpaths,

which in some places were somewhat narrow, were, however,

strong and level, so that ordnance could easily be taken over

them—only the wild growth had to be cut away on the sides

and the paths made broader. The Fort, so faras we could see,

had three bastions: one on the west side commanding the bay

in which lay five to six boats like chamboox, and others

of a smaller build. Close to land, the beach being nice,

white, and sandy, a little in shore stood some houses roofed

with atap. Here it was possible to effect a landing under

fire from their cannon, by means of small boats, the land on

the south side being higher than the Fort, so that some guns

could be placed on that eminence and fired from above into

the Fort. The bastion at the north end of the Fort is intended

to guard against the attack of a force from the main land.

They inspected it so closely, that if a person who was known

to them had appeared on it they would have been able to

- recognise him amongst the others. The wood was so thick

| C2

126 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. X..

under the ramparts that a musket could not have been fired’

through it. They could not inspect the third bastion, lying

sea-girt eastwards, so well as the others : I shall not dwell on it

further.

When they had thus inspected these bastions, the

Governor of Samanturé came to see them there. He told the

Vice-Commander Coster, Fiscal Herbers, and Major Scholtes,

that he had that night received letters from His Imperial

Majesty, in which his Majesty enjoined him to provide all the

Hollanders who came under his jurisdiction with every

necessary, and to do everything which they should desire him

to. His Majesty also said that Don Balthazar and his other

officers did not, when close to Colombo, treat us as we ought

to have been treated, on which account he believed we

had gone away from there; and he was thus deprived of a

glorious victory which, with the aid of the Dutch, was in his

hands, as the Portuguese had deserted Maluane and other

Forts lying there about to defend Colombo in a body. There-

fore his officers were to blame that he did not become master

of the said Fort. The aforesaid Governor further stated

that His Majesty had, for this reason, imprisoned Don

Balthazar and his followers in Kandy, being dissatisfied with

what they had done, and was so enraged that no one could

approach him and scarcely dared speak to him.

April 21.—In the morning the yachts “ Ryswijck” and

“De Zeeusche Nachtegael” sailed with Vice-Commander

Coster to sound the N. E. side of the Fort of Trincomalee,

and returned to the fleet about 1 o’clock in the afternoon.

It was gathered from his report that on that side the anchor-

age was bad, so that the ships could not anchor there, as right

under the walls of the aforesaid Fort some Portuguese:

boats lay moored. The yachts had scarcely returned to

the fleet anchored opposite Coutijar, when there arose such

2 violent storm from the east that the vessels, notwith-

standing that they had two anchors, were driven before it, so

that their sterns were exposed to the fury of the surf; and

ii the wind, which was very violent for two hours, had

No. 35.—1887.| CAPTURE OF TRINCOMALEE. 127

continued, they would, without doubt, have been driven

ashore. But the Almighty averted this and saved us from

such a calamity.

After the weather was a little settled and the ships had

their masts and yards up again, the Commander weighed

anchor and sailed into the enclosed bay that was yesterday

sounded and inspected by the Vice-Commander Coster.

The wind was from the 8.W. In sailing to the mouth

of the bay they found scarce any deep bottom. In sailing

in one ought to avoid the east side a little, as from

it (as before mentioned) extends a rocky reef where

there is not more than 3 fathoms water. So that in truth

the ship “Henrietta Louisa” ran aground there, but

‘by God’s help got off uninjured. The ships “ Utrecht ”

and “Oudewater ” remained opposite Coutijar, owing to some

mishap or other unknown to us. The rest of the fleet

came into the bay over about 3, 4, or 5 fathoms water to the

east side, and brought up in good anchorage, safe and sound.

April 22.—A little before day the Commander sent four

boats from the fleet to Coutijar to accompany the ships

“Utrecht” and ‘“ Oudewater” if they could sail here stealthily.

"The other boats were sent ashore by him about 1.30 o’clock

with skilled sailors and some sixty soldiers, that he might

accompany them himself and inspect the situation of

the Fort in order to be more fully and better informed

about it by seeing it with his own eyes, and thus come to a

surer resolution. This was most advantageous and beneficial

to the Company.

Therefore, having landed with the Fiscal Gerard Herbers and

the aforesaid soldiers, they inspected the Fort on all sides

within musket shot both from under the walls through the

undergrowth and from the open beach, so that one could

easily hear them speaking to each other in the Fort and

telling each other that we were there. The Commander also

ordered his trumpeter to play “ Wilhelmus van Nassau” on

the open beach, so that they could hear it easily. They

thereupon fired on us twice. The first ball did not reach

128 JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). (Worx.

us, and we could not see where the second fell. But by the

feeble report of the gun we easily learnt that they could

not be well provided with arms. Having at noon gone back

on board from land found that the ships “Utretch” and

“ Oudewater”’ had arrived, bringing with them some blacks

from Coutijar with the Governor of Samanturé and his

soldiers and workmen. He at once came on board the

Admiral’s yacht “ Armuyden,” to inform him that there had

been sent to his army from the King of Kandy two persons.

to announce to us His Majesty’s (intended) arrival.

April 23.—Harly in the morning Vice-Commander Coster

and Captain-Major Martin Scholtes went ashore with about

forty sailors and a good number of soldiers to cut the growth

of creepers on the sides of the road a little, so as to fit it

for the transport of cannon and mortars, and to select a good

spot to encamp, and, further, to throw upa battery. Those in

the Fort fired shots at our workmen from some volkens

and guns, without doing us any injury the whole day. There

was also sent from the Fort a certain manschouw, in which

were about thirty blacks, so far as we could make out. These

rowed straight to where our men were working in their

ambuscade unconscious how many there were of us to

receive them. When they came sufficiently within range

our men fired on them with their muskets, whereby every one

in the manschouw was disheartened, and leaving some oars

floating about retired to the Fort. In the afternoon Com-

mander Caen again went ashore to inspect afresh the

situation of the Fort, and to find a suitable place whence

to bombard the batteries and approaches to the Fort till they

became masters of it. Those from within fired again three or

four times with their heavy guns on us, but, as before, injured

nobody.

April 24.—At daybreak a good party of sailors and soldiers.

went ashore again to build some batteries, under the

superintendence of Vice-Commander Coster, in order that as.

soon as our guns were landed an attempt might bemade on the

Fort, and chiefly to prevent those within the Fort from

No. 35.—1887.] CAPTURE OF TRINCOMALEE. 129

attacking and harassing our workmen with the aforesaid man-

schouw. Yor this purpose two prince guns were sent ashore,

but before they could be brought into proper position

those from the Fort appeared in the manschouw at the

place where our men were busy together raising some

batteries. They approached making a great noise and shout-

ing as they rowed to the shore, firing some shots with their

rifles and muskets into the scrub, thinking that our men were

there. A sentry (who had been ordered to screen himself

behind a tree) exposed himself through curiosity, and was

so wounded in the head by a bullet that he died soon after.

There was no further loss that day.

In the afternoon the Commander went ashore again to

visit the works already contructed by us. There were three

casemates ready provided with a battery 8 ft. high and

7 ft. broad: the fourth was also begun. Some intrench-

ment walls along the shore, were almost finished for the

purpose of mounting there the two aforesaid prince guns,

to prevent those in the Fort from using any boats in the

west bay.

April 25.—In the forenoon those from within the Fort

came out again with a praauw containing five persons, who

landed ona certain rock lying in the west bay between the

Fort and our works. They fired some shots with their

muskets on our workmen and wounded one of our soldiers

in the thick of his leg. A rifle shot from us killed a black

who had exposed half his body on the rock; so that only

four men returned to the Fort. In the evening our men

had ten loopholes ready, four of which were bound round

with palisades, but not quite filled with earth and twigs.

Those from the Fort did not this day fire more than two shots

with their heavy guns on our workmen and soldiers.

April 26.—In the forenoon our men were still busy

filling the aforesaid four batteries, those from within again

firing on the men working at them. In the afternoon

were much disturbed with guns, musket, and cannon shots.

The balls picked up by some of our men were mostly of

130 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

stone, from which we concluded that they were very short of

round-shot. Our men were not still, but seized the oppor-

tunity to fire with two prince guns (shooting 6 lb. iron) at

certain outworks which the enemy were busy building about

the gate. We madeour muskets tell where any advantage

could be gained. By this mutual firing two men were

wounded on our side—a sailor in his cheek, the bullet lodging

in the *, and a soldier slightly in his’ leg—besides

a black, who was killed in the morning by a shot from

the heavy guns. One of the lead bullets that came to our

hands was found to have been chewed by the enemy and

fired at us contrary to all the rules of war. About evening

two halve-cartouwen shooting 18 lb. iron were brought

ashore from the “Henrietta Louisa,” for which already two

platforms were in readiness and two more of the same kind

were made next day. The batteries and loopholes were

made to the number of ten, and were ready, except the

escarpment of the platform, for which already some beams

were in readiness, and daily more and more were brought.

Further, there sailed from here the yachts “ Ryswyck” and

the “ Nachtegael” to cruise about the seaside of the Fort of

Trincomalee and to prevent any communication with the

besieged or their being assisted by boats.

April 27.—At night the besieged broke a sort of roof

which was over the entrance to the gate of the Fort, hurling

at times some burning stuff from their walls (to make us)

keep away from them, and now and then fired some musket

shots. In the morning they fired very little, but in the

afternoon continually. Some shots were therefore fired with

heavy cannon, guns and muskets, but without injuring

any one. Our men continued making their trenches and

batteries with great zeal, having in the short time that we

had been there done an incredible amount of work under fire

of the enemy’s muskets. There were also brought ashore

from the “Utrecht” two brass halve-cartouwen shooting 24 Ib.

* Lacuna in M.S.

No. 35.—1887.] CAPTURE OF TRINCOMALEE, 131

April 28.—In the forenoon there arrived here in the bay

the yachts “ Ryswyck ” and tne “ Nachtegael,” having in their

cruise met and set right the yatch “Klein Amsterdam”

coming from Batticaloa with the Ambassador Sr. Jacob

Compostel, who brought with him an untranslated letter

from His Imperial Majesty of Ceylon: as it could not

be read, His Majesty’s intention could not be rightly

gathered. The aforesaid Compostel reported that His Majesty

had resolved to lie close to Colombo in the low lands with

his principal force, that he was master of the field there, and

that the Portuguese had deserted the Fort Maluane and Mani-

cawara ; also that His Majesty had drawn to his side many in-

habitants of the low-lands, who, should he leave the place,

would easily be brought toally themselves with the Portuguese;

that he could not therefore appear in personat Coutijar, but

would send here some great Mudaliyar with 4,000 soldiers to

conquer with our assistance the Forts Trincomalee and Jaffna-

patnam. The ships “ Utrecht,” “ Wassenaer,”’ and “ Kgmondt”

were cleared of their remaining provisions, ammunitions of

war, and men, and got in readiness to sail to Batavia.

In the afternoon the Commander went ashore, when all the

soldiers (the deaths of many of whom had much reduced the

strength of the Company’s forces,) were divided into three

companies, each seventy strong. The rest of the soldiers

armed with guns, and some experienced sailors, formed

another company. ‘These troops having been mustered on

land, the Commander went tothe batteriesand entrenchments,

where he was surprised that such a large work had been

thrown up by so small a number of men in such a short space

oftime. There were three or four shots fired at us without

injury. We were busy on land in the meantime in getting

our defences ready by May 1. There were, accordingly,

landed from the “Utrecht” two more brass halve-cartouwen

shooting 18 lb. iron. The besieged, although they fired

several shots with guns, muskets, and cannon, did not do us

the least injury, as we were defended by the batteries and

ramparts and the natural situation and position of the land.

132 JOURNAL, R,A.S. (CEYLON). [VOL 2X.

April 29.—There came a certain manshouw with news.

from His Majesty of Ceylon to the respective Governors of

Samanturé and Coutijar, but the real intelligence was hidden.

fromus. The Commander brought ashore from the “Utrecht”

four halve-cartouwen, with which the loopholes of our bat--

teries were strengthened. The yachts “ Ryswyck” and the

‘“¢ Nachtegael”’ sailed out again to cruise in front of the bay of

Trincomalee, so that all help from Jaffnapatnam should be:

cut off from the enemy.

April 80.—Our men were at work, and mounted ten brass

halve-cartouwen, four of 24 Ib. and six of 181b., well supplied

with gunners, musketeers, ammunition, powder, and other

requisites for playing on the Fort. Being fully prepared for

defence (it was resolved) to attack the enemy next morning

(although the Fort could have been bombarded three days

ago with little firing), and to force them to surrender. The

“Klein Amsterdam” and ‘ Oudewater”’ were to be keel-

hauled, as they leaked badly, and were not sea-worthy.

May 1.—In the morning, an hour before day, all the

soldiers being landed, fully armed, the Commander himself

landed by a certain tancke. He drew up in battle array all

our soldiers there, under fire from the enemy’s cannon

(but so that they could not be seen through the scrub

round the Fort) with the object that, if the besieged made a

sally or came to parley, they might assist those in the

batteries and trenches and be in readiness for any emergency..

Accompanied by the Fiscal Gerard Herbers and the Sea-

Captain Lourens Lourensz, he went to our trenches and

batteries to inspect some points which the gunners, by

continually firing, could breach to the best advantage. Having,,

therefore, found everything well arranged, it was deemed

expedient that the chief attack should be directed against

the northern bastion St. Jago; but in the meantime they

were busy firing at the cannon on the bastion St. Cruz (which

extended somewhat westwards), so that the besieged might

not be able to use them, and their efforts might be rendered

fruitless. Having fired a broadside four or five times on the:

No. 35.—1887.] CAPTURE OF TRINCOMALEE. 133.

aforesaid bastions, as if they were firing their muskets, the

Commander (as there was no seeing on the batteries in

consequence of the smoke) went a little south to wind-

ward of our batteries to certain well-situated rocks, from

where he could conveniently see each cannon shot on either

side and note its result. Having remained there about an

hour or an hour and a half, the besieged were so weakened by

our cannon shot, that they could use none of their guns,

but only fired volleys from their muskets now and then.

After three hours’ bombarding, such a breach was made

in the bastion St. Jago that one could have entered

it without any danger. Our Commander, therefore,

having returned to our works with Vice-Commander

Coster, resolved to send Lieut. Blaauw with a drummer

and white flag of peace and truce to those in the Fort,.

to tell them that it was in our power, and should be

surrendered on favourable terms, and that if they delayed

doing so he would take it by storm and spare no one, but

would hand over everyone asa prey to the Cingalese, and that

from them nothing save a great massacre was to be expected...

They could therefore adopt such resolution as they

deemed expedient. Lieut. Blaauw having set out of our

works on his mission, and gone so close that he could.

easily speak to those in the Fort, was not allowed any

audience ; for they shouted so loud that we could hear them

in our batteries “ Retire vos! Comoude retire! Retire!” and

incontinently fired four or five times on the Lieutenant and

drummer with their guns; thus violating a rule common to.

all nations, namely, to admit to audience a man bearing

a white flag. The Commander gave orders to fire on the

enemy briskly till about 4 in the afternoon, and made every

_ preparation for storming next morning the bastion St. Jago

and the curtain close to the bastion St. Cruz, in such manner

as was resolved and approved in full Council on board.

Resolution.—In the yacht “ Armuyden” lying in the bay

opposite Trincomalee, dated Sunday, May 1, 1639. Whereas

to-day, in consequence of our continued firing at the Fort of

134 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

‘Trincomalee with ten halve-cartouwen and two prince guns,

we have reaped such advantage that the greatest bastion,

‘St. Jago, is for the most part demolished, so that through

the breach made it could be safely scaled without any

ladders ; and seeing that all their guns by which they could

in any way injure us are shot away from the ramparts and lie

unlimbered to the number of eighteen, so that no one of the

enemy dares show himself close to them; and further,

considering that since about 10 o’clock in the forenoon nota

shot has been fired by them with their cannon at us, and that

they have abandoned their ensigns and flags which have been

shot down, and have not had the courage to set them up again,

itis unanimously resolved and thought fit by the Heer Com-

mander and full Council, to get everything ready this night

for a storm, and to carry out the same next morning at day-

break, provided that before commencing the storm all the

guns which can attack the neck of the curtain close to the

bastion St. Cruz shall be placed there to make by cannon shot

a breach between the two bastions St. Jago and St. Cruz, so

‘that they may not on that side assist each other. The storm

‘Shall proceed as follows :—

First of all shall march the musketeers consisting of Men.

soldiers sae ae Jos 20

There shall join them under the command of Willem

Domburg and Henricus Sieuwertz, armed each with

four grenades, lance, and sabre, sailors 500 10

Then shall follow,armed as above, to carry the

wounded sailors ... as a 54

After this shall march the Major’s Company 500 70

With brave sailors armed with lance and sabre oad 100

All under the command of Vice-Commander Coster

and the aforesaid Major. There shall then be

ready in battle array a reserve troop under the

command of the Commander accompanied by the

Fiscal Gerard Herbers and the Upper Merchant

Jacob Compostel, consisting of the two remaining

companies, each 70 strong, together oe 140

Altogether, soldiers and sailors ... 394

No. 35.—1887.] CAPTURE OF TRINCOMALEE- 135:

For the protection of the batteries 120 musketeersand Men.

gunners, who are especially to be on them during

our bombardment and to fire at the bastion

St. Jago oe GOD wie 120

Altogether for this undertaking, soldiers and

sailors wee 514

The rest of the sailors are ordered to be in charge of the

ships, to carry ammunition to and fro in the batteries, and to:

be stationed on the cruising yachts.

(Signed) ANTONIO CAEN, &c.

The Council was now busy discussing whether the storm

should be commenced only on the breach made in the

bastion St. Jago which seemed to command the other,

or a breach also made in the curtain close to the bastion

St. Cruz, and thereby separate these bastions from the

others, and, as far as possible, prevent access from all

sides to the place where we intended to commence storming

of persons who might come to defend the bastion St. Jago.

There now came to the Admiral’s yacht “ Armuyden” with

the Head Merchant Jacob Compostel two Portuguese Captains

sent by Major Scholtes. These were admitted to our works

with a white flag of truce, and declared that they were sent

by Captain Moer from the Fort to our Captain-General to

excuse the ignorance and inexperience of some of their

soldiers who had shot at our Captain several times from the

Fort when he was coming with a flag of peace, as they

were ignorant of the custom of war, or did not understand it.

The Hon. Commander should be pleased to take it in good

part as the offenders were in custody for it, and would be

punished. The Commander replied that that was not suffi-

cient, but desired that they should be handed over to him, that

so he might punish them himself, in as much as the affront

was to him and not to the enemy. They were asked whether

they desired anything further,and whether they did not come

to negotiate with him concerning the surrender of the Fort

which they were not able any longer to defend. They

answered that they were Captains de Hera, and rather than

136 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Von. X.

thus surrender the Fort would fight till they died, boasting

presumptuously and mightily about their force, which they

said still consisted of three hundred European soldiers in the

Fort, and that not more than one black, a Canarese, was killed,

and uttering other blustering words. Hereupon the Com-

mander again and often advised them to surrender their Fort,

promising them favourable conditions, and to think of what

they were doing, as he intended to attack the fort in the

morning at break of day, and, with God’s help, to capture it,

when he would kill every one he found therein. But

notwithstanding, they still persisted in their brag and bluster.

The Commander allowed them therefore to return ashore

with the Fiscal Gerard Herbers, and to remain the night in

our guard-house until his arrival next morning.

May 2.—\n the morning at sunrise everything (as before

mentioned) was ready for the storm, the soldiers and sailors

were all landed in order, and the Commander came with two

companies of soldiers to our works. There then appeared

on the shore a padre with another person carrying a flag of

truce. This person being admitted into the presence of the

Commander and asked what he wanted, said he had come

there to surrender the Fort to His Honour, but on condition

that all the Portuguese Mestices and their slaves, with their

goods and chattels, be allowed to go to such places as the

Commander should think right. The Commander thereupon

replied that if he came to deliver the Fort to him he ought to

produce the keys, whereupon the aforesaid padre (named

Bernardus) said that if the Commander be pleased to allow

them totake with them the Cavias they were prepared to send.

at once for the keys. Thiswas done. As regards the Carias

the Commander said that they must remain in the Fort and

serve us as they had served the Portuguese, but the others

were allowed to go, with their goods, save arms and ammu-

nition of war, within a year to Tranquebar and Nagapatnam,

but not to Jaffnapatnam or any other place in Ceylon from

where they can again return to serve against us. When the

padre had gone into the Fort the Commander drew up his

No. 35.—1887.] CAPTURE OF TRINCOMALEE. 137

men, soldiers and sailors, fullyarmed on the open ground

in front of the Fort, in such array as though he were about to

storm it. Hereupon the padre, fearing that we should com-

mence the storm, returned at once with most of the Carias

and delivered the keys of the Fort to the Commander, who

thereupon entered it with gunsanda company of soldiers and

ordered the surrendered to leave all their arms inside the Fort

and sign their names on a roll.

Whilst we were under the Fort in battle-array, the Com-

mander ordered Vice-Commander Coster (the padre being

with us) to see by way of experiment whether he could

mount the breach made in the bastion with safety.

It was done so easily, that the storming of the Fort would

not have been a very difficult matter forus. On entering the

Fort the Governor with his Captains and soldiers came to

meet the Commander and delivered to him, as victor, his

silver-gilt rapier, which the Commander took, and after

inspecting it, returned it to the Governor, who considered this

an act of great courtesy. They now entered and found that

both on the St. Jago and St. Cruz bastions eight guns had not

only been shot away from the ramparts, but were nearly

buried beneath the heap of stones and débris which our guns

had caused. The Commander at once gave orders that there

should be erected on the top of the mast a little tower

expressive of their great joy ; which was done: meanwhile

the well-known strains of “ Wilhelmus van Nassau”? were

played, in honour of our victory, the soldiers joining in

chorus.

We had scarcely been in the Fort two hours when

there came here from the King of Kandy the two Muda-

liyars with about 3,000 men, although His Majesty had

before this written that he would send us 4,000 men for the

purpose of capturing Trincomalee and Jaffnapatnam. These

Mudaliyars brought with them some letters from His

Majesty addressed to the Commander, the contents of

which were of no particular moment ; but he referred to the

letter and verbal reports of the Captain of the Fort of

138 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. X.

Batticaloa or the Ambassador Compostel, at whose desire he

was sending the present reinforcement hoping that it would

be powerful enough to conquer the Forts of Trincomalee

and Jaffnapatnam. Having talked with these chiefs for some

time on various matters concerning the state of Jaffnapatnam,

permission was sought to go back to their encampment.

After they had been escorted out by the Vice-Commander

Coster and the Fiscal Herbers, Capt. Major Scholtes and Head-

Merchant Compostel, the Commander summoned from on

board the ship “ Henrietta Louisa” the Comforter of the Sick,

to pray with the soldiers in the Portuguese church (Nossa Sen-

hora de Garde Rope), and to thank and praise God the Lord

for his benefits and the victory vouchsafed, and to pray that

He be pleased to grant us courageous minds, wisdom, and

understanding, so that everything undertaken to the prejudice

of our foes and the welfare of the General East India Com-

pany may prosper and be successful.

During this siege on our side not more than two have

been killed and two wounded. On the enemy’s side were

killed eleven Europeans, one Mestice, and two Canarese.

We found among them, after the victory, nine wounded,

and did not hear that there were more.

May 3.—The Commander having gone ashore again, the

two great Mudaliyars of the King of Kandy lately arrived here,

standing on the beach with a company of fully 1,000 blacks,

armed according to their manner, playing very ceremoniously

on fifes and drums, went to meet him as far as the gate, and

were received. There was some talk about the state of the

town of Jaffnapatnam, but little reliance could be placed on

what they said.

And as the conquered Portuguese had been allowed, under

a solemn treaty, liberty to keep their goods and chattels,

there was much com, int yesterday that, notwithstanding

some soldiers and sai.ors burst open the doors of their

houses, broke their boxes in pieces, and robbed them of

their property, dishonoured their women, took their clothes,

and rifled their gardens of fruit, ripe and unripe.

No. 35.—1887.] CAPTURE OF TRINCOMALEE. 139

The Commander, therefore, through the Fiscal Gerard

Herbers and two Commissioners, proclaimed a placaat every-

where, on board the ships and on land, that should any one

be found involved in the aforesaid crimes he would be

punished by hanging.

After the publication of the placaat the lord of Coutijar,

named Benjaen, sent to the Commander in the Fort a

certain Toupas to ask him whether we had conquered the

Fort of Trincomalee for ourselves or for the King. This being

rather a difficult question, he answered that if they treated

our soldiers here as they did in Batticaloa we should take

care of the Fort for the King, but if otherwise we should

have to consult our Governor-General. We had conquered

the Fort with the same mind as we did Batticaloa, and

meant afterwards to deal with His Majesty according to

the treaty entered into with him, and observe it in its full

force and intent. Being further asked whether they could

keep the Fort without our assistance, they replied that they

were not prepared to be entrusted with it.

May 4.—In the forenoon the Commander returned ashore

to further negotiate with the Emperor’s Mudaliyars about

the intended attack on Jaffnapatnam and the feeding of our

soldiers who were to remain in the Fort of Trincomalee.

No one, however, except the brother of Benjaen, the Governor

of Coutijar, came here to-day, and he desired to be admitted

only to see the conquered Fort. After permission was given

him, the Commander told him that the blacks, or Cingalese,

were guilty of many excesses, entering the houses of the Portu-

guese, threatening to bind and kill them, cutting down and

destroying the fruit trees in the gardens, and that if he

had not had his men (to keep order) he would have been

obliged to shoot down one or two of them. At noon there

arrived overland from Batticaloa the trumpeter who, with

the Ambassador Jacob Compostel, had been with His

Imperial Majesty at Kandy, bringing with him the journal

and letters from the Under-Clerk Nicolas Holsteyn, who was

ordered with the Head-Factor Compostel aforesaid to note

83—88 D

140 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vor. X.

down everything that took place. Everything was reported

well in Batticaloa.

The fleet for the expedition consisted of the following :—

Sailors. Soldiers. Crew. Guns,

The ship “ Utrecht’? (Admiral) ... 120 ... 40... 160 ... 44

as ““ Henrietta Louisa” (Vice-

Admiral) soo) POON 2220 30 hoe Re oO

Be “Hemont ” Beets) mene ne Olney ao dLPAU) Vag ah EY §

i cS. Hertogenbosch. > «2... S100) 72) (3D) esate ee aA

af ““ Wassenaar ” fee QO aa OO tee pele tie taint

48 ‘Der Veer ” Re ae Omen meres ILA) Wetnay ate:

i ‘¢ Armuyden ” Perr Openness UZAD) Wi gRa aye

s ‘“ Valkenburgh ”’ wee, i, BO ean. BOs Say ements

‘ ‘““Reyneburch ” wae BO Eh cs SABO are Shere ln aa ae males

3 “ Ondewater ” sae BO uh BOS tee ean ao 30

Wacht «<{ Cleyn Amsterdam) 92.2% 250%...>) 10) hg eo eee

sf ‘“ Zeenwsch Nachtigael 2... 25... 10.) v2, geOO en et

—=——<———<——

Total ... 980 335 eh) 364

—EE

The rations were thus limited in the fleet :—

+ lb. meat twice

lb. bacon

quartern oil for each man weekly.

4 quartern vinegar

14 quartern arrack

1 can water

doles bole

for each man daily.

‘No. 35.—1887.] NOTES ON CEYLON. 141

A BELGIAN PHYSICIAN’S NOTES ON CEYLON

IN 1687-89.

_—————o

TRANSLATED BY DONALD FERGUSON.

(Read December 23, 1887.)

wageeg HGIDIUS DAALMANS, whose notes on Ceylon are

ies [\< here given for the first time in English, was a

zee} Belcian physician, born at Antwerp somewhere

about the middle of the seventeenth century, his death

occurring subsequent to 1703. He was a pupil of Bontekoe, ©

and an ardent partisan of the principles and teachings of the

latter. According to the “Biographie Universelle Ancienne

et Moderne” (Paris, 1852)—

“ He travelled to the Indies, carried on his profession there

for some years, and collected some useful observations on the

diseases which prevail in those climates ; but his conduct was

not free from reproach ; he compounded and sold secret

remedies, professed specifics. An enthusiastic adherent of

the ridiculous hypotheses of Paracelsus, he made applications

to practical medicine at once useless and dangerous. He

pretended, for instance, that gout was produced by the

fermentation of the alkaline molecules of the synovia with

the acid molecules of the blood; and he proposed spirits

of wine as the best curative agent. This erroneous doctrine

forms the basis of the work that Daalmans published in

PTC 20... vsev9)s's- a

Hoefer’s “ Nouvelle Biographie Générale” adds that—

“His pathology was based on the system of acids. He

recommended only hot remedies and those capable of

producing perspiration. He highly extolled the stone del

142 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X..

Porco,' and rejected bleeding in apoplexy (even sanguineous):

and pleurisy. On his return to his native town he was

appointed Principal Surgeon. There exists of his Nieuw

hervormde geneeskonst gegrond op de gronden van acidum

en alkali (New medicine based on acid and alkali, followed

by observations on the common diseases of the Island of

Ceylon, Batavia, &c.); Amsterdam, 1689, 1694, and 1703,.

8vo.; translated into German, Frankfort, 1694, 8vo.; trans-

lated into the same language by John Daniel Gohl, Berlin,

1715, 8vo.”

A. J. A. Van der Aa’s “ Biographisch Woordenboek der:

Nederlanden ”’ (Haarlem, 1858) gives the title of Daalmans’

book as De nieuw hervormde geneeskunst, benevens aan-

merkingen van siektens op Ceylon, Batavia, Coromandel,

and says that the third edition was published in 1694, which

is correct, the first edition having appeared in 1687. It is

strange that there does not seem to be a copy of any of the

editions of this work in the British Museum Library, nor in

the libraries of the Royal Colleges of Surgeons and Physicians

and the Apothecaries’ Hall in London ; but the library of the

Surgeon-General’s Office, United States Army, contains a copy

of the first edition, the Index Catalogue published at Washing-.

ton in 1882 having the following entry :-—

““DAALMANS(EGIDIUS). Denieuw-hervormde geneeskonst,

gebouwt op de gronden van het alcali en acidum. Waar in

kortelijk, volgens de gronden van de heedendaagse nieuwe

practijk, alle ziekten, met weinig omslag geneesen worden. X,

164 pp., 4.1. 12°. Amsterdam, Jan ten Hoorn, 1687.”

Mr. Bell, the Honorary Secretary of our Society, has,.

I am glad to say, been fortunate enough to secure for

the Society’s Library a copy of the latest Dutch edition,

that of 1703. The title of this differs somewhat from that

of the original one of 1687; and, while the latter con-

tains only some 180 pages, this fourth edition has over

260 pages. It is dedicated to two of the author’s fellow-

collegians, David van den Heuvel and Edmundus Detrohy,.

and the preface gives the history of this enlarged and revised

No. 35.—1887. |] NOTES ON CEYLON. 143

reprint. It seems that the publisher of the former editions,

Jan ten Hoorn, was anxious to bring out athoroughly revised

edition ; and, while he was turning the matter over in

‘his mind, Dr. Daalmans arrived in Amsterdam, to make

preparations for accompanying the Anglo-Dutch fleet in its

expedition against Spain. While he was in the dispensary

of the hospital at Amsterdam, selecting the various drugs

needed for the voyage, one of those present, hearing the

author’s book spoken of, hurried off to the publisher’s to get

‘a copy, and returned, saying: ‘ Here I have the last copy of

the third edition; but the publisher says that he intends to

reprint it in the course of a few weeks.” ‘Then, addressing

Dr. Daalmans, he said: “I told him that you were here ;

and he begged me earnestly that you would not go away

without speaking with him.” Accordingly Dr. Daalmans

called on Jan ten Hoorn, who made known to him his wish,

to which the author willingly agreed. As, however, he was

to leave Amsterdam the following day for Texel, he had to

sit up all night, adding, striking out, and altering ; and as he

wished to write an entirely new preface, he promised to do

this during the voyage, and on his return hand it to his

publisher to be printed and prefixed to the work. It seems

that the preface to the earlier editions gave an account of

the author’s journey to and in the Hast Indies: this one,

however, is confined to his seven months’ voyage toand from

Cadiz, detailing the remedies employed by him in the various

cases of sickness and accident that occurred on board during

that time. lam unable, therefore, to say whether the earlier

preface contained any details regarding Ceylon additional to

those given in the following travel notes. Judging by a

‘hurried glance, which is all I have been able to give this

book, it seems to contain much curious matter of interest to

the general reader, though the larger part, of course, is

“caviare to the general.” I hope, therefore, that one of our

medical Members will undertake a translation, or at least

-an abstract, of the contents of this work.?

Dr. Daalmans’ notes of his Indian journey were first

144 JOURNAL, R.A.8. (CEYLON), 5 [| Mom Xe

published in the Kronyk van’t Historisch Genootschap

(Proceedings ofthe Historical Society) of Utrecht for 1868, pp..

620-695, having been communicated to that Society by Prof..

H. C. Millies, who gave some information verbally regarding

the writer (which is not, however, printed in the Kronyk), .

and referred to the above-mentioned rare work.

Dr. Daalmans’ notes commence abruptly with a brief

description of the Cape of Good Hope, whence he travelled to.

Ceylon, sighting on the way the island of “ Molyn,”” and call-

ing for provisions at an unnamed island, inhabited chiefly by

Muhammadans. Although he does not mention the date, he

leads us to infer that his arrival in Ceylon took place in

December, 1687, and according to his own statement he left

Colombo for Batavia on February 10, 1689, having spent

“eighteen [s¢c] months” in the island. At Batavia he found

the drinking water not very good; and he remarks that

“In Colombo nothing but water is drunk, but in Batavia sed-

bier, which is made of two cups of sugar-syrup, a cup of

mum, and a bottle of water; this, after being mixed together

and tightly corked in big bottles, is drunk the next day like

beer, and if more mum is added to it, it has the name of

champarade; but those who find this drink too costly omit

the mum.’ His notes on what he saw and heard are graphic ;.

and he gives a very full description of the town and fort of

Batavia. Thence he proceeded to Pulicat, on the Madras

coast, where he describes the masula boats [mossels ofte

chalengen| in which his luggage was landed, and where, he

says, he paid a pagoda for some tea. After a description of

this place and his doings there, he relates how he visited

the English Governor of Madras, the manner in which he

was treated, and what he saw and did. Again embarking,

he visited Sadras, Karikal, Negapatam (where he learnt all

about the preparation of pepper, which, he says, he had seen

growing in Ceylon, but had never seen picked), and finally

* Doubtless Mohilla, one of the Comoro group, at which vessels outward-

bound frequently touched. See “ Voyage de Francois Pyrard” (Tome I.

1€19, pp. 42-48), where the island is called “ Malailli.”—B., Hon. Sec.

No. 35.—1887.] NOTES ON CEYLON. 145

Taingapatam. Here end his Indian experiences; and all

that we know of his return voyage is that it took place in

1693, when he called at Colombo, and that he took with

him an orang-utan, which, however, did not survive the

journey. I should have mentioned that he was accompanied

in his travels by his wife.

With regard to the notes on Ceylon, it will be seen that

Dr. Daalmans had avery poor opinion of this Island ; and

also that the fact of his being in the service of the Dutch

did not blind him to the injustice and cruelty which un-

happily characterised many of their dealings with both

the Portuguese and the Sinhalese. Ihave attempted, in

my translation, to preserve as much as_ possible the

spirit of the original, and have therefore in many cases

sacrificed elegance of diction to faithfulness. I have retained

the writer’s spellings of the names of places, as these have

an antiquarian interest; and for the same reason I have

taken over verbatim a number of foreign words used

by him. Finally, I have added notes chiefly explanatory of

these words and of other matters touched on by the

writer.

Da:

2 A

a eS * %

After this we came to Ceilon, where I went to the

Governor, who received me courteously. Several houses

here had fallen in through the terrible rain. The Governor

wished to ride with me to Malluanen,’ five miles from

Colombo, which I was by no means unwilling to do.

We therefore left Colombo at 3 o’clock in the morning.

The Governor was carried ina pallenquin by 8 slaves,

who went forward at a great rate. For 12 other slaves ran

beside the pallequin to relieve the others by turns: for

they do not go further with it than a pistol shot, and then

the others know how to take their places with rapidity, so

that there is scarcely any stoppage. There followed also

three other pallenquins, in which the daughters of the

Governor and other ladies were carried. Captain Goedkind

146 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou X.

with some other officers and I rode on horseback. Before,

behind, and in the middle ran slaves with burning torches

to give light, as well as other slaves with sombreros or

kippersols,® to hold over the head of each in case of sun or

rain. Ahead rana number of Cingalese or blacks of Ceylon,

who had been sent expressly for that purpose by the

Company on behalf of the Government, among whom were

some who each played on two little drums, which are

called tamboelijnties,® with similar sticks to those used for

dulcimers; and, as one of these tamboelijnties is rather

bigger than the other, they produce together a sweet sound.

Others played on hautboys, and others on cornets, and each

knew what they had to play, just as well as the kettle-

drummers in the fatherland. Some played during the

march, others during the halt, others when the march was

about to commence, and others again when a halt was about

to take place, so that anyone who was acquainted therewith

could tell by their playing what had taken place, was

taking place, or was about to take place. After these

tamboelinties followed the Governor’s trumpeter on horse-

back, and after him a company on foot, altogether about

200 men.

At each village through which we passed the chief men

thereof came to meet us with banners and spears to welcome

the Governor to Malluanen. In the road were many gate-

ways made, adorned with greenery and flowers, after the

manner of arcus triwmphales. The road as far as Malluanen

was made so beautiful, that not a stick nor branch of a tree

lay on it, notwithstanding that it was all forest with several

valleys. The country was not unpleasant to the eye, and,

as [ heard, also rich in soil ; on this account more Chinese or

other industrious men were needed, in order to cultivate it.

But, as the Cingalese are very lazy, they content themselves

with great poverty, eating fruits and roots, which grow wild,

rather than derive some profit by work; the more so, as

there is no lack of cattle, fish, game, fowls, eggs, butter, &c.,

and as the sea and rivers supply them with fish, and the

No. 35.— 1887. | NOTES ON CEYLON. 147

valleys with the food for their live stock, and the live stock

with eggs and butter, without their needing to take much

trouble about it. At sunset a number of Cingalese came to

meet us, four of whom held a canopy of white linen over the

pallaquin of the Governor, and brought him to a _ spot

where they had placed a straw roof upon some sticks, under

which stood a table and some benches. At a stone’s throw

from this hut they had made an ornamental gateway,and on

each side of the road they had planted greenery like an

avenue, and had covered the road or street with white linen,

in the part where we trod with our feet. The whole

of this hut was entirely covered and overhung inside with

white linen, as well as the table and benches, which were |

decorated all round with various flowers. They brought us

hot massak,! that is caudle or tipple of swrie,® seasoned with

nutmeg, mace, cloves, cinnamon, and sugar, with some eggs.

This we drank out of a kind of sheath, in which the flowers

of the klappers® or cocoanuts grow, and it was very pleasant

to the taste. Meanwhile there were some who danced and

tumbled very gracefully before the hut in the manner of

rope dancers in Europe, to the playing of two oblong drums,

which they struck on both sides with the fingers and with

the hand. This being ended, we departed with all these

people for Malluanen, which we reached at about 8 o’clock.

We had to pass the river before we could come to the fort

of Malluanen, so that we had to be taken over in boats,

where having arrived, a salvo was fired three times. And

after we had examined the fort, the Governor was conducted

under the aforesaid canopy to about a musket shot’s distance

thence, where another hut had been erected, entirely

covered and overhung inside with white linen, as well as

adorned with flowers, after the manner of the other. The

road from the fort to the hut was also beset on both sides

with greenery, and in the middle, or half way,a large gateway

or triumphal arch ; they had also spread white linen on the

road for us to go over, which we did.

Whilst we waited for the food to be made ready, the afore-

148 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). i Viol woe:

said jugglers danced and tumbled before the hut, and after

we had eaten, amidst the blowing of the trumpet and

hautboys, we spent the time in playing lanterloo until about

® o'clock, when the Governor, together with all his suite,

went into a prauw," which had come expressly for that

purpose fromColombo. This praww is like a small yacht,.

which has been divided into three: the middle part has

benches round and a flat deck above, as on a yacht. This

was covered with scarlet above, and hung round with red

silk curtains, and below laid with a carpet or alkatief.?

Pennons and flags waved in front from the mast and from

behind, and as the wind was against it, the praww was rowed

down the river with twelve oars ; the trumpeter sat in front

on the poop, and blew up lustily. In front, on a raft of

two hollowed trees, on which lay two planks, went the

Cingalese, who played on the famboeleinties and hautboys,

and many of them somewhat more easily than when all ran

forth to play, as they had had to do in the morning.

The river is about half as broad as the Scheldt at

Antwerp ; the current was pretty strong, but it varies after

the influx of much water from the land onaccount of rain. It

runs for the most part through jungle, so that one sees

nothing but trees and greenery, and here and there a valley

not unpleasant to journey along once in good company.

Meanwhile, we came to the Pas,!®> which is a noble house

close to the river, where the Ambassadors of the King of

Candien are met and received. There stood two carriages:

in one of these we went with the Governor, and in the other

the ladies, and thus we all rode to Colombo, about a mile

away. The soldiers and ali the other people had gone over-

land, and waited for us at the Pas, so that we got in again

about 6 o’clock as we had left.

The Lascarijns, or Cingalese soldiers, who are in the service

of the Company, and were stationed here and there ai certain

outposts, brought some presents to the Governor. In front

came several tamboelijnties and dancers, as has been before

described ; after them several with banners, and then all that

No. 35.—1887. } NOTES ON CEYLON. 149:

carried anything, one after another, which is the common

Cingalese custom, namely, fowls and various fruits and

eatables. All these bearers, quite one hundred in number,

went below a piece of white linen that was carried on sticks,

stretched like a pavilion or canopy over their heads. On

each side marched armed soldiers or Lascarijns, and in this

manner they came to the house of the Governor. This gift

was usually sent to the hospital, and was made thrice a year.

There was great preparation being made fora grand show

of arms at the burial of the deceased King. The funeral

procession was arranged in the following manner : at 7 o’clock

in the morning the assemblage took place before the house of

the Governor, and at 8 o’clock the Lascarijns who were on duty

began to march forward, one after the other, in the Cingalese

manner. After them followed nine companies of footmen

with helmets on their heads, and each with a black silk band on

his arm, the musket reversed behind the back ; the pikemen

trailed their pikes, on each of which also a black band was

tied. All the military officers were in mourning. Before

each company went a field-piece, that was drawn by slaves,

with several gunners to fire and load these as might be

needful. After these nine companies followed a company

of sailors, each with a battle-axe in his hand and a pistol in

his belt. The company of the Governor was in armour..

After this, that is, after the company of sailors, followed

four trumpeters and a kettledrum, all on horseback and in

deep mourning, and the coat-of-arms of the King of Candien,.

which is a red lion on a golden field, to the best of my

recollection, was designed all round on the cloths, both of

Maeiceiledrumsand ofthe (.°. .. . . . “of the

trumpeters. Next followed the great standard of the king,

then two smaller ones, then a led horse fully clothed in

black velvet, then the banner of the king, from the two ends.

of which tiffany or crape, two ells in length, trailed behind ;

then another led horse in mourning, then the gilt spurs, the

gloves, the golden dagger in its sheath, the helmet, the coat of

mail. All these things were carried by petty merchants, all of

150 JOURNAL, R.A.S, (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

whom werein mourning. After this followed the carriage,

also in mourning, as well as the six horses, all hung with the

king’s arms, and each horse led by a slave. After this

followed the horse of State, which was all in trappings of

black velvet, and was led by two trustworthy persons. After

this followed the herald, wholly clad in armour, then the

bare sword of sovereignty. Next, a gilt imperial crown and

sceptre, each by itself ona black velvet cushion ; each cushion

was carried in a large silver dish under a pavilion or canopy

of black velvet with gold fringes, by a nobleman. Along

with these on each side went six halberdiers and six

persons, each of whom carried a large burning torch. All

these came out of the house of the Governor, from the door-

way through which one goes along to the hall where prayer

is held of an evening. Then followed the Governor in full

mourning; the train of his mantle was borne behind by a

page, and was quite six ellslong. The Ambassador went on

his right hand. Next followed the Political Council, the

Ministers, the Council of Justice, then all the officers, burghers,

and domestics. This procession went along the east side

behind the hospital and so to the church, where all was put

upon a table and guarded by the aforesaid twelve halberdiers.

The burning torches also were all left there burning around

until near the evening, when everything was taken away.

During the exit from the church three salutes were fired by the

musketry and field-pieces, beside all the cannon in the city

and castle. The funeral procession was then brought back

to the place from which it had started, where all who had

accompanied it were regaled with a glass of Spanish wine

and absinth.

Moreover, there were various presents brought by slaves

on sticks, covered with fine linen, on their shoulders, to do

honour to the new King, some miles out of Colombo.

In the river Zeduaken!* and thereabouts are found various

precious stones, such as rubies, sapphires, and topazes, which

are brought to Colombo and elsewhere, and sold at dear

enough prices.

No. 35.—1887. ] NOTES ON CEYLON. 151

Attwo o’clock at night the tamboelijnties beat the réeveille,.

andthe march commenced. We went in the bright moonlight

threugh a valley over the river to Roeenelle,” the frontier

town of the land of the Company and of the King of Candia,

three miles from Zeduaaken. The river that divides Roe-

enelle from the King’s and the Company’s land comes from

some distance out of the land that lies around there, and falls

there into the river that comes from Candia, and passing

through Zeduaaken by Anguellen!® and then to the Pas and

Matualen” falls into the seathere. Having come there, com-

pliments on both sides were exchanged by means of interpre-

ters at the river, where the King’s Ambassadors were ferried

over in fonies,?? and we went up the bank of the river, where —

some pedereroes [bassen] were fired off, with a salute from

the muskets. The blacks or Cingalese had prepared a hut there

and hung it with white linen after their custom, and had

covered the table, and we were there treated in Cingalese

style. After we had eaten, we returned again to Zeduaaken.

The new King sent Ambassadors a second time to the

Governor, testifying his regard for the Company, whereupon

the Governor again sent aletter to the King. The Governor’s

letter was carried publicly in a silver dish, which was

covered over with cloth of silver, on the head of an officer,

who walked beneath a handsome pavilion or tabernacle, as far

as the Pas. Beside the two companies that went along

with him, there were nearly all the other officers, both

superior and petty, in the second carriage next to the

Ambassadors, or on horseback, and so they went, under the

salute of the cannon, as faras the Pas, whence they returned

with the two companies to Colombo towards evening.

Going to Cotton,”! about two miles from Colombo, I found

the whole way nothing but clumps of cinnamon trees, which

grow there wild and in great quantity ; which trees become

so thick that one cannot encircle them with one’s arms, but

do not shoot up very high, but after the manner of apple trees.

The leaves are almost like those of the wild laurel, and have

each three ribs. It isa wonderful tree; its bark or rind,

152 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

which is first freed from its green rind or peel, is then

cinnamon. The roots yield, through distillation, a large

quantity of camphor and oil of camphor. The leaves yield

an oil that very closely resembles oil of cloves, with which a

little oil of cinnamon is mixed. The fruits, which resemble

a kind of berry, yield oil very like the oil of juniper. These

berries or fruits being taken out of the kettle after distillation,

and pressed, and thus deprived of the residue of water,

a substance like wax is obtained, from which candles are

made.22. The chief fuel that we burnt in the kitchens in

Colombo was cinnamon wood. This is, in short, what I had

to say of the cinnamon tree.

Meanwhile we had come toa broad marshy water, which

separates Cotton from the district of Colombo, for Cotton is a

small island. Here we stood and looked, and no one knew

how to get across. Some Cingalese, who stood near there,

said that there was no other way, but that we must go across

that marsh, and that then we must also cross a broad sheet of

water. We begged them to be of assistance to us. Having

got through the marsh, we came to a very broad and deep

sheet of water, where, as luck would have it, two hollow

trees, which they call tonjes, lay, which they tied together

with some greenery, and thus we went towards Cotton ; they

came back immediately to take us, as well as our slaves, and so

we came together to Cotton. The curiosities that were to be

seen there were of little interest: only the ruins of some

pillars of grey freestone, standing in a square ten to twelve

paces from each other, on which was carved some foliage,

which for heathen men was certainly wonderful. They said

that in former times the Portuguese had carried off the rest

for the building of their church in Colombo.?? In Cotton

were some klapper gardens, where suvve and arak were sold.

We dined there, in the manner of the country, on a mat on

the earth, and sat thereto as tailors are accustomed to do with

us. After eating, we again crossed over, and came back

home once more.

Moreover, the Ambassadors, or those who had brought the

No. 35.—1887. | NOTES ON CEYLON. 153

letter, or ole,*4* from the King of Candia, had returned to

Candien. Then again a letter was sent from the Governor to

the King, with the foregoing ceremonies, and was conducted

by six companies of foot as far as the Pas, under a canopy or

pavilion, with large torches as well, and from there onwards

by three companies to Orwevel*” or Anguellen, amidst the

firing of all the cannon, according to the old custom.

Before I leave the island of Ceilon, it will not be

unreasonable if I briefly relate what I heard and saw of that

island during the period of eighteen months that I lived there.

It is true that Baldeus has written much about it and extols

it mightily high, but in deed and in truth the whole island

and all that isin it, excepting the cinnamon tree, is not worth

as much as an ordinary village in Brabant or Flanders: for

all the fruits that grow there are not worth describing. The

sweet oranges, or King’s apples,”* that grow there have been

brought from elsewhere and planted there. The cattle are

so thin that they are not eatable. The fish that comes into

the fish market on a Friday in Antwerp is better and worth

more than all the fish that is caught in a whole year

throughout the whole of Ceilon. The schools in which the

children in the low-lands are taught, and which are figured

in Baldeus in fine copperplates, are altogether not worth as

much as the plates cost to engrave : for they are nothing

more than a wretched hut and a roof on sticks, that is open

all round, and some covered with straw and others with tiles,

This island was first discovered by Christoffel Columbus,

an Italian, whence the chief town bears his name.?’ Colombo

lies in seven anda half degrees . . . . .%% The Portu-

guese, who were the first possessors of this island, also had

various other forts there, both round the sea coast and inland,

such as Negombo, Goalen,?? Battecolo, Vincquenelaley,”

&c., and endured severe contests with the inhabitants before

they could bring them into subjection, until about the year

1655 the Hollanders landed there, who, with the help of the

Cingalese, that is, the inhabitants, drove out all the Portu-

guese. But before the Cingalese would help the Hollanders

154 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

they made a stipulation with them in these terms: that when

the town of Colombo and others should be conquered, so that

the Portuguese were driven out thence, some fortresses should

also be given into their charge, together with some seaports,.

in order that they might go with their vessels where they

would. But as soon as Colombo and the other places had

capitulated, and the Portuguese were driven out, the King of

Candia, who was then the sole sovereign of that island,

wished to take possession of those places that had been pro-

mised him in theagreement made; butas the Hollanders said

that this agreement might cause them great harm, as the

King could at any time call some foreign potentate to his aid,

and admit him into his country through the seaports which

he wished to have, and also by help from other fortresses

which he also wished to have, according to the foregoing agree-

ment, they, the Hollanders, would be compelled to do what he

pleased ; beside which, that the King, by means of the sea-

ports, would be able to trade with others in cinnamon and

areck,** it was resolved by the Hollanders, after the matter had

been well considered, that a spoke should be put in the wheel,

and an opportunity sought of giving some course of dis-

content to the Cingalese, which very soon occurred. It was

then announced that all the Cingalese would have to depart

from the fortress of Colombo to a certain distance from

the place, and as these people did not promptly obey, some of

them were for this reason shot dead by the Hollanders. Here-

upon arose forthwith a new war between the Hollanders and

the Cingalese ; and then the poor inhabitants saw for the first

time that they had been deceived. The which gave occasion

to the King of Candia to say or to ask his courtiers, what they

thought of this business ; whereupon he was answered, that

they were freed from the hot ginger, but that they had got

more pungent pepper in its place. These things remained

for some years in the same state, so that now and then some

encounter took place on both sides, and now the King’s side

and then Hollanders took some prisoners.

The Company, seeing that not the slightest advantage was

No. 35.—1887.] NOTES ON CEYLON. 155

to be gained in this warfare, tried to pacify the King of

Candien with fair words and rare gifts; but he would listen

to nothing, saying that the Hollanders were deceivers, and

kept all who were sent to him as envoys, with him in Candien.

Moreover, he would not look at the presents sent, but let them

remain in the same place where they were brought on their

arrival, until they were spoilt and destroyed, in contempt of

them : so that he allowed a beautiful Persian horse, that was

sent to him as a gift, die of hunger, though he was a great

fancier of fine horses.*?

At last the Governor Laurens Pijl managed by cunning to

so get round the King that he began to listen to him. This

Governor had utterly condemned the action of the Governor

or General who had not kept his word in accordance with the

agreement at the commencement of their possession, saying,

moreover, that it was not concluded with the permission of

the Lords and Masters in Holland : forthe whole island with

all the fortifications belonged to the King, and that he as

Governor only guarded them for his Royal Majesty, as he

was not able to defend such a large island against a foreign

potentate, and that he was prepared to hand over all the

fortresses to his Majesty when it should please him.

This private letter Pijl had found means of forwarding to

the King quietly in the year 1685, when another letter was

sent to him in the following manner: Laurens Pijl had

learnt that his private letter had not been unpleasant to the

King ; he therefore informed the Political Council that he had

understood that the King appeared to have become possessed

of ears willing to hear some fair promises of favourable

intercourse with the Company ; for which reason he deemed

it not unadvisable to make a trial for once, and write to him.

But as it had been seen that the King detained all who were

sent to him, it was resolved to make one more trial, but with

his own people, or Cingalese, who live near Colombo. These

were instructed regarding all, by word of mouth, to make

known to the King the great regard of the Governor, beside

a private letter to the King, in which everything was

83—88 E

156 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

confirmed. The public letter, of which the Political Council

had knowledge, was placed in a large silver basin, being

wrapped first in cloth, and then in red velvet, and was then

placed in a beautiful new carriage, which was drawn by six

fine horses. This letterin this carriage was accompanied by the

whole garrison as far as the extreme boundaries of Colombo,

where they parted from it amidst the firing of several field-

pieces and of all the musketeers, and let the Cingalese proceed

entrusted with the rest. The private letter as well as the oral

instructions of his own subjects were, however, so far able to

move the old King, that in the following year in the month

of May he released a number of Hollanders, or rather Euro-

peans, who had been kept prisoners in Candia some 17

or 18 years, notwithstanding that he had sworn many oaths

that he would put no more faith in the Hollanders all the

days of his life. Beside these prisoners the King sent some

Ambassadors to confer verbally with the Governor, who were

received and sent back again with all ceremony and honour.*

All this took place before my arrival there, but was related

to me by those who had themselves been present.

But on the 10th Decemb., 1687, I myself saw two envoys

from the new King arrive. Whilst these envoys were in

Colombo, Laurens Pijl released all the Company’s slaves

that were in chains, and struck off their fetters, and pardoned

* From the Beknopte Historie we learn that in 1686, by presents, and

the promised aid of the Chief Priest of Kandy (who had visited Governor

Pyl, and been entertained ‘“‘with great pomp and ceremony’’), the Dutch

hoped to obtain the release of their countrymen detained prisoners by the

King, but that R4ja Sinha hardened his heart “at the instigation of his

French and Portuguese captives.”” The present of an eagle, however, early

in 1687 led to “great interchange of compliments,” and ultimately to

“the release of the Dutch prisoners, amongst them being Lieut. Moliere

and Ensign Steenbeek, besides eleven Toepasses and some natives.”

The Dutch Records, Colombo, furnish further particulars. The prisoners

were sent down from Kandy in charge of Aswolla Adigar, Galgama Rala,

Kobewela Mohotiy4r, Maradagoda Muhandiram, and a large retinue: they

reached Colombo on May 13. The gratitude of the Dutch prompted an

expenditure of £1,908. 18. 9 in presents to the escort, viz.:—Aswolla

Adigar, f 507. 7. 10; Galgama Rala, f 207, 18. 5; Kobewela Mohotiyar,

f 182. 18. 5; Maradagoda Rala, £150. 18. 5; Adigar’s Muhandiram,

No. 35.—1887. | NOTES ON CEYLON. 157

any who had been condemned to death or the lash, and all

this to win over the King.

After three days, to wit, on the 13th, these Ambassadors

departed with great ceremony. On the 15th two others were

received in the like manner; these brought the tidings of

the death of the old King; moreover, that the old King had

expressly enjoined on his successor to maintain good

relations with his Governor: for that he was well assured

that he was no deceiver as the former Hollanders had

been, &c.

It was then, while these Ambassadors were there, that

that imposing funeral procession in memory of the deceased

King took place, which has been described above, on

the 23rd Dec., and they returned again on the 30th to

Candien with many presents. The Secretary Aalbos

accompanied them as Ambassador to congratulate the new

King, and to assure him that Gov. Pijl would act towards

him as he had promised the deceased King, his father, and

with other private instructions, which were delivered to him

by word of mouth. This Aalbos brought back with him

two Ambassadors from the King, who were received with

great pomp, as has been before said, and who brought with

them five elephants, which the deceased King had purposed

to send to his Governor, beside other presents, such as gold.

J 25. 2; nine Appuhamies, /125. 13. 4; nine A’rachchies, f56. 0. 8;

eleven “Manacayers,” f 56. 2; three Vidanes, f 20. 18. 8; five (?),

jf 40. 10; sixteen lascorins, 283. 9. 8; seven lascorins of the Atapattu,

J 51; eight smiths, 37. 6; two Moors, £13. 19; twenty-one servants, °

J 52. 10; twenty-five coolies, f 62. 10.

Other Dutch prisoners, probably released with Pieter Mollier and Hans

Steenbeek, or in the following year (July 10, 1688), as gathered from

contemporary letters, were Mattheus Gomesz, Paulus Cornelis, Diedrick

Barrents, Thomas Homes, Frederick Ambrosias Penneguin, and Jurgen

Pietersen.

Knox writing in 1681 believed the number of Dutch living in the Kandyan

territory to be “about 50 or 60,” Ambassadors, prisoners, runaways, and

malefactors—Portuguese, some ‘three score,” English 16. The Dutch

Ambassador Jacob Cuycq Myerop, in a letter from Kandy, dated July 15,

1684, puts the total of Raja Sinha’s détenus at 97, of whom 6 were French

10 English, and 25 Portuguese.—B., Hon. See.

E 2

158 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. X.

precious stones, &c. These Ambassadors remained until the:

21st. Meanwhile, every honour was done to them that

could be thought of, such as parades and other things. Every

evening until late they had long audiences with the

Governor, and all in secret. A certain Bannok acted as

interpreter, who had taken pains to acquaint himself

generally with the affairs of the people. These Ambassadors.

then departed on the 21st with many presents, and were

accompanied to the furthest frontier.”

On 11th May another Ambassador came to speak verbally

with the Governor, who being put off with fair words returned

the same day that he came, but with the usual ceremonies.**

On 4th Julyt came four Ambassadors and brought the rest

of the prisoners with their wives and children ; these were

received inthe most imposing manner. Among others, there

came a Lieutenant who had been kept a prisoner there for

16 years, having gone there on an embassy. On the 15th, a

parade of allthe Kuropeans was held before the Ambassadors,

when the King was announced and proclaimed as King from

the balcony of the Council-house, whereupon all the people

* The “ Upper Merchant, and Chief Secretary, Claas Alebos” (as he is

styled in the D, R,), returned on February 6, 1688, with two Ambassadors,

“ Kirewewele Gabbara Rale” and ‘‘Mendiwocer Mohotiar,” bearing a

letter from the Kandy Court, dated January 30. The Ambassadors were

sent back February 21, with a reply from Governor Pyl. This “ Banacke

of Colombo” seems to have been privileged to correspond directly with

the King’s ministers.—B., Hon. Sec.

} The Beknopte Historie says “in June,” The actual date was July

10 (D. R. Colombo). The captives released (in all 25 men, women, and

children, including “Lieutenant Disave Cornelis Blicklant”’) were in

charge of “ Dewakarre Mahamotiaar,’ and accompanied by four Ambas-

sadors, ‘‘ Wickeremasinga Modliar,” Disdva of Sabaragamuwa ; “'Tamban-

carrewarre Samamaracon Modliar,” Disava of Bintenna ; ‘‘Herat Modliar,””

Chief of Udunuwara ; and “‘Pandite Modliar.” The young King had been

crowned on May 27; and Governor Pyl, in his letter of July 22, offers

congratulations and goodwill to the new Emperor ‘“ Wimele Daham Soury

Maha Ragia.” Secretary Alebos returned with the Ambassadors on 23rd.

bearing draft of a fresh Contract for the consideration of the King.

The heads of this proposed agreement, which fell through after some

months of useless negotiation, are given in the Beknopte Historie.—B..,.

tlon. Sec.

No. 35.—1887.] NOTES ON CEYLON. 159

shouted “Long live the King!” In the evening there was a

display of fireworks, which was witnessed by the Ambassadors.

‘On the 19th there was another display of fireworks on the

water. On the 23rd they returned with many presents.

These were sent in return for a gun that was of massive gold,

and that was sent by the King to the Governor. The

Secretary Aalbos returned with them to the King, with

express command not to return thence before the King had

also proclaimed peace, or until he was summoned back by a

later order.*4

On the 5th Octob. came two envoys from the King, but

they were received only at the gate, and after they had spoken

with Pijl they departed with dissatisfaction on both sides,

and the Ambassadors were ailowed to go without any

escort.”

On 25th November a letter was sent by a Cingalese with

great ceremony to the King, who replied to it on the 22nd

Dec. in the same manner, the letter being received by a

company of soldiers. The contents were, thatthe King did

not wish to have anything more to do with embassies, but

that he wished to speak with his Governor verbally, to which

end the King had caused great preparations in the way of

houses to be made at Zeduaaken.

The fort of Zeduaaken lay about 12 miles from Colombo,

and was the frontier place of Colombo and Candien. ’T was

a regular fortress, well provided with ordnance. Under its

protection several aldees® or villages sheltered themselves.

This fortress, with its dependent aldees, the Governor had

some months before ceded to the King. There,as I have

said, the King had made great preparations for speaking with

the Governor personally. The envoys who had brought this

letter returned on the dth January, 1689, and a public letter

was then sent to the King with the same ceremony as if an

* Mudaliydrs “Hindenie Abesinge” and “ Hakmana Heneke” arrived

on October 5, with letter dated the 2nd. Governor Pyl replied on the

22nd.—B., Hon. See.

160 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vion. ixX.

Ambassador had accompanied it in person. The contents:

were not known; but great preparation was made of all

kinds of silver trappings for the equipment of a Persian

horse. Pit? [s/c] pretended to be ill in order not to give any.

audiences.”

On 25th January there came two more envoys from the

King, who were suitably received, and it was rumoured that

they had come to see how it fared with their Governor’s

health. They returned on the 28th with the usual ceremonies.

Meanwhile work was carried on with all diligence at the

aforesaid silver trappings, and we made ready to leave for

Batavia on February 10. This is then, in brief, the state

of affairs between the King and the Company.*”

Let usnow say something of the situation of Colombo, and in

what manner the Portuguese were driven out of it. The city

of Colombo lies in seven degrees and a half north of the line,

and is divided into an old city and a new one or castle. The

old city is about a thousand paces long and seven hundred

broad, and is an oblong quadrangle; it has three long andi

straight streets lengthways and three breadthways, so that the

whole of the old city is almost made up of the twelve squares

or cubes, of which one of the midmost is the churchyard, :

surrounded by a wall. Against this wall little mud houses

covered with straw have been erected, where every day are

to be found one thing and another for sale, of which the

Cingalese have need, such as slaves, clothing, linen, thread,

betel, areek, &c., and which serve as a basaart,® that is, a

* The course of the correspondence between the Kandyan Court and the:

Dutch from November, 1688, to January, 1689, was as follows :—

On November 11 “ Mattemagoda Chitty” (perhaps a Moor of Matama-

goda in Four Koralés) arrived with a letter from the King. This “Chitty’”

seems to have been employed as intermediary, and was probably the

“Cingalese” by whose hand Daalmans says the Governor’s reply of

November 25 was sent to Kandy. He returned on December 22, with

Mudaliydrs “ Bowolle Coeletonge ” and “ Oedowitte Jasinge,” bearing two:

olas, dated December 17, from the King and the “Gonnebandaer.”’ The:

contents of both were virtually the same, and are dealt with in Governor

Pyl’s replies of January 5, substantially as summarised in the Beknopte

ITistoric. (See Note 37, infra.)—B., Hon. Sec.

No. 35.—1887. ] NOTES ON CEYLON. 161

market, where everything, vegetable or otherwise, is for sale ;

but this dasaart is only on the two front sides of the church-

yard : for at the eastern and southern corners the wall is

bare at night, and these huts serve for the buffaloes to take

shelter in when it rains. These buffaloes pay their house

rent with the gift of their dung: for it is very useful for

smearing therewith the floor and earthen seats that are

made there ; for otherwise the people there would have no

peace with the white ants that eat up everything, although

they may have been only some hours at work ; so that every-

one, not only in Ceilon, but throughout the whole of India,

who has not a paved floor, must of necessity once or twice

a week have his whole house smeared with buffalo or cow

dung; indeed, the very frame of our bedstead, on which

we slept, was thus smeared all over. Everything else, such

as boxes and cupboards, pantries, &c., which would be spoilt

by being so smeared, must stand on hollow stones in which

is water, or they are in peril of the ants.

Now, as further concerns the churchyard, it has two large

gateways, one on the north side and one on the south side.

One always enters by the first and goes out bythe other. In

this graveyard everyone is buried, except the Governor and

the members of the Political Council; and besides, anyone

who is willing to pay 100 rixdollars can also be buried in

the church.

All the houses in the old city are still those of the Portu-

guese times, except some which, having been destroyed by

the rain or other causes, have been rebuilt; most of them

were entirely under the roof [7.¢., without an upper story],

orif any are one story high the roof is very low, and the

principal dwelling is above. In the whole of the old town

resided only about 24 Europeans, both independent persons

and servants of the Company, of whom more than half had

black wives or Mistiches ;3° and also some Dutch widows;

the rest were WMistiches, Toepasses,*® Cingalese, Moors, Mala-

bars, &c. The town lies east and west, south and north.

It has only one gate, which bears the name of the Negombo

162 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

gate, because one goes to Negombo through it; it is situated

in the angle on the north-east side. On the east and on the

south side it is very strongly fortified, with stone walls and

bastions and a very broad water, or tank, in which are many

crocodiles or kaimans.** On the north side is the sea, from

which it is separated by a small wall, in the middle of which

is a bastion, where troops are stationed with a sergeant.

Outside this wall, to wit, on the beach, is the fish market, or

the fish bazaar [ visch-passer ],*? where a number of fishermen

live in little huts. On the west side is the castle, between

which and the town lies a low plain, almost as large as the

whole city, by a high road through the midst of which one

goes to the castle. This road was planted with trees when we

left there,*? and they had grown well when we came away

again.“

The fort or castle is almost square, and has five bastions of

poor stone, which is cut out of the earth there of any size

that is required, and is called kapkok stone.*® It is like small

pebbles lying in a hard clay, so that if a large square stone is

allowed to lie for some time in the water the clay dissolves,

and all the pebbles fall in a heap together; but if this stone

is laid in good mortar, so that the water cannot get at it, then

it does good service. The castle has on the south side the

same tang ** or broad water as the old city, on the west side

the sea, and on the north side the bay, and onthe east side

the old town, which is separated from the castle by a pretty

broad and deep moat. It has three gates, one through which

one enters from the old town, where the road still lay open

when I was there in 1693, notwithstanding that the blue

chiselled freestone all ready for making a fine gateway

therewith had lain there from the time I came to Colombo.

The second gate lies at the angle of the south-west side, where

the road goes to Gaalen,*” and is named the Gaalse poort [Galle

gate]. The third is the Water-poort [Water gate |], where one

goes down along three sides by twenty blue freestone steps to

the bay or beach. Beside these there are two or three other

small gates, by which one goes to the works and to the sea beach,

No. 35.—1887, | NOTES ON CEYLON. 163

on the west side, where stand several small huts, for the slaves

of the Company to live in with their wives and children, and

which is a kind of negro village.*#® Beside these there is yet

another small gate, by which one goes to the pier and wharf,

where all the goods are discharged and loaded by means of

punts and small boats or skiffs, and also taken to the large

vessels, which mostly lie a good half mile or even mile outside

the bay on account of a bank, and the north wind in the

mousson,*® in November, December, and January, as the north

wind blows sometimes very strongly there, and then the ships

cannot get out of the bay on account of the north wind, but are

driven towards the shore, so that they part from their anchors.

On the north side the fort has a bend towards the sea, like an

elbow, on the end of which stands a bastion with a four- |

ecrnered tower well provided with metal cannon, as indeed a

large number of metal cannon stand all round the city. This

bastion bears the name of the Waterpas. Behind this bend,

towards the shore, lies the wharf for building small vessels ;

there stands a saw-mill, driven by the wind. In the middle

of this elbow stands a smithy, beside carpenters’, turners’, and

coopers’ shops. Here gun-carriages and everything needed

en sea or land are made for the Company. The rest of this

crooked elbow is entirely occupied by store-houses, in which

the goods of the Company are kept.

Close by the Gaalse poort stands a powder-mill, also driven

by the wind, where gunpowder is made. In the castle are

few respectable houses, and most of these built by the Dutch,

of which the house of the Governor, with that of the

Secretary, which is close by, is very large, and with its garden

forms a complete square. Its front faces the sea shore. The

wall or the fortification serves as a road for the said house.

At the one angle towards the east stands a bastion, and at

the other angle towards the west is a corp [sic] de garde,

where the Company and the servants, with the trumpeter of

the Governor, have their residence, close to the Water-poort.

The castle has two streets from the north to the south, the

longest of which, that runs right from the Water-poort to the

164 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. X.

Gaalse poort, is very broad and irregular, and only ten or:

twelve houses stand there in order, to wit, as one enters

by the Gaalse poort, on the right hand, where the shop--

keeper, the cashier, the dispenser, warehouse-masters, &c.,.

dwelt. In the middle of this street stands the church,

which lies north and south, and is one relic of the fifty

churches that in the time of the Portuguese stood in the

districts of Colombo, Negombo, and of Gaalen, and it did not

differ much from them, but was also in ruins when I was

there, and the ground was all marked off for the building

of anew one close by, but there it remained.

The second street runs from the other corner on the east

side of the house of the Governor to the end of the castle..

This street has on the east side a moat of about 30 feet, on

the other side of which are houses. These two streets are:

crossed by six others, of which the rampart in front of the

house of the Governor is the first; the second street comes

behind the same house, against the wall of its court, at the

angle of which towards the west stand two offices, to wit, the

pay and the trade offices. Right opposite to this stands the

house of the second person, and at the other angle the house

of the Major, that was kept empty for the lodging therein

of the Ambassadors of the King. Beside these stood two

other fine houses. The third street was very bad, into

which the gardens of the above houses had exit. The

fourth street was the finest of all: in it were 2 or 3

lodgings of Europeans, and the rest were mostly Toepasses

and Blacks. The fifth street did not run right through, but

stopped at the courts of the row of houses in which lived

the shopkeeper, the dispenser, and the cashier. In this street

stood the hospital and the house of the head surgeon. The

rest were all miserable hovels, as were also all the houses of

the same®”® street, which also had the above-mentioned

moat for a neighbour at their doors, which runs right past

the Gaalse poort, over which one goes by a built stone bridge,,

and so proceeds as far as the rampart on the west side of the

castle. Between this moat and the rampart on the south

No. 35.—1887.] NOTES ON CEYLON. 165

stands the powder mill, beside the dwelling of the Master

Gunner. This is then in brief [the plan] of Colombo.>!*

There now remains to say how the Portuguese lost this

city, and the whole island. Disunion and self-conceit were

the cause of the departure of the Portuguese. When the

Hollanders came to Ceylon with their fleet, the Portuguese

could easily have prevented their landing, but thinking

too little of their foe they considered that an indignity, for

they believed that they could easily drive them back with

sticks. Therefore the Portuguese Governor of Colombo gaveas.

answer to those who brought him the tidings.that the Hollan-

ders were engaged in landing, that the fowls should be allowed

to come on land, that he had powder and lead to shoot them

with. But after the Hollanders had taken several forts or |

paggers,” they saw well that it was no cockfight; but that

about 4,000 of the enemy, black as well as white, were

marching on Colombo, against whom they sent out 700:

Portuguese to bar their passage at a river between Gaalen

and Colombo. But when the 30 men who formed the

vanguard had passed over that river, and whilst they were

occupied in cooking their rice, as they, to wit, the Hollanders,,

had eaten nothing the previous day, they became aware of

the Portuguese ; but not knowing how strong they were, as

it was late in the evening, and also quite dark (the body of

the Hollanders camp was on the other side of the river), never-

theless these courageous Hollanders fell upon the Portuguese).

who also not knowing whether the whole camp of the

Hollanders had passed over the river or not, and being also:

but 30 men strong, who were the avantgarde, the Portuguese.

took to flight. On hearing this news the rest of the

Hollanders crossed the river with all speed, each as best

he could. Here an officer, who was in the service of the

Portuguese, but was a Netherlander by birth, ran over to the

* To the writers quoted in Note 51, infra, should be added Christopher

Schweitzer, who served in Ceylon from November, 1676, to January, 1682.—.

B., Hon. See.

166 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

Hollanders, and begged for quarter, which was promised

him on condition that he would state truly all that he knew

as to the numbers of the Portuguese, which he did. Among

other things that he related, he said that the Portuguese had

resolved to hang all the Hollanders except the young and

strong fellows, whom they wished to keep as pallenquin

bearers. This statement aroused so much hatred towards

them, that Van der Laan, who was in command of the

Hollanders, swore an oath that he would slaughter all the

Portuguese whom he could catch, with wives and children.

The day now broke, and the march along the sea coast was

begun, when they soon came in sight of the Portuguese.

The Hollanders marched 36 men in each rank, and had

orders not to open fire on the Portuguese before they saw

the white of the eye of the latter. This was done, and

presently several ranks were opened, and they began to

fire on the Portuguese with a number of field-pieces, which

were loaded with grape or canister, on which they took to

flight, and all who could not escape were shot dead. Very

few Hollanders were killed, and Van der Laan was slightly

wounded in the face, which cost nine Portuguese their lives.

‘These Portuguese had fled into the depths of the forest

thereabout, in order to escape to Colombo with the rest

by night ; but by chance a Hollander corporal with four men,

each with a gun, going into the jungle, found these nine

Portuguese, each also with his musket and burning lunt ;

but as these Portuguese did not know whether or not there

were more Hollanders there, they asked if there was quarter or

not for them, and put themselves in position to fire, as they

had seen the Hollanders come along, but, owing to the rough

nature of the forest, could not escape without taking to the

open. This corporal never heard a pleasanter question, and

they all called out together “Yes,” with the condition that

they should extinguish their lunts, which was done, and

then they brought these Portuguese to Van der Laan, who

abused them roundly, and because he had been wounded

in the face caused them all to be shot, and that by the very

No. 35.—1887.] NOTES ON CEYLON. 167

soldiers who had given them quarter. Shortly afterwards.

Colombo was beseiged by the Hollanders, and after they

had intrenched themselves as near to the city as they

thought necessary, they kept the city in a constant state

of alarm, in order to weary out the Portuguese, and in

order the better to deceive them, to have soldiers firing

at all hours, now in one place, and now in another, with

cries of “Kill them! Kill them! Charge! Charge!’ This

was done at all hours of the night by different soldiers, and

in the daytime they did nothing but cannonade, and raise

a false alarm here and there; but seeing that nothing came

of this false alarm, they became accustomed to that noise.

But one Sunday, after they had raised a still greater alarm,

the Portuguese had all gone to their churches, thinking that -

_ the Hollanders were tired and would not make any attack that

day. But a false alarm changed into a real one, and a

bastion was speedily occupied, where only a monk was on

guard with a few soldiers; and notwithstanding that this

monk did great mischief by firing with the cannon on the

Hollanders, the bastion was occupied before assistance came

from the church, the result being that they were obliged to

agree to surrender the city to the Hollanders. They were only

fifty or somewhat more in number, to wit, of men capable

of bearing arms, who were all sent to Coutchyn and Goa.

And so Colombo was ceded to the Hollanders.*?

NOTES BY THE TRANSLATOR.

1 On the Hogstone, see Baldeeus, Malabar ende Choromandel, p. 169 ;

Mandelso’s Travels into the Indies, translated by John Davies, second

edition, p. 124 ; Sir Thomas Herbert's Travels, in Harris’s Voyages, IL.,

p- 407; and Tavernier’s Travels, in Harris’s Voyages, IL, p. 375.

Among the gifts sent by the Dutch to the son of the King of Kandy

in 1655 was a hogstone. (See Baldzus, Ceylon, chapter XXIV.)

? Since this was written, Dr, W. G. Van Dort has, in a paper read

before the Ceylon Branch of the British Medical Association, given

an account of the contents of the volume, with translations of parts.

The greater portion of his paper is printed in the Ceylon Medical

Journal, Vol. I., No. 4.

168 _ JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

3 See on this drink Hobson-Jobson, s.v. ‘ Beer, Country’; and Journal

of the Ceylon Branch Royal Asiatic Society 1867-70, p. 150.

4 Malluanen = Malwana. In Ribeiro’s curious map of Ceylon (see

Tennent’s Ceylon, II°., p. 5 n.) this place is entered as ‘Malvana,’ and

Ribeiro gives the following description of it (Bk. I., chap. 12) :—

‘“‘Malvana was situated on the bank of the river, about three leagues

from Colombo ; moreover, it covers a small area, with a square redoubt,

without any flank. In it resided a Captain, Ensign, and Sergeant, and

the soldiers who went there from the hospital became convalescent

and returned to their camps. It had a church, a chaplain, a storehouse

for provisions, and ammunition.” 'To this Le Grand adds :—“ Malwana

never was reckoned a fortress ; it is only a country seat at which the

Captains-General usually resided : they had a handsome palace there

called Rosa-pani; and as the air was believed to be purer there than

anywhere else in the whole land, those who were convalescent were

sent there to recover their strength.” The Captains-General of

Colombo, according to Ribeiro, assumed the title of ‘ King of Malwana.’

In 1736 a detachment of troops, 82 strong, sent by the Dutch to put

down a revolt among the Chaliyas of the Siyané koralé, was driven

from Attanagalla by a large body of low-country Sinhalese and

Kandyans, with a loss of two field-pieces beside ammunition and

baggage, and forced to retire to Malwana. The small fort that had

been thrown up here was, however, attacked by the Disawa of the

Four and Seven Koralés at the head of some thousands of men, and

was utterly demolished, the guard of lascoreens perishing in the flames.

This act gave rise to a formal war between the Dutch and the Kandy-

ans. In 1881, when the last census was taken, Malwana contained

63 houses and 342 persons. No traces of the fortifications now exist,

I believe.

> Sombrero (Port. swmbrecro) and kippersol (Port. quita-sol) =

‘umbrella’ or ‘sunshade.’ See Hobson-Jobson, s. v. ‘Sombrero’ and

‘ Kittysol.’

6 Tamboelijntie, diminutive of tamboelijn = ‘tambourine.’ Cf. Port.

atabale, ‘a kettle-drum’ (Vieyra). Valentijn has ‘tamblinjeros, tablin-

jeros, tammelijnspelers, See Skeat’s Etymological Dictionary, s. v.

‘Tabour, Tabor.’

7 Massak. Ueydt (1744) says:—“...... they were in charge of a .

distillery, or Schacherey, as they are accustomed to call it there, and many

Europeans went there to drink, and were in the habit of refreshing

themselves with a Masac Cloria, Gorl, or a good bottle of fresh Sury

or palm-wine.” Saar (Ost-Ind. Funfzehen-Jéhrige Kriegs-Dienst, 1652,

chap. 4) describes the process of making this drink. Christopher

Langhans also, in his Neue Ost-Indische Reise, 1705, p. 200, describes

the various drinks indulged in at Batavia, and says :—“ First they

pour into warm Yea-water Arack or Knip, put some sugar therein,

and this the boatmen call Glorta, or Children’s Tea-water. They also

No. 35,—1887.] NOTES ON CEYLON. 169

make Kletzkletz in the following way : viz., they pour some Yea-water

into a bowl, put a handful of sugar Candy therein, and beat it up with

a split rattan, until it has dissolved, during which stirring eight or ten

eggs are beaten up therein, and when it has all been thoroughly beaten

up, as much Arack is poured into it according to the strength desired,

then a little Muscat-nut [nutmeg] is grated over it, and this is drunk

instead of a warm wine. Inthe same manner also Massack is made,

only that instead of the Tea-water Sury is taken.” He also describes

Brombrom, Pontz, or Surepontz (see Hobson-Jobson, s. v. ‘Punch’),

sugar-beer and Cras-bier (see Hobson-Jobson, s. v. ‘ Beer Country ’).”

8 Sure = sura, ‘toddy.’ See Hobson-Jobson, s. v. ‘Sura.’

9 Klapper=Malay kalépa, ‘cocoanut,’ the latter being probably

from Skt. kapdla by metathesis.

10 Lanterloo, ‘an old game at cards’ (Calisch). ‘A game mentioned

im Games Most in Use, 12mo., n.d. The game of loo is still termed lant

in the North” (Halliwell).

1 Prauw = Malay prahi, boat. Cf. Sinhalese pdru(wa). See

Flobson-Jobson, 8. v. ‘ Prow, Parao.’

2 Alkatief—Yule’s Hobson-Jobson, s. v. ‘Alcatif, says: “This

word for ‘a carpet’ was much used in India in the sixteenth century,

and is treated by some travellers as an Indian word. It is not,

however, of Indian origin, but is an Arabic word (katif, ‘a carpet with

long pile’) introduced into Portugal through the Moors.”

13 The Pas= Pass Nakalagam, or Grandpass. The reception hall

referred to occupied one corner of the square in which Wolfendahl

church stood. See Percival and Cordiner.

144 There is a blank here in the original manuscript. The editor

queries ‘ vaantgens,’ bannerels or bandrolls.

The ‘Beknopte Historie van de Voornaamste Gebeurtnissen op

Ceilon,’ compiled in 1760 in Colombo, in the office of the Political

Secretary, and published at Leyden in 1862 by Mr. P. A. Leupe, thus

refers to this event :—‘‘In the month of December of the same year,

1687, tidings were received that His Candian Maj. Raja Singa Rajoe

had expired ; whereupon it was resolved to go into mourning until the

envoys, who had come to Colombo to make known the succession to the

throne of a new King (namely, the young Prince Mahastane), should

have put it off. The said envoys conducted themselves as if they

knew nothing of the old King’s death; which hypocrisy was repaid

them in the very same coin. However, the Gaunebandaar begged H.

Ex. the Governor privately not to grieve over the old King’s death.”

16 Zeduaken = Situwaka,

7 Roeenelle == Ruwanwella.

1% Anguellen = Haywella.

19 Matualen = Mutwal.

170 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

20 Tonies = ‘dugouts’ (‘dhonies’). See Hobson-Jobson, s. v. ‘ Doney,

Dhony.’

21 Cotton = Kotté (Cotta).

22, Ribeiro gives the following account of the extraction of this

oil :—“In the Island is also made oil, and wax of cinnamon, but

though many people might find employment in this work, which is of

much estimation and value throughout the whole world, I knew only

three families who engaged in it. Taking the bruised fruit of the

cinnamon, they placed it in caldrons with sufficient water, applying a

strong fire for the space of three hours, when they removed it from

the heat ; and when it was quite cold they took from the surface a

cake like very white tallow, and on the surface of the water were

formed ‘eyes’ as of oil, which were removed with a feather, and

dropping them into a bottle, set in sand and exposed to the sun, where

the moisture was expelled, and when it was purified they placed it ina

large bottle, and in a short time acquired a quantity that sold for a

high price. This is the oil so highly prized throughout the whole

world, of service in many infirmities. The tallow which they got

they called wax, and sent it to India: it is also medicinal for various.

infirmities. Of it they made tapers, two or four of which were placed on

the thrones at festivals, and exhaled such odoriferous smell, that the

church appeared to be the facsimile of heaven. None of us distilled the

water, not knowing how to manage it, for we were all remiss ; the

Hollanders did not lose this opportunity, but were able to extract large

quantities easily, for the cinnamon is at hand, with all its sap and

spirits, taken from the tree; it is highly prized now in Europe,

whither much is sent, the result being a large profit.” (Bk. I

chap. XXI.) See also Valentijn, Ceylon, p. 51.

"3 Le Grand says (Lee’s Ribeyro, p. 48) :—‘‘ During the last

century there also fell into decadence the famous town of Cotta,.

which had been for many years the capital of the emperor of that

name. The town was in the middle of a lake : a causeway, very long

and narrow, led to it. Colombo was built of its ruins.”

4 Ole = 6la.— Hobson-Jobson says (s. v. ‘ Ollah’ ):—‘‘ In older books

the term ola generally means a native letter.”

> Orwevel = Gurubéwila : in Ribeiro’s map called ‘Grubebe’ ; in

de l’'Isle’s map in Le Grand’s Ribeyro ‘Grouably’ ; in Vaientijn ‘ Gour-

bevile,’ Goerbevele, and ‘Goerbeville’ ; in Herport ‘ Horrenwebel.’

*6 «King’s apples.’ According to Lee (Ribeyro, p. 68 n.), ‘the

large mandarin orange, Of this fruit Ribeiro says :—“ Above all

[fruits] that the Island possesses, is the King’s orange, and it seems

to me that if there was the earthly Paradise, with these alone could

our first father have been wiSInB EEE for in all the world there cannot

be a more excellent apple.”

27 T need hardly say that neither of these statements has the

shghtest foundation in fact.

No. 35.—1887, | NOTES ON CEYLON. 17]

8 'This sentence is printed so. It will be seen that the author

repeats it further on and completes it.

29 Goalen — Galle.

30 Of course the writer meant “‘ Trincquenemaley” (Trincomalee).

31 Areek — ‘arecanuts,’ the trade in which was jealously monopo-

lised by the Dutch. Ribeiro says (Bk. I., chap. III.) :—‘‘ There are

sent every year from the kingdom of Cotta no less than a thousand

champanas (which are like smacks of forty tons burden) of areca.

This article has a large consumption throughout the whole of India.”

In Le Grand’s translation of Ribeiro this statement assumes the

following form :—“ From the kingdom of Cotta alone they export

yearly more than a thousand boatloads, of sixty tons each, of a certain

sand, which has a great sale throughout all India.” To this Lee puts

the following note :—‘ I cannot discover what this sand is—no article

of export of the kind is found now.” ‘Tennent, in commenting on this,

says :—‘“ But as Le Grand made his translation from the Portuguese

manuscript of the author, it is probable that by a clerical error the word

arena may have been substituted for areca, the restoration of which

solves the mystery.’ Here Tennent commits another error, for area

(modern area), and not arena, is the Portuguese word for ‘sand.’

Moreover, I doubt if the manuscript from which Le Grand made his

translation was the author’s original, for this, published in Lisbon in

1836, by the Royal Academy of Sciences, reads areca; but a manuscript

in my possession, formerly in the library of the late Dr. Burnell, reads

area, and I think it probable that this is the manuscript which was used

by Le Grand. It is curious that Le Grand did not detect the error,

for in his addition to the chapter in question he describes the areca,

and mentions the fact of its large export from Ceylon.

32 Valentijn mentions this horse, and the ‘“ Beknopte Historie”

states that the Governor ordered from Persia and sent to the Kandyan

king “‘a lion, horses, tigers, and falcons.” (See for further particulars

Tennent, IT., p. 48 n.?)

33 The “Beknopte Historie” says :—“...... the chief Secretary of

State, in the month of May of the same year, arrived by water very

suddenly and without any previous notice, being accompanied by a

large suite and extraordinary pomp ; delivering his message after the

usual superstitious ceremonials, namely, that the young Prince was

ere long to be appointed and proclaimed Emperor, whereupon hurrahs

on behalf of the Company immediately followed, and three discharges

of muskets and thirty-one cannon shots were fired in token of satisfac-

tion. As speedily as this Hnvoy had come, even such haste did he make

to depart, for he left the selfsame evening.” Then follow details of

the matters discussed by the Governor and the Envoy during this

hurried visit.

%! The ‘ Beknopte Historie” says:—‘‘ Meanwhile the Ervoy

Alebos, who had been sent, returned from Candia, without having been

83—88 B

172 “JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL X.

able to bring about any of the preliminaries regarding the negotiations

of peace, or to obtain the release of the rest of the Netherlanders and

other prisoners. But in the month of June of the same year appeared

in Colombo the Dewekare Mahamohotiaar with nine captive Hollanders,

making known the King’s investiture as Emperor, as also that H. M.

had granted absolute permission and qualification that the Hon. the

Com. might peel cinnamon everywhere in the upper corles, on con-

dition that the King should always be informed beforehand when the

Chialias were to go into the jungle. The aforesaid investiture of the

King was thereupon celebrated by the Hollanders solemnly and ostenta-

tiously, everyone, black and white, shouting ‘Long live the King!’

being the ordinary exclamations of sovereignty and submission. Shortly

after this it was resolved that the Envoy formerly sent, Alebos, should

go as Ambassador a second time to congratulate the young Monarch and

present him with the gifts on behalf of the Comp.; while at the

same time he was given ample instructions and authority to treat for

peace, conformably with the draft contract drawn up, the contents of

which were as foliows :”—and then follow the provisions.

3“ Aldea, 8. a village ; also avilla. Port. from the Ar. al-dai’a,

a farm or villa.” (Hobson-Jobson.)

36 So printed : but apparently a lapsus penne of the writer's for

Pil. At this time Laurens Pil, junior, was Governor of Coromandel.

(See Valentijn, Choromandel, p. 15.)

37 We learn from the “ Beknopte Historie” that the Secretary

Alebos returned to Colombo in September, 1688, having been unsuccess-

ful in his mission. Full details are given of his negotiations with the

Kandyan monarch, who finally gave him his congé, stating that he

wished to have direct communication with the Governor himself. It

is also stated that after the return of Alebos an ‘dla’ was received

from the Kandyan court, written by order of the King, detailing his

various grievances and returning the draft contract brought by Alebos

for the Governor’s own perusal and opinion. It is further recorded

that at the end of the year two ‘dlas’ were brought from Kandy by

some chiefs, one of these ‘dlas’ stating that the King was coming to

the low country to confer with the Governor ; and the other that his

Majesty demanded, besides the opening of the ports, the cession to him

of all the ‘ Pagodas’ situated near the sea, that the Sinhalese might

enjoy freedom of religion. ‘To the first ‘ éla’ reply was made, that, as

a Governor could not leave his place unless another of higher or equal

rank were sent, he must, in order not to go contrary to the orders of

his superiors, forego the pleasure of receiving and speaking with his

Majesty. With respect to the second ‘d6la,’ answer was sent that

delay and patience were asked for, until their Excellencies’ orders were

given. It is also stated that in the following year (1689) a very

offensive letter was received from the Kandyan court, to which a very

strong reply was sent. Valentijn’s account of the events of this period

No. 35.—1887. | NOTES ON CEYLON. 173

is very brief: it is as follows :—‘ Anno 1684 to 1685, two other envoys

were sent by Heer Pyl to Candi, of whom we have already spoken

somewhat. They were two Sergeants, Michiel Ram and Lamsweerde,

who went thither, with the promise when they returned that they

should obtain an Ensignship. I saw them both after their return

thence, Anno 1686, and spoke with them, as I havesaid elsewhere, but

have not mentioned that #aja Singa was then still alive, and was quite

86 or 87 yearsold. Anno 1685 came Heer Henrik Adriaan van Rheede,

Lord of Drakesteyn and of Meydrecht, Commissary-General, here as

‘Commissary, the only one (so far as I know) who was ever here ; but

what his Excellency did here is unknown to me. Atfer that

Raja Singa lived until 12th Dec., 1687, and was then succeeded by his

son Mahastane, under the name of Fimala Darma Soeria Maharaja

(as was written to me from India, but under the name of Wimele

Dahan Soeri, as appears from a memorial of the Governor Simon)

whom Raja Singa before his death had very earnestly recommended to

live at peace with us, as he also had very strictly done. When the

latter became Emperor, he was very superstitious, relying in everything

mostly on his priests.”

38 =Basaart = ‘bazaar.’ See below, note 42, and for various spel-

lings see Hobson-Jobson, s. v.

39 Mistiches, z.e. half-castes ; Port. mestico, a mixling. See Hobson-

Jobson, s. v. ‘Mustees, Mestiz.’

40 Toepasses, 7.€., persons with some European blood in them. On

the origin of the word see Hobson-Jobson, s. v. ‘ Topaz, 'Topass.’

41 “Cayman ” is of course an American word, but seems to have been

used generally by the Dutchin the Hast in former days. See Hobson-

Jobson, 8. Ve

42 Passer =‘bazaar’! (See note 38.) fe

43 That is, for Batavia.

44 hat is, on his voyage back to Holland.

45 Kapkok = ‘cabook.’ Hobson-Jobson says :—The word is per-

haps the Portuguese cabouco or cavouco, ‘a quarry.’” This seems very

probable, and it is likely that the blocks of laterite were called by

the Portuguese pedras de cavouco, ‘quarry stones,’ and by a process

familiar in English the last word after a time came to be retained as

the name of the material. Heydt (1744) calls the substance ‘ Capock-

stones.’

46 Tang = ‘tank.’ On the uncertain origin of this word, so familiar

to all residents in India and Ceylon, see Hobson-Jobson, s. v.

47 ~Gaalen = Galle. (See note 26.)

4% Jn original negrye = ‘ niggery.’

49° Mousson== ‘monsoon.’ On the history of this word see Hobson-

Jobson, s. v.

F 2

174 - JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vion. Xe

°° Tn original “ deselfde”’ : but surely an error for “de sesde” (‘ the

sixth.’).

51 Baldeeus (1672) gives a couple of plans of Colombo,—one as it was

when the Dutch took it from the Portuguese, and the other as it was

after the conquerors had improved it and built stronger fortifications.

A comparison of the latter plan with Dr. Daalmans’ description

shows that, at the time the latter visited Colombo, the “old town”

was little altered, the twelve squares or cubes of houses being shown

in the plan, with the churchyard in the centre ; but the interior of

the ‘castle’ had undergone considerable change, only four blocks of

buildings and the church being shown in the plan. Wouter Schouten

(1676) has only avery brief description of Colombo, but gives a

curious, andapparently somewhat fanciful, view of the town and harbour

from the sea. Valentijn (1726) does not, unfortunately, give a plan

of Colombo, but only six plates showing the Governor’s house, garden,

&c. However, he has a pretty fair description of the fort and the old

town. Heydt, in his “ Allerneuester Geographisch and Topogra-

phischer Schau-Platz von Africa and Ost-Indien” (1744), gives

two views of Colombo as it appeared from the sea, from sketches

taken in 1734 and 1735, and a somewhat detailed description of the

place. With the plans, sketches, and descriptions mentioned above

may be compared the description and plan given by Capt. Percival

in his work on Ceylon (1805). Other descriptions of Colombo in the

Dutch times will be found in Saar (1662), Langhans (1705), and

Eschelskroon (1781). Descriptions of Colombo under the Portuguese

will be found in Gaspar Correa (156—), who gives an account of the

erection of the first fortress and factory in 1518, illustrated by a

eurious drawing ; Barretto de Resende (1646), who illustrates his

aescription by a brilliantly coloured and most valuable plan (Sloane

MS. 197, in the British Museum); and Ribeiro (1685) ; the plan

given by Le Grand in his French translation being, however, very

poor and not agreeing with Ribeiro’s description.

2 Pagger = Javanese pagar, ‘an enclosure.’

53 The fullest details of the events here briefly narrated are given

by Baldzeus, Ribeiro, and Saar. It will be noticed that Dr. Daalmans

confirms the character given to Major van der Laan by the Portuguese

writer whose interesting narrative is translated in Baldzeus (I quote

from the English translation in Churchill’s Voyages) :—“...... Major

Van der Laan (a mortal enemy of the Portugqueses, and a zealous

heretic) having received a wound in the cheek, took a most barbarous

revenge from all the Portugueses he met with, who were all massacred

in the woods (sometimes twenty and thirty together) by his orders

in cool blood, he having often been heard to say, that if the Portu-

gueses were at his disposal, he would cut them all off at one stroke.”

So that the marginal note of the English translator, ““ This must be

look’d upon as a Calumny,” was hardly justified.

No, 35.—1887. | NOTES ON JATAKAS. 175

NOTES ON CERTAIN JA’TAKAS RELATIVE TO

THE SCULPTURES RECENTLY DISCOVERED

IN NORTHERN INDIA.

By L. DE ZOyYsA, MUDALIYAR.

[A PAPER bearing the above title was read before a General Meeting

of the Society on November 2, 1874, Ata Committee Meeting held

en February 1, 1875, it was resolved “that another number of the

Journal, including the translations of the Jatakas referred to in

General Cunningham’s report of his recent discoveries, be published

at the earliest possible date.” No Journal however, was, issued until

1879 : meanwhile several Papers (including the above*) which had

been read before General Meetings were lost sight of, and have

never been printed. Recently, among the miscellaneous papers left

by the late Maha Mudaliyar Louis De Zoysa, was found the following

“Supplementary Note” on the sculptures at Bharhut. This Note

does not seem to have been read before the Society, but may well find

a place in the Journal even after the lapse of years. An ‘“ Appendix”

of correspondence, &c., bearing on the subject has been added.—B..,

Hon, Sec. |

agi N connection with the paper Thad the honour to read

at the General Meeting of the Society held on

November 2, 1874, on some of the sculptures re-

presenting Jatakas of Buddha recently discovered by Major-

General Cunningham, Director-General of the Archxological

Survey of India, at Bharhut [Appendix A, B], I have the

pleasure to submit a Note on some other sculptures found at

the same place, and on which there is an exceedingly

interesting correspondence in the Academy, which Professor

* #.g., “ Text and translation of a rock inscription at Pepiliyana,” by

L. De Zoysa, Mudaliyar (Read June 3, 1873); “Translation from the

Pansiya-panas Jataka,” by L. De Zoysa, Mudaliyér (Read September 25,

1873); ‘‘On a snake found in the Southern Province, supposed to be new

to Ceylon,” by W. Ferguson, Esq. (Read November 2, 1874).

176 JOURNAL, R.A.S, (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

Childers had the kindness to send me, and in which he

himself has taken the most prominent part. The other

gentlemen who have taken part in the discussion are

Professor Max Miller, Mr. James Fergusson, and the Rev.

Samuel Beal [Appendix C].

Inthe Academy of November 21 last [1874] Professor Max

Miller introduced the subject to public attention. In the

Academy of November 28 Professor Childers proposed

emendations of some of the readings of General Cunning-

ham. In that of December 5 is a further contribution from

Professor Childers, adducing a most important and interesting

extract from Buddhaghosa’s Atthakatha on “ Pansiya-panas-

Jataka,” confirmatory of the emendations he has proposed, and

one from Mr. Beal expressing his views. In the Academy

of December 12 there is another letter on the subject from

Professor Childers, and one from Mr. James Fergusson,

giving utterance to his views on some of the points at issue.

One of the most interesting of these legendsis thus noticed

by General Cunningham in his Memorandum on his dis-

covery, published in the Proceedings of the Bengal Asiatic

Society for May, 1874, p. 115 [Appendix B] :—

““A second bas-relief represents a Naga chief kneeling

before the Bodhi tree, attended by anumber of Naga followers.

This scene is named EH'rapdto Naga Raja Bhagavaté

vandate, that is, ‘H’rapdtra, the Naga Raja, worships

Buddha.’ ”

With reference to the above legend Professor Childers

remarks :—“ This rendering is quite inadmissible, first,

because Bhagavato is a genitive, while vandate governs an

accusative ; and, secondly, because the Bé tree which the

Naga king is worshipping can by no possibility be called

Bhagavat, which is the usual designation of a Buddha. All

becomes easy if we supply the word Bédhin, which has doubt-

less either become effaced, or escaped General Cunningham’s

notice, and read Bhagavat6é Bodhin vandate, ‘ worships

Buddha’s Bo tree.’ I have before me a photograph of this

bas-relief. It is executed with great spirit, and is of singular

No. 35.—1887.| NOTES ON JATAKAS. 177

interest, as it gives us what is probablv a faithful representa-

tion of the famous tree at Buddhagaya, an off-shoot of

which still flourishes in Ceylon.”

It appears from the correspondence published in the

Academy that the reading proposed by Mr. Childers has

been controverted by Messrs. Beal and Fergusson, and on

other than grammatical grounds. The former contends that

the worship of the Naga Raja was directed to Buddha and

not to the tree, and the latter says :—

“JT am afraid the materials do not yet exist in this country

for any satisfactory discussion regarding General Cunning-

ham’s wonderful discoveries at Bharahut.

“I feel convinced the Professor must be mistaken in his

alteration ; in the first place because that part of the inscrip-

_ tion which is visible in the photographs (one-half is in

shadow) is so clear and distinct—the letters so deeply and

Sharply cut that it seems inconceivable that one so long

familiar with this simplest of alphabets could have made

such a mistake. A more important point, which any one

looking at the photograph can decide for himself, is that the

tree which E’rapatra is worshipping is not the Bodhi tree of

the last Buddba at all, but one of a totally different species.

Fortunately, in the same photograph, there is another bas-

relief from another pillar, representing a tree which two men

are worshipping—in a rather eccentric manner, it must be

confessed, by holding their tongues between their fingers

andthumbs. Above, flying figures (Gandharvas) are bring-

ing wreaths as offerings, and below is a perfectly distinct

inscription, which General Cunningham reads :—‘ Bhagavato

Sakamunind Bodhi’ (‘the Bé tree of SAkya Muni’). Now it

requires only a very slight knowledge of botany, and still

slighter familiarity with the sculptures at Sanchi, to see

at once, even without the inscription, that this sculpture

is intended to represent the Peepul tree (Ficus religiosa),

which is, and always was, the Bo tree of the last Buddha,

and which, or whose lineal descendants, still grows at

Buddhagaya and Anuradhapura. On the other hand, the

178 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

tree which E’rapatra is worshipping is a flowery tree of a

totally distinct species, but for the identification of which

the photograph is not sufficiently clear. Although, therefore,

the Professor’s emendation may make the inscription more

grammatical,—on this I am not competent to express an

opinion,—it appears to me to have the insuperable defect that

it contradicts the facts represented in the bas-relief to which

it is attached. The General’s interpretation, on the contrary,

perfectly accords with them.”

On the receipt of the copies of the Academy I searched

for the story of E’rapatra Naga Raja, and was fortunate

enough to meet with it. I have found it in Buddhaghosa’s

Atthakatha on “ Dhammapada,” a work well known in Europe

from Dr. Fausboll’s edition, and Professor Max Miiller’s

translation of the text. Dr. Fausboll, however, does not

give the legend of E’rapatra, although he inserts a few scholia

from the Commentary explanatory of the verse in which the

story is founded (vide Fausboll’s “ Dhammapada,” p. 344).

The moment I read the legend I felt that my esteemed

friend Professor Childers had committed a mistake, and it

was with much regret that I found myself opposed to his

views. I lost no time in communicating to him the sub-

stance of the legend as found in the “ Dhammapada” Attha-

katha, and the grounds on which I felt compelled to differ

from him. [Appendix D, E.]

The legend distinctly states that E’rapatra Naga Raja

“worshipped Buddha,” and that he (Buddha) was seated

at the foot of a Sirisa tree when the serpent king

came to pay him his respects; and so, I think, there

can be no doubt that the tree before which the

Naga Raja was kneeling must be the “Sirisa tree,” at

the foot of which Buddha sat when receiving the serpent

king.

The legend thus seems to me to remove all the doubts on

the subject, and to harmonise in a most remarkable manner

all the discordant elements which, in the absence of the story,

seemed to surround the legend depicted in the stone.

No. 35.—1887.] NOTES ON JATAKAS. 179

Taking the legend then as recorded by Buddhaghésa for the

stand-point whence to view the question, there seems to be

justification for saying that General Cunningham is wrong in

supposing that the tree before which the Naga Raja was kneel-

ing was the Bodhi tree of Buddha, although he is correct in

translating the legend: “H’rapatra the Naga Raja worships

Buddha,”—that Professor Childers is wrong in supposing that

the Serpent King worshipped the Bo tree,—that Mr. Fergusson

is singularly sagacious and correct in his belief that the tree

which the Naga Raja worshipped was not the Bddhi tree of the

last Buddha, but a tree of a totally distinct species, although

wrong in supposing that “ Bhagavat is used here to

mean only the holy or sacred thing or person, a deity

or numen, ’—and that Mr. Beal is correct in his supposition

that the Naga Raéja’s worship was directed to Buddha,

and not to the tree.

The grammatical objections raised by Professor Childers

still remain, but I am inclined to think they can be

explained.

Bhagavaté is both genitive and dative, and I think in this

connection it may be taken as the dative. There isa legend

given by General Cunningham which runs thus :-—“Ajdta-

sata Bhagavato vandate” (“ Ajatasata worships Buddha”).

Bhagavato is certainly in the dative case here, and is governed

by vandate (“worships”). In Sinhalese, which Professor

Childers has so recently and so ably proved to be an

Aryan dialect derived from Pali, vandinawa, the equivalent

to vandate, usually governs the dative. We say “ Budunta

vandinawa” (“to worship Buddha”).

There is also a rule in Pali granimar which seems to have

some bearing on this point, to the effect that namo (“ honour,”

“reverence, ‘‘salutation’?) governs the dative. The rule

occurs in Kachchayana. It is as follows :—

*“ Namo yogadisvapica (Chatutthi),” 7. e., ‘“ Namo, ‘re-

verence,’ ‘ salutation,’ governs the dative, as:—”’

T have also found one instance at least in which the verb

nama (equivalent to vandate) governs the dative.

180 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Von. X.

The following line occurs in one of the stanzas in the

“ Jataka Patha,” a work which presents many irregularities in

Pali grammar: “Namé namantassa bhaje bhajantan.” (“1

salute him who salutes me, I serve him who serves me”’).

I am also enabled to propose a material emendation to the

reading of another important legend. I allude to the legend

regarding the acquisition and presentation of the Jéetavana

monastery. Itisas follows:—“Jétavana Anddhapediko deti

koti santhatéena keta,” which General Cunningham has trans-

lated, “ Anathapedika buys (Keta) the Jetavana for certain

kotisof money.” This translation, though verbally inaccurate,

is substantially correct. But Professor Max Miller throws

doubts on the correctness of the reading, contending that ‘ At

present this interpretation must be considered as hypothetical

only.”

Professor Childers has, however, most satisfactorily

removed all doubts on the interpretation of this legend by

citing a most important passage from Buddhaghdsa’s Com-

mentary on the Jatakas, and proposes to read and translate it

as follows :—

“Jétavanan Anadhapediko deétt koti santhaténa keta.”

‘A nadhapindiko presentsJ étavana, having becomeitspurchaser

for a layer of kéti.” This is the reading which I myself,

and I believe others in Ceylon, naturally adopted when the

Proceedings of the Bengal Asiatic Society containing an

account of the General’s discoveries first reached us.

Mr. Childers remarked in the Academy of December 12

last :—“It would be interesting to meet with the original and

detailed account of the purchase, but at present I confess I

do not know where to look for it. It is, however, in one of

the early books of the Tripitakas, and if so, we shall meet

with it sooner or later.’ This induced me to request

the learned High Priest of Adam’s Peak to find out for me

the account referred to in any of the books of the Tripitaka,

and heat once referred me to “ Chula Vagga,” one of the books

of the “ Vinaya Pitaka,” where I was glad to find.it. Itissub-

stantially the same as the account given by Spence Hardy in

No. 35.—1887. | NOTES ON JATAKAS. 181

his “ Manual of Buddhism,” and which has enabled General

Cunningham to illustrate this particular legend so well; but

itis fuller, more interesting, and of course more authentic

and authoritative, than the account taken at second hand

from the Sinhalese books.

In speaking of the purchase of the Jétavana garden, the

expression “ott santharan santhardpési” occurs in the

“Chula Vagga.” Ireferred to Samanta Pasadika, Buddha-

ghésa’s Commentary on the “ Vinaya Pitaka,” to see if there

was any explanation of these words in that work, and to my

surprise I found the words explained in a different sense from

that in which Professor Childers, and, indeed, some very able

Pali scholars in Ceylon, had understood. The expression “ két7

santharan santharapést”’ is thus explained by Buddhaghésa :

“ kahapana kotiya kotim patpa detiva” (“laying the kaha-

panas the extremity of one touching the extremity of the

other”’).

I have also found in the Aéthakatha the following

interesting passage :—

Ye tattha rukkawa pokkharaniyo wa tésan parikkhépappa-

manan gahetwa afiasamin thané santharitwa adast. Eva-

massa atthadrasakotiyan ékan nidhanan parikkhayan aga-

mast.

OS MBO 57 6H)D) OMSHSCSFOG OD OHH SSOHD)

SUDA HOWDs EtetewS. ow wOSM. Eqs.

OOO EAoSHOAMSGe OM DIG: SSHM'Se EHOW.

“‘ Were there trees and tanks there (in the garden) ; he gave

the money measuring the space occupied by them, spreading

the same in another place. So, a hoard of wealth contain-

ing 18 oti (180,000,000) was expended (on the acquisition

of the property).”

Ti is therefore clear that the expression “ dti santharan,”

or “ott santhatan,” must be rendered by “ border of coin

touching the other,” and not by “ Ad¢7 of money,” as supposed

by General Cunningham and Professor Childers.

Ihave not had the opportunity of seeing photographs

of these inscriptions, but should the copy of this parti-

182 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von X.

cular inscription admit of it, I would propose to read it

“ Jétavana Andthapidiko (Pindiko) déti kéti-santhatan

kitan.” “Anathapindiko presents Jétavana bought by Koti-

santha”’). The only alteration I propose is to read “ kitan”

as the participle, instead of “ ketd.” There appears so much

confusion in the vowel symbols 7 and e in inscriptions, and

the language appears to differ from the modern erammatical

Pali, that I think I may be pardoned for suggesting this

alteration.

There is another legend which has not been noticed

either by Professor Max Miller or Professor Childers, on

which I would offer a remark. It is thus given by General

Cunningham :—

“ Sudhamma Reva Sabha Bhagavaté Chuda Maha. The

words Reva Sabha, I take to mean the assembly or synod

which was presided over by the famous Buddhist priest

Revato, just 100 years after the death of Buddha, or in B.C.

3718.”

I have, of course, not seen the photographic copy of the in-

scription, but from the close resemblance of d and 7 in the old

Lat alphabet, I should have little hesitation in reading it

“ Sudhamu Devasabha,” “ Sudhamma the council of gods,”

the well-known council of Sakko (Indra) [Appendix F'].

APPENDIX.

Camp, March 27, 1874.

DeEaR Sir,—I HAVE lately had the good luck to find another great

tope of the age of Aséka, with a sculptured stone railing, which is of

the highest interest for the history of Buddhism as well as for the

history of India,

Amongst the sculptures there are nearly twenty of the Buddhist

legends known as “ Jdtakas,” with their titles written over them in

characters of Asdéka’s age. It is certain, therefore, that the Buddhist

legends are as old as the age of Aséka. Unfortunately I have no

means of illustrating the stories of these legends, as I know of no

book that gives any account of them. Spence Hardy gives a few

No. 35.—1887. | NOTES ON JATAKAS. 183

Jatakas, of which I have found two in the semi-Greek bas-reliefs of

the Yasufzai sculptures. But these are not older than the beginning of

the Christian era.

Under these circumstances, I turn to the Asiatic Society of Ceylon

to assist me, if possible, in illustrating some of these curious legends.

The names of those of which I am most in want are the following :—

“ Hansa Jataka” (Story of Bird with Peacock’s Tail), “ Kinara Jataka ”

(Kinaras dressed in leaves), “ Miga Jataka” (Antlered deer, not

Antelopes) “ Maghadeviam Jataka”? (the Princess Maghadevi),

“Majhakiyan Jataka,’ ‘“Bhisaharaniya Jataka,”’ “Latuwa Jataka”

(Story of Bird and Elephant), “ Viturapansaka Jataka.”

If there are any published accounts of Jatakas I shall be most happy

to purchase them through' any Colombo bookseller, or I shall be glad

to pay for any abridged, or full, account of the above Jatakas if any

Pali scholar can be found to translate them for me.

T am very anxious about these Jatakas, as their value is very great on

account of their undoubted age, for the sculptured representations

show that all the legends here pictured must have been in existence

. before the time of Aséka.

Besides the legends there are other bas-reliefs of historical subjects,

such as one of Ajatasaton, who is labelled overhead Ajdtasata. There

is also a curious scene giving the names of Rama, Janaka Radja, and Sita

Devi, with their names written over them.

The above meagre account will be sufficient to show the great value

of the sculptures which I have discovered ; and I trust that the impor-

tance of the subject will be my best excuse for asking the Asiatic

Society of Ceylon to assist me in procuring any written accounts of the

Buddhist Jatakas which may have been published, or which may be

procurable.

Tam, &c.,

A. CUNNINGHAM,

Major-General,

Director-General of Archeological Survey of India.

Rey. F. FALKNER,

Honorary Secretary, Ceylon Asiatic Society.

MEMORANDUM ON THE OPERATIONS OF THE ARCHAOLOGICAL

SURVEY FOR SEASON 1873-74.

By Major-General A. Cunningham, R.E., C.S.T.

(Proceedings, Bengal A. S., May, 1874, pages 108-116.)

Bur the most interesting remains are at Bharahut, six miles to the

north-east of Uchahara, nine miles to the south-east of the Sutna

184 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

Railway station, and 120 miles to the south-west of Allahabad. In our

maps the place is called Bharaod, and I believe that it may be identified

with the Bardaotis of Ptolemy. It is the site of an old city, which

only sixty years ago was covered with a dense jungle. In the midst of

this jungle stood a large brick stupa, 68 ft. in diameter, surrounded

by a stone railing 88 ft. in diameter and 9 ft. in height. The

whole of the stupa has been carried away to build the houses of the

present village ; but rather more than half of the stone railing still

remains, although it has been prostrated by the weight of the rubbish

thrown against it when the stupa was excavated. When I first saw

the place only three of the railing pillars near the eastern gate were

visible above the ground, but a shallow excavation soon brought

to light some pillars of the south gate, from which I obtained the

measurement of one quadrant of the circle. I was thus able to

determine the diameter of the enclosure, the whole of which was

afterwards excavated, partly by myself and partly by my assistant

Mr. Beglar. In many placesthe accumulation of rubbish rose to eight

feet in height, and as the stone pillars were lying flat underneath this

heap, the amount of excavation was necessarily rather great ; but the

whole work did not occupy more than six weeks, and all that now exists

of this fine railing is now exposed to view.

This colonnade of the Bharahut stupa is of the same age and style

as that of the great Sanchi stupa near Bhilsa. But the Sanchi railing

is quite plain, while the Bharahut railing is profusely sculptured,—

every pillar and every rail, as well as the whole coping, being sculptured

on both faces, with an inscription on nearly every stone. From the

characters of these inscriptions, as in the similar case of the Sanchi

stupa, the erection of the railing must be assigned to the age of Aséka,

or about B.c. 250.

The inscriptions are mostly records of the gifts of pillars and rails,

like those of the Sanchi and other stupas. But there is also a

considerable number of descriptive records, or placards, placed either

above or below many of the sculptures. These last are extremely

valuable, as they will enable us to identify nearly all the prin-

cipal figures and scenes that are represented in these ancient

bas-reliefs.

Amongst the numerous sculptures at Bharahut there are no naked

figures as at Sanchi and at Mathura, but all are well clad, and especially

the women, whose heads are generally covered with richly-figured

cloths, which may be either muslins, or perhaps brocades or shawls.

Most of the figures, both male and female, are also profusely adorned

with gold and jewelled ornaments, in many of which one of the most

significant Buddhist symbols plays a prominent part. The earrings are

mostly of ene curious massive pattern, which is common to both men

and women, The ankus, or elephant goad, was also a favourite

No. 385.—1887. | NOTES ON JATAKAS. 185

ornament, which is placed at intervals in the long necklaces of

ladies.

At each of the four entrances the corner pillars bore statues, each 44

feet in height, of Yakshasand Yakshinis and of Naga Rajas, to whom

the guardianship of the gates was entrusted. Thus at the northern

gate there are two male figures and one female, which are respectively

labelled Ajakdlaka Yakho, Kupiro Yakho, and Chadd Yakhi, that is,

the Yakshas named Ajakdlaha and Kupira and the Yakshini Chanda.

Other Yakshas are named Suviloma, Virudaka, and Gangito, and a

second Yakshini is labelled Yakhini Sudasana. On two other pillars

there are male figures, each with a hood canopy of five snakes’ heads,

and each labelled Naga Raja, 'These have their arms crossed upon

their breasts in an attitude of devotion, appropriate to their appearance

on a Buddhist building. On two middle pillars there are two female

statues respectively labelled Chukdloka Dévata and Sirima Dévata,

whom I take to be goddesses.

Amongst the scenes represented there are upwards of a dozen of the

Buddhist legends called Jatakas, all of which relate to the former

_ births of Buddha. Luckily these also have their appropriate inscrip-

tions, or descriptive labels, without which I am afraid that their

identification would hardly have been possible. Amongst these Jdatakas

are the following :—

(1.)—Hansa Jataka, or “ Goose-birth,” of which the only portion

now remaining below the inscription is the expanded tail of a peacock,

which must therefore have played some part in the story.

(2.)—Kinara Jataka. The Kinaras were a kind of demi-god.

Here two of them, male and female, are represented with human

heads and clad in leaves, standing before some human personage who

is seated. The assignment of horses’ heads to the Kinaras must there-

fore belong to a later date.

(3.)—Miga Jataka, or the well known legend of the “Deer,” in

Sanskrit Mriga. I call it a deer and not an antelope, as is generally

understood, because all the animals in this bas-relief are represented

with antlers. The king of Kasi is seen aiming an arrow at the King

of the Deer (Buddha).

(4.)—WMaghé Deviya Jatakan, or “ hg hn Devi birth.” I know

nothing of this story.

(5.)\—Yava Majhakiyan Jétakan. This title means literally the

“mean or average amount of food,’ which was attained by daily

increasing the quantity with the waxing moon and decreasing it with

the waning moon. I know nothing of the story, but the bas-relief

shows a king seated with baskets of grain (?) before him, each bearing

a stamp or medallion of a human head. To the left some men are

bringing other baskets. Barley (yava) would appear to have been the

principal food in those days.

(6 )—Bhisaharaniya Jataka. <A rishi (or sage) is seated in front of

186 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VOL x v

his hut, with a man and woman standing before him, and a moukey

seated on the ground, who is energetically addressing the sage. *

(7.)—Latuwa Jatakan.—The “ Latuwa-bird-birth.”—This legend ap-

parently refers to some story of a bird and an elephant, of which I

heard a curious version in Kashmir in 1839. In the bas-relief there is

a bee stinging the eye and a bird pecking the head of an elephant, with

a frog croaking close by, while the elephant is treading on a nest of

young birds. To the right the same (ora similar) bird is sitting on

the branch of a tree over an elephant who is running away with his

tail between his legs. Near the top the hind half of an elephant is

seen rushing down some rocks. In my Kashmiri version an elephant

while feeding throws down a nest of young birds into a stream, where

they are all drowned. The parent bird seeks the aid of the bees and

mosquitoes, who attack the elephant with their stings, and having half

blinded him he rushes off towards the stream, and plunging headlong

down the rocks is drowned. The fable seems intended to show the

power of combination. There can be no doubt that the two legends

are substantially the same; and it seems probable that we may find

other Buddhist Jatakas still preserved in modern Jegends after the lapse

of more than 2,000 years. Perhaps this particular legend may be

found in the Pancha Tantra.

(8.)\—Vitura punakaya Jatakan—I know nothing of this story.

Vitura may perhaps be a mistake for Vithurd, “a thief.”

Of illustrations of the hfe of Buddha during his last appearance

there are some good examples. The earliest of these is a medallion

containing Mayé’s dream of the white elephant, which is superscribed

Bhagavato Ukdanti. A second scene belongs to the reign of Ajdta

Satru, king of Magadha, in the eighth year of whose reign Buddha

attained Nirvana. 'This is labelled Ajdtasata Bhagavaté vandate.

Some of the well known assemblies of the Buddhists would also

appear to be represented, of which one is called the Jatila Sabha,

of which I know nothing. A second belongs, I think, to a later

period of Buddhist history, about midway between. the death of

* Bhisa hananiya Jataka. The name of this Jataka is not found

amongst the 550 Jatakas of Ceylon, and I feel doubtful as to its meaning.

There are five actorsin the scene: a Rishi, or male ascetic, a female ascetic,

a layman, an elephant, and a monkey. The Rishi and the monkey are both

seated and are both speaking. The female ascetic, whose right shoulder

is bare, is addressing the Rishi, and the layman is making an offering of

lotus stalks; behind the Rishi is his hut. It seems probable that the

presentation of our lotus stalks has been the origin of the tale of the

Jitaka,as bhisa is one of thenames for “lotus,” and haraniya means either

“bringing,” or “seizing,” or “stealing.” The meaning of the name may,

therefore, be simply the “ Lotus Offering Jataka.”—L. de Z.

No. 35.—1887.] Nores ON JATAKAS. 187

Buddha and the reign of Asdka. This sculpture represents a large

assembly and is duly labelled—

Sudhamma Reva Sabha Bhagavato Chuda Maha.—The words Reva

Sabha I take to mean the assembly or synod which was presided over

by the famous Buddhist Priest Revato just 100 years after the death

of Buddha, or in B.c. 378.

But the Bharahut sculptures are not confined to the legends and

events connected with the career of Buddha, as there is at least one

bas-relief which illustrates a famous scene in the life of Rama. In this

sculpture there are only three figures, of which one seated to the left is

holding out an arrow towards a male and female who stand before

him—the latter being behind the other. These figures are labelled

respectively Hama (the rest lost, but most probably Chandra), Janaka

Radja, and Sitala Devi. I believe that this is by far the earliest notice

that we possess of the great solar hero Rama and his wife.

I look upon the discovery of these curious sculptures as one of the

most valuable acquisitions that has yet been made to our knowledge

of ancient India. From them we can learn what was the dress of all

classes of the people of India during the reign of Asdka, or about

three quarters of a century after the death of Alexander the Great. We

can see the queen of India decked out in all her finery, with a flowered

shawl or mushn sheet over her head, with massive earrings and elaborate

necklaces, and a petticoat reaching to the midleg, which is secured round

the waist by a zone of seven strings, as well as by a broad and highly

ornamented belt.

Here we can see the soldier with short curly hair, clad ina long

jacket or tunic, which is tied at the waist, and a dhoti reaching below

the knees, with long boots ornamented with tassels in front just like

Hessians, and armed with a straight broad sword, of which the scabbard

is three inches wide.

Here also we may see the standard-bearer on horseback, with a

human-headed bird surmounting the pole. Here, too, we can seet he

king mounted on an elephant escorting a casket of relics. The curious

horse-trappings and elephant-housings of the time are given with full

and elaborate detail.

Everywhere we may see the peculiar Buddhist symbol which crowns

the great stupa at Sanchi used as a favourite ornament. It forms the

drop of an earring, the clasp of a necklace, the support of a lamp, the

crest of the royal standard, and the decoration of the lady’s broad belt

and of the soldier’s scabbard.

There are also houses of many kinds, and several temples, one of

which is labelled Vijayata pdasdde, or the “ Temple of Victory.” 'There

are animals of several kinds, as elephants, horses, deer, cows, and

monkeys, and a single specimen of a real tapir. There are numerous

crocodiles and fishes, and in one sculpture there is a very large fish,

which is represented swallowing two boat-loads of men. There is also

83—88 G

188 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

a great variety of flowers, and several kinds of fruits, amongst which

the mango is very happily treated.

But perhaps the most curious of the Bharahut sculptures are a few

scenes of broad humour, with elephants and monkeys as the only

characters. In two of these an elephant has been captured by a band of

monkeys, who have fastened a billet of wood along the inside of his

trunk so as to prevent him from moving it. Ropes are fastened to

his neck and body, the ends of which are pulled by monkeys, who are

walking and dancing in triumphal procession to the sound of shells and

cymbals played by other monkeys. The spirit of these scenes is very

droll. A third scene represents the monkeys holding a giant by the

nose with a pair of pincers, to which is fastened a rope dragged by an

elephant. The action and attitudes of the monkeys are very good.

The intention of all these designs is exceedingly spirited, but the

execution is coarse and weak.

In the short inscriptions on the railing of the Bharahut stupa, L

find the names of the following places: Sugana, or Srughna ; Vedisa, or

Bhilsa ; Pdtaliputra, or Patna ; Kosdmbi, or Kosam ; Nandinagarika,

or Nander ; and Nasika, or Nasik ; besides a number of unknown places,

of which Asttamasda is most probably some town on the river Tamasa

or Tamas, the Tons of our maps.

From these inscriptions also I have learned the names of several parts

of the Buddhist gateways and railings, one of which is a new word, or

at least a new form of word, not to be found in the dictionaries.

On the top of Lal Pahar, or the “ Red Hill,” which overhangs Bhara-

hut, Tobtained a rock inscription of one of the great Kalachurz Rajas,

Nara Sinha Deva, dated in Samvat (Sake) 909. Altogether Mr. Beglar

and I have collected about twenty inscriptions of the Kalachuris, who

took the titles of Chedindra and Chedinarendra, or ‘“‘ Lord of Chedi,”

and called the era which they used the Chedi Samvat and the Kala-

churi Samvat.

I have also got an inscription of the great Chalukya Raja, Tribhu-

vana Malla, who began to reign in A.D. 1076, and reigned 51 years.

The inscription is dated in Sake 1008, or a.p. 1086, and the place of

its discovery, Sitabaldi, confirms the account of his having conducted

an expedition across the Narbada.

Bharahut.

A further examination of the inscriptions, and the receipt of Mr.

Beglar’s report of the completion of the excavations, have made several

very valuable additions to my account of the Bharahut sculptures, of

which I will now give a brief description.

A bas-relief, labelled with the name of Pasenajita, shows the well-

known King of Kosala in a chariot drawn by four horses proceeding to

pay his respects to the Buddhist Wheel symbol, which is appropriately

named Bhagavato dhamma chakam.

No. 35.—1887.] NOTES ON JATAKAS. 189

A second bas-relief represents a Naga chief kneeling before the

Bodhi tree, attended by a number of Naga followers. This scene is

named Hrapdto Naga Raja Bhagavato vandate, that is, ‘‘ Erapatra, the

Naga Raja, worships Buddha.”

The following Jdtakas have also been found by Mr. Beglar:

(1) Uda Jataka, (2) Senchha Jataka, (3) Birila (read Birdla) Jataka

—(or) Kukuta Jataka, (4) Isimibo Jdtaka, (5) Naga Jdtaka, and

(6) Chhadantiya Jataka.

A single bas-relief gives a party of female dancers attended by

female musicians. The attitudes are the same as at the present day ;

but the four female dancers are intended for Aysaras, as they are

separately labelled,—Alambusa Achhard, Subhada Achhard, Padu-

manati Achhard, and Misakosi Achhara.

There are also representations of five separate Bodhi trees of as

many different Buddhas, which are distinctly labelled as follows :—

(1).—Bhagavato Vipasino Bodhi, that is, the tree of Vipasyin or

Vipaswi, the first of the seven Buddhas.

(2).—Bhagavato Kakusadhasa Bodhi.

(3).—Bhagavato Konagamani Bodhi.

(4).—Bhagavato Kasapasa Bodhi.

(5).—Bhagavato Sakamunino Bodhi.

These last are the four well known Buddhas named Krakuchhanda,

Konagamani, Kasyapa, and Sakyamuni.

But by far the most interesting of all Mr. Beglar’s discoveries is a

bas-relief representing the famous Jetavana monastery at Sravasti.

The scene is labelled Jetavana Anddhapediko dati koti santhatena keta,

which I take to mean that “ Anathapedika buys (ketd) the Jetavana

for certain kotis of money.” To the left, there isa building labelled

Kosambikuti, a name which has already appeared in my Sravasti

inscription. A second building near the top is labelled Gadhakuti or

Gandhakutt. Inthe foreground there is a cart which has just been

unladen, with the pole and yoke tilted upwards, and the bullocks at

one side. The story of the purchase of Prince Jeta’s garden by

Anathapindika for eighteen kotis of maswrans is told in Spence Hardy’s

“Manual of Buddhism.” According to the legend, Prince Jeta, not

wishing to sell the garden, said that he would not part with it for a

less sum than would pave the whole area when the pieces of money

(masurans) were laid out touching each other. This offer was at once

accepted by Anathapindika, and accordingly the court-yard is repre-

sented covered with ornamented squares, which touch each other like

the squares of a chess board, but do not break bond as a regular pave-

ment of stones or tiles would do. For this reason I take the squares

to represent the square pieces of old Indian money. Beside the cart

there are two figures with pieces in their hands. These I suppose to be

Anathapindika himself and a friend counting out the money. In the

middle of the court are two other figures also with square pieces in

190 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. X.

their hands. These I suppose to be the purchaser’s servants, who are

laying dawn the coins touching each other. To the left are several

persons of rank looking on, whom I take to be Prince Jeta and his

friends. 'The whole scene is very curious ; and when we remember

that the bas-relief is as old as the time of Asdka, it does not seem too

rash to conclude that we have before us a rude representation of the

buildings of the famous Jetavana which were erected by Anétha-

pindika during the lifetime of Buddha.

One of the new inscriptions discovered by Mr. Beglar is also interest-

ing, as we get the nameof a king who must have been a contemporary

of Aséka. This record is as follows :—“ (Gift) of the Prince Vadha.

Pala, son of Raja Dhanabhuti.”

A. Cunnincuam, Major-General,

Director-General of Archeological Survey of India.

GENERAL CUNNINGHAM’S DISCOVERIES AT BHARHUT.*

WE called attention some time ago (Academy, August 1) to the

important discoveries lately made by General Cunningham, the Director

of the Archeological Survey in India. They were dwelt on by

Mr. Grant Duff in his address before the Archeological Section of the

International Congress of Orientalists, and excited the keenest interest

among foreign scholars who were then present. Unfortunately, no

sketches or photographs of the ruins of Bharhut had been sent from

India in time for the Congress. General Cunningham, however, has

now returned to Bharhut (this is his own spelling of the name), and

is at present engaged in taking photographic copies of all that is

important among the ruins of the old Buddhist Stipa. Some of them

have been received, and convey an idea of the real state in which the

sculptures and the inscriptions are found. On the pillar which

contains the scene of the Jetavana garden being bought by Andatha-

pindaka by covering the ground with pieces of gold, we see indeed

something that may be construed as representing that famous event ;

but it is doubtful whether, without the inscription underneath, anyone,

even if he possessed the learning and sagacity of Mr. Beal, could have

guessed its real meaning. The inscription, of which there is both a

small photograph and a rubbing on paper, is likewise not quite clear.

In the centre some of the letters are injured, and as it now stands it

is difficult to discover the exact grammatical construction. It reads:—

“getavana anadha (tha) pedi ko da (?) ti ko ¢isam thatena keta (to).”

The letter read “dh” in “ Anddha,’ may be meant for “th,” but

“‘ nediko” cannot be made to stand for “pindaka” or “pindada,” nor

can “ keta” stand for “ krito,” ‘bought.’ “ Samthata” might be the:

* Academy, November 21, 1874, pp. 570-1.

No. 35.—1887.] NOTES ON JATAKAS. 19!

‘Sanskrit ‘‘ samstrita,” ‘spreading out.” As the number of inscriptions

seems considerable, they may in time throw light on each other, and

-enable us to form a more exact idea of the Pali dialect in which they

are written. At present, the interpretation must be considered as

hypothetical only.

General Cunningham is fully aware how much depends on fixing a

date for these ruins. The style of the architecture, the character of

the sculptures, the shape of the letters, all would seem to point to an

early date, to a date anterior to our era; but the less positive arche-

ologists are in fixing dates on such evidence, the better for the free

progress of scientific inquiry. General Cunningham’s chief argument

in favour of ascribing the original building to the age of Asoka, is derived

from an inscription engraved on one of the pillars of the east gateway.

Tt reads as follows :—

“Suganam rage ragna gagiputasa visadevasa potena gatiputasa

agaragasa putena vékhiputena dhanabhttina kéritam toranam silakam-

mata ka upamna,”’

Babu Rajendra Lal Mittra, whom General Cunningham consulted,

explained it :—

“Tn the kingdom of Sugana (Srughna) this Toran, with its orna-

mental stone work and plinth, was caused to be made by King

Dhanabhuti, son of V4khi and Agaraga, son of Gati, and grandson of

Visa, son of Gagi.”

A comparison with the original shows that the translation cannot be

accepted, and General Cunningham has therefore proposed the

following :—

“In the kingdom of Sugana, this Toran (ornamental arch), with its

-carved stone work and plinth, was caused to be made by V4khiputra’s

pupil, Raga Dhanabhiuti, the son of Gatiputra’s pupil, Agaraga, and the

grandson of Gagiputra’s pupil, Visva Deva.”

General Cunningham points out that two of these names, Gatiputra

and Vakhiputra had already appeared in the Bhilsa inscriptions, and

he holds that Gagiputra, Gatiputra, and Vakhiputra are the names of

Buddhist teachers, and that the kings named in the inscription are

their spiritual pupils. He then argues, that in the Bhilsa records the

two names of Gatiputra and Vakhiputra hold the same relative position

chronologically which they do in the Bharhut inscription; that

Vakhiputra is said to be the pupil of Gatiputra, and that consequently

Aga Raga and Vakhiputra were fellow-pupils. He thinks it was due

to this connection, that Aga Raga selected Vakhiputra as the teacher

of his own son Dhanabhiti. Lastly, as the famous Mogaliputra was

likewise a pupil of Gatiputra (see Bhilsa Topes, plate xxix. No. 9), and

as he was seventy-two years of age at the meeting of Asoka’s Synod

‘242 B.c., General Cunningham concludes that his fellow-pupils

Vakhiputra and Aga Raga must have flourished towards the end of

Bindusfra’s reign, or about 270 B.c., while Dhanabhuti, the pupil of

‘Vakhiputra, cannot be placed later than 240 B.c.

192 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

This argument is certainly ingenious, but it rests on an explanation

of the names Gagiputra, Gatiputra, and Vakhiputra, which can hardly

be accepted. The custom of taking the mother’s name was common

in the early ages of Buddhism. King Agé4tasatru is called Vaidehi-

putra, meaning either the “son of Veidehi” or “the son of a Vaideha

woman.” In the genealogies of the Yagurveda the same system pre-

vails. The name of Gagriputra which is mentioned there, is probably

the same as the Buddhist name Gagiputra. It would be impossible to

suppose that king Agatasatru was called Vaidehiputra, because this was

his teacher’s name; and the same difficulty will be felt by most

scholars with regard to King Dhanabhuti Vakhiputra, King Agaraga

Gatiputra, and King Visadeva GA4giputra.

Another argument in favour of the early date of the Bharhut ruins

advanced by General Cunningham is of great value. About three

years ago, he says, a small hoard of silver coins was found in a field

near J walamukhi, which comprised five coins of the native princes

Amoghabhtti, Dara Gosha, and Vamika, along with some thirty speci-

mens of the Philopator coin of Apollodatus. There were no other coins

in the hoard, and as the coins of Apollodatus, as well as those of the

native princes, were all quite fresh and new, the whole must have

been buried during the reign of Apollodatus, or not later than 150 B.c.

The Indian characters on the coins of the native princes have all got

heads, or matrds, added to them, while several of them have assumed

considerable modification in their forms, more particularly the ‘“g,” “‘m,”

‘“‘oh,”’ which have become angular on the coins. But these letters are

invariably round in all the Bharhut inscriptions, exactly like those of

the known Asoka records. The absolute identity, therefore, of the

forms of the Bharhut characters with those of the Asoka period is a

very strong proof that they must belong to the same age.

With regard to king Amogha, General Cunningham adds that the

name which Mr. Thomas reads Krananda, and which he tried to

identify with Xandrames, is really Kuninda. The inscription reads :—

“ Ragna Kunindasa Amoghabhutisa Maharagasa,” Kuninda being

the name of a people. The same custom of giving the national name-

prevails in the Madhyamika coins, two specimens of which were given

by Prinsep, but upside down. The legend is :—

“¢ Maghimikaya sibiganapadasa,” “coin of the Maghimikaya of the

county of Sibi.”

Sibi is the scene of the Vessantara Gdtaka, situated in the neigh--

bourhood of Chetiya, and if Chetiya was Vidisa or Bhilsa, Sibi would

be Ujavi or Chitor, the very place where Prinsep’s two coins were

found, and where General Cunningham discovered eight more of the

same type. According to him, Sibi would be the true original of

Siwalika, which among the early Mohammedans included all the

hilly country to the south of Delhi. Equally important are numerous:

eoins (several hundreds) of the MA4lavdna, another people mentioned

in the Mahabharata. Their legends are written in various characters:

No. 35.—1887.] NOTES ON JATAKAS. 193

from the time of Asoka to the age of the Guptas, or perhaps even

later. These ethnic coins, General Cunningham remarks, and especi-

ally those of the Maghimikaya, are the highest triumph of Indian

numismatics.

Max Muir.

THE BHARHUT SCULPTURES.”

38, Clanricarde Gardens, November 23, 1874.

IT am glad that Dr. Max Miiller has drawn attention to the text of

the Bharhut inscriptions, and I think it is clear that in some instances

General Cunningham’s readings require revision. Thus at page 111 of

the Proceedings we have a Yaksha whose name is read as “‘ Suviloma,” a

word which occurs neither in Sanskrit nor in Pali ; but if we alter it to

‘“‘Suchiloma,” we obtain aproper name well known in Sanskrit literature,

and which, moreover, belongs to a Yaksha mentioned in the Buddhist

scriptures. In Sir M. Coomara Swamy’s newly-published Sutta Nipdta,

an important contribution to Buddhist literature, will be found ~

(p. 75) the translation of a sitra which takes its name from the Yaksha

Suchiloma, to whom, in answer to a question, Gautama Buddha recites

three religious verses. Though it is not so stated, we may fairly con-

clude that the Yaksha became a convert to Buddhism, and thus

obtained a niche in the Bharhut temple of fame.

Again, at page 115, General Cunningham reads an inscription as Era-

pato ndgardja Bhagavato vandate, and translates it ‘ Hrapatra the Naga

Raja worships Buddha.” This rendering is quite inadmissible, first

because Bhagavato is a genitive, while vandate governs an accusative ;

and secondly, because the Bé tree which the Naga king is worshipping

can by no possibility be called ‘‘ Bhagavat,” which is the usual designation

of a Buddha. All becomes easy if we supply the word bédhim, which

has doubtless either become effaced or escaped General Cunningham’s

- notice, and read Bhagavato bodhim vandate, “‘ worships the Buddha’s

Bo tree.’ I have before me a photograph of this bas-relief. It is

executed with great spirit, and is of singular interest, as it gives us

what is probably a faithful representation of the famous tree at

Buddhagaya, an off-shoot of which still flourishes in Ceylon.

IT must say that Ido not share Dr. Max Miiller’s scepticism with

regard to the important Jétavana inscription. With two or three

trifling emendations it reads as follows :—Jétavanam Andthapindiko

dete kotisanthatena ketd. ‘ Anathapindika presents Jétavana, having

become its purchaser for a layer of kotis.” I have not the photograph

before me, but I suppose it represents both scenes, the purchase of the

eround and the gift of the monastery. The only serious difficulty of

the inscription is the presence of the letter e in the second word. But

* Academy, November 28, 1874, p. 586.

194 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. X.

it is clear that in these inscriptions the symbols for e and 7 are not

sufficiently distinguished, since General Cunningham in each case

reads vandate (which is neither Sanskrit nor Pali) for vandati ; and at

page 113 he has Vijayata for Vejayanta, the well-known palace of the

Buddhist archangel Sakka. He also reads Kupiro (Kubiro) for

Kubero. I therefore feel little hesitation in amending-pediko to

-pidiko, The missing 7 is easily restored when we observe how fre-

quently, in the case of a conjunct consonant, one letter of the group

is made to do duty for both—e.g., Kasapa for Kassapa, Vejayata for

Vejayanta, Kakusadha for Kakusandha. Ketd is the correct Pali form

of the Sanskrit kreta, “purchaser.” Santhata (samstrita) occurs

pretty frequently in Pali with the meaning “ strewn”, “spread,” and

there is no reason why the neuter should not be used as a synonym of

santhara (samstara). The latter word is often used in the sense of

“layer,” “stratum ”’ (see, for instance, ‘“‘ Mahavansa,” p. 169, phalikdsan-

thara, “‘a layer of quartz stones”). Kotisanthatena keta would then

“mean purchaser for a layer of kotis,” and this exactly tallies with the

Buddhist narrative, which states that Anathapindika spread the whole

area of the garden with a layer of coins, amounting to 18 kotis, which

he handed over to Jeta as the purchase-money (Spence Hardy’s

of “Manual Buddhism,” p. 219). Koti in Pah is sometimes used

absolutely for a large sum of money (ten million kahapanas).

It is impossible to read General Cunningham’s most interesting

account of these sculptures without a sigh of regret that they should

be so far beyond the reach of our inspection. I hear of a proposal to

remove them from Bharhut. The scheme carries with it a certain

aroma of vandalism (fancy carting away Stonehenge!); but if it

should be carried out, is it too much to hope that the sculptures may

find their way to the India Office, instead of being consigned to the

peaceful oblivion of an Indian museum ?

R. C. CHILDERS.

THE BHARHUT SCULPTURES.™

38, Clanricarde Gardens, W., Dec. 1, 1874.

THROUGH the kindness of Dr. Max Miller, I have now seen a photo-

graph of the Jétavana bas-relief, and a rubbing of the inscription. I

admit at once that the emendation I proposed last week of pi for pe

in the name Anathapediko cannot be sustained. The letter is as clear

as possible, and is ye and nothing else.— My other emendations, how-

* Academy, December 5, 1874, p. 612.

+ I take this opportunity of correcting an inadvertence in my last letter:

the form vandate is correct Sanskrit, though in Pali we only have vandati.

The dialect of these inscriptions is certainly not pure Pdli, though at first

sight it appears to be so.

No. 35.—1887. | NOTES ON JATAKAS. 195

ever, are fully justified, the d of -pediko is, as it should be, the lingual

d, and the word read by General Cunningham dati is almost certainly

deti. The letters are about an inch in height, and the inscription,

which is wonderfully preserved, reads :—

“ Jetavana Anadhapediko deti kétisanthatena keta.”

There are no traces of an anusvara at the end of Jetavana, but it has

probably become effaced. I now pass to the bas-relief itself. My

anticipation that the purchase of the garden and the gift of the

monastery were both represented proves to be perfectly correct, the

picture forming a medallion into which the two scenes are crowded

(somewhat to the detriment of perspective) in a way not uncommon in

Hindu art. On the right two men are literally paving the garden with

little square blocks, up to the roots of the sandal trees, which Spence

Hardy expressly states were left standing when the common trees had

been cleared away (see “ Manual of Buddhism,” p. 218). At the bottom

of the picture isa bullock cart piled high with the same blocks, which

@man is unloading, apparently tilting up the cart for the purpose.

The two bullocks are unyoked, and are lying down by the side of the

eart. On the left is the monastery, with a crowd of monks standing

near it, while conspicuous in the centre of the medallion stands

_Anathapindika, holding the water of donation (dakkhinodaka) in a

vessel of the exact shape of the “cruche,” which all who have visited

the south of France are familiar with. In front of him isa figure

which I believe to be intended for Gautama Buddha, his right hand

extended to receive the water of donation. Lastly, in the background,

we have a representation of Buddha’s house at Jétavana, with its name

Gandhakuti, ‘chamber of perfumes,” inscribed above it.

I had long been anxious to find the Pali version of the story of

Anathapindika, in order to ascertain whether its language bears out

that of the Bharhut inscription. It occured to me this morning that

the story might be found in Buddhaghosa’s Introduction (Nidana) to

the Buddhist Jataka. I at once examined that work,” and found,

to my great delight, not only the story of Andthapindika, but the very

expression “layer of kotis,” which isa crucial one in the inscription.

The passage is as follows :—

“Tasmim samayé ANATHAPINDIKO gahapati...JETAVANAMW

KO’'TISANTHARENA afttharasahiraniiakotihi KINITVA navakam-

mam patthapesi. So majjhe Dasabalassa GANDHAKUTIM karesi.”

Which means, “At that time the householder Anathapindika, having

purchased the garden of Jeta for a layer of kotis, for eighteen kotis of

gold, began to build (Ut. set on foot the new works). In the midst he

built Buddha’s pavilion.” Ihave placed in capitals the words which

this passage has in common with the inscription, and it will be seen

_ * Sent to me some time ago by Mr. Fausboll.

196 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

that every word of the inscription is found in the passage except deiz,

which, however, occurs further on. The words santhatena and

santhdrena are exact synonyms, and kinztvd, ‘having purchased,”

corresponds to ketd, “purchaser.” The text distinctly states that

Buddha’s house was on the Jétavana grounds, and sure enough there

it is in the bas-relief.

After a brief enumeration of the monastic buildings erected by

Andthapindika at Jétavana, the narrative proceeds to describe the

triumphal progress of Gautama from Rajagaha to Savatthi, and the

pomp with which the wealthy Sefthi went forth to meet him. Then

we read :—

‘“‘Bhagava imam upésakaparisam purato katvaé mahabhikkhusangha-

PATIVANGOP ese sce Jetavanaviharam pavisi. Atha nam Anathapindiko

pucchi, kathaham bhante imasmim vihare patipajjamiti? Tena hi ga-

hapati imam viharam A4gatanagatassa bhikkhusanghassa dehiti, Sadhu

bhante ti mahasetthi suvannabhinkaram adaya Dasabalassa hatthe uda-

kam patetva, imam Jetavanavihéram 4gatandgatassa catuddisassa,.

Buddhapamukhassa sanghassa dammiti adasi.”

“The Blessed One, preceded by this procession of devout laymen,

and followed by a great company of monks, entered the monastery of

Jétavana. Then Anathapindika asked him, Lord, how am I to proceed

in the matter of this monastery? Since you ask me, householder,

bestow this monastery upon the Buddhist clergy, present and to come.

And the great sefthi, replying ; It is well, lord, took a golden ewer, and

pouring water upon the Buddha’s hand, made the donation with these.

words, This monastery of Jétavana I give to the clergy present and to

come, in all parts of the world, with the Buddha at their head.”

Here we have the only remaining word unaccounted for in the ins-

cription, for addsi in the text answers to deti. And we have no.

difficulty in identifying the ‘golden ewer” with the vessel which

Anathapindika in the picture is holding in his hands.

I think I have now written enough to show not only that the element.

of uncertainty may be eliminated from this question, but that we owe

to General Cunningham one of the most imposing archeological dis--

coveries of the present century.

R. C. CHILDERS.

10, Princess Square, Plymouth, November 30, 1874.

THERE is one inscription on the Bharhut sculptures which has not:

been noticed either by Professor Max Miiller or Professor Childers,

which deserves attention.

I allude to one which I read on a photograph before me: ‘“‘——

Janaka Raja Sitalidevi.” This inscription is placed over a curious group,,.

which may be detected at once as the “Janaka Jataka.”’ This Jataka.

No. 35.—1887.] NOTES ON JATAKAS. 197

has been translated by Bigaudet from the Burmese. We have in the

group : (1) Janaka, (2) Sitali (TA¢walee in the Burmese), and (3) the

arrow-maker. The scene agrees admirably with Bigaudet’s account

(p. 420, ‘“ Legend of the Burmese Buddha,” 2nd ed.), and the singular

gesture of Janaka as he holds up two fingers of one hand and one

finger of the other, as though in doubt whether to leave his wife or

retain her, is very interesting as showing the way in which these early

sculptures were made to convey their meaning. The next group on

the same frieze appears to be a continuation of the subject, but the

inscription is unfortunately worn away, Above the group in which

Anathapindada is represented spreading his money on the site of the

J étavana, I read an inscription, “ Chitiyé dasila.” Whether this could

be rendered “ the gift of the site,” Mr. Childers will be able to determine

better than I can.

The group in which Elapatra Naga is worshipping Buddha, which is

also before me, but without any inscription, agrees with the translation

of this event which I have made from the Abhinishkramana Sttra, —

and which will, I hope, shortly be published. I should not presume to

question Mr. Childers’ textual correction, but I hope he will pardon

me for differing from him as to the worship which he supposes is being

paid to the Tree. Not only does the narrative of this event distinctly

refer the worship to Buddha (Bhagavat), but I think if he examines

the Sanchi sculptures he will find that they include many instances of

undoubted worship paid to Buddha while the worshippers are prostrate

before the (so-called) altar and tree. I am sorry to differ from such

an authority as Mr. Fergusson on this point, but the more I study

these groups the more I am convinced that the altar, so called,

represents the seat or throne (it is developed into a throne at Amravati)

on which Buddha was seated under the Bo tree when he arrived at

complete enlightenment, and that the people engaged in worship are

in. fact worshipping Buddha, although not represented by any figure ;

for we know no figure was made of him for some centuries after the

rise of his religion. This also bears out the theory of the antiquity of

the Bharhut and Sanchi sculptures, compared with those at Amravati.

It also proves (and this is much more valuable in my opinion) that

the original worship of the Buddhists was a spiritual worship.

SAMUEL BEAL,

THE BHARHUT SCULPTURES. *

London, December 8, 1874.

I am afraid the materials do not yet exist in this country for any

* Academy, December 12, 1874, pp. 637-8.

198 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

satisfactory discussion regarding General Cunningham’s wonderful dis-

coveries at Bharhut. We must wait for further details, but meanwhile

it seems so important that erroneous impressions should not be allowed

to pass unchallenged, that I hope I may be allowed to make a few

remarks on Professor Childers’ letters in your two last numbers, and

Mr. Beal’s in your last.

So much depends on the correctness of General Cunningham’s

readings, that I am delighted to find Mr. Childers is able to bear such

distinct testimony to the accuracy of his interpretation of the legend

attached to the bas-relief representing the acquisition of the Jétavana

garden. ‘This isan enormous gain to Buddhist literary history, but

I wish he had taken the opportunity to revise or recall the emendation

he made in your previous issue on the inscription which the General

reads as “‘ Hrapétra the Naga R&ja worships Buddha (Bhagavat),”

I feel convinced the Professor must be mistaken in his alteration ;

in the first place, because that part of the inscription which is visible in

the photographs (one half is in shadow) is so clear and distinct—the

letters so deeply and sharply cut, that it seems inconceivable that one

so long familiar with this simplest of alphabets could have made such

a mistake. A more important point, which anyone looking at the

photographs can decide for himself, is that the tree which Erapatra is

worshipping is not the Bodhi tree of the last Buddha at all, but one of

a totally different species. Fortunately, in the same photograph, there

is another bas-relief from another pillar, representing a tree which two

men are worshipping—in a rather eccentric manner, it must be

confessed, by holding their tongues between their fingers and thumbs.

Above, flying figures—Gandharvas—are bringing wreaths as offerings ;

and below is a perfectly distinct inscription, which General Cunning-

ham reads: “ Bhagavato Saka munino Bodhi” (“The Bé tree of

Sakya Muni,”) Nowit requires only a very slight knowledge of botany,

and still slighter familiarity with the sculptures at Sanchi, to see at

once, even without the inscription, that this sculpture is intended to

represent the Pipul tree (Ficus religiosa), which is, and always was, the

Bé6 tree of the last Buddha, and which, or whose lineal descendants,

still grows at Buddha Gaya and Anurddhapura. On the other hand, the

tree which Erapatra is worshipping, is a flowering tree of a totally

distinct species, but for the identification of which the photograph is

not sufficiently clear. Although, therefore, the Professor’s emenda-

tion may make the inscription more grammatical,—on this I am not

competent to express an opinion,—it appears to me to have the

insuperable defect that it contradicts the facts represented in the bas-

relief to which it is attached. The General’s interpretation, on the

contrary, perfectly accords with them.

The same facts, if 1 mistake not, equally dispose of Mr. Beal’s

theory that the altar in front of these trees represents “ the seat or

No. 35,—1887.| NOTES ON JATAKAS. 199

throne on which Buddha was seated under the Bo tree when he

arrived at complete enlightenment.”

If Mr. Beal were as familiar with the botany of the Sanchi sculp-

tures as I unfortunately have been forced to become, he would have

seen that this altar or throne exists not only in front of the Bo tree

properly so called, but of four or five other trees of totally distinct

species, Not to multiply instances unnecessarily, I would refer him to

the three figures of plate xxv. of “Tree and Serpent Worship,” or to

the woodcut on the following page (130) from the contemporary rail at

Buddha Gaya, all of which are as different as can be, and not acci-

dentally so, for they are easily recognisable, enter se, when repeated,

though their botanical names have not yet in all instances been deter-

mined. Unless, therefore, Sakya Muni sat—miraculously—under five

or six different trees of different species at the moment of enlighten-

ment, these can hardly represent seats, but must be altars, which

from their form and position they seem undoubtedly to be.* The

probability seems to be, that these trees may be the Bo trees of preceding —

Buddhas, but this we shall not know for certain until we get home a

complete set of the Bharhut sculptures. In the meanwhile, I would

like to suggest that the term Bhagavat in this inscription does not

mean “ Buddha.” ‘That epithet was applied to him only after the

Christian era, when he became personally worshipped. As General

Cunningham says of the Bharhut sculptures, in a private letter to me,

echoing the words I had used regarding those of Sanchi, “it is Bud-

dhism without Buddha: no representation of him as Buddha appearing

anywhere.” The word as here used seems to mean only the holy or

sacred thing or person—a deity or numen.

As Iam writing, perhaps I may be allowed to point out an interest-

ing feature in the EHrapatra bas-relief which has not yet been

mentioned by anyone, in print at least. At some distance behind

Erapatra is a second Naga Raja, similarly distinguished by having a

five-headed snake on the back of his head, and behind him again their

two wives, each, as usual with Naga women, having only one-headed

snakes behind them. Between the two Rajas, and occupying the

central position in the bas-relief, appears the great five-headed Naga

himself. It is not clear what the second Raja and the women are

worshipping. They are looking to the front, though their hands are

joined in the attitude of prayer, and their adoration may be addressed

* When Mr. Beal reads Mr. Childers’ letter in your last issue, he will be

aware that he has mistaken a bas-relief representing four men playing at

draughts, or Puchisi, for that representing the purchase of the Jétavana

Monastery. His transliteration of the inscription is, however, correct; it

is consequently not to be wondered at that he was puzzled with its

application.

200 JOURNAL, RA.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X

to either the tree or the serpent. Be this as it may, no one can, I

think, look at this bas-relief without perceiving that the tree and the

serpent are coequal, and that they are being worshipped by a people

distinguished by the Naga badge.

Whenever the details of the Bharhut sculptures are given to the

public, every one will, I believe, admit that they form the most important

contribution for the illustration of early Buddhist history and art that

has been made since James Prinsep, some forty years ago, deciphered

the Lat alphabet. In the particular department which I took up some

time ago, nothing could be more gratifying to me than the discovery of

this Erapatra bas-relief. It forms so complete an epitome of all I

wrote in my “‘ Tree and Serpent Worship,” and with the other sculptures

so completely confirms all I there said, that so soon as I can geta

sufficiently good photograph of it, I will have it engraved on a second

frontispiece for my work, and so take leave of the subject. The task

of carrying the history two centuries further back than my materials

allowed me to do, and of completing the pictorial illustrations of the

subject, belongs to the fortunate discoverer of Bharhut. In resigning

the task to him it is pleasant to think that, though adding so much to

our previous stores, the Bharhut sculptures upset nothing that was

before advanced. Only what were necessarily theories when I wrote

have now become facts, but without invalidating any of the conclusions

previously arrived at, or requiring me to retract anything I then

advanced.

JAS. FERGUSSON.

38, Clanricarde Gardens, W., December 8, 1874.

THE significance of General Cunninghan’s discovery is not limited

by its archeological results. On the contrary, it will be the opinion

of many that its archeological importance is quite eclipsed by its

bearing upon the antiquity of the Buddhist records. Ata time when

scepticism has been carried to the utmost extreme to which it could be

pushed without becoming positively ludicrous, up rises this second and

better Moabite Stone from the earth, to place the South Buddhist

records on a firmer basis than they ever yet occupied.

The Jataka Nidana, from which I quoted last week, is a summary

of the Legend of Buddha, written by Buddhaghosha in the fifth

century A.D., and forming his preface to the 550 Jataka stories. It is

compiled from older records (‘[ripitaka and others) which he frequently

mentions by name, referring the reader to them for details of some

event of which he merely gives a brief abstract. In the first passage

quoted by me last week it will be seen that, in his version of the story

of Anathapindika, he has but briefly mentioned the purchase of the

Jétavana garden, while he has given details of the building and donation

of the monastery. It would be interesting to meet with the original

No. 35.—1887.] | NOTES ON JATAKAS. 201

and detailed account of the purchase, but at present I confess I do not

know where to look for it. It is, however, probably in one of the early

books of the Tripitaka, and, if so, we shall meet with it sooner or later,

Jn the meantime the friends of Buddhism may well rest satisfied with

having found graven on the rock, 200 years before Christ, the very words

of those South Buddhist records which a certain set of critics are for

ever proclaiming to be devoid of antiquity and authenticity.

R. C. CHILDERS.

My dear Mr. Childers, Colombo, February 9, 1875.

I rHank you for kindly sending me the copies of the Academy which

contain your remarks on the Bharahut inscriptions and sculptures.

I was greatly interested in reading them.

In the Academy of November 28 last, No. 134, with reference to

the legend Hrapato Naga Raja Bhagavato vandate which General

Cunningham translates, “‘ Erapatra the Naga Raja worships Buddha,” —

and I think correctly—you say this rendering is quite inadmissible, first

because Bhagavato is a genitive, while vandate governs an accusative,

and seconly because the Bo tree which the Naga king is worshipping

can by no possibility be called Bhagavat, and you propose to read

Erapato Naga Raja Bhagavato bodhim vandate. I am sorry I cannot

agree with you in this opinion. I think that in this legend,

as well as in the one Ajdtasata Bhagavato vandate (Proceedings

Bengal A. S., May, 1874, p. 112), Bhagavato is the in dative case, and

though vandate according to strict grammar governs the accusative, I

think in irregular Pali it sometimes governs the dative. At least it is

go in Sinhalese, which you so recently and so ably found to be an

Aryan dialect. In Sinhalese we say either QResy VEsa2, Budun

‘ vandinava, or AQEWIO V@H2s, Budunta vaidinava. There is a rule

somewhat similar to thisin Kachchayana, Namo yogddisvapica (Senart’s

“Kaccayana,’ vol. I,, p. 340).

Lhave found the legend of Erapatta Naga Raja in the Dhammapada

Atthakatha (Fausboll). Mr. Fergusson’s opinion that the tree which

Erapatra is worshipping is not the Bodhi tree of the last

Buddha at all, but one of a totally different species, will turn out to

be perfectly correct. I may be permitted to add that Erapatta is

not worshipping a tree at all, but Buddha, as General Cunningham in

my humble opinion has rightly translated it. The legend as given in

this Dhammapada Altthakatha clearly explains this. Fausbéll does

not give the legend, although he gives some extracts from it (vide

Fausboll “ Dhammapada,” p. 344, v. 182).

In the legend it is stated that Erapatta Naga R4j4 met Buddha near

202 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. X.

‘the seven Sirisa trees” (satta sirisa rukkhd) as he (Buddha) took his.

seat at the foot of one of them. So the tree in the photograph must be

a ‘Sirisa’’ (Sirisha) tree (Mimosa Sirisa) (see Colebrooke’s “Amara-

kosha,” second edition, p.100). This tree is called in Sinhalese O@d,

mahkari, or Qa, mara.

I am happy to say I am able to throw some light on the Jétavana

legend too. On the receipt of the numbers of the Academy you sent

me I requested Sumangala, the learned High Priest of Adam’s Peak,

to find out for me the account of the building of the Jétavana Monas-

tery. He at once referred me to Chula Vagga, and I found a very

full and interesting account of the transaction. It is substantially the

same as given by Spence Hardy, but more rational, and of course more

authentic than the Sinhalese version which Spence Hardy has extracted.

L. DE Zoysa.

THE BHARHUT SCULPTURES.™

38, Clanricarde Gardens, W., March 25, 1875.

THE principal interpreter to the Ceylon Government, Louis de Zoysa

Mudaliyar, writes me word that he has found the Pali version of the

story of the Naga-king Erapdtra in the commentary on v. 182 of the

Dhammapada. The beginning and end of the comment is given at page

344 of Fausbdll’s ‘‘ Dhammapada,” but the story itself is unfortunately

omitted. The Mudaliyar writes :-—

‘“‘'The legend as given in the commentary clearly explains the sculp-

ture. Mr. Fergusson’s opinion that the tree which Hrapatra is —

worshipping is not the B6 tree of the last Buddha, but one of a totally

different species, turns out to be perfectly correct. I may be per-

mitted to add that the Naga king is not worshipping a tree, but

Buddha—the Bhagavat. It is stated in the legend that Buddha went

to a place called the Seven Sirisa trees (satta sirisa rukkhd), and received

the salutation of the Naga king seated at the foot of one of these

trees. So that the tree which Hrapatra is apparently (though not

really) worshipping must be a Sirisa tree (Acacia Sirisa).”

We have here a striking confirmation of Mr. Beal’s theory that the

Naga king is worshipping an invisible Buddha seated beneath the tree.

I cannot forbear quoting the words of his letter in the Academy of

December 5, 1874, (p. 612) :—

ee saouas The more I study these groups, the more I am convinced

that the altar, so called, represents the seat or throne on which Buddha

was seated under the Bo tree when he arrived at complete enlighten-

ment, and that the people engaged in worship are in fact worshipping

* Academy, April 3, 1875, p. 351.

No. 35.—1887. | NOTES ON JATAKAS. 203

Buddha, although not represented by any figure ; for we know no

figure was made of him for some centuries after the rise of his

religion.”

As regards the inscription which accompanies the bas-relief, I must

of course abandon the emendation by which I proposed to insert

Bodhim after Bhagavato. ‘There then remain two alternatives : either

there isa grammatical error in the inscription, or the word read

Bhagavato should be Bhagava(n)iam. A rubbing of the inscription

is a great desideratum.

R. C. CHILDERS.

=e.

THE BHARHUT SCULPTURES.”

38, Clanricarde Gardens, April 27, 1875.

Louis de Zoysa Mudaliy4r has supplied me with two additional cor-

rections, one of some importance, the other involving an interesting

point of exegesis. First, the inscription read by General Cunningham

as Sudhamma Reva Sabha should be read Sudhammda devasabha. The

emendation admits of no dispute, because, according to the Buddhist

texts, the devasabha, or council hall of the Trayastrinsa angels, is

named Sudhamma. ‘Thus vanishes the theory of the inscription con-

taining the name of the patriarch Revata, who presided over the second

General Council of Buddhism. Secondly, the curious expression

kotisantharena does not mean “for a layer of ten millions,” but “ by

laying edge to edge.” It is well known to Sanskrit scholars that koti

has the two very different meanings of “edge” and “ten millions,”

and it is in the former sense that the word is here used. The original

and oldest extant version of the story of Jetavana is to be found in

the Chula Vagga of the Vinaya, a portion of the Buddhist canon ; and

in his great commentary on the Vinaya, Buddhaghosa explains kofi-

santharena by kotim kotim patipadetva, “ putting edge to edge,” by

which is meant that the coins were so close together that their edges

touched. Of course this correction does not in the slightest degree

impair the value of the discovery. It is interesting as removing a

certain tautology from the passage as I at first translated it, and

adding a new force to the expression, and also as illustrating the

extreme importance of Buddhaghosa’s commentaries, without which we

should too often be driven into hopeless conjecture in dealing with the

oldest Buddhist texts.

R. C. CHILDERS.

* Academy, May 1, 1875, pp. 454-5.

83—88 H

204 JOURNAL, R.A.8. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

My dear Mr. Childers, Colombo, May 11, 1875.

I have duly received your letter of March 23 last.

Tam sorry to find you have misapprehended the drift of my remark

as to the Sigphalese verb O€a099 governing a dative case. I did not

mean to say that because the verb governs a dative in Sinhalese, that

therefore it should govern the same case in Sanskrit or Pah, If my

words led you to infer so, it must be only to the imperfect way in

which I expressed myself in English, and not to any Asiatic peculiarity

inmy mind. I simply wished to call to your remembrance the fact, as

the Sinhalese is supposed to be an Aryan dialect immediately derived

from the Pali.

I had, or rather I thought I had, other grounds (whether they be

satisfactory or not) to induce me to think that it was possible that in

old Pali the verb vanda optionally governed the dative, although the

usage may have afterwards become obsolete. You will recollect that it

is not only in the Erapatra inscription that the word Bhagavato is

found after vandate, but in another inscription at Bharhut, Ajatasta

Bhagavato vandatte.

It also appeared to me that if we regarded Bhagavato as the dative,

we might account forit by the rule in Kachchayana, which says the

verb sitaghati (to praise) governs the dative case—Buddhassa sitaghast

(Senart’s “ Kaccayana,” p. 327, rule 7).

The verb ze is defined in the “ Dhatu Patha,” Sze eSHenamg

Bg: vanda “signifies abhivadhana, ‘respectful salutation, and thuté

‘ praise.’ ”

Might we not take vanda in the inscription to mean thuti, and if so,

render the inscription into English, “Hrapatra praises (glorifies)

Buddha ”’?

I fear Iam running the risk of being again charged with Asiatic

peculiarity. I have ventured to offer these remarks simply for your

consideration. I am too well sensible of my own deficiency, both as an

English and Pali scholar, to advance these remarks in a spirit of

dogmatism.

How will you account for the context of the following sentence in the

“Sutta Nipata”: @oomacd DoeMQHoon, Brdhmané vanda Tathagaie

(vide conclusion of Amagandha Suttan in the “* Sutta Nipata ”’) ?

To my mind it seems that m&mom Tathigate might be

regarded as the dative case and governed by 22e vanda. I must,

however, be candid and say that I referred to the Atthakathd.

The Commentator explains it thus: MQoaam ome ecxdDe HOSS

ace) DE, making MOo@@ the genitive, although I must confess

this explanation appears to my mind rather forced and unnatural.

L. DE Zoysa.

No. 35,—1887.] NOTES ON JATAKAS.

205

LisT OF THE “ PANSIYAPANAS JATAKA,” THE 550 Brrru SroriEes

OECMOAHHMEWNY HK

OF GAUTAMA BUDDHA.”

HOA 2O.- Jataka.

FSD ei Bie Apannaka

IRNESES s, oe Vannupatha

OWSDIGHS ... eee Sériwaénija

2axroas sa Chullasetthi

DAVQCWE... Se Tandulanali

OCDOOO ... ose Déwadhamma

DONS sx ne Katthahari

MOG ... she Gamani

QaIa¢d He aes Makhadéwa

BOSmS ... Sukhawihari

FSNDNOOMA edo®o— Apannakawagg6 pathamo.

CDH soi ou Lakkhana

BOMAI® ... wt Nigrddhamiga

Q<2Bo) aig One Khandita

MAIo IT ae Vatamiga

DAES das aa Kharadiya

BS GCS... see Tipallatthamiga

QOH ba ma Maluta

QDDHAD ... A Matakabhatta

PNIIADOHBO oe A’yachitabhatta

DeHD : Nalapana

BEDoam og ae dutiyo.

ZQYOLAOTH ... : Kuruigamiga

ZBDLNDO aoe se Kukkura

OANHADBS -.- ane Bhojajaniya

Mes ase wits ee A’jafifia

BO di a Tittha

“This valuable list has been compiled by N. Don M. de Zilva

Wickremasinghe, Assistant Librarian of the Colombo Museum, with

the assistance of Veliwitiye Dhammaratana Unnansé, of the Vidyédaya

College. In order to make the list complete it was found necessary to

_ consult many ola MSS. (both in Sighalese and Burmese characters)

belonging to Temple libraries in several parts of the Island.

Where

the same names recur in the list it should be noted that each represents

a different Jataka story.—B., Hon. Sec.

H 2

206 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XZ

Gene) Se. Jataka.

26 O28Beeda Mahilamukha

27 eB ein Abhinha

28 aeddane Nandiwiséla

29 DeKD Kanha

30 @8a Munika

ADOMHOOAH mBoco—Kurunganagg tatiyo.

dl AedmA Kulawaka

32 Ben Nachcha

33 SoODEOD... Sammddamana

34 O55 Se; Machchha

35 DOA Vattaka

386 82h Sakuna

37 BAB Tittira

38 oe Baka

39 Nanda

40 Deciind Bi Khadiratigara

ADRIDDVO GHA anes»: —Kulénakawaggd chatuttho.

41 eMasa Lésaka

42 MOMD Kapéta

43 @ddda Véluka

44 Oa Makasa

45 OG Rohini

46 Mane®gaa A‘ramadisaka

47 Bod, oF Varuni

48 odbc Védabbha

49 aaa Nakkhatta

00 ¢€oXoa Dummédha

ED MDOOaD % SecDoO.— Atthakdmanaggé panchamo..

SAHOO). SMHOnwosm—Pathamo pannasako.

a5)

OmBead Mahasilawa

DYeCIHDD Chalajanaka

Sree B Punnapati

se Phala

5 z20 690) Pafichayudha

CDLEO DONDE Kafichanakkhanda

Hnose Vanarinda

Docs DLO Tayddhamma

OMG2DI¢E ae Bhériwada

ee aNSOMy) | ace Sanikhadamana

MB BVOMD S@2—A’ sinsawaggd chhattho.

HS DOS Asatamanta

ETOND Andhabhita

DAE) Takka

coos _ Durajana

CNBSOS Anabhirati

Qeem <n Mudulakkhana

‘No.

‘15

‘86

100

101

102

103

104

105

106

107

35.—1887, | NOTES ON JATAKAS. 207

— GND Be. Jataka,

C2dsan Uchchhaiga

CI @EDBY Sakéta

HH in Visawanna

DESC Kuddaila

ea80aan0 smaeoOo—I ithimaggo sattamo.

DOH Varana

BEDDI® Silawaniga

WEDS Sachchankira

67 230DODOO Rukkhadhamma

Qos Machchha

GesozBco A’sankiya

OmgQeaD Mahasupina

oY 6s Ges Tilisa

DSSS Kharassara

ROOD fs Bhimaséna

DIHDOGA ¢foOo— Varanawaggo atthamo.

BHHSID Surapana

Saad ce Mittawinda

ZDIAD ADR Kalakanni

S000 Asantadwara

ZoeS ID) O50 Kinpakkha

Be 5Oces Silawimansa

OBOE Mangala

90 @20 Sarambha

ZPD Kuhaka

SDOLKA Akataiiiu

GEIBONOOOM DDOO.— Apdyimhawaggd nanwamo.

Cao Litta

OasE500 é Mahasara

SEASON so Vissasabhojana

OQIMDHos Lémahansa

OMG ... Mahasudassana

OD CSDM Telapatta

MOBBza Namasiddhika

209) HS Kitawanija

SOMME Pardsahassa

FoIDSS Asataripa

EE DDOOHn Ee@@2—Alittawaggo dasamo.

QSOS MAgHAOMs H&OM—Majhimapannasako nittheto,

SOHBD

SEHD

@oS

Snows 2e

EQ CWA

Coes

98D

Pardsata

Pannika

Véri

Mittawinda

Dubbalakattha

Udafchhani

S4lika

208 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

HDMAO. Jataka.

108 aa ane ace Bahiya

109 acaAgea .... see Kundaptwa

110 wa@Beommd ... se Sabbasanhara

BOASMNVOGH) Dsnces@Os— Pardsatanc a9g96 ékhadasamo..

1ll @6mezm ... aS Gadrabhapafha

112 ident tates coe Amaradéwipafha

113 &me ai we Sigala

114 Sad n5 BS bee Mitachinti

115 aa oe) Ay Sakuna

116 ¢_Qmesa ... es Anusiasika

117 ¢aAea Bid ane Dubbacha

118 Bano Be tae Tittira

119 aca ae aan Vattaka

120 emead ... sh Akdlarawi

121 AsADDoeO.a) Bandhanamokkha

Hewdoans OQoeesoOs— Hansawaggd dwidasamo..

122 aAaone ie That Kusanali

123 ¢€ov8oa Bit a Dummédha

124 mame jai sts Natigalisa

125 ¢@ 366 oe Amba

126 anaw ee Ses Katahaka

127 gBeandg ... Se Asilakkhana

128 aesaa ... 506 Kalanduka

129 Bed fie ae Bilara

130 Eada Hs wes Aggika

131 om&a tie Kosiya

EPSDNICOOAS) ONS @O.— Kusaniliwagg6 térasamo:

132 e@HOSED 9: ae Asampadana

133 SZeOOC/A ... aff Pafichagaruka

134. @man a sie Ghatasana

135 Momoman 50C Jhanaséddhana

136 DzoH bie’ ae Chaudrabha

137 Bd<KMMHH ... eee Suwannahansa

138 aaaza see ee Babbuka

1389 @Gna oe soe Godha

140 G6HOMHNe ... aie et Ubhatébhattha

141 ava Kaka

FBOSEDOOOH eqeeOs-Asampadiinarcagys chuddasame.

142 @@od) ae 5a Goédha

143 &mMeE iif tes Sigala

144 3oaaa iy Sle Viréchana

145 aaq® ose eee Nanguttha

146 oa) ee 500 Radha

147 aa sia 546 Kaka

148 Ssepoan iin ... ss Puppharatta

149 &me Be 500 Sigaia

No, 35.—1887.| NOTES ON JATAKAS. 209

HMA B®. Jataka.

150 ®momen ... ae E‘kapanna

151 awaesa 5 Safjiwa

DM KOMODOHH) SOMES OO s—Kakantakawaggo

pannarasamo.

DanMeawmMe DGMo.—Hhanipatan nitthitan.

152 Goea¢ ... ane Rajowada

1538 &mHe ae 5a Sigdla

154 9a00 eee se Sakara

155 600 S66 bate Uraga

156 @an an ee Gagga

157 ¢@m Sam ... vie Alinachitta

158 oe a ose Guna

159 gaa a Suhanu

160 @@Qd ya bis Mora

161 S38ea Ly Vinilaka

EEGHVDOMS 3 GQ@Os—Dalhawaggo pathamo.

162 @2HMODOGMADD ... Indasamanagottawa

163 asda he Si Santhawa

164. ~™8O ae ie Susima

165 8e&é& Sie a Gijjha

166 mae ee ae Nakula

16T WES Ena ° ... aes Upasalhaka

168 #83 ae une Samiddhi

169 ana@ak ... ee Sakunagghi

170 goa ne 3 Araka

171 WMaGoD ... Kakantaka

BBDVOOHA <Gows—Santawawagy6 dutiyo.

172.) AEs-HVDOO oe Kalyanadhamma

173 eed pe bi Daddara

174 Oamd BA Gee Makkata

175 ¢QoOamd ... a Dutiyamakkata

176 MEF™DSEAID ... ie A‘dichchupatthana

li? A@Ecegd ... one Kalayamutthi

178 Bea ae oe Tinduka

179 mess ai oe Kachchhapa

180 ee as sie Satadhamma

131 Duddada

DEAT eBeam Becds—Kalyénadhammanaggo tatiyo.

182 gas ae Asadisa

183 Som ®o DOS . ee Sangdmawachara

184 Boo~ca ... oR Valodaka

185 ®Seaon Bi es Giridatta

186 Eeasoss oe oe Anabhirati

187 edasas :.. se Dadhiwdhana

188 ®DAaAeeoo Soc ae Chatumatta

189 8HomsdAa BE Sikakonthaka

210 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

HMM 22. Jataka.

190 8H2e9 ek ca Sihachamma

191 B8@BxHs ... Sil4nisansa

— ERBESDO@D DMexd.—Asadisanwaggs chatuttho.

192 d,a~@ Lo Ruhaka

193 88a eans ous Sirikalakanni

194 Baeeeo ... ee Chullapaduma

195 OGa2Q0_... nee Manichora

196 GAADDSWS ... es Pabbatupatthara

197 Dqowas ee Wa eh aes Valahassa

198 SaxsenrGan ... a Mittamitta

199 Ga “ids Se ~ Radha

200 manos sek 500 Gahapati

201 make Sadhusila

Sr BAMOOCE: ‘25@20@@—Ruhakawagg6 patichamé.

202 HAA ... me Bandhanagara

203 oa@@e.. ore Kélisila

204 QDARDHNA ... 500 Khandhawantaka

205 Sda 3: Oe Viraka

206 moeadnacs «. ss Gatigeyya

207 WMd1Be®SoO +. sige Kurungamiga

208 ease ba ate Assaka

209 By0G9@2d Aes Bue Sunsumara

210 mame ue ine Kakkara

211 aaqaea .. Kandagalaka

MDE GHOOA $@2o—Natandalhanagg6 chhattho.

212 @om@ea ... ae Somadatta

213 G235anao ... ans Uchchitthabhatta

214 ancy te aac Bharu

215 gememne ... Soe Punnanadi

216 amess 4 aie Kachchhapa

217 @ea¢ ate iS Machchha

218 @Bag Lite ne Seggu

219 20aaas ... he Kitawanija

220 md8a os ee Garahita

221 QWAS a Dhammaddhaja

VO MDIOINANVOQAd eDne9—Biranatthamhakarwaggo

sattamo.

222 x08 he ss Kasawa

223 BeBe stl So Chilanandi

224 s0moam oe Se Putabhatta

225 AO8e bi 506 Kumbhila

226 @ NSO ChOSD es Khantiwannana

227 @ar8x les don Késiya

228 @Qd&eay Ae aes Githapana

229 mOBn cise a) -Kaémanita

230 s@e sek 500 Palasi

No. 35.—1887.] NOTES ON JATAKAS. 211

HAD SO. Jataka.

231 ¢€Bae~mes ... Dutiyapalasi

MxeHVO OHA ¢HoOs—Kasdwanagg6 atthamo.

232 Emons HGS see Upahana

233 5EMQMw ... aa Vinathtina

234 Bae ... ag Vikannaka

235 *eBane is bbe Asitaobhu

236 om&a at soc Kosiya

237 D&XsDa ais a Vachchhanakha

238 AA Abe se Baka

239 H@@aD sie 600 Sakéta

240 dasoe ie wee H’kapada

241 @QE6HOH.... tee Haritamatu

242 Ome ... Mahaépingala

GBAMVIOMNSD aDe9.— U. pahanawaggs nawams.

243 aBa6® aK es Sabbadatha

244 saa 200 oe Sunakha

245 @a8e 505 oe Guttila

246 SB2s ee ae Vitiehchha

247 Q9eSSa00 ... 508 M tlapariyaya

248 OMO@ID¢ ... wee Télowada

BAO MEQeecsC. (... Ken Padaiijali

250 BepQ@anS®@ ... 503 Kigsukopama

251 we ay 50 Sala

252 2S Kapi

Baredoam E808s—Sigiélanaggs dasamo.

emsicnme—Dukanipatan.

253 Bozo Mee o00 Sankappa

254 BeRS ae ee Tilamutthi

255 ODEO ... bor Manikantha

256 2 eae ue Kundakakuchchhisindhawa

257 ga ; ee Suka

258 SQemD ... S00 Chharudapana

259 MOD 505 Gamanichanda

260 @22)a) a ee Mandhatu

261 {AGODSs =... is Tiritawachchha

262 ¢€m Dita

esoenoeDocna 62oOs—Sankappanaggs pathamo.

263 see Bea S06 Paduma

264 Gems Ae eae Mudupani

265 2qscso~mnn aa Chullapalébhana

266 Omoseame ... see Mahapanada

267 Qd,e SO 5c Kurutga

268 HhaankDWa es Vataggasindhawa

e Sand 566 S00 Ahinabhu.

~ &do0D0% dike ba Kiritawachchha.

212 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

HDD S999. Jataka.

269 waamdza ae na Kakkataka

270 Ma®gam ... 550 A‘ramadisaka

PALL feskeseyey) 500 Be Sujata

272 6Ea 506 Ulika

ODBsdacns eBoco— Késiyanagg6 dutiyo.

273 EeMMEaa... ee Udapanadtsaka

274 Bynes ae Sle Vyaggha

275 2288 bas a Kachchhapa

276 OME Bob es Lola

277 G80 dials si Ruchira

278 “OTOOO) ek. ae Kurudhamma

279 @Oa®a eee Nee Romaka

280 O8s an oe Mahisa

281 amon uae re Satapatta

AVA ENON? Sc Katasaka

PO ereR DOG NRoo—Aranhawagg6 tatiyo.

283 GAMO .. eos A bbhantara

284 OS cSHodS = Ks Seyyansa

285 DOOAEGDS ... a Vaddhakisakara

286 &8& : Bae Siri

287 @Ggao .. ae Manistikara

288 mea fu 200 Saluka

289 MHAKiA ... wee Labhagaruka

2902 O25ce sy e -.! Ss Machchhuddana

291 eoone$ze ... pe Nanachchhanda

292 8@598 ies Silavimansa

FRNDBNSO VODA DAQoad:— Abbhantarawaggo chatutthé..

293 meso aoe eis Bhadraghata

294 gBOmMD ih oe Supatta

295 aaSasce ... eee Kayawichehhanda

296 SoO_aQEqa | eae Jambukhadaka

297 esx ahs vee Anta

298 ace te: 500 Samudda

299 MO25@65 ... sue Kaémawilapa

300 66290 — cs Udumbara

3801 @Om®Brdgaw Aas Komaraputta

302 aa Baka

MeDNdonss sexDoSo—Kumbhanagge panchamo.

BIN DSNe— Tikanipatan.

. 803 Besa ... a Chullakalitga

304 OD¢e@Qw BE Mahaassaréha

805 Saag at ae E’karaja

306 eccd ae ee Daddara

3807 BC52an ... es Silawimansana

* sOgua a 500 Putaddisaka.

= aie iat ol

No. 35.—1887.]

SND one. Jataka.

308 cha Sujata

309 SMEs Palisa

310 sdazaeo Jawasakuna

311 saa oo Chhawaka

312 wa@ Sayha

SOSD@am SHAG)— Vimaranagg6 pathamé.

313. g8S&ece Puchimanda

314 waessereds .. Kassapamandiya

315 QxsnvEe Khantiwadi

316 @eMDAWS ee Lohakumbhi

317 Oct op Mansa

318 «se aS Sasa

319 Sang oes B’karaja

320 ecg “3 Daddara

321 QMoaew . Matarddana

322 DEHOVS Kanawéra

323 Base Tittira

324 ses Suchchaja

BBODoom pees Lichimanlamaggs dutiyo.

325 Adega oe Kutidisaka

326 eco Daddabha

327 Qeolgwo 56 Brahmadatta

328 DOOw0a Chammasataka

329 Oma Godha

330 2axDICT Kakk4ru

331 ans a6 Kakani

3382 EHADOMSS... woe Ananusochiya

333 = me@RIH Kalabahu

334 BC5@Ooms) ... Silawimansana

AOESBDOOAA aBeoco—Kutidisakawagg6 tatiyo.

309 OBE Kokila

336 d&ed de Rathalatthi

337 oma Godha

338 Gechdo¢ Rajowada

339 Seam Jambuka

340 Aansoas Brahachhatta

341 8d Pitha

342 Oe 200 Thusa

343 &2G0dz ae Bawéru

344 Sac Visayha

OMBZDOGHs DHNesds—Kohilanaggo chatuttho.

345 Aad ae Kandari

346 Daw -Vanara

347 Anas Kuttani

348 E@ODd6 Arnbachora

349) QxsA—Qen 55 Gajakumbha

NOTES ON JATAKAS.

213:

214

350

351

352

353

354

JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON).

eh 29.

OE]

EAAQO

| FOaRRE

CMIODE «0

@EOOIS

[Von. X.

Jataka.

Késawa

Ayakita

Arafia

Sandhibhéda

Déwatapafiha

GCDSCSocn eee DoOr- Chullakunalawaggo patichamo.

VAswnBieomMe—Chatukka nipatan.

MOSaoOona

355 ae sees y Manikundala

856 Behm i 200 Sujata

357 Ga De0 29 Dhonasaka

358 650 Uraga

3859 ao Ghata

360 wznd0eKa Karandiya

361 egQaa ae a Latukika

862 QqeodeOoHe tee Chulladhammapala

363 BODGEHNTO ... he Suwannamiga

364 Hoes Susséndi

DESH QDaWHNs 25 6@s—Manikundalanaggé pathomo.

365 DGMAHOHe Vannardha

366 Be5OQcss ome Silawimansa

367 &8& soe Hiri

368 Ea cma 5 Ahitundika

369 @eea Gumbiya

370 m@a Saliya

371 BDed Tachasara

312 Snadsza Mittawindaka

373 S@8 Palasa

DAEHOGAHOOAN eBeaci—Vannarohawagg6 dutiyo.

374 &BBomae ap Dighitikésala

375 BHOODA ... see Migapétaka

376 @&a : ove Miasika

377 Bac@Qaww Chulladhanuggaha

3718 Moma Kapota

SaqDenere—Parchahanipdtan.

379 Madea Be A'wariya

380 @OBR@ODA) a Sétakétu

381 «Sa eee Darimukha

382 ONG 600 Néru

383 Mesa) en A’sanka

384 SmMmo@s ... 500 Migalépa

385 BSmenns . Sirikalakanni

386 BEd x Bilara

387 mMaMsyo Kukkuta

388 Q2as Dhammaddhaja

389 Dedada Nandiyamiga

s2o@.—A ‘wariyanwaggo pathamo.

No.

390

391

392

393

394

395

396

397

398

399

400

401

402

403

404

405

406

407

408

409

410

411

412

413

414

415

416

417

418

419

420

421

422

423

424

425

426

427

428

429

35.—1887.| NOTES ON JATAKAS.

BaD Oo Jataka.

EYlojeteve)) Kharaputta

sh) Suchi

2)HHIE ; Tundila

2 -HOH2D 22ND Suwannakakkata

Oa eve Mayha

DISOHADN Dhajawihéthaka

Bagged Bhisapuppha

Bases : Vighasa

DOOM Vattaka

2920) Kika

SBDMOODH ¢Becs—Sénakawagy6 dutiyo.

SBM BODO).— Chhanipatan samattan.

ZDADZDO aus ee

Ooms we BAS

WoOa a2 aoe

BSED sate wee

eQkonge> oe ee

ESDOD ... ee

BAD) ANID ‘

EHOSD

208

DDACO

Kukkuta

Manodja

Sutanu

Gijjha

Dabbhapuppha

Dasannaka

Sattubhatta

Atthiséna

Kapi

Bakabrahma

PAO, QDoas» 6XoO:—Kukhutawaggd pathame.

HAISOOGKA) EBeoco— Gandharanwaggo dutiyo.

Gandhara

Mahakapi

Kumbhakara

Dalhadhamma

Sémadatta

Susima

K otasimbali

Dhimakari

Jagara

Kummasapinda

Parantapa

— BOD Bem BOaM—Sattanipdtan samattan.

GOace Se

wee

BHOAWE oe ace

B@n@Ie ss Gite

ODHa tee

QBs a see

PEO eee ese

EanD coc eae

Kachchani

Atthasadda

Sulasa

Sumaigala

Gangamala

Chétiya

Indriya

A’ditta

Atthana

215:

216

430

43]

432

433

434

435

436

437

438

439

440

441

442

443

444

445

446

447

448

449

450

451

452

453

454

455

456

457

458

459

460

461

462

463

464

465

466

467

468

JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON).

CHAE SO).

ee vs

Jataka.

Di pi

OD HDoma—Kachché aniwagg9.

— EODDBIGIM BOMND)o— Altthanipatan samattan.

Seo Gijjha

OZDI GOH) Kosamba

Ong Mahasukha

Dccuha eee Chullasukha

corey) AN. Harita

A@OMDsE Rajéwada

SEQWDOAD Be Padamanawaka

OMOSDESS 506 Loémasakassapa

Dayna ... ums Chakkawaka

DECEAD ... ae Haliddiraga

BWAD eae wee Samugga

& BOQ ots ae 500 Putimansa

BASS Tittira

EAS aMNe @OSe)>—Nawanipatan samattan.

DAS eee hae Chatudwara

DRKD oF ose Kanha

DnoweaSa, ce Lee Chatupésathika

oea) 550 Sankha

Qqeoks Chullabédhi

D-CA COIGD Kanhadipayana

Boge Nigrédha

Dare : Takkala

Den QOO&0... Mahadhammapadla

ZPD ag Kukkuha

ODODE .. Mattakundala

VDMdowmAs Bilarakésiya

2 ano) Chakkawaka

Q6SZED Bhutripafiha

OMIGEWE Mahamangala

BD Ghata

ECSBISID0 POSS Dt, samattan.

QaQOGwes@ .. Matupdsaka

apo) Junha

QOD) Dhamma

Goa Udaya

So SBI Paniya

GAELS a Yudhajjaya

GOO Dasaratha

GoDO Sanwara

S300 wee Supparaka

eee eOow— FE’ hadasanipatan samattan.

469

470

471

\ccaMe -

MECIE ae tou

agen ... ®00

Chullakundla

Bhaddasala

Samuddawanija

(Von. X.

No. 35.—1887. | NOTES ON JATAKAS.

— cham 22, Jataka.

472 202 oe 0 Kama

473 GHSMDD) ... ere Janasanthawa

474 OG 0D)GHD «. ss Mahakanha

475 Omoseod Mahapaduma

416 Soman .. Mittamitta

Ores BIGoDo 2sOS%)o— Dwddasa nipatan samatian.

477 ea) Amba

478 AzeD Phandana

479 SIMWHoes Jawanuhansa

480 Qacade .. 660 Chullanarada

481 €@ eee eee Dita

482 aPameoand Kalingabdédhi

483 ERads 2 Akitti

484 Dayndo - Takkariya

485 6;,5(S@ Rtrumiga

486 wonHda Sarabhamiga

OMIA DBdD)e es Onxno— Térasanipatan samattan.

487 mCGoweo ... Salikédara

488 DzeHsaKMAd .- : Chandakinnara

489 Omeape ...- oc6 Maha-ukkusa

490 6¢5C cana ariaest Uddala

491 8a ee 506 Bhisa

492 40,5 ieee Suruchi

493 SgeQoeSo... Pafichupdsatha

494 OM@Ds0 Mahamora

495 meswaao .. Tachehhastkara

496 Oman ... Mahawanija

497 mda Sadhina

498 «Handa ... Dasab:ahmana

499 Sana Sd0san Bhikkhaparampara

S23 LMDOLAEND e®n0—Pahkinnakawannand

samatta.

500 Daas ° 22 Matanga

501 Haaes@aQa Chittasambhita

002 &5 Siwi

503 &82ze Sirimanda

504 ODDRHDSO kKéhantamiga

505 Boe Hansa

506 BAROEA) oem Sattizumba

507 AGS wee Bhal lati

508 =@mD Ass Sdémaniissa

509 Do@CBeasn wo Champey ya

510 OMsSaMMd) wee Mahapalébhana

dll BOSHE Hatthipala

512 goacnwd 596 aA Ayovhara

513 S2c)o eda 200 Panchapandita

HAHABAsde sOnme— Visati nipatan samattan.

217

218 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. X., No. 35.

HDD E08. Jataka.

514. Bosee Bee 500 Kinchhanda

515 zee ces a3 Kumbha.

516 Msc&e Aas aoe Jayaddisa

517 Scens oe a Chhaddanta

518 wend ig siete Sambhawa

519 Omas aes Le Mahakapi

520 E@daS ov 508 Dakarakkhasa

521 8M Soo Bah Pandara

522 eehje@ ne win Sambul4

523 aca .. 200 Gandatinduka

Roe nBesvOe eOaw0—Ti msate nipatan samattan.

524 ODSDH ... eee Tésakuna

525 Boma dee eae Sarabhanga

526 #@eRGo che 50. Alambus&

527 aBanndoae att ee Sankhapala

528 AscHaoe® ' ( hullasu:aséma

DoYD) GSBBMN eOnxn0—Chattalisati nipatan samattan.

529 anes a si Nalini

5380 eens .. oe Ummadanti

581 Omoeand ... ; Mahabodhi

€3 EA eg FIG D0 s®oxn0— Panna sa nipatan samattan.

5382 oma Pe ae Sonaka

5383 Bozo vee : Sankichcha

BABSwD)e esDown—Satthinipatay samattan.

5384. Ae wee ae Kusa

535 GCI DDse ... Sdénananda

CDYNDBISIN0 es@Qnwno—Sattatinipatan samattan.

536 Bac 560 ee Chullahansa

5387 OM Woes 3 ae Mahahansa

538 eee - aes A Sudhabhdjana

539 AAAe ie aus Kunala

540 OmBADdoa® MahAsutaséma

GBA Aco s@zxno—Asitinipatan samattan.

041 QaSz0) ae ise Mivapakkha

542 OMmMIDA ... nae Mahajanaka

543 eo aie 500 Sama

544 8S Ge = Nimi

545 AADC --. Pe Khandahala

546 OmMmMDdEWEaIS ae Mahanaradakassapa

547 Geno ee was Bharidatta

548 8SQ6 soe so Vidhura

549 G29an 5s ~ Ummagga

500 GAGES -.. Be Vessantara

GEORGE J. A. SKEEN, GOVERNMENT PRINTER, COLOMBO, CEYLON.

ANN § LALO) a,

JOURNAL

OF THE

CHYLON BRANCH

HEB RS Be ee 8 ie

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,

1888.

VOLUME xX.

Sy fs

poe

No. 86. Giese 5)

3 My is

yee eres

~ ene

EDITED BY THE HONORARY SECRETARY.

‘‘The design of the Society is to institute and promote inquiries into the History,

Religion, Literature, Arts, and Social Condition of the present and former

Inhabitants of the Island, with its Geology, Mineralogy, its Climate and

Meteorology, its Botany and Zoology.”

t | COLOMBO:

yf H.C. COTTLE, ACTING GOVERNMENT PRINTER, CEYLON.

Ne i"

es ci

AAG

TN pve Aish

H. ©. p, ene

Hon. Sec.

OF THE

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,

1888.

VOLUME X.

No. 36.

EDITED BY THE HONORARY SECRETARY.

“The design of the Society is to institute and promote inquiries into the History,

Religion, Literature, Arts, and Social Condition of the present and former

Inhabitants of the Island, with its Geology, Mineralogy, its Climate and

: Meteorology, its Botany and Zoology.”

conompo: . Wn es) 6

H.C. COTTLE, ACTING GOVERNMENT PR INTEIC CEYLON.

1890.

JOURNAL

OF THE

CEYLON BRANCH

OF THE

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,

1888.

VOLUME X.

No. 386.

EDITED BY THE HONORARY SECRETARY.

| “The design of the Society is to institute and promote inquiries into the History,

Religion, Literature, Arts, and Social Condition of the present and former

Inhabitants of the Island, with its Geology, Mineralogy, its Climate and

; Meteorology, its Botany and Zoology.”

| COLOMBO: |

_ H. C. COTTLE, ACTING GOVERNMENT ae

1890.

CONTENTS.

The Marriage Customs of the Moors of Ceylon.—By

AHAMADU BAWA, Esq., Proctor, 8.C.

The Ethnology of the “ Moors” of Ceylon.—By the

Hon. P. RAMANATHAN

Captain Joao Ribeiro: His Work on Ceylon, and the

French Translation thereof by the Abbé le Grand.

—By DONALD FERGUSON, Esq.

The Antiquities of Medamahanuwara.—By J. H. F.

HAMILTON, Ksq,., C.C.S.

PAGE

219

263

al0

ni dn eee

ae gs

JOURNAL

OF THE

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,

CEYLON BRANCH.

THE MARRIAGE CUSTOMS OF THE MOORS

OF CEYLON.

By AHAMADU BAwWaA, Esq., Proctor, 8. C.

(Communicated by B. W. BAwA, Esq., Advocate.)

(Read February 26, 1888.)

y Lae F the pun be pardoned, it may be remarked

! a 4 with perfect truth that matrimony among the

3 Moors of Ceylon is merely a “ matter of money,”

—love and courtship playing no parts as factors

in the great social institution. This fact is

fully accounted for by the seclusion and ignorance in which

the girls are brought up, the religious restrictions upon

social intercourse between the sexes, and the total subjection

of the youths of the community to their parents and

guardians in all that relates to matrimonial affairs.

Among the Moors overtures of marriage invariably origi-

nate with the relatives of the prospective wife, the amount

available as dowry and the caste of the lady being important

points to start with. As a rule, a girl is considered eligible

for marriage at twelve and a boy at sixteen, for at eighteen a

49—89 B

ale

220 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. x

girl is considered an old maid, and a bachelor of twenty-five

isa vara avis. But, as a consequence of the dowry system

and the entire absence of anything like elopement or clan-

destine marriage, there is necessarily a very large number

of old maids. The unhappy condition of these creatures,

without education, secluded from the world and its pleasures

and delights, obliged to spend their lives within the four walls

ofa house sighing for the light and comparative liberty their

more fortunate sisters enjoy, may be imagined ; while only

a Moor can appreciate the feelings of those parents who, for

want of the wherewithal to furnish a dowry, lack the

means of emancipating their daughters from their darkness

and drudgery. If the intelligent men of the community

would but reflect on the consequences of the pernicious

dowry system and the daily increasing misery its per-

petuation entails on the masses, they would surely endeavour

to reform it. But it is to be feared that reform in this

particular at all events is still very far off.

As I have said, among the wealthy families early mar-

riages are the rule, and matches are often made even before

the girls enter on their teens. In all cases where eligible

machchankal—i.e., cousins, or sons of mother’s brother or

father’s sister—are available, preference is accorded to them

almost as a matter of right. In the absence of any such, a

young man of equal caste is fixed on, and negotiations with his

relatives commenced. This proceeding is called sampantam

pesukiratu (literally speaking, “ connection”). For this pur-

pose some notable and elderly person is entrusted with the

task, being duly instructed as to details of dowry, &c. At an

auspicious hour he proceeds to the house of the young man’s

parents, and commences his duties as Hymen’s ambassador

by a faithful enumeration of the advantages of an alliance

between the respective families, enlarging upon (let us say)

’A’yesha’s qualities and qualifications, her age, complexion,

and culinary skill, her ability to read the Kurdn in the

original, her amiability and obedience, and concluding

with a description of the dowry which her father offers in

No. 36.—1888.] MARRIAGE CUSTOMS OF THE MOORS. 221

lands, gold and silver, brass and copperware (venkala pat-

tiram), household furniture (viddu taddwmuddu), and cash

(rokkam), in all amounting to, say, five thousand rixdollars.

Ahamadu Lebbe, in his turn, admitting the personal eligibi-

lity of the amiable ’A’yesha, objects to the dowry as insuffi-

cient, and urges that his son Mira Lebbe has had better offers

from other sources, drawing special attention to the utter

inadequacy of the cash part of the dowry to meet the expenses

of such a wedding as Mira Lebbe should have. Satisfied

with having broken the ice, the ambassador returns, and

urges the lady’s father to increase the sum to a more rea-

sonable amount. Soon after a meeting is convened of the

male members of Mira Lebbe’s family,—uncles, brothers,

and cousins of mature age,—and the match being decided

on, the dowry is finally settled, say, as follows :—

Rds

One-fourth of the garden Hitina-watta eee 1,000

One-fourth of the house standing thereon oa 1,000

The paddy field called Aadena-kumbura 508 1,000

In gold and silver jewellery ... 505 1,000

In brass and copperware (venkala pattiram) ... 500

In household furniture uy bod 500

Rokkam, or cash aes aus 1,000

Total... 6,000

Every item should be estimated in even numbers, and, except

the item of cash, which alone goes to the bridegroom, not

much importance is attached to them, nor is their value criti-

cally examined, all but the cash going to the bride. If the

rokkam is the amount usual in the particular caste and class

there is no further haggling, and the matrimonial ambas-

sador pays another visit to Ahamadu Lebbe. Arrived there

he enumerates afresh the advantages of the match proposed,

and hands the above-mentioned memorandum to Mira Lebbe,

eloquently urging his acceptance of the terms. After this a

similar meeting takes place at Mira Lebbe’s house, for neglect

to consult everybody who is anybody to either of the parents

would be resented asa life-long insult. Atthis meeting it

is agreed nem. con. to accept the proposal, and the acceptance

B 2

222 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. X.

is accordingly signified through the envoy to the opposite

party. A short interval having elapsed, a formal deputation

from the bride’s family is sent to that of the bridegroom for

the confirmation of the sampantam already informally

concluded.

On an auspicious day, or rather night, agreed on by the

parties, and after some light refreshment, a band of fifteen

or twenty friends of the bride’s family proceed to the

house of the future bridegroom, where they are welcomed

by his friends and accommodated with seats on the matted

floor spread for the occasion with white cloths, and served

with the inevitable betel. Hereupon a solemn farce is

enacted. The host or head of the family addresses his

visitors collectively thus: “Ourestimablerelativesand friends,

to what good luck does my house owe this unexpected

yet welcome visit at this time of night? How can I recom-

pense the honour you have done me?” The office of spokes-

man is not always filled by the head of the family. If he is

not gifted with eloquence, some good speaker ischosen. In

reply, the spokesman on the other side says: “The sun

and the moon have their forces of attraction and gravitation,

the earth and all therein are happily influenced by the same

laws of nature: as there are affinities in nature, so there

are certain affinities between men, a proper union of which,

as in the case of the diamond, may produce the richest

gem!” This speech is received with silent acclamation,

no cheering, clapping of hands, or other noisy demonstra-

tion being considered correct. A general grin exhibits

the appreciation of the audience. The speaker then con-

tinues: “Considering these universal laws of affinity and

attraction, is it strange that we should be drawn hither

by the brilliance of Ahamadu’s house and his countenance ? ”

A great deal more is said in the same inflated strain, and the

speaker on concluding is greeted with a grin of approbation

that reflects each wick in every lamp sixteen times in the

marble-white teeth of each member of the assemblage. After

much more palaver of this kind it is elicited that the deputa-

No. 36.—1888.] MARRIAGE CUSTOMS OF THE MOORS. 223

tion has come to solicit Mira Lebbe as a husband for

’A’yesha, the daughter of Hassim Marikar, their dear friend

and near relative. This time another panegyric is then

passed by the host upon the virtues and merits of the bride

elect, and the mutual advantages to the respective families of

the proposed alliance reiterated. A fatihah! is pronounced

by the priest as a final ratification of the compact, but on this

occasion nothing is said about the dowry. Mira and ’A’yesha

are now affianced, although the ancient custom of exchanging

rings, now obsolete, has not been gonethrough. A rich feast

follows, and the party disperses in the best of humours.

From this time a periodical exchange of presents keeps

the flame from dying out. If the Muharram, or Haji

Perundl, happen to intervene between betrothal and marriage, —

the bridegroom is expected to send sundry presents of silk

cambayas and king-kalf jackets to the bride, and similar

gifts to her mother and sisters; which compliment the

bride responds to with trays of rice and curries and all

kinds of sweetmeats, in the preparation of which ’A’yesha

is expected to have a hand.

There is yet another ceremony before the marriage, viz.,

the payment of the chitanam, or dowry money, which is

a function of importance, and takes place some months

in advance of the nuptials. As has been said already, the

cash is the most important part of the dowry, for it

alone goes to the husband, and it enables him to meet

the wedding expenses and to purchase the bride’s trousseau.

The wedding trousseau, called kadda uduppddda, literally,

“to tie and to clothe,” consists of a gold neck ornament called

tal, a silk cambadya, rawukkai, and jacket to match,

with a duplicate set of more ordinary materials. The

presentation of this chitanappanam is a great event in

the life of the young Moor, both because it is the public

announcement of the intended wedding, and because he

then becomes the possessor of a larger sum of money than

1 The first chapter of the Kurdn.—B., Hon. Sec.

224 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou X. |

he has probably ever owned before. On an auspicious

day, after partaking of the usual pditchoru panikaram,

or “milk-rice’’ and cakes, a party of the bride’s immediate

friends, to the number of about twenty, attended by

the family priest or Lebbe and a brother or cousin of the

bride carrying the chilanappanam of the sum agreed on,

with some betel leaves, a few pieces of saffron, and a couple

of limes put into a silk handkerchief held by the four

cousins in the right hand, proceed to the young man’s house.

There the party is greeted with a copious sprinkling of rose-

water and invited to take seats, which they do on the white

carpeted floor, each according to his seniority or social

position ; whilst the bearer of the money places the bundle on

a brass betel stand before the priest of the bridegroom’s party,,

who is a most important personage on all such occasions.

After the usual chew of betel, &c., they proceed to business

by the priest undoing the bundle and offering up a

fatihah. This done, he solemnly hands the handker-

chief and its contents to the young man, who in turn

transfers it to his father or elder brother, who again

passes it to the mother, by whom it is carefully locked up.

They next proceed to the selection of a day for the wedding,

in doing which particular care is taken. The favourite

months are Zul K’ada, Zul Hija, Rajab; and the favourite

days of the week, Monday, Wednesday, and Friday. The

ominous days of the Muhammadan calendar are studiously

avoided, such, for instance, as the day on which Jonah was

swallowed by the whale, or that on which Joseph was

thrown into the pit, or the anniversary of the day when

Muhammad lost his front tooth at the battle of Adl-Badr.

The day fixed for a date within three months from the

chitanam night, a fatihah is again offered up by the

priest, whilst the company hold up both hands in a

supplicating manner, pronouncing the “amen” at the stops.

and kissing the tips of their fingers at the conclusion. A

sumptuous repast is now served to the assembled guests,,

and a final fatihah pronounced, when betel is again served

No. 36.—1888.] MARRIAGE CUSTOMS OF THE MOORS. 225

round, and the priest gives the signal for departure by rising

from his place.

From this time great activity prevails in both houses in

preparation for the great event in prospect. The houses

are whitewashed, mandapams and pandals are erected,

and a tinsel throne is prepared in the bridal chamber.

About ten days before the day fixed for the wedding the

invitations issue. These do not take the form of the neat

and elegant wedding cards so well known to us—anything

more tedious and wearisome than the process adopted can

hardly be imagined. The bridegroom, arrayed in his best and

attended by a large party of friends, is bound to call at

every house of every Moor, high or low, within the radius

of several miles, and invite its inmates of both sexes in .

the following terms: ‘Who is in this house?” Some one

from within—often an invisible old dame—says: “Who are

your” The spokesman of the inviting party cries out

in stentorian tones, “‘We have come to invite all the males

and females inhabiting this house to the wedding of Mira

Lebbe, son of Ahamadu Lebbe, of New Moor street, on the

night of Monday, the seventeenth of this month of Rajab,

and ask all of you to give your attendance early.” A single

word, “ Nallam” (“good ’’), is frequently the only response ;

but in the case of intimate friends or relations quite a

different reception often awaits them. In some cases a

feast is prepared and partaken of, in some merely a light

refection or pdtchoru, &c.; but as many of these cannot,

for physical reasons, be included in the day’s programme,

the distribution of these privileged visits is a matter of no

small difficulty. It may be imagined that a ten days’ pere-

erination and a daily surfeit of pdtchéru panikaram

and sweetmeats, added to all the worry and trouble incidental

to a great Moorish wedding, must be a trial of no ordinary

kind; but placidly, contentedly, and even triumphantly dv

the victims deport themselves, for there is no variation in

the pulse of the Moor, no alcoholic perturbation of his brain:

provided his stomach is full he is happy.

226 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). _ [ Vou. X. |

It is fashionable at the present day not to forget the

“infidel” section of the bridegroom’s acquaintance. On a

memorable occasion, not many years ago, the Governor and

many of the élite of society graced one of these weddings

in Kandy. How they were entertained and what impres-

sions they carried away with them are matters of history.

The whole circle of friends, patrons,—nay, even acquain-

tances,—has a few days appropriated to its entertainment.

Two or three large square tables are loaded with every kind

of sweetmeats, cakes, preserves, biscuits, sherbets, and fruits

imaginable, served mostly in glass dishes and plates (of

course borrowed for the occasion, as the Moors in their

daily life do not even use a tumbler for drinking). 'Teacups

are ranged opposite each chair in one of the best rooms,

or a temporary mandapam hung with white cloth and

ornamented for the occasion, where the alien guests, as they

arrive, are received and treated to the aforesaid delicacies

and tea.

Let us now suppose that the wedding day has arrived.

On that day takes place the great feast at the bridegroom’s

house, called mappillac viddu pakatchoru. By midday

all the invited guests from far and near have arrived, and

seated themselves on the floor with legs crossed tailor-

fashion, shoulder to shoulder, according to caste and condi-

tion, and having their backs to the walls. As each guest

arrives he is served with the indispensable betel; but when

all have assembled and the rooms are full, large basins of

water are placed at intervals along the lines of squatting

guests, with a teacup floating in it, and huge brass spittoons

by them, into which every guest washes first his mouth

and then his hand preparatory to eating. The provender

is served in trays, each tray consisting usually of a dish of

ghee-rice, a fried fowl, a dish of mutton curry, another

of beef, half a dozen vegetable curries, one or two

pickles, soup, fayir (curdled milk), and other things

sufficient for eight or ten people. These trays are passed

along by about a dozen men stationed within arms’

No. 36.—1888.] MARRIAGE CUSTOMS OF THE MOORS. 227

length of each other in the middle of the assemblage

(kalari), and are placed on the floor at such distances

from each other as to enable about five men to form

a group round each tray. When all the guests have

been supplied with trays, plates are supplied for eating from,

and the priest having said “Bismillah” (“in the name of

Allah”) a simultaneous attack commences, and is steadily

and silently continued. All cease eating about the same

time, as if by consent, and drink water, warm or cold, after

which they wash their hands into the plate from which

they had been eating. The débris is now cleared away

and betel served again, the priest pronounces the usual

Jatihah, and the guests disperse, each saying to the bride-

groom “ndyiddu varen,” literally, ‘ I will goand come again.”

The men all gone, the fair sex are entertained in a similar

manner.

By about 3 o’clock, the house being clear of visitors,

a number of trays are despatched, each covered with

a white cloth and carried on the head of a cooly. They

are accompanied by some young male member of the bride-

gsroom’s family in gala dress, and are taken to the bride’s

house. There he is received with much cordiality, and is

presented with a gold ring.

In the evening there is a fresh assembling of the friends

of the families “to do honour to the bridegroom,” as

they call it, that is, to give him the usual chantosham

and accompany him to the bride’s, where the kavin, or

“marriage rites,” are to be solemnised. The guests having

again seated themselves in order of rank and seniority, and

after the chew of betel, at a propitious moment announced

by the priest a move is made for the presentation of the

chantoshéam. A scribe is improvised, and the immediate or

intimate friends of the bridegroom head the list with the

highest sum (say fifty rupees), then follow others with

smaller sums; never less, however, than single rupees, which,

while the minimum amount, make up the bulk of the

contributions. Thus, sometimes a thousand rupees have

228 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Von. X.

been collected in addition to rings of varying value

presented by the relatives.

While this is going on in the hall or principal room in the

house, a very different scene takes place within. The bride-

groom, who is seldom present at the giving of the chantosham,

is supposed to be at his toilet. To the due performance of this

a bath is essential, in the course of which the cosmetics used

are some burnt lime, ground saffron, and mz poonac, soap

being only used by extreme reformers, and being regarded as

far from an improvement on the mz poonac as a purifier.

Under a white canopy held over his head by four admiring

friends, and escorted by a dozen or more others of about

his own age, the bridegroom is conducted to the nearest

well (a tub, being a modern innovation, is quite out of the

question), the attendants keeping up a continual chorus of

“olu” “olu.” What this means I do not know, unless it

represents the wuzu, or lesser ablution, which a man

must perform before entering a mosque, beginning to pray,

or even touching the Kurdn.’ Arrived at the bath the

happy man sits on a chair, while his friends souse him

with many chatties of cold water poured over his shaven

crown, and rub him heartily with the lime, saffron, and

poonac. Having returned to the house, his ablutions duly

performed, he is seated in a chair and arrayed in the

most gorgeous attire. A resplendent turban tastefully folded

round the Moorish cap surmounts his head, a pair of

loose silk pantaloons swathes his limbs, fastened at the

waist by arich sash or belt, a flowing silk or satin axkarakka

reaching to the knees over a snow white cambric shirt,

and a pair of slippers completes the costume. The happy

man’s neck is encircled by numerous gold chains and

padakkankal (chains made of gold pieces about the size of a

shilling), so that his chest is one mass of glittering gold:

this, too, though Muhammadan men are strictly prohibited

Ou, Tamil, wuzu Arabic, “the washing of face, head, feet, &c.,

before every time of prayer ’”—the “ lesser ablution,” as distinguished from

ghuel, or “greater ablution.”—B., Hon. Sec.

No. 36.—1888.] MARRIAGE CUSTOMS OF THE MOORS. 229

from wearing any gold, even a ring on the finger. Thus

attired gloriously, the bridegroom sits smiling and receiv-

ing presents and congratulations from his friends, till the

time for departure arrives.

At the proper juncture the priest pronounces a fatihah, to

which all present respond by the usual “amen”; anda start is

made with a flourish of tom-toms, cymbals, and flutes, under

a brilliant display of fireworks, blue lights, and pendant lamps.

He sits in an open carriage if the bride’s house is distant,

otherwise he goes on foot attended by two boys dressed up

for the occasion, one on either side with fans in their hands ;

and an immense concourse of relatives, friends, and of the

“hoi polloi ” to the number of several hundreds, the cynosure

of all eyes. On the way, if the procession passes the

residence of particular friends, the bridegroom receives

many an ovation, and much sprinkling of rose-water. On

approaching the bride’s house a halt is made at some

distance, the remainder of the road being covered with

pavadat, or white cloth, for the party to walk on. Nume-

rous allathés greet him every few yards. The allathé

consists of three plates: one containing saffron water, one

cocoanut milk, one betel and small copper coins, carried by

three men having at their head a relative of the bride, who

advances with the rose-water sprinkler. Having sprinkled

' the bridegroom and his immediate attendants, by whom

the compliment is forthwith returned, the two first-men-

tioned plates are waived round the bridegroom’s head three

times in succession; he spits into the plates at the end of

each performance, when the betel and coppers are thrown

high over his head, producing a scramble among the poor.

This ceremony is repeated at intervals frequent in propor-

tion to the number of male friends of the bride’s family,

the last, and not the least, being the bride’s father or brother,

the head of the family, as the case may be. Arrived at the

house, and before entering it,a boy, generally a brother of the

bride, washes the feet of the bridegroom with rose-water, for

which he is rewarded with a ring. He then leads the

230 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou X.

bridegroom by the hand to the kavin kalari, where he

takes his seat on his haunches before the priest. The

attendant multitude take their seats, and are served with

betel and spittoons, as before described, whereupon a

kadutiam is drawn out in the following form :—

On the 30th day of the month Zul Hijja, in the year of

the Aijrat 1299, being the 11th day of November, 1882,

on the occasion of the marriage of Mira Lebbe, son of

Ahamadu Lebbe, of New Moor street, with ’A’yesha, daughter

of Hassim Marikar, for the magar of 100 kalangi of

red Egyptian gold, by the vali of the bride’s father, to

Mahallam Seka Ismail Lebbe Hajiar, priest, the dowry

agreed upon is 10,000 rds., viz. 1,000 rds. in cash, &c.

(Signed) MiRA LEBBE, Bridegroom.

(Signed) HASSIM MARIKAR, Bride’s father.

1 —, Priest.

Witnesses: 2 ——e mmm

This kaduttam is the only written record of the marriage ;

it is signed and witnessed by the parties, the priest, and

two responsible witnesses, and taken charge of by the

priest, in whose custody it remains thereafter, exposed to

all the perils to which such documents are liable in the

hands of irresponsible and unscrupulous men. The persis-

tency, however, with which this document is executed and

the custom observed, though not required by any law,

Muhammadan or otherwise, is only another proof of the

absurd conservatism of the Moors.

The next function, in the usual order of things, is the kavin.

The priest takes the bridegroom’s right hand in his own,

repeats a formula in Arabic three times in succession, and at

the end of each addresses the bridegroom thus: “Are you,

Mira Lebbe, son of Ahamadu Lebbe, willing to take ’A’yesha,

daughter of Hassim Marikar, as your wife, for the magar of

100 kalangi of red Egyptian gold?” To which Mira Lebbe

answers in the affirmative. The priest pronounces another

Arabic formula, after which he, with two witnesses, enters

No. 36.—1888.] MARRIAGE CUSTOMS OF THE MOORS. 231

the bridal chamber, and similarly addresses the bride,

substituting the word “ husband ” for “ wife.” To this she is

expected to answer audibly; but in her shyness she refuses

to do anything of the kind, some elderly relative saying

“ves” for her; and the party returns to kalari. The

priest then utters a final fatuhah by way of benediction,

and this terminates the kavin.

After the conclusion of this ceremony, the bridegroom is

conducted to the bridal chamber by her father or brother, and

the ceremony of tying the ¢ali takes place. Gorgeously

dressed in king-kalf silk and satin, and loaded with gold from

head to foot, surrounded by a crowd of old dames chewing

and spitting, exhausted by heat and fatigue, the poor bride is

seated in her arakaddil, or “tinsel throne,” more like an

inanimate statue than a living bride in her hymeneal glory.

There is a sudden stir, every woman hitherto bareheaded

emulously displaying her ornaments for the admiration of her

companions, now promptly covers her head and (partially)

her face with the corner of her cambaya; while the

sisters or nearest female relatives of the bridegroom hand

him the tal. The bridegroom is expected to clasp

the falc round his bride’s throat, but probably finding

it difficult to get near enough to her, his awkward attempt

would fail but for the help at the critical moment of the

relative referred to above, who adjusts the sacred ¢ali:

never to be removed during the lifetime of the spouses.

This isthe kaddu, “knot,” or “tying.” The uduppdddu yet

remains.

The tali being tied, the bridegroom is expected to

clothe (uduppdddu) the bride. For this purpose the relative

hands the bridegroom a silk cambaya to put round the

waist of the bride. She is made to stand up nolens volens

(usually nolens), and the bridegroom attempts to encompass

her waist with the garment, but in most cases has to resort to

the help of his relatives. All this time the bride neither sees

nor hears, and after the ceremony the bridegroom, sitting on

the bed near by, has his first look at his future life-partner.

232 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. X.

The position is embarrassing for him, as all eyes, mostly

critical, many disparaging, are fixed on him, and the

accompanying comments are not always inaudible.

While the bridegroom is paying this hymeneal penalty to

the practices of his people, his friends are enjoying them-

selves elsewhere. In Moorish circles every breakfast and

dinner is an exact copy of the other—the same dishes, the

same arrangement, the same drinks (hot and cold waiter),

the same “ salams” and “ alekams.” 3

The feast for the males over, the poor females take their

turn. They likewise arrange themselves in the order of

their castes, and otherwise go through precisely the same

routine, except that no chantosham is expected of or given by

them. While, however, no male condescends to carry home

for the little ones any of the sweetmeats served, their

spouses do not hesitate to share that part of the contents of

the tray among themselves for the purpose. At about

12 P.M. or later they depart, and then the bridegroom dines

for the first time in the bride’s house, with a few of her

relatives. It is not till perhaps 2 A.M. that he retires to

the bridal chamber.

Karly next morning the married sisters and female cousins

or nearest female relations of the bridegroom visit the

bride’s chamber and prepare her for the bath. Shortly after

the newly-married couple are conducted under a white

canopy, this time held aloft by fairer fingers, and with the

same chorus of “olu” “olu,” sitting side by side, are bathed.

No males are permitted to be present. The bath over, the

morning repast, consisting of milk-rice, cakes, and plantains,

is served. The happy couple are seated on the floor and

surrounded by the female friends of the two families, the

ceremony of mutual feeding takes place. The bridegroom

helping himself to a quantity of “ milk-rice,” mixes it with

some sugar, mashed plantain, and more milk, in his plate,

‘ The usual Muslim salutation is “as salému ’alekam,” “the peace of

God be with you.”—B., Hon. Sec.

No. 36.—1888.] MARRIAGE CUSTOMS OF THE MOORS. 233

and conveys three handfuls tothe bride’s mouth. This sheis

made to swallow, whether she wills or not; she in her turn

must return the compliment in a precisely similar manner.

This concludes the series of ceremonies, and the happy

couple are left to themselves till the third day. On that day

the bridegroom is expected to go out for the first time market-

ing to buy madi-mankay (“waist mango”). He returns home

in the afternoon with four or five cooly-loads of all kinds of

fruits, vegetables, and presents for the bride, her mother, and

sisters, the presents usually assuming the form of cambdayas

and cloths. On thisnight the bridegroom’s family is invited

to dinner at the bride’s house, and the next night she and

her family are similarly entertained at the bridegroom’s.

From this time feasts at intervals take place at the houses of

the mutual friends over a period of some months. The happy

couple live in b¢na,! at least until the first child is born, but

if a part of the house has been given in dowry, the best room

is appropriated to them.

' TLe., at the bride’s parents’ house.—B., Hon. Sec.

234 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. X.

THE ETHNOLOGY OF THE “MOORS”

OF CEYLON.

By the Hon. P. RAMANATHAN.

(Read April 26, 1888.)

WZEVR|HAT section of our community which passes

x principally among our European settlers by the

name of “ Moors” number, according to the

last Census, about 185,000 souls. They are all

Muhammadans. In the Sinhalese districts they

occupy themselves with petty trade of all kinds, as pedlars

and boutique (small shop) keepers. The poorer classes are

mostly boatmen, fishermen, and coolies. In the Tamil pro-

vinces they pursue agriculture and fishing. In physique and

features they closely resemble the Tamils, and as to the

language they speak, it is Tamil, even in purely Sinhalese

districts. . I propose in this Paper to consider the nationality

of this community.

In ancient Roman history the name of Mauri frequently

occurs as the inhabitants of Mauritania,! the westernmost

country of North Africa, washed by the Atlantic on the west

and the Mediterranean on the north. They were a nomadic,

idolatrous, and illiterate race, and for many years vainly

resisted the religion and power of the successors of Muham-

mad. When they became converts to the new faith (A.C.

698-709) their great ambition was to learn the language and

affect the manners of the Arabs. In the words of Gibbon,

they were “ proud to adopt the language, name, and origin of

' Known to the Greeks as Maurusia, and in later days to the

Portuguese as Méruecos, and to the French as Marocco. In English it is

Mérocco, and less correctly Morocco,

No. 36.—1888.] THE MOORS OF CEYLON. 235

Arabs.” 1 The natives of Mauritania and of the regions

extending eastwards to the Euphrates were known to the

Greeks and Romans also by the name of Saracens. It is

matter of history how this

‘‘Countless multitude,

Syrian, Moor, Saracen, fresh renegade,

Persian and Copt and Tartar in one bond

Of erring faith conjoined—strong in the youth

And heat of zeal—a dreadful brotherhood,”

overran Spain and attempted to conquer Hurope north of the

Pyrennees, and how their fate was decided by the dreadful

battle fought on the plains of Tours.2, When the Portuguese

navigated the eastern seas in the fifteenth century, and found

Muhammadans along the western shores of India and Ceylon,

they gave them the name of Moros, which in English

is “ Moors.”? In Indiathat name is no longer used to denote

Muhammadans; but in Ceylon we continue to use it ina

loose way, as if our information will not permit us to speak

definitely, or to identify the nationality of this people. I

believe that the honorific Marakar or Marikar, which

appears so often appended to a Muhammadan name both

in South India and Ceylon, is a relic of Portuguese official

language ina Tamil garb. It means “a man of Marocco,”

1 Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, V1.,p. 353 (Dr. Smith’s ed.).

2 Mr. Harris, who accompanied the British mission to Morocco last

year (1887), gives a vivid account of the present condition of the Moors in

the pages of the Z//ustrated London News, from which I quote as follows :—

‘The Moors, like all other dynasties, have risen and fallen, and though their

fall was not as the fall of Egypt, Assyria, Greece, or Rome, yet it was

to themselves as disastrous as any, for though they were not exterminated,

they had to fly back to their wild African soil, where year by year they

are sinking deeper into ignorance and bigotry. They have lost their

activity, these Moors of to-day. Instead of leading his soldiers to battle,

their Sultan sits in splendid halls, passing his life in indolence, save when,

now and again on the march from one capital to another, he deigns to

chastise some erring tribe with fireand sword. The Moors, whose ances-

tors once conquered in almost every war they undertook, sit and sigh and

sing quaint ballads to Granada, their mountain home in the Sierra Nevada,

and weep now and again over the keys of the houses which their ancestors

possessed in Spain.” (Sept. 24, 1887.)

3 So Hindus were called by them Grentios, in English “ Gentoos.” This

word, too, has disappeared in India.

49—89 Cc

236° JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

the final ar in mdrakar being the epicene particle in Tamil

denoting respect.!

In the Census Report of 1881 will be found a statement

showing the distribution of the population of Ceylon accord-

ing to religion and nationality. The total number of

Muhammadans is given as 197,775, under the following

“nationalities ” :—

Europeans aes 300 1

Eurasians one 4

Sinhalese 56 sc 71

Tamils ... es ‘ie 715

Malays ... a seek, OrO Od

Moormen... Ses ... 184,536

Others... veore, DORON

Those who are classed as “others” include Afghans, 130 ;

Arabs, 450; Dekkanese, 3; Hindustani, 164; Javanese, 3;

Pathani, 1,210; Tulukkar (Turks), 128, &c. We have fairly

clear ideas of the nationality of these Muhammadans: but

what is the nationality of the “ Moormen ” ?

The Registrar-General and other Commissioners appointed

for the taking of the Census are not primarily responsible for

the term ‘‘ Moor” representing a nationality in Ceylon.

As I have said, our Portuguese conquerors applied the term

to this community, not because that was the name it went by

in its own circle or among its neighbours, but because, like

the Moors of North Africa, its religion was Muhammadan.

The political successors of the Portuguese—I mean the

Dutch —took over the word and used it in a loose way to

denote a class of people whose lingual and social characteristics

they did not comprehend for several decades, either absolutely

or relatively to the races which inhabit Ceylon and India.

In the closing years of their rule, however, they were

1 I do not see my way to deriving the word from the Arabic markab,

“a ship,” because the Tamil personal noun formed from it would be markab-

karan or markdb-dl, not marikar. In Sinhalese, a Moor is commonly

known as marakkaléha, the tandal or head of a boat (cf. gan-vahé, “ chief

of a village”), and marakkaléha cannot be evolved from markab-ahé, but is

descended almost letter for letter from the Tamil word marakkalam, “a

wooden vessel.”

No. 36.—1888.] THE MOORS OF CEYLON. 237

onvinced that the “ Moors” of Ceylon were, in the main,

Tamil Muhammadans.! But before the discovery could stamp

itself on official documents and pass current in official lips,

the English had arrived and found a world of work to do in

supplying the material and moral wants of the country,

without the leisure for entering upon ethnological questions.

Their first Census of which we have any returns, and which

was ordered in 1824, was therefore necessarily erroneous in

classification, if not enumeration. The old term “Moors”

was retained, as also I may say the old term “ Malabars’’? for

Tamils, who knew not that word even in dreams, as they say.

The second Census taken in 1871, and the third and the last

taken in 1881, eliminated “ Malabars” but retained ‘“‘ Moors,”’

evidently because the Commissioners and other European

officials have lacked the time or the opportunity for studying

that community. By a similar misapprehension the

“ Kandyans”’ were thought to be different from the Sinhalese

even as late as 1866.

' See Valentyn, ch. XV., p. 214.

* Bishop Caldwell says :—“The Portuguese arrived first on the western

coast of India, and naturally called the language they found spoken on

that coast by the name by which the coast itself had long been called by

their Arab predecessors, viz., Walabar. Sailing from Malabar on voyages

of exploration, they made their acquaintance with various places on the

eastern or Coromandel coast, and also on the coast of Ceylon, and finding

the language spoken by the fishing and sea-faring classes on the eastern

coast similar to that spoken on the western, they came to the conclusion

that it was identical with it, and called it, in consequence, by the same

name, viz., Malabar, a name which has survived to our own day amongst

the poorer classes of Europeans and Eurasians. The better educated

members of those classes have long learned to call the language of the

Malabar coast by its proper name, Malayalam, and the language of the

eastern coast Tamil,”—Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Lan-

guages, Introd., p. 11 (2nd edition, 1875).

* In his Gazetteer, p. 115, Casie Chetty (writing in 1834) said :—

“The vast difference which the Kandyans exhibit in their customs as well

as in their style of dress has led almost all European writers to treat them

as a distinct race of people.” And the Government Agent of the North-

Western Province said, in 1866, that the population of his Province

consisted of “Kandyans, Sinhalese, Moors, Malabars, and Mukkuwas.”

(Sessional Papers of the Legislative Council, 1866, p. 217.) He ought to

have said “Sinhalese and Tamils,” for the last three classes are Tamil.

238 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. X.

It is noteworthy that in the Report of the Census of British

India for 1881 there are no returns relating to nationality,

but language is taken as equipollent to it. Surgeon-General

K. Balfour, who is considered an authority on the sociology

of Southern India, also uses language for nationality, as for

instance in the following passage :—“ The Haiderabad State

has been formed from portions of four great nationalities

the Canarese, the Mahratta, the Telegu, and the Gond. The

number speaking the Gond language is not recorded, but

out of a population of 9,845,594 the Telegu language is

spoken by 4,279,108, the Mahratta by 3,147,746, and the

Canarese by 1,238,519,” &c.1 Webster defines nationality to.

be “a race or people determined by common language and

character and not by political bias or divisions.” Professor

Max Miller narrows this definition as follows :—“If there is

one safe exponent of national character it is language. Take

away, says he, “the language of a people and you destroy at

once that powerful chain of tradition in thought and sentiment

which holds ail the generations of the same race together—if

we may use an unpleasant simile—like the chain ofa gang of

galley slaves. These slaves, we are told, very soon fall into

the same pace without being aware that their movements.

depend altogether on the movements of those who walk before

them. Itis nearly the same with us. We imagine we are

altogether free in our thoughts, original and independent,

and we are not aware that our thoughts are manacled and

fettered by language, and that, without knowing and without

perceiving it, we have’to keep pace with those who walked

before us thousands and thousands of years ago. Language

alone binds people together and keeps them distinct from

others who speak different tongues. In ancient times parti-

cularly ‘language and nations’ meant the same thing; and

even with us our real ancestors are those whose language we

speak, the fathers of our thoughts, the mothers of our hopes

and fears. Blood, bones, hair, and colour are mere accidents,

1 Cited in the Indian Census Report for 1881, vol. I., p. 201.

No. 36.—1888.|] THE MOORS OF CEYLON. 289

utterly unfit to serve as principles of scientific classification

for that great family of living beings, the essential character-

istics of which are thought and speech, not fibrine, serum, or

colouring matter, or whatever else enters into the composition

of blood.” + Of a similar opinion is Sir William. Hunter, as

may be seen from the following passage, which, by the way,

is @ propos to the subject discussed in this paper :—“ Many

storms of conquest (besides the Brahmanical and Buddhist

invasions )have since swept over the land (Madras Presidency),

and a few colonies of Mughal and Mahratta origin are to be

found here and there. But the indelible evidence of lan-

guage proves that the ethnical character of the population has

remained stable under all their influences, and that the Madras

Hindu, Muhammadan, Jain, and Christian are of the same

Dravidian stock.” ?

If therefore we take language as the test of nationality,

the Moors of Ceylon, who speak as their vernacular the Tamil,

must be adjudged Tamils. But as some ethnologists, like

Dr. Tylor, maintain that language of itself affords only partial

evidence of race,® I shall dive a little deeper and prove that

the conclusion I have arrived at is supported as much by the

history of the Moors (so far as it may be ascertained) as by

their social customs and physical features.

Those returned in the Census of 1881 as “ Moors” are to

1 Chips from a German Workshop, I11,, p. 265 (“Cornish Antiquities ””).

2 Gazetteer of India, s. v. “ Madras Presidency.”

3 See article ‘Anthropology ” in Hncyclopedia Britannica, 9th edition,

p. 119.

Speaking of the political significance attached in modern days to

linguistic affinities, Sir Henry Maine says :—“If you examine the bases

proposed for common nationality before the new knowledge growing out

of the study of Sanskrit had been popularised in Europe, you will find

them extremely unlike those which are now advocated, and even passion-

ately advocated, in parts of the Continent. For the most part the older

bases theoretically suggested were common history—common, prolonged

subjection to the same sovereign, common institutions, common religion,

sometimes a common language, but then a common vernacular language.

That people not necessarily understanding one another’s tongue should

be grouped together politically on the ground of linguistic affinities

240 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. X.

be found in every part of the Island. Their distribution

according to number is as follows :—

In the District of Batticaloa ... bs 27,000

In the City of Colombo bee oa 23,600

In the District of Kandy 906 sac 22,000

Do. Kalutara... toe 12,800

Do. Puttalam ... S60 12,500

De. Galle Nes boo 11,000

Do. Kurunégala ... ae 9,400

Do. Nuwarakalaviya 500 7,300:

Do. Mannar Ss bss 6,600

Do. Badulla, dee O95 6,000

Do. Matalé sie Se 5,900

Do. Trincomalee... aie 5,700

Do. Kégalla aes 565 5,000

Do. Matara Ree ae 5,000

Do. Colombo... aa 4,300

Do. Jafina ee Sets 2,600

Do. Negombo ... ach 2,500

Do. Ratnapura ... Ba 1,500

Do. Nuwara Eliya wie 1,400

Do. Hambantota ... eis 1,200

Do. Vavuniya-Vilankulam wie 700

Do. Mullaittivu ... ee 400

This community, numbering (as I have said) nearly 185,000:

souls, includes those who are commonly known in our Law

Courts as “Ceylon Moormen” and “ Coast Moormen.” The

former clags represents (as I shall show!) the earliest settlers

assumed to prove community of descent, is quite anewidea. Nevertheless,

we owe to it, at all events in part, the vast development of German

nationality : and we certainly owe to it the pretensions of the Russian

Empire to at least a presidency over all Sclavonic communities.”— Village

Communities in the Hast and West, p. 210 (3rd edition),

As regards the relation between Tamils and Moors, it is not a question

of “linguistic affinities,” but a ‘“ common vernacular language.”

Dr. Tylor admits that, “asa rule, language at least proves some pro-

portion of ancestry—affords at least partial evidence of race.” (Page 120,

art. ‘‘ Anthropology.”)

By tracing the history, that is, the descent of the Moors, I confirm the

evidence afforded by the language used by them. And I still further

strengthen my conclusion by showing that their social customs and

physical features are in the main Tamil.

1 See p. 255,

No. 36.—1888.|] THE MOORS OF CEYLON. 241

who have lived in this country for several generations. The

latter class represents those who have arrived from either the

coast or the inner districts of South India for purposes of

trade, and who intend to return to their homes. Hence the

distinction which the “ Ceylon Moor” draws between himself

and the “Coast Moor” when he calls himself Chénahan and

his co-religionist from South India Chammdnkdran, a com-

pound word made up perhaps of the Malay sampan, “ boat,”

and Tamil karan, “man.”! The Sinhalese being aware that

not only the “Coast Moors” but also the “Ceylon Moors”

came from abroad in sailing vessels, call them indiscriminately

Marakkalaha, derived obviously from the Tamil word maram

“wood,” and kalam “vessel.” As tothe respective numbers of

these two classes, it was estimated in 1886 (on the evidence

of several Muhammadan gentlemen) by the Sub-Committee

of the Legislative Council which was appointed to consider

and report upon the Muhammadan Marriage Registration

Ordinance, that fully one-third of the “ Moors” along the

maritime country from Kalpitiya to Matara are “Coast

Moors,” and I have good reason for saying that much more

than one-half of the “Moors” in the northern, eastern, and

inland districts are also “Coast Moors.” It may therefore

be concluded that the 185,000 Moors in the Island are divi-

sible almost equally between ‘Ceylon Moors” and “Coast

Moors.” The English in South India call the Muhammadans

from whom our Chammankarar are drawn Lebbes or Lubbays,

most probably because Lebbe is a common ending to their

names.” The “Lebbes” call themselves, and are called

‘In Crawford’s Malay Dictionary, jung is given for “a large native

vessel,” prau for “a boat,” and sampan for “a small boat.” For “a vessel

of Huropean build and form” he gives kappal, whichis of course Tamil. If

Chamman-haran is not to be derived from sampan, is it too much to derive

it from chadman, “things,” “wares,” in which case it would literally mean

“a dealer in wares, a pedlar”? Cf. Chammankodu, the name commonly

given for Bankshall street in Colombo; Hambantota, in the Southern

Province; Chamman-turaz, in the Batticaloa District.

* I have not been able to ascertain whence the word Jebbe or lubbay

is derived. Freytag, in his Arabic-Latin Dictionary, gives labib (pl. alibba)

242 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. X.

by the Tamils, Chénahar, on which term I shall comment

hereafter.

In order to appreciate the relations (social, lingual, and

physical) which the “Coast Moors” bear to the “Ceylon

Moors,” and which both bear to the rest of the Muhammadans

in India, we have to remember a few facts brought to light by

the Census of 1881. Of the fifty millions of Muhammadans

on that peninsula, Bengal claims 21,800,000 (or 31 per cent.

of the Hindus); Punjab 11,700,000 (or 51 per cent.); the

North-Western Provinces and Oude 6,300,000 (or 14 per

cent.); the Bombay Presidency 3,700,000 (or 18 per cent.);

the Madras Presidency 1,900,000 (or 6 per cent.); Assam

1,300,000 (or 27 per cent.); the State of Haiderabad 930,000

(or 9 per cent.); Rajaputana 860,000 (or 9 per cent.); and

Central India 510,000 (or 6 per cent.). It will thus be seen

that Islam is as strong in North India, where Hindustani is

the ruling language, as it is weak in the Madras Presidency,

where Tamil is the ruling language. It is also certain that

more than 50 per cent. of the Muhammadans of this Presidency

are found in the districts of the extreme south, namely,

Tinnevelli, Madura, Malabar, and Tanjore,? and that while

as meaning “intelligent, prudent” (literally, “having a heart,” Jwb), and

lubbaika as meaning “here I am, I am your servant,” &c. He further

says that in the Hamasa, p. 789, lubbay is used as a noun, whether sub-

stantive or proper he does not mention. Perhaps /uwbbay, when affixed to

a name, means ‘‘a pandit, alearned man.”

The ‘‘ Moors” say it means “ priest,” but the religion of Muhammad does

not admit of priests, as we understand it. It recognises imdm, the leader

at prayers ; anda khatib, the preacher, A maulavi is a teacher, and muazzin

is a crier who summons the congregation to prayers.

' See p. 257.

2 The Muhammadans in the Madras Presidency are distributed as

follows in its twenty districts :—

Malabar se 652,000 North Arcot... 82,000

Madura sos 141,000 Karnual acts 82,000

Tanjore £90 112,000 Bellary ses 70,000

Cuddappah ... 98,000 Nellur ais 61,500

Tinnevelli ae 90,000 Salem 500 51,000

Kistna Bee 87,000 South Arcot... 49,000

South Kanara ... 83,000 Godaveri wate 39,000

No. 36.—1888.] THE MOORS OF CEYLON. 243

nearly all the Muhammadans of Malabar are Mapillas, nearly

all the Muhammadans in Tinnevelli, Madura, and Tanjore are

Lubbays. The figures, in round numbers, are these :—Of the

1,935,000 Muhammadans, 515,000 are Lubbays (speaking the

Tamil language); 496,000 are Mapillas (speaking the Malai-

yalam language); and the rest are Shaiks, Sayyids, Pathans,

and Mughals (speaking mostly the Hindustani language).!

Hindustani, as is well known, is a language of modern

creation, being the camp language of the motley crowd of

Mughals, Pathans, Persians, and Turks, and Punjabis, Hindis,

Urdus, and other native inhabitants of India, who formed the

soldiers and camp followers of the Muhammadan conquerors.

The Hindutstani-speaking Muhammadans of the present day

in India are partly the descendants of this heterogenous

body through Indian mothers. The wave of Islam, it is well

to bear in mind, entered through the Punjab, gathered

strength all along the North-Western Provinces, Oude, and

Bengal, and only feebly touched the Madras Presidency. As

to the date of the conversion and the manner in which it took

place in the Punjab, the following remarks of Mr. Ibbetson are

valuable, as they throw some light into the course of conver-

sion among the Tamil and Malaiyalam-speaking Muhamma-

dans. Speaking of the Western Punjab, Mr. Ibbetson? says:—

“Farishta puts the conversion of the Afghan mountaineers

of our frontier and of the Gakkhars of the Rawalpindi division

atthe beginning of the thirteenth century, and it is certain that

the latter were still Hindus when they assassinated Mohammed

Ghoriin A.D. 1206.” Of the Eastern Punjab he remarks :—“ The

people of these districts very generally refer their change of

faith to the reign of Aurangzeb (1658-1707), and it is probable

Coimbatur ae 38,000 Vizagapatam ... 21,000

Trichnopoly ... 34,000 Ganjam ate 6,000

Chengalput .... 25,000 Nilgiris = 3,500

City of Madras, 50,000

‘See Hunter’s Imperial Gazetteer of India, s. v. “ Madras Presidency ”

and “ Malabar,”

* See Report of the Census of British India, vol. III, p, xix.

244 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. X.

that the tradition very nearly expresses the truth. Under the

Afghan dynasties, while the great provincial governors were

always Muhammadans, the local administration would appear

to have been in a great measure left in the hands of Hindu

chiefs who paid tribute and owed allegiance to the Sultan of

Delhi. It is tolerably certain that little attempt was made

at proselytising under the free-thinking Akbar. It would

appear, however, that during his reign and those of his

immediate successors the character of the administration

changed considerably—a more direct and centralised control

being substituted for an almost purely feudal system. The

change gave the people Musalman governors in the place of

Hindus, and must have greatly facilitated the systematic

persecution of the infidel which was instituted by Aurangzeb,

by far the most fanatical and bigoted, and probably the first

who was a bigot, among the emperors of Delhi. The local

traditions tell us that in many cases the ancestor of the

present Musalman branch of a village community adopted

Islam in order to save the land of the village from confisca-

tion.”” And he continues :—“‘In the eastern portion of the

Punjab the faith of Islam in anything like its original

purity was till quite lately to be found only among the

Saiyads, Pathans, Arabs, and other Musalmans of foreign

origin, who were for the most part settled in towns. The

so-called Musalmans of the villages were Musalmans in little

but name. They practised circumcision, repeated the kalimah,

or Muhammadan profession of faith, and worshipped the

village deities. But after the mutiny (1857) a great revival

took place. Muhammadan priests travelled far and wide

through the country, preaching the true faith and calling

upon believers to abandon their idolatrous practices. And

now almost every village in which Musalmans own any con-

siderable portion has its mosque, often a dome only, while

all the grosser and more open idolatries have been dis-

continued. But the villager of the East is still a very bad

Musalman. A peasant saying his prayers in the field isa

sight almost unknown, the fasts are almost universally

No. 36.—1888.| THE MOORS OF CEYLON. 245

disregarded, and there is still a very large admixture of Hinda

practice.” This quotation, while showing that the Musalmaén

religion was introduced into the Western Punjab in the

thirteenth and into the Eastern Punjab in the seventeenth

century, serves also to show that even in the premier province

of Islam, the highway of all Muhammadan conquerors, its

votaries are mostly converts from the Hindt races, which

occupy that part of the country, without an appreciable

admixture of blood with that of the foreigners. It further

shows that favouring times and a succession of a few but

zealous missionaries may effect in less than five, indeed two,

centuries the conversion of hundreds of thousands, nay

millions, of people, forthe Punjab has nearly twelve millions.

of Muhammadans against nearly ten millions of Hindas.

The Islam of the Mapillas in South India has an almost

similar but earlier history. The tradition among them, as

reported in the Imperial Gazetteer of India, is that in A.C.

$44 an Arab ship, or bagala, was wrecked on the island of

Chaliyam formed by the Beypiér and Kadelundi rivers, and

that the local Hinda ruler, whose policy was to foster trade,

received kindly the thirteen Arabs who were saved, and

granted them lands, whereupon other Muhammadans arrived,

together with afew enthusiastic missionaries. The Mapillas,

says the same authority, are Malaiydlam converts to Islam from

various castes. “A sea-faring life, trade with Arabia, and Arab

missionaries, led to extensive conversion among the Malabar

fishing races. At one time, after the European nations

appeared in Hastern seas, conversion was largely promoted by

the Zamorin of Calicut, with a view to procure seamen to

defend the towns on the coast.” ? The reason of the conver-

sion is correctly given in the following passage:—“ Hindas

found an easy refuge from their own stringent caste laws,

which debarred them from sea-faring pursuits, in the open

| arms of Islam.” Quilon was the principal port of Malabar

‘Vol. VI., p. 247, and vol. II., p. 330 (1st edition).

2 Vol. [X., p. 23 (2nd edition).

3 Vol. VI., p. 247 (1st edition).

246 JOURNAL, R.A.S8. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

which attracted traders from Arabia from the earliest times,

but the Mapillas, previous to the seventh century, saw nothing

in their tenets or practices worthy of acceptance or imitation,

for, like themselves, the foreigners were idolatrous and exclu-

sive. Indeed, up to the ninth century the Mapillas do not

appear to have come in contact with Muhammadans. As

already stated, it was only since A.C. 844 that the Arab

Muhammadans who were wrecked at Chaliyam, and the

missionaries who followed them, were able to offer to intend-

ing proselytes freedom from the trammels of caste, assurances

of esteem, and protection and the privilege of messing together

at the same board. From that time forward Quilon, called

Kollam by the natives, and Calicut (properly Kéli Kéddai,

“cockfort”’)!' opened up to their inhabitants adventurous

careers on the sea, through which alone in those days a com-

petency was possible to those who held no lands of their own.

The people had also the example of their Raja, Cheruman

Perumal,? who espoused the new religion, and, giving up

kingdom and family, retired to Mekka. The converts, high

and low, though devoted to Islam, adhere more or less to the

present day to their own native customs and speak the

Malaiyalam language.

Some centuries later we observe another town full of

Muhammadans risen into importance on the south-eastern —

sea-board of the Tamil country, some five and twenty miles

below the modern Tuticorin. Itsname was Kayal-paddanam,

or “the town Kayal,” which is of special interest to us, because

not only has it been the principal city of the Lebbes, but the

1 But see Hobson Jobson, “ Quilon.”

* He was a Tamil, and Viceroy of the Pandiyan king for the country

along the western coast of India, from Cape Comorin to Gékarna in the

South Canara District. In his day the people of Malaiyalam were Tamils,

who so loved Chérumén that he had no difficulty in proclaiming his own

independence. The work entitled Keraldlpatti refers to his times. See

also Mr, Logan’s Manual of Malabar, published recently, and believed to

be a work of high authority, the author having been Collector of the

District for many years.

No. 36.—1888.] THE MOORS OF CEYLON, 247

tradition there—and indeed in Ceylon—is, that a colony there-

from settled at Béruwala, near Kalutara, which is admittedly

one of the earliest centres, if not the very earliest centre, of

Isl4m in the Island. In 1290 the condition of this town is

described as follows by Marco Polo :—“Cail is a great and

noble city and belongs to Ashar, the eldest of the five brother

kings. It is at this city that all the ships touch that come

from the west, as from Hormos and from Kis (an island in

the Persian Gulf), and from Aden and all Arabia, laden with

horses and with other things for sale. And this brings a

great concourse of people from the country round about, and

so there is great business done in this city of Cail.” ! Bishop

Caldwell, commenting on this passage, says :—‘ Kayal stood

originally on or near the sea-beach, but it is now about a

mile and a half inland, the sand carried down by the river

(Tamraparni, on which it stands) having silted up the ancient

harbour and formed a waste sandy tract between the sea

and the town. It has now shrunk into a petty village.”

Consequent upon the desertion of the sea, another town

had to be founded, which bears the same name, Kayal. Dr.

Caldwell observes that it is admitted by its inhabitants that

the name of Kayal-paddanam has been given to it as a

reminiscence of the older city, and that its original name

was Chonakar-paddanam, or “the town of the Choénakar,”

which, I have said, is the name applied by the Tamils to the

Mapillas, Lebbes, and Moors, and assumed by these

communities to distinguish themselves from the other

religionists of Tamil India.

It appears to me that Kayal contains the keystone of the

history of the Tamil Muhammadans, just as Quilon and

_ Calicut contain that of the Malaiyalam Muhammadans. The

_ tradition in Kayal is, that a few missionaries or teachers from

- Cairo landed there and made it their headquarters in the

early part of the ninthcentury. In fact, itis said that K4yal,

'Col. Yule’s translation, vol. IT., p. 357.

248 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

or Cail, is only another form of Cairo, properly Kahira/}

The simplicity of the new creed, especially at a time when

the masses knew not whether to follow the Saivite sages or

their opponents, the Vishnuite Achariyas, was so attractively

preached that great numbers of Tamils of various castes were

converted. Negapatam, Nagur, Atirampet, and Kilakkarai

soon became other centres of proselytism. Inthetenth century

the Chola dynasty overthrew the neighbouring sister king-

doms of the Chéraand Pandiya,? and reigned paramount from

the vicinity of Madras to Cape Comorin. It was doubiless

subsequent to this period that the Tamil Muhammadans

of South India became known as the “Choliya Muham-

madans,” or more commonly Chéliyar, or people of the Tamil

country called Chéla-désam. To this day the Hindustani

Muhammadan speaks of his southern co-religionist as

“‘Choliya,”’ for, save as to religion, the vast majority of the

Choliyar are Tamils in point of language, general appearance,

and social customs, and for the following reason.

The men of Cairo, who are said to have originally settled

at Kayal, could not have been very many: including

priests and laymen, the proportion which they bore to

the annually increasing number of native converts must

have naturally diminished in an inverse ratio. Inthe course

of a century, after the arrival of the foreigners at that town,

it is perhaps too much to suppose that they could have repre-

sented even five per cent. of the proselytes, There are at the

present day 164,000 Christians among the Sinhalese and 82,000

among the Tamils, against 422 missionaries and ministers,

‘Perhaps there is some truth in this tradition, seeing that in the

marriage contract or kaduttam (properly kaditam, Tamil for “a paper”)

the mohr is always stipulated to be paid in “ Hyyptian gold.” The same

currency is referred to in the Ceylon kaditam.

*These three Tamil kingdoms occupied the whole of South India.

The Chéla kings originally reigned north of the Kaveri, having for their

capital a city near the site of the modern Trichnopoli. The capital city

of the Pandiyans was Madura, and that of the Chéras, Karir, in the district

of Koimbatir.

No. 36.—1888.] THE MOORS OF CEYLON. 249

of whom only 110 are Europeans.! For the purpose of

accounting for all this conversion, is it necessary to assume

that the European ministers, or their predecessors in office,

intermarried with the classes they had been converting ? It

might be said that the European clergy have either led a life

of celibacy or come to the scene of their labours with their

wives, and that the Egyptians and Arabs were situated

differently. It is true that the latter had the sea-borne trade

in their hands in the East previous to the advent of the

Europeans, and were to be seen in almost every port of im-

portance in India and Ceylon, but what evidence is there

that, abandoning finally their own homes and their love of

sea-faring life, they settled for good in South India or Ceylon

in vast numbers? The mistake consists in assuming that a

great proportion of the Africans, Arabians, and Persians who

navigated the Indian Ocean made new homes for themselves

on these shores, as if the pressure of population in their old

homes was too severely felt, or the advantages of the self-

imposed banishment outweighed the sorrows of parting from

their country, family, and early associations. The truth,

therefore, appears to be that only a small proportion of these

traders domiciled themselves in South India and Ceylon, and

that whatever changes have been wrought in the manners

and customs of the native converts are due as much to con-

tact with the passing traders as to the more permanent

example and teaching of the smaller knot of resident

foreigners. See, for instance, what vast changes have come

over non-Christian Tamils and Sinhalese by mere association,

in the course of business, with a handful of Europeans! But

change of manners and customs does not indicate change of

blood. Considering that not much more than 100 Europeans

have laboured in the cause of Christianity at any given period

_in the Island, and have made as many as 250,000 converts

i during three centuries, it may be concluded that the Egyp-

| tians and Arabs who settled at K4yal could not have infused

‘ Ceyion Census for 1881.

250 ‘JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. X.

their blood among the converts to so great an extent as to

materially alter their character. Small as this fusion of

blood must have been in the first instance, it would grow

weaker and weaker as each generation of descendants got

further and further removed from the original Arab or

Egyptian ancestor. Hence it is that the Choliyas continue to

be in point of language, features, physique, and social customs

still Tamils in all respects except religion.

In a paper read by Sir William Hunter! before the

Society of Arts on the Religions of India, he refuted the idea

that “ Isl4m in India is that of a conquering creed which set

up powerful dynasties, who in their turn converted, more or

less by force, the races under their sway,” and pointed out

that the part of Northern India which is most strongly

Muhammadan is the part most remote from the great centres

of Muhammadan rule. “The explanation is,” he said, “that

in Northern India Islam found itself hemmed in by strongly

organised forms of Hinduism of a high type, on which it

could make but slight impression. Indeed, Hindtism here

re-acted so powerfully on Islam that the greatest of the

Mughal sovereigns, Akbar, formally renounced the creed of

the Prophet and promulgated a new religion for the empire

constructed out of the rival faiths.” He then described the

process of conversion as follows : the Muhammadan mission-

aries and adventurers penetrated into outlying districts far

removed from the influence of the higher forms of Hindtism,

and preached there to the masses who were socially of low

standing. And he continues :—“To these poor people,

fishermen, hunters, pirates, and low-caste tillers of the soil,

whom Hindtism had barely admitted within its pale, Islam

came as a revelation from on high. It was the creed of the

governing race; its missionaries were men of zeal, who

brought the Gospel of the unity of God and the equality of

man in its sight to a despised and neglected population.

—_————_—<—_—_—.

* On February 24, 1888.

No. 36.—1888.] THE MOORS OF CEYLON. 251

The initiatory rite rendered relapse impossible, and made the

proselyte and his posterity true believers for ever.”

In the early part of this Paper! I said that about one-half

of the number of those whom the Ceylon Census returned

as Moors were “ Coast Moors,” that is, ‘“‘ Choliyas,” or, as the

Hneglish call them, “ Lubbays.” In the District of Batticaloa,

which is the premier district of Islam in the Island, the

Muhammadans call themselves ‘‘ Soni,” or ‘“ Choni,” which

appears to be only another form of Choli. Indeed, Mr. Pybus,

who was accredited in 1762 by the Government of Madras

to the court of the King of Kandy, speaks of the inhabitants

of the Eastern Province, where he landed, as “‘ Choliyars and

Malabars.” He evidently believed that a// those whom we

call Moors were “ Choliya,” for he says :—‘ Such trade as the

Island affords (exclusive, I mean, of what the Dutch reserve

to themselves) is carried on by Choliyars, of whom there are

great numbers at all the principal settlements belonging to

the Dutch and along the sea-coast; many at Candia and

others interspersed in villages in different parts of the

country.” ?

We are now in a position to deal with the question

whether the “Ceylon Moors” have a history different from

that of the “Choliyas” (“ Lebbes,” “Coast Moors”) which

I have just outlined. In the Transactions of the Royal

Asiatic Society Sir Alexander Johnston says :—“ The first

Muhammadans who settled in Ceylon were, according to the

tradition which prevails among their descendants, a portion

of those Arabs of the house of Hashim who were driven from

Arabia in the early part of the eighth century by the tyranny

of the Caliph Abd-al-melek Ben Merwan, and who, proceed-

ing from the Euphrates southward, made settlements in the

Concan, in the southern parts of the peninsula of India, on

the Island of Ceylon, and at Malacca. The division of them

which came to Ceylon formed eight considerable settlements.

' See p. 241, 2 Mission to the King of Kandy, pp. 36 and 41.

49—89 D

252 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Worx

along the north-east, north, and western coasts of that Island,

viz., one at Trincomalee, one at Jaffna, one at Mantota

and. Mannar, one at Coodramalé, one at Puttalam, one at

Colombo, one at Barbaryn, and one at Point-de-Galle.” 4

It is difficult to conceive an array of bagalas sailing together

in those early ages for over two thousand miles on the fitful

Indian Ocean, and making for the different ports above-

mentioned in different parts of the Island, as if there were

agents in those places appointed to receive the unfortunate

men. Buta grander difficulty exists. The Arab exiles were,

or were not, accompanied by their wives and daughters. If

they were so accompanied and settled with them in purely

Sinhalese districts like Kalutara and Galle, why did they

abandon both the Arabic and Sinhalese and take to the

Tamil? Or, if they came to Ceylon without their women and

took Sinhalese wives, why has the same survival of the Tamil

language occurred? It is impossible to accept this version

of wholesale Arab colonisation. It is too elaborate and inex-

plicable. But the crowning absurdity of the tradition

remains yet to be mentioned. Hashim, the son of Abdul

Manif, was the father of Abdul Muttalib, who was the father

of Abdullah, and grandfather of Muhammad the Prophet.

In so great veneration is the memory of Hashim held by the

Arabs, that among them the family of Muhammad are called

Hashimites, as Mr. Keene says in his Oriental Biographical

Dictionary: consequently, the Ceylon Moors would all be

Sayyids !—which they are not, and do not profess to be,

being only Sunnis of the Shafa’i sect. Sir Emerson Tennent

discredits the story for other reasons. He observes :—“ The

Moors, who were the informants of Sir Alexander Johnston,

probably spoke on the equivocal authority of the Tohfut-ul

mujahideen, which is generally, but erroneously, described

as a narrative of the settlement of the Muhammadans in

Malabar. Its second chapter gives an account of the manner

in which the Muhammadan religion was first propagated

7 Wolk, Jl, 105 Mais

ed nes

No. 36.—1888.] THE MOORS OF CEYLON. 253

there, and states that its earliest apostles were a Sheik and his

companions who touched at Cranganore about A.c. 822, when

on their journey as pilgrims to the sacred footprint on Adam’s

Peak.” ! The tradition reported by Sir Alexander Johnston

may bea wild exaggeration of that mentioned in the Tohfut-

ul Mujahidin, or of that which prevails among the Mapillas,

to the effect that their conversion was due to the Arab

mariners who were wrecked off Beypur in A.c. 844. At any

rate, there is a tradition in Ceylon, which is referred to by

Casie Chetty? (and, so far as the circumstances, but not the

years, are concerned, is not at all improbable), that the

ancestors of the “ Ceylon Moors” formed their first settle-

ment in Kayal-paddanam in the ninth century, and that_

many years afterwards, in the 402nd year of the Hijra,

- corresponding to A.C. 1024, a colony from that town migrated

and settled at Barberyn (Beruwala), I have already called

attention to the belief current in South India that Beruwala

is a colony of Kayal.

The discrepancy between the dates of colonisation given

in the tradition reported by Casie Chetty and that reported

by Sir Alexander Johnston is irreconcilable, as the one

refers to the early part of the ninth century and the other to

the early part of the eleventh century. In this state of conflict

we naturally turn to the history and literature of the Sinha-

lese for some light. The Mahavansa makes no mention

whatever of the Moors (Yonnu, Marakkalayo); but the

Rajavaliya * records that a great number of them arrived in

1505 from Kayal-paddanam, and attempted to settle by force at

Chilaw, and were beaten back by Dharmma Parakrama Bahu.

An earlier reference is contained in the Paravi Sandésa

(“Pigeon Message”), a poem written by Totagamuwe

Rahula Sthaviro, and addressed to the god Vishnu at Devundra

(Dondra) Dévalé. The pigeon is made to start from Jaya-

wardhana Kotté (the modern Cotta near Colombo), where

,, Tennent’s Ceylon, vol. I., p. 630, note (1). * Ceylon Gazetteer, p, 254-

3 Upham ’s translation, p. 274.

D 2

204 JOURNAL, R.A.S, (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

Sri Parékrama Bahu (1410-61) was then ruling, and to fly

along several villages to Dondra, carrying the prayer that that

monarch might be preserved and blessed. One of the villages

onthe route is Béruwala, which is described to be in the

occupation of “cruel and lawless Bamburas”’ (scil. mléchchas,.

“barbarians”’’). Another poem, the Kokila Sandésa, written

by Irugal Kulatilaka Sami, in the same reign, alludes to Béru-.

wala in similar language. I have not had time to get at

earlier references in Sinhalese literature, but I suspect none

such exist. We have, however, some information from.

foreign sources. In 1350 John de Marignolli was wrecked.

on the coast of Ceylon at “ Perivilis,’ which is supposed to

be Béruwala. “Here,” he says, “a certain tvrant, by name

Coya Jaan, an eunuch, had the mastery in opposition to the

lawful king. He was an accursed Saracen,” 7.e., Muham-

madan. We are also told that by means of his great treasures

he had gained possession of this part of the country. He

robbed De Marignolli of the valuable gifts he was carrying

home to the Pope.! Ibn Battta visited the Island six years

earlier (in 1344), but makes no mention whatever of Béruwala,,

though it lay directly on his route from Galle to Colombo.

He refers to Galle as a small town, to Colombo as the seat of

a pirate in command of five hundred Abysinnians, and to

Battalah (Puttalam) as the capital of a Tamil king, Arya

Chakkaravartti, “one of the perverseand unjust,” as the devout

traveller says, but of whose hospitality he is loud in praise. ?

By the light of these passages, and the circumstance that

the Sinhalese did not know in the early part of the fifteenth

century any more of the colonists who were found settled at

Béruwala than that they were barbarians, we may safely

conclude that Béruwala had not been seized upon by the

Muhammadans in 1344; that that hamlet, Galle, and

Puttalam, which are commonly believed to have received the

" Yule’s Cathay, p. 357.

* Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society, Ceylon Branch, vol. VIL., p. 56,

of the extra number.

No. 36.—1888.| THE MOORS OF CEYLON. 290

earliest Muhammadan settlements, did not contain any such

colonies at that period ; and that, though Arabs, Egyptians,

Abysinnians, and other Africans may have constantly come

to and gone from Ceylon, as merchants, soldiers, and tourists,

long beforethefourteenth century, comparatively few of them

domiciled themselves in the Island ; and that the settlement

at Béruwala, which the Ceylon Muhammadans generally

admit to be the first of all their settlements, took place not

earlier than the fourteenth century, say A.c. 1350. We may

-also safely conclude that this colony was an offshoot of Kayal-

‘paddanam, and that the emigrants consisted largely of a rough

and ready set of bold Tamil converts, determined to make

themselves comfortable by the methods usual among unscru-

pulousadventurers. Havingclean shaven heads and straggling

‘beards; wearing a costume which was not wholly Tamil,

nor yet Arabic or African even in part; speaking a low Tamil

interlarded with Arabic expressions ; slaughtering cattle with

their own handsand eating them; given to predatory habits,

and practising after their own fashion the rights of the

Muhammadan faith ;—they must indeed have struck the Sin-

halese at first as a strange people deserving of the

epithet “barbarians.” It is only natural that other colonies

‘should have gone forth from Kayal-paddanam, and not only

added to the population of Béruwala, but settled at other

places, such as Batticaloa, Puttalam, &c. With the advent of

the Europeans, communication with “the fatherland of the

‘Chonahar” (as Kayal is known) and Ceylon grew feeble, and

during the time of the Dutch must have practically ceased,

‘becausethe Muhammadan setilers, from their obstinate refusal

to become Christians, became objects of persecution to the

Hollanders, who imposed all manner of taxes and disquali-

fications on them. The distinction which the “Ceylon

Moor” draws between himself and the ‘Coast Moor”

(Chammédnkaran) is evidently the result of the cessation of

intercourse thus produced and continued for several decades

between the mother-country and her colonies. .

Having thus shown that the history of the Moors of

256 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou X.

Ceylon, no less then the language they speak, proves them to:

be Tamils, it remains to consider their social customs and

physical features. But I do not propose to dwell at length

on these points, not only because they are apparent to most

of us who reside in the Island, and this Paper has far exceeded

the limits I set upon it, but also because, in January last,,

when Mr. Bawa’s Paper on the Marriage Customs of the Moors.

of Ceylon was read, I pointed out what the requirements of a

marriage were according to the law of the Prophet, but how

different were the ritesand customs practised by the Moors, and

how many of those customs, such as the stridhanam (indepen-

dent of the mohr), the dlatti ceremony, the bridegroom wear-

ing jewels though prohibited by the law, the tying of the ¢alz,

the bride wearing the kurai offered by the bridegroom, and

the eating of the patchoru, were all borrowed from the Tamils..

I also commented on other customs, such as the absence of

the purdah system (or rigid seclusion of women), and of

prayer in the streets and other public places, both of which

customs are foreign to Tamils, but germane to Egyptians and

many clans of Arabs.

I shall therefore pass on to their physical features. Of

these, the best marked race-characters, according to Dr.

Tylor,' are the colour of the skin, structure and arrangement

of the hair, contour of the face, stature, and conformation of

the skull. On all these points there is, in my opinion, no

appreciable difference between the average Tamil and the

average Moor. If he were dressed up like a Tamil he

would pass easily for a Tamil, and vice versd. As re-

gards cranial measurements, I would add that in a

famous trial for murder (known as “the Chetty street

murder case’’), in which I appeared in 1884 as counsel, I

had to be in consultation with three of our leading doctors of

medicine and surgery (having large experience of the country

and its people)? on the question whether the skull produced

‘Art. “Anthropology” in Encyclopedia Britannica, 9th edition, p. 111.

?Dr. J. L. Vanderstraaten, M.D.; Surgeon-Major L. A. White, M.R.C.S ;.

and Dr. W. G. Vandort, M.D., C.M.

No. 36,—1888.| THE MOORS OF CEYLON. 207

in the case was the skull of a Tamil or not, and they were

unanimously of opinion that it ‘might be as much the skull

of a Moorman or a Sinhalese as of a Tamil: so difficult

would it be to distinguish between the skulls of the three sec-

tions of our community! The results of Prof. R. Virchow’s

inquiry into the physical anthropology of the races of Ceylon,

as contained in his Paper on the Veddas of Ceylon and their

relation to the neighbouring Tribes,! are unfortunately of

little value from his want of local knowledge, which prevents

him from discriminating between the right and the wrong

information given by the writers on Ceylon whom he quotes,

and from his candid admission that the skulls submitted to

him were too few,if not of doubtful identity. Commenting

upon the Moorish skull, for instance, he says :—“ So far as I

can learn, there is only one skull of a Moor in Europe .... It

is accordingly orthodolichocephalic and chameprosopic. A

further comparison is scarcely desirable, because from a single

skull no judgment can be formed as to whether it is really

typical of the race.”? And he mentions that, until of

late only a single Tamil skull was known in Europe, and

that his conclusions are based upon an examination of this

skull and of three others forwarded to him as Tamil skulls

from Colombo. Besides the question of the identity of

these skulls, it appears to me that-four cannot be taken to be

typical of the Tamil race. As the upper classes of Tamils

- cremate their bodies, a legitimate comparison with the other

races, class for class, would be always a matter of difficulty.

Ido not feel myself free to conclude this Paper without

making a few remarks on the name by which the “Ceylon

Moors” and the “ Coast Moors” (Lebbes, Choliyar, Chamman-

karar) are known among the native races of India and

Ceylon in the midst of whom they live. The Sinhalese call

them Yonnué and the Tamils Chonahar. It is supposed by

those few of the Moors who would (like the Mauri of old,

' R. A.S. Journal, Ceylon Branch, vol, ix., pp. 850-495.

> R. A. S. Journal, Ceylon Branch, vol. ix., p. 451.

258 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL X.

described by Gibbon) “adopt the language, name, and origin

of Arabs, that this very name of Yonna or Chonahar is

evidence of the origin of the Moors from Arabia,” because

Arabia in Sanskrit is Yavana, in Pali Yonna, and in Tamil

Chénaham or Sonaham.

The descent of Yonna from Yavana must be conceded on

the analogy of Jona, Pali for salt, being derived from the

Sanskrit /avana; but it may be contended that Chénahar

with a long o cannot be traced as clearly from the Sanskrit.

A more direct derivation, it has been pointed out to me by

the Rev. Father Corbet, is from the Arabic shina, “a ship

of war,” and shuna could easily have become shona through

the Hindustani, which often tends to change the long u into 0.

If this be so, Chonahar (in which har would represent the

Tamil plural form) would mean warlike people. Father

Beschi, in his Tamil Dictionary, says that the name is a

corruption of ‘Chola-nahara people.” Mr. C. Brito! thinks

it is derived from sunni, as the bulk of the Moors are

Sunnis of the Shafa’i sect.

But even if we accept the position that Chonahar is derived

from Yavana, it does not at all follow that the Moors are Arabs,

for the long and shifting history of the Yavanas in India,

which is now well known, points to a different conclusion.

They are mentioned in the Maha Bharata with the Sakas

(Scythians), Pahlavas (Persians), Kambojas, &c., to denote

warlike races outside the limits of India, and differing from the

Indians in religious faith and customs. The term Yavana?

having been identified with Ionia, Dr. Hunter has shown in

his delightful work on Orissa * how the Ionians “ at once the

most Asiatic and the most mobile of the Greek colonists in

Asia Minor,” came to be confounded by the Persians as early

as B.C. 650, and through them by the Indians, with the

' Yalpina Vaipava Malai, Appendix, p. 82.

?Dr. Rajendra Lal Mitra identifies yavana with Sans. yuvan, Lat.

juvenis, as indicating the “ youthful” or new race of AsiaticGreeks. See

Indo- Aryans, vol. IL., p. 177. $Vol. 1.

No. 36.—1888. | THE MOORS OF CEYLON. 259

whole Greek race. After Alexander the Great’s expedition

to India at the close of the fourth century B.cC., the term

Yavana was applied in Indian literature to the Greeks. In

the rock inscriptions of Asdéka, for instance, Antiochus, the

Greek king, whose eastern dominions covered great portions

of western Asia, is referred to as “ Antiacho, the Yona king”

(B.C. 250); and Patanjali (B.c. 130) records “that the

Yavanas eat lying down.” Since the invasions of Alexander

and Seleucus, the Ionians had _ established themselves

beyond the Indus, and even gone as far as Oude, for the

Sanskrit grammarian just mentioned records that the Yavanas

laid seige to that city. They then pushed their way to the

Buddhist kingdom of Magadha, and advanced into Orissa

as Buddhists, where they founded a Yavana dynasty. Being

expelled therefrom in A.C. 473, they moved southwards,

overthrew the Andhra kingdom, the capital of which was

Warangul (half-way between the Godaveri and Haiderabad),

and ruled in that part of the country till A.c. 963, when

their downfall occurred amidst a great religious revival which

ended in the overthrow of Buddhism and the re-establish-

ment of the Saiva faith. From this period the Ionians

disappear from Indian history, being most probably absorbed

by the war and persecution which characterised the times.

But the name Yavana survived as meaning @ people who came

From the north and brought in new religious rites. ‘“'These,”

says Sir William Hunter, “ were the two crucial characteris-

tics of Yavanas in the Hindt mind, and in the end they led

to the transfer of the name to a people more widely separated

by race and religion from the Ionians than the lonians from

the Hindé. For the north was again about to send

forth a race of invaders bringing with them a new faith,

and destined to establish themselves upon the wrecks of

native dynasties and native beliefs. The Musalman invasions

of India practically date from the eighth century, when

the Arabs temporarily conquered Sindh. The first years

of the eleventh century brought the terrible Mahmud

Sultan, whose twelve expeditions introduced a new era into

260 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

Hindustan. From this time it becomes difficult to pronounce

as to the race to which the term Yavana applies. At first,

indeed, the Musalman invaders, especially in Southern

India, were distinguished from the dynasties of Ionian

Yavanas by the more opprobrious epithet of Mlechchas. But

as Islam obtained firmer hold upon the country, this dis-

tinction disappeared ; and popular speech, preserving the old

association of northern invasion and a new creed with the

word Yavana, applied it indiscriminately to the ancient

Tonians and to the new Musalmans. Before the Muhammadan

power, the heretic and the orthodox dynasties of India alike

collapsed, and in a few centuries the ancient Yavanas had

ceased to preserve any trace of their nationality. All former

differences of race or creed were pulverised in the mortar of

Islam, and the word Yavana grew into an exclusive epithet of

the Musalmans.” Prof. Weber has emphasised these views in

his History of the Indian Literature, and proves conclusively

that the Arabs and other Muslims were the last to receive the

name of Yavanas. From the ninth to the fourteenth centuries

the Muhammadans in South India were known as Mlechchas,

or “barbarians,” just as the Sinhalese knew them in Ceylon

in those ages as Bamburo. In later days they knew them

as Yonno, while the Tamils learnt to use the word Chonahar.

To sum up. It has been shown that the 185,000 Moors in

the Island fall under two classes, “Coast Moors” and

“‘ Ceylon Moors,” in almost equal numbers; that the “Coast

Moors” are those Muhammadans who, having arrived from

the Coromandel coast or inner districts of South India as

traders or labourers, continue steadily to maintain relations

of amity and intermarriage with their friends in South

India; and that such “ Coast Moors” are Tamils.

As regards the nationality of the “Ceylon Moors,” number-

ing about 92,500 out of the 185,000, we have ample reasons for

concluding that they too are Tamils,—I mean the masses of

them ; for, of course, we meet with a few families here and

1 Page 220, note.

No. 36.—1888. | THE MOORS OF CEYLON. 261

there—say, five per cent. of the community, or about 5,000

out of the 92,500—who bear the impress of an Arab or other

foreign descent. Even the small coterie of the Ceylon Moors,

who claim for themselves and their co-religionists an Arab

descent, candidly admit that on the mother’s side the Ceylon

Moors are exclusively Tamil. All that remains to be proved,

therefore, is, that their early male ancestors were mainly

Tamils. For this purpose I have sketched the history of the

Ceylon Moors. I have shown the utter worthlessness of a

tradition among them that a great colony of Arabs of the

house of Hashim made settlements at Béruwala and other

parts of the Island, and have adduced reasons for accepting

as far more probable the tradition reported by Mr. Casie

Chetty, that the original ancestors of the Ceylon Moors

formed their first settlement at Kayal-paddanam, and that

many years afterwards a colony from that: town—“ the father-

land of the Chonagar’’—migrated and settled at Béruwala.

I have further shown how similar the history of the Ceylon

Moors is to that of the Coast Moors; how intimately con-

nected they were with each other till the Dutch began to

persecute them in Ceylon ; how the intercourse between the

mother-country in South India and Ceylon was arrested about

150 years ago; and how the distinction arose thereafter

between the Ceylon Moors and the Coast Moors. By tracing

in this manner their history, that is, their descent, I arrive at !

the conclusion that the early ancestors of the ‘ Moors,”

Ceylon and Coast, were mainly Tamils on the father’s side,

as admittedly they are exclusively on the mother’s side.

Then, considering their social customs, I have pointed out

how closely they are a copy of Tamil institutions. I have

also touched upon their physical features and called attention

to the opinion of some of our leading doctors of medicine

and surgery, that the skull of a Moorman cannot be distin-

guished from that of a Tamil. In complete confirmation of

the inference drawn from these arguments is the evidence

afforded by language. The vernacular language of the Moors

is, as I have said, Tamil, even in purely Sinhalese districts.

262 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. X.

What diversities of creed, custom, and facial features prevail

among the low-country Sinhalese and the Kandyan Sinhalese,

between Tamils of the Brahmin or Vellala castes and of the

Paraya caste! And yet do they not pass respectively as Sin-

halese and Tamils, for the simple reason that they speak as

their mother-tongue those languages? Language in Oriental

countries is considered the most important part of nation-

ality, outweighing differences of religon, institutions, and

physical characteristics. Otherwise each caste would pass

for a race. Dr. Freeman’s contention, that “community of

language is not only presumptive evidence of the community

of blood, but is also proof of something which for practical

purposes is the same as community of blood,”! ought to

apply to the case of the Ceylon Moors. But, of course, in

their case it is not language only that stamps them as Tamils.

Taking (1) the language they speak at home in connection

with (2) their history, (3) their customs and (4) physical

features, the proof cumulatively leads to no other conclusion

than that the Moors of Ceylon are ethnologically Tamils.”

' Art. on Race and Language, Contemp. Review, p. 739, March, 1877.

* Besides our Dutch rulers, who believed that the Moors were only Tamil

Muhammadans, other authorities, who have mixed and moved with the

people of Ceylon and taken pains to study them, may be cited: such as

_ the Rev. James Cordiner, whose duties as Director of all Schools in Ceylon

during the administration of Governor North, 1798-1805, afforded him great

opportunities of collecting information and judging on all matters con-

nected with the sociology of the Island. At p. 139 of his work on Ceylon

he declares that the Moors are Tamils by race.

I would mention also the name of Mr. Simon Casie Chetty, who was a

Member of the Legislative Council of Ceylon for some years since 1838,

and whose opinions are recorded in his G'azettcer.

The editors of the Ceylon Observer, in their issue of December 10,

1885, said, ‘‘ We believe that fully 80 per cent. of the Muhammadans of

Ceylon are Tamils.”

And Mr. A. M. Ferguson, c.M.G., who has lived and laboured in Ceylon

for over fifty years, speaking at a meeting of the Royal Asiatic Society,

Ceylon Branch, held on January 26, 1888, observed, in reference to the

Paper read on that day, as follows :—‘“ The obvious reason why the marriage

customs of the Muhammadans were mainly Tamil was due to the fact,

that most of the proselytes made by Muhammadans in South India and

Ceylon were from the Tamil race.”

No. 36.—1888. | CAPTAIN JOAO RIBEIRO. 263

CAPTAIN JOAO RIBEIRO:

HIS WORK ON CEYLON, AND THE FRENCH

TRANSLATION THEREOF BY THE

ABBE LE GRAND.

By DONALD FERGUSON, Esq.

(Read July 26, 1888.)

at Trevoux in France a small volume with

the following title :—“ Histoire de lVIsle de

Ceylan. LEcrite par le Capitaine Jean Ribeyro,

& presentée au Roy de Portugal en 1685.

Traduite du Portugais en Frangois. A Trevoux, chez

Estienne Ganeau, Directeur de Imprimerie de 8S. A. 8.

Monseigneur Prince Souverain de Dombes. Avec Appro-

bation & Privilege. M. DCCI.” Almost simultaneously the

same book was issued in Paris, the first part of the

title being identical with the above, and the latter part

reading thus :—‘‘ A Trevoux, & se vend, a Paris, chez Jean

Boudot, Libraire de l’Academie Royale des Sciences, rué

S. Jacques, au Soleil d’or. M. DCCI. Avec Approbation &

Privilege.” The name of the translator is not given, the

epistle dedicatory heing signed simply with the initials

J. L. G. However, in the same year 1701 there was pub-

lished at Amsterdam a reprint of the above book, with the

following title :—“ Histoire . . . . en 1685. Traduite

du Portugais par Monsr. ’Abbe Le Grand. Enrichie de

Figures en Taille-douce. Suivant la Copie de Trevoux, A

Amsterdam, Chez J. L. de Lorme, Libraire. M. DCCI.”

Regarding the Abbd¢ le Grand, we learn the following facts

from the memoir of him by Pére Bougerel in Nicéron’s

‘“Memoires pour servir 4 histoire des hommes illustres,”

t. 26, and.the ‘“ Biographie Universelle,” t. 25.

264 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

Joachim le Grand was born at St. L6, in the diocese of

Coutances, in Normandy, on February 6, 1653, his parents

being Gilles le Grand and Marie Violet. After his first

studies he went to Caen to study philosophy under the

celebrated Pierre Cally. He had as a fellow-student Pierre

Francois de la Tour, who was afterwards General of the

Oratory. The friendship which they then formed termi-

nated only with their lives. Following the example of his

friend, he entered the Oratory in 1671, and whilst he

remained there he studied belles lettres and theology. He

left this in 1676 and went to Paris, where he was constantly

with the Pére le Cointe, who was engaged on the “ Heclesias-

tical Annals of France.” This learned man finding in the

Abbé le Grand an accurate memory, a fine judgment, a mar-

vellous sagacity for the discussion of facts, and a great love

of truth and of work, qualities and talents necessary for

success in history, did not hesitate to persuade him to give

his whole time to this subject. Hedid more: he was willing

himself to be his guide in a career so vast and so difficult.

With such help he acquired a wide acquaintance with

ancient titles and maps, an acquaintance which he largely

perfected in the Royal Library by the liberty which M.

Thevenot, who had charge thereof, gave him. He under-

took successively the tuition of the Marquis de Vins and

the Duc d’Hstrées. Meeting Dr. Burnet in Paris, he

engaged in a controversy with him on the subject of

the latter’s ‘“ History of the Reformation,” publishing his

opinions in a work issued in Paris in 1688 in three volumes,

12mo. The Abbé d’Estrées having, in February, 1692, been

appointed Ambassador to Portugal, chose the Abbé le Grand

as Secretary to the Embassy, and he went to Lisbon in

April. As the negotiations between France and Portugal

did not proceed very rapidly, the Abbe le Grand profited

by his leisure, and collected memoirs or relations concern-

ing the vast territories regarded by the Portuguese as

their conquests. He resided in Portugal until August, 1697,

and on his return to France he commenced to collect

No. 36.—1888. | CAPTAIN JOAO RIBEIRO. 265

material for a history of Louis XI. In 1701 he printed at

Trevoux, in 12mo., “ L’Histoire de I’Isle de Ceylan du

Capitaine Jean Ribeyro,” which he translated from the Por-

tuguese. He had found this work at Lisbon in the possession

of Dom Joao Luis d’Acunha. He did not content himself

with a simple translation, but augmented this history by

several chapters, under the name of “ Additions,” which he

derived from various manuscripts which were communicated

to him by the Marquis de Fontes, the Comte d’Ericeyra, and

many others. In 1702 he returned to Spain with the Abbé

d’Hstrées, and there developed his rare talent for negotia-

tions. On his return he was nominated Secretary of the

Pairie, and while holding this post published several

memoirs on the Spanish succession. In 1720 he was

commissioned to draw up an inventory of the collection

of maps; and he also finished his life of Louis X1., but this

work was not published. Towards the end of his life he

retired to Savigny, to the chateau of the Marquis de Vins,

his former pupil; but this nobleman having been cut off

prematurely, the Abbe le Grand returned to Paris, where he

died some months later of apoplexy, on April 30, 1733, in

his eighty-first year.

Le Grand’s translation was utilised to some extent in the

form of additions to Knox’s account of Ceylon, as reprinted

in Harris’s “ Voyages,” 1705 (vol. II., pp. 450-84), but not,

so far as I know, by other writers of the last century.

A little over a hundred years after the death of Le Grand,

viz., in 1836, the Royal Academy of Sciences of Lisbon issued

volume V. of the “Colleccéio de Noticias para a Historia e

Geografia das Nagdes Ultramarinas, que vivem nos Dominios

Portuguezes ou lhes sio visinhas,” the first part of which

volume contained “ Fatalidade Historica da Ilha de Ceilao,

Dedicadaa Magestade do Serenissimo D. Pedro II. Rei de

Portugal Nosso Senhor. Escrita pelo Capitéio Joao Ribeiro.”

To this is prefixed the following note :—‘‘ Extract from the

minutes of the proceedings of the Royal Academy of Sciences

at the sitting of 15 October, 1835. The Royal Academy of

266 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

Sciences resolves, that the manuscript intitled Fatalidade

Historica da Ilha de Ceiléo, escrita pelo Capitio Joao

fibeiro, which manuscript was offered to it by its member

D. Francisco de 8. Luiz, Secretary of the Academy, on

23 November, 1835, be printed, at its expense and under its

authority, in the Collecgéo de Noticias para a Historia

e Geografia das Nagides Uliramarinas. Francisco Elias

Rodrigues da Silveira, Vice-Secretary of the Academy.”

Finally, in 1847, there issued from the Ceylon Govern-

ment Press at Colombo a translation by Mr. George Lee,

Postmaster-General of the Colony, of Le Grand’s book, with

an appendix, containing many valuable papers by

different writers “illustrative of the past and present con-

dition of the Island.” Mr. Lee was unaware of the publi-

cation eleven years previously of Ribeiro’s work in the

original Portuguese, for he says in his preface :—“I doubt

whether Ribeyro’s History was ever published in the

Portuguese language ; itappears to have been procured, with

other public memoirs, by the Abbe le Grand, in Portugal,

through the kindness of the Dowager-Countess d’Hriceyra,

the lady to whom he dedicates his translation, and whom he

mentions as being descended from the illustrious house of

Menesez, of which two members had been Governors of

Ceylon.” But, stranger still, Sir Emerson Tennent, in the

first edition of his work on Ceylon, fell into the same error,

though he corrected it in the second and later editions

(see vol. IT., p. 4, note 6).

Returning now to the Portuguese edition of 1836, we

find in it the following prefatory note by the editors :—

“The MS. entitled Fatalidade Historica da Ilha de Ceiléo,

which was offered to the Academy by one of its members,

and which it now publishes, must be considered as the

original ; for, though not written in the handwriting of the

author, yet it has at the end of the dedication his autograph

signature ; and from this circumstance, as well as from

others, this appears to have been the very copy that was

offered to the King D. Pedro II., in 1685.

“The author (as he himself says in the Prologue) divides

his work into three books. In the first he shows what

No. 36.—1888. | CAPTAIN JOAO RIBEIRO. 267

‘Ceylon is, and the right of our Kings to that rich and precious

isle. This book consists of 24 chapters, and has at the end

the map of the Island. In the second he treats of the pro-

‘gress of the war which we carried on in Ceylon with the

natives and afterwards with the Dutch: it consists of 27

chapters. In the third he seeks to show the mistakes that

were made in the conquest of India, and is of opinion that

we should simply have taken and peopled Ceylon: this

consists of 10 chapters.

“From this it would seem that the laborious and praise-

worthy Barbosa Machado had not an exact acquaintance with

this work; for, speaking of it in the Bibliotheca Lusitana, he

says that it consists of two parts, and that the first has 24 chap-

ters and the second 10, which does not conform to the truth.

“As to the author himself, neither does Barbosa give us any

information, except his name, nor have we met with any

elsewhere. From a perusal of his work we learn :—

“That Joio Ribeiro, having gone to India with the Vicer oy

Conde de Aveiras Joio da Silva Tello, arrived in those

dominions in September, 1640. (Bk. II., chap. VIII.)

“That in October of the same year, being then 14 years

old, he was sent to Ceylon with 400 other soldiers, when the

Captain-General of the Island was D. Filipe Mascarenhas.

(Bk. II., chap. VIIT.)

“That he served the King forty and a half years, from

March, 1640, to October, 1680, when he returned to Lisbon,

nineteen and a half years of that service having been passed in

India and eighteen years in Ceylon. (Dedication and Bk. IIL,

chap. IX.)

“That in 1658, Jafanapatam having been taken by the Hol-

landers, Captain Joao Ribeiro was sent, with other prisoners

of war, to Batavia, and there thrown into prison. (Bk. IL.,

chap. XX VII.)

“Of his good service, and of the zeal and affection of which

he deemed the honour, the glory, and the interests of Portugal

worthy, we have frequent evidences throughout the whole

work, and in the reflections in which the author now and

again indulges. 7

“The work of Captain Joao Ribeiro has suffered the same

fate as, through our negligence, has befallen many other

works of Portuguese writers, which, not having gained the

attention of the authors’ fellow-countrymen, come into the

hands of strangers, not simply to be translated and published

by them, with some discredit to us and to our spirit of

inquiry and literary energy (which would be a lesser evil),

but to be so altered, mutilated, and maimed by unfaithful

and sometimes inapt translations, as to be discreditable alike

to the translator and to the author himself.

49-—89 E

268 . JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. X..

“This work with which we are dealing was translated into

French by M. le Grand; it was printed at Paris, Trevoux,

and Amsterdam, in the year 1701, in 8vo.,and was noticed in

the Journal des Scavans of May 30 and the Memoires de

Trevoux of March and April of the same year.

“In both these journals it is stated, and M. le Grand himself

confesses, that he did not confine himself to translating the

work of Ribeiro, but that he augmented it by many chapters

under the name of Additions.

“We should certainly be much indebted to M. le Grand if

this were the only liberty taken by him and carried out with

reference to his original; but he has done much more, viz.,.

(1) he has omitted whole chapters, as may be seen, for example,

in Book II., which in the original has 27 chapters and in the

translation 23; and in Book III., which, consisting in the

original of 10 chapters, has only 2, and these very short, in

the translation ; (2) he has altered, at his pleasure, the order

of the narrative and the distribution of the materials of the

chapters, omitting many things which appeared to him either

superfiuous or of minor importance; (3) he has shown (what

is most material) that in many and frequent passages he has

not understood the original Portuguese, with which language

he appears not to have been well acquainted.

“Of this last accusation, which may perhaps be considered

the most serious, we feel bound to give some proofs, that

it may be seen that we do not impute to M. le Grand errors

or defects that he has not allowed to be printed in his

so-called translation.

“In Book I., chap. III., near the end, the author says that

‘from the kingdom of Cotta were brought every year some

thousand champanas (which are like sumacas of forty tons).

of areca.’ The translator says that every year there were

brought from the kingdom of Cotta ‘more than a thousand

boats, each one of sixty tons, of a certain sand [d’un certain

sable| which is much used throughout all the Indies.’

“In chap. XIII. of the same Book I. Ribeiro says ‘ that the

soldier, captain, or commander who had married, and

wished the same day to retire from the service of the King,

might do so, such being the practice.’ M. le Grand says.

that ‘the soldiers and officers could quit the service when

they wished, so long as they did not desert.’

“In the same Book I., chap. XXI., the author, speaking of

the pepper of Ceylon and of the great value attached to. it,

reflects, that as the Chingalas have no eyes for this fruit,

except to pay their dues to their lords, ‘they gather it fully

ripe, and generally the greater part is allowed to ripen on

the trees,’ &c. The translator says, however, that the pepper

of Ceylon sells at a higher price than that of other places,

No. 36.—1888. | CAPTAIN JOAO RIBEIRO. 269

and that it appears to him that what contributes most to its

goodness is that the Chingalas ‘gather it before it is perfectly

ripe.’

“In Book I., chap. XXII., Ribeiro says that ‘the diver, as

soon as he rises [from the bottom of the sea] to the cham-

pana, is at liberty, until he who is at the bottom of the sea

ascends, to open with a knife as many oysters as he can, and

whatever he finds therein is his.’ The translator says that ‘if

the diver, during the time that he is below the water, can

open an oyster and finds a pearl, it is his.’

‘We omit many other passages, and do not notice frequent

less serious errors, as, for example, Villa-ponca for Villa-

pouca, Conde de Aveiro for Conde de Aveiras, Francisco

de Asiloca for Francisco da Silva, fifteen hundred (quinze

cens) for five hundred, &c.

“What has been said is more than enough to show that we

have not yet, at least, a translation of the work of Joao.

Ribeiro, and that the Academy has done a real service, both

to literature in general and specially to Portuguese literature,

in publishing the work of a writer who, beside the truth

and sincerity which are evident in his manner of writing,

relates what he saw, observed, and heard from the natives

of Ceylon during the 16 [szc] years that he lived there,

regarding the natural products of the Island ; the customs,

rites, religious opinions, and civil life of its inhabitants ; the

form of its government; the possessions which we had

there; the rights which our Kings obtained there; and

finally, the manner and means by which we lost the Island,

and it passed into the power of the Hollanders, &c.”

The reference to Ribeiro’s work made by Diogo Barbosa

Machado (Bibl. Lusit., 1747, vol. II., p. 734) mentioned above

is as follows :—“ Joao Ribeyro, Captain in the Island of

Ceylon, which he described as an eyewitness in a clear and

truthful style in the year 1685. Fatalidade,&c. MS.,4to. It

consists of 2 parts; the first has 24 chapters and the second 10.

It is preserved in the Library of his Excy. the Conde de

Castellomilhor. It was translated into French by Monsieur

le Grand under the following title: Histoire... . Paris,

1701. Trevoux, 1701.”

Barbosa Machado has also (vol. II., p. 68) the following

entry :—“ Pilippe Botelho, Priest, and native of the Island of

'This is hardly fair, for Le Grand corrected the error in his Errata.—D.F.

E 2

270) JOURNAL, R.A,S. (CEYLON). (VoL. X.

Ceylon, son of Portuguese fathers, composed with the highest

individuality and exactness Relagéo das guerras de Uva,

‘which was preserved in his choice Library by his Excy. the

Marquis de Abrantes D. Rodrigo Annes de Sa e Almeyda,

who communicated it to Monsieur Legrand, who translated

it into French, and it was printed, together with the Historia

de Ceilad, composed by Joao Rebeiro, also translated into

French. Trevoux, &c.”

How an error, once perpetrated, is liable to be perpetuated,

may be judged from the following extract from the Dviccio-

nario Bibliographico Portuguez of Innocencio Francisco da

Silva, 1860, vol. IV., p. 25 :—“ Jodo Ribeiro, soldier in India,

and Captain in the island of Ceylon, the events of which he

described in the year 1685 as an eye-witness: Fatalidade

historica da ilha de Ceyléo. Dedicada a magestade do

serenissimo PD. Pedro I1., rei de Portugal.—The original

Portuguese of this work, consisting of two parts, the first with

24 chapters and the second with 10, remained for many years

in manuscript, and was only printed for the first time in vol.

V. of the Collecgéo de Noticias para a historia e geographia

das Nagies Ultramarinas, published by the Royal Academy |

of Sciences, Lisbon, 1836. It was, however, translated into

French by M. Legrand, a few years after it was written, and

appeared in print under the title of Histoire de (ile de Ceylan,

par Jean kibeyro, &c., together with the translation which

the same Legrand made of the Relagdéo das guerras de Uva

by Filippe Botelho, Trevoux, chez Estienne Ganeau, 1701,

12mo. The Commander F. J. M. de Brito had copies of |

both, as appears from the catalogue of his library, quoted

already several times.”

It is strange that, while confessedly so little is known of

Captain Ribeiro, the editors of the MS. should be able to pro-

nounce with such assurance upon his signature, &c. But

let that pass. It will be seen that the editors make very

strong charges against the Abbe le Grand, of not only mis-

translating the original Portuguese, but mutilating the work

by leaving out passages and even whole chapters. Now,

No, 36.—1888. | CAPTAIN JOAO RIBEIRO. 27)

happily, Iam able to clear the character of the reverend

translator to some extent, though not entirely; and that in a

rather curious way. After the death of the late lamented

scholar Dr. Arthur Burnell, his valuable library was sold Gin

1884) by Mr. Bernard Quaritch, the well known antiquarian

bookseller of London, and some of the books came into my

possession, among them being a manuscript thus described

in the catalogue :—‘‘ Ribeyro (J.). Historia Oriental (in Por-

tuguese), three books, 4to., 203 pp., old calf.” When it

reached my hands I saw that it was Ribeiro’s work on Ceylon,

and I hoped that it might be the author’s autograph manu-

script; but a further examination soon showed me that this

was not the case. Owing to pressure of work in connection

with a daily newspaper, it was not until I was on furlough

in England in 1886 that I was able to look more carefully

into this manuscript, comparing it with the Lisbon edition

and Le Grand’s French translation, the result being that

I made the interesting discovery that this was the identical

manuscript from which the Abbé le Grand made his transla-

tion. The proof of this will be given further on. Meanwhile,

let us examine the various editions of Le Grand’s translation

of which the titles have been given above.

As I have shown, the Trevoux edition was the original, the

Paris one being identical with it except for the title-page, so

that we may consider these two together. After the title-page

comes the Dedication, covering seven pages; then the Author’s

Preface of three pages; the Translator’s Preface, five pages ;

Explanation of Names of Ranks, &c., one page; Table of the

Chapters, six pages ; various documents relating to the authori-

sation, &c., of the printing of the work, five pages; and Errata,

one page. Then comes the body of the work, running from

page 1 to page 352, with four extra pages, 187-90, at the end of

Book I., which I shall explain presently. Book I. contains

twenty-five chapters, the first twenty-four corresponding to

those of the Portuguese original, except that chapters XVII.

and XVIII. are transposed. But chapter XXV. is an entire

interpolation of Le Grand’s; it treats of the islands in the

272 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CHYLON). [ Vou. X.

neighbourhood of Jaffnapatam, and is founded on chapter

XLV. of Baldzus.! In Book II. there are twenty-three chap-

ters, against twenty-eight in the original. As far as chapter

XVIII. the chapters in the two versions correspond ; but chap-

ter XX. of the Portuguese is included in chapter XIX. of the

French ; chapters XXI. and XXII. in chapter XX.; chapters

XXIII, XXIV., and XXV. Portuguese in chapter XXI.

French; chapter XX VI. Portuguese becomes chapter XXII.

French, and chapter XXVII. Portuguese chapter XXIII.

French. (The abbreviations which the chapters have under-

gone I shall notice afterwards.) In Book III. the state of

affairs is almost worse, for the whole of the first seven chapters

of the Portuguese have disappeared, and chapter I. French

contains chapters VIII. and IX. Portuguese; chapter II.

French comprising chapter X. Portuguese. Beside the letter-

press, Le Grand’s book had seven copperplate engravings by

Berey, viz., one of the cinnamon and one of the talipot, and

plans of Colombo, Galle, Kandy, Trincomalee, and Mannar,

the one of Colombo being specially poor. But it also con-

tained an excellent (for that period) map of Ceylon by De

V’Isle, which is a marked contrast to the one found in the

manuscript from which the Lisbon edition of Ribeiro was

printed, and of which a miniature copy is given in Tennent.

Now as to the Amsterdam edition of Le Grand. It is, as the

title-page states, a reprint of the Trevoux edition, the correc-

tions given in the Errata of the latter having been embodied in

thetext. Soslavishly has the reprinter followed the original,

that at chapter XXV. he has repeated the paging 187-90,

though there was no necessity to do so, unless to make the

pagination correspond with that of the earlier editions, which,

however, it fails to do exactly.”

' This chapter was evidently written by Le Grand after the rest of the

book was printed, for it is printed on thinner paper than that used else.

where, and the paging 187-90 is repeated.

2 A later edition issued at Trevoux in 1707 I have not seen ; but one

published at Amsterdam in 1719 is simply the 1701 Amsterdam edition

with a new title-page, the publishers being Duvillard & Changuion.

No. 36.—1888. ] CAPTAIN JOAO RIBEIRO. 273

A word now as to Lee’s translation of Le Grand. From a

‘somewhat cursory comparison of it with the French I have

found the translation generally accurate, and have detected

only a few serious errors. One of these occurs in chapter

III. of Book I., where Le Grand has:—“‘On n’y manque pas

non plus de bre, ni de mines de fer.” Lee seems to have

misread bré (Portuguese breu, resin, pitch) as blé, and so

translates :—“ Nor is corn wanting, or iron mines.” ! He has

omitted several of Le Grand’s notes, but has appended many

of his own, which are generally useful and correct, In some

cases, however, he has been sorely mystified, owing to the

fault of Le Grand or his manuscript. These I shall touch upon

further on. He gives facsimiles of Le Grand’s plates, but not

of the map of Ceylon, which was missing from the copy of

Le Grand from which he made his translation. Though,

through no fault of his, Lee’s book cannot be accepted as a

faithful translation of Ribeiro, it will always be of value, if

only for the lengthy appendix referred to above.

I now come to consider the Burnell MS. of Ribeiro of

which I have spoken above. It is stated in the memoir

of Le Grand from which I have quoted that the Abbe

found the MS. at Lisbon in the possession of Dom Jof&o

Luis d’Acunha. (The MS. referred to by Barbosa Machado

‘may perhaps be the one from which the Lisbon edition was

printed.) Its subsequent history I have failed to trace. Dr.

Burnell seems to have purchased it from Maisonneuve & Co.,

of Paris, but the latter are unable to say how it came

into their hands. Itis a small quarto of 202 leaves, written

mostly in a clear hand, though in parts, especially at the end,

the ink has eaten through the paper and made it brittle like

tinder. It is bound in brown leather, with gilt ornamenta-

tion on the back and the single word “Fatalidade.” It

has no title-page, the first page containing the dedication of

1 Another most ridiculous blunder that he has committed is the

rendering throughout of Ribeiro’s “As Grevayas” (which Le Grand has

‘transferred to his French version without translating) as ‘‘the Gravets” !

Of course the Giruwa pattu is meant.

274 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X..

the work to the king. I give opposite a facsimile of this:

page, which has at the foot, as will be seen, a note in a

different hand, as follows :—“ Qualquer Liureiro pode em-

quadernar esta obra do Capp?” Joao Ribeiro g tracta das

Couzas de Ceila6 e comtade 202 Folhas. Sad D®* de Leon

de 7° de 1696 [?]. Fr. Gee do Crato.” That is :—‘‘ Any book-

seller may bind this work of Captain Joao Ribeiro, which

treats of the affairs of Ceylon, and contains 202 leaves.

Sao Domingos de Leon, September 1696 [?]. Freire (or

Francisco) Goncalo do Crato.” This seems to be an authori--

sation, indicating that the book contained nothing inimical

to “the Faith,” but who the writer was I cannot say.!

The date of the year is written apparently 1676, but 1696.

must be meant, as Ribeiro presented his MS. to the king of

Portugal in 1685. As Le Grand returned to France in 1697,

the MS. would therefore seem to have come into his posses-

sion only shortly before he left Portugal. At the end of Book

I, is a blank folding leaf, on which, evidently, a copy of the

map of Ceylon which the original MS. contains was to have

been made; but this was never done. Though, as I have

said, the copyist wrote for the most part in a beautifully

clear hand, he was, I am sorry to believe, not only careless.

but apparently dishonest, as I shall have to show.

Before proceeding to a more detailed comparison of the MS..

and the printed edition, I may mention some of the

general characteristics of the former. One of these is the

spelling of Portuguese words: thus we find pedllo for pelo,

chama for chamma, fes for fez, réais for reaes, adquerir

for adquirir, extillo for estilo, sogeito for sugeito, Ceyllad

for Ceiléo, sugessos for successos, serto for certo, jatangia

for yactancia, pricioza for preciosa, idifficios for edeficios,.

thomey for tomet, cencura for censura. All these examples

are taken from the Dedication and Prologue alone, while the

' Leon, where the footnote, and apparently the MS. also, was written, is,

I presume, the town in Spain, capital of the province of the same name.

I have not been able to ascertain whether the monastery of S. Domingos.

still exists there.

No. 36.—1888. | CAPTAIN JOAO RIBEIRO. | 275.

body of the work abounds in similar peculiarities of spelling,

of which I may instance swrgiaéd for cirurgido, sanguexugas

for sanguesugas, cocodrillo for crocodilo, pardvellas for

parabolos, Jazus for Jesus, Sseilad for Ceiliéo.

Another feature of the MS. is that it contains no erasures: in

some cases a word or a letter has been altered, but where the

copyist has written a whole sentence wrongly he has allowed

it to stand, putting alias after it, and then giving the correct

words. This is ingenious, and certainly has the advantage

of preserving theneat appearance of the MS. Another charac-

teristic of the MS. is the running together of several words

and the use of contractions, in the case of the word que

especially.

I shall now proceed to compare the MS. with the printed

edition, chapter by chapter, noting the chief points in which

they differ, and showing where Le Grand has blundered and

where he has been misled by the faithless copyist.

Book I.

In L.A.! we have a summary of the contents of the book

given : this is wanting in B., and of course therefore in LeG.

Chapter I.—LeG. has abbreviated this chapter, omitting the

statement of Ribeiro that Ceylon “By its position is the

mistress of all those regions which are commonly called India,

that is, the kingdoms and provinces which exist between the

two beautiful rivers Indus and Ganges : which in distance one

from the other comprise more than six hundred leagues of

coast.” In this passage, where L.A.reads formosos (beautiful)

B. has famozos (famous). While Ribeiro says that the length

of Ceylon is seventy-two leagues, LeG. deliberately alters this

to sixty-two. He also omits the comparison of the Gulf of

Mannar to the Adriatic, and the statement that it was thirty-

six leagues in breadth.

Chapter II.—L.A. has in one place a misprint Galle for

Gatte, the word being correctly given a little lower down.

'T use the following contractions :—L.A. for the Lisbon Academy printed

edition ; B. for the Burnell MS. ; LeG. for Le Grand’s French translation.

276 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von x.

In the list of kingdoms on the Malabar coast LeG. has Tala

for Lala (the LZ in B. looking very like a 7’), Changatte for

Mangatte (the latter is the reading in both L.A. and B.), and

Achinota for Chinota (B. having misled him). Healso makes

Ribeiro say “the Samorin, which I ought to put first,” whereas

Ribeiro gives the Samorin fourth in the list. (B. reads 0

Damorim.) In the list of the divisions of Ceylon, LeG. has

Asgrevaias for as Grevayas of L.A. (B. reading asgrevayas).

LeG. has also omitted, by an oversight, Cucurucorla from

the list.

Chapter IIT.—Ribeiro says of the king of Cotta :-—

“ Almost the whole of his lands are forests of Cinnamon, and

extend from Chilao to within two leagues of the pagoda of

Tanavare.” This LeG. transforms as follows:—“It is

specially in his territory that the cinnamon grows; there is

a forest of it of twelve leagues between Chilaon and the

Pagoda of Tenevaré.” Regarding the cinnamon tree, Ribeiro

says:—“Its leaf is in appearance like that of plantain

[plantago], in so far as relates to the three stalks that it has;

the shape of it, however, is like that of the Laurel ; crushed

between the fingers, the odour is like that possessed by the best

cloves of Rochelle.” This LeG. translates :—“'The leaf of the

cinnamon greatly resembles that of the laurel; .... if it is

crushed between the fingers it emits a very agreeable and at the

same time very powerful odour.” Ribeiro also says :—“....

as it rains every day it [the cinnamon tree] does not lose its

leaves,” which LeG. makes :—“.... it [the leaf] never falls,

although it often rains in that country.” LeG. also omits

Ribeiro’s statement that the precious stones were found in a

region “sixty-seven leagues in circumference.” Among the

precious stones Ribeiro mentions “ vobdzes, verlis, taripos”:

the first of these LeG. omits, and the other two he transfers

without translating. Lee makes them “beryls” and “tourma-

line,” ‘which is probably correct. I cannot find the word

robéz in any Portuguese dictionary ; but Stevens’s Spanish

dictionary has “Aobdso, the precious stone called a corne-

lian,” and “Rubdea,a red stone, of less value than a ruby,

called a garnet.” LeG. says that Brazil wood is called in

No. 36.—1888. | CAPTAIN JOAO RIBEIRO. aren

India “sapaon,” and B. has “ sapad”’; curiously enough, L.A.

has the false reading “ Saprao.” Wenow come to the famous

statement of LeG. that “from the kingdom of Cotta alone

there are obtained yearly more than a thousand boat-loads,

of sixty tons each, of a certain sand which has a great sale

throughout the whole of India.” Now there are two gross

errors here. In the first place, the boat-loads (champanas,

L.A.; chapanas, B.) were, according to Ribeiro (L.A. and B.),

sumacas of forty tons (quarenta toneladas) each; how

LeG. made this blunder I cannot imagine. But the other

error is far more serious, and for it not LeG. but B.

is responsible. The latter states that the article exported

from Cotta and so largely consumed in India was “area,”

which LeG. naturally enough translated “sable” (sand).

_ Lee in his translation of LeG. appends a footnote to this

as follows :—“‘I cannot discover what this sand is—no article

of export of the kind is found now.” If he had had the

Lisbon printed edition of Ribeiro before him, he would at

once have detected the error. It is noteworthy that Sir

EKmerson Tennent, though he was not, when he wrote, aware

of the existence of this printed edition of Ribeiro, solved the

mystery. In a note on page 27 of vol. II. he says:—“A

passage in Ribeyro’s account of the productions of Ceylon

has puzzled both his translators and readers, as it describes

the Island as despatching ‘tous les ans, plus de mille bateaux,

chacun de soixante tonneaux, d’un certain sable, dont on

fait un trés-grand debit dans toutes les Indes.’—ch. iii.

Lee naively says that ‘ he cannot discover what this sand is.’

But as Le Grand made his French translation from the

Portuguese MS. of the author, it is probable that by a clerical

error the word arena may have been substituted for areca, the

restoration of which solves the mystery.” There is a slight

error here, the Portuguese word for “sand” being aréa (mod.

areia), and not arena. Moreover, LeG. did not, as we

now know, make “his French translation from the Portu-

guese MS. of the author.” Ribeiro further says that Ceylon

produces “also a large number of elephants, much pepper,

278 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Von. X.

both of which are considered the best in the whole of the

Hast,” which LeG. expands into :—“It is well known how

much the Mogol, the Kings of Pegu, of Siam, and other

Indian Kings value the Elephants of Ceylon. The Pepper

that grows in this Island is sold at a much higher price than

that of other countries.” I have referred above to Lee’s

mistake in translating “bré” as “corn” instead of “resin”’;

but in fact Ribeiro says that Ceylon produces “‘ much resin of

two kinds”: these he describes more fully in chapter XI.

LeG. has a long Addition to this third chapter, in which

he deals with cinnamon, areca (this makes it the more

remarkable that he did not detect the error of “ area’’), the

talipot, &c. Among other things he says :—“I do not think

that the white sandal is as common in Ceylon as Jean

Ribeyro says, at least there is not much trade in it, and all

the good white sandal is obtained from the Island of

Timor.’ Now Ribeiro nowhere that I can find makes the

statement here attributed to him, so the worthy Abbe is

knocking down a man of straw of his own erection.

Chapter IV.—Ribeiro says that Colombo was situated on

a bay (bahia). B. has the absurd reading “ botica” (apothe-

cary’s shop), but LeG. has had the sense to write “ anse”

(creek). B. has also the nonsensical reading “sirvada”’

for “ situada.” This chapter is a very short one, and

enumerates the chief towns, &c., all round the coast of

Ceylon, with the distances between each. To it LeG.

appends the following remarks :—‘“ The Nations have not

yet come to an agreement with respect to measures: the

leagues are in some countries double and treble what

they are in others; so that one cannot be surprised that

the Authors who have written on the Island of Ceylon

are so little in accord among themselves as to its extent ;

but it seems extraordinary that a single writer does not

agree with himself. Jean Ribeyro says in the first chapter

that this Island has a circumference of one hundred and

ninety leagues, and by the reckoning which he here

makes we can find only one hundred and sixty-six. The

No. 36.—1888. | CAPTAIN JOAO RIBEIRO. 279

Dutch, however, give it as two hundred ; for with respect

to its area they make it fifty-six and a half leagues in

breadth, and its length they reckon also as fifty-six and a

half leagues from Ponte de Galle to Triquinimalé : whereas

Jean Ribeyro only gives it forty-seven leagues in its

greatest breadth, and likewise reckons only forty-six from

Ponte de Galle to Triquinimalé; which shows that there

is the difference of one-fifth in the method of reckoning

of our Author as compared with that of the Dutch, and

that thus it is not so difficult to reconcile them; and that

if the Island of Ceylon is one hundred and sixty-six

Portuguese leagues in circumference, it must be about two

hundred leagues, following the scale of the Dutch.” All.

this is very ingenious, but is completely beside the mark ;

for Ribeiro agrees perfectly with himself in this chapter

and the first in making the circumference of the Island

one hundred and ninety leagues. The fact is, that the careless

copyist of B. (Le Grand’s MS.) has omitted several lines

referring to Batticaloa, which give the very figures (24)

required to make up the 190.

Chapter V.—LeG. gives a fair, though rather free, trans-

lation of this chapter. I may simply mention that the

statement that the emperor of Ceylon sent “two” ambassa-

dors and “a crown of gold” to the king of Portugal

is an interpolation of Le Grand’s. Ribeiro says that on his

baptism the emperor took the name of “D. Jo&io Parea

Pandar”: LeG. transforms “Parea” (or “Parca,” as B.

has it) into “Parera,” and this Lee further alters into

“Perera”?! LeG. has two lengthy Additions to this chapter,

in which he supplements from other sources the information

given by Ribeiro.

Chapter VI.—Le Grand’s translation is again somewhat

free, but a fair representation of the original. He has an

Addition to this chapter also.

Chapter VII.—There is nothing particular to remark on this

chapter, except that LeG. has here (as elsewhere) rendered the

“ola” of the original (“ olla” in B.) by the word “lettre.”

280 JOURNAL, k.A.S. (CEYLON). EV.en. 2X.

Chapter VIII.—This is a very short chapter, and LeG.

has given the general sense of it; but he has made one

serious blunder. Ribeiro says that D. Hieronimo de Azevedo,

after his entry into Kandy, “was lucky in being able to

retire, with the loss of three hundred Portuguese and many

Lascarins of the Emperor’s dominions,” whereas LeG.

states that “he thought himself fortunate in being able to

retire with only three hundred Portuguese and some Las-

carins of the Emperor of Ceylon.” (ee has “ Cotta.’’)

Le Grand’s addition to this chapter is three times the length

of the latter. In it he says that Dom Joao “reigned more

than thirteen years after the death of Pedro-Lopés de Souza,”

whereas in a note to the chapter itself (which Lee omits) he

says, ““ He lived nearly ten more years after this,” that is,

after the defeat of D. Hieronimo. LeG. says that Henar

Pandar on coming to the throne took the name of “ Cam-Apati-

Maha-d’ Ascin,” which, Lee says in a note, “is not to be

found among Singhalese authors, and its orthography is not

in any manner to be twisted into a Singhalese name.” Le

Grand has here copied from Baldzus, who in chapter VIII. of

his work on Ceylon makes the above statement, and also gives

the meaning of three-fourths of this title, the correct spell-

ing of which is, I suppose, “ Kshamapati Mahadarsin.”

Chapter LX.—This gives an account of the death of the

Kmperor Dom Joao, after donating the Island of Ceylon to the

King of Portugal. Ribeiro states that the emperor’s nephew

was sent to Portugal and ordained as a priest, being granted

an allowance for his support; and he adds in paren-

theses :—“ We knew this Prince at one time, and called him

‘de Telheiras,’ from the place where he resided, and in which

locality he founded an Oratory for the Brothers of St. Francis.”

LeG. enlarges this somewhat, and then fathers upon

Ribeiro the following statement :—“I have seen the Act of

Foundation, which is of the month of June of the year 1639,

and his will, which is of the month of March, 1642.

Although a Priest, he had by Susanne d’A breu two daughters,

both of whom were Nuns of the Cordeliers at Via Longa.

No. 36.—1888. | CAPTAIN JOAO RIBEIRO. 281

One of them was Abbess when I went there on the 19th of

January, 1693. He gives orders in his will that his Cousin

D. Philippe, Canon of Coimbra, shall be interred on one side

of the Altar, and himself on the other ; and names as execu-

tor of his will one D. Jacques of Ceylon, alsoa relative of his.”

No wonder that Lee was mystified by this passage, and to the

date 1693 appended the note :—“ There must be an error in

this date, as this work is stated in the title-page to have been

presented to the king of Portugal by Ribeyro in 1685.”

Chapter X.—Ribeiro states that the territory bequeathed

by the Emperor Dom Joao to the King of Portugal contained

21,873 villages; but LeG. makes the number 21,863.

There are numerous details omitted by LeG. For instance,

Ribeiro enumerates the articles which the “mayors”

of villages were bound to supply to the Emperor’s troops

when on march, viz., “ chickens, hens, butter, kids, cows, and

pigs.” LeG. also fails to apprise us of the interesting fact

that ‘all these villages have coolies [L.A. “‘Culles,” B. “ cules” ],

who are for the carting,” &c. In the list of trades, &c., Ribeiro

mentions “mainatios” (washermen), “yagreiros” (jaggery-

_ makers), “pachas” (classed with sandal-makers and_ barbers,

)asof low caste 1), ““cornacas” (elephant-keepers), and “chalias,”

all of which we fail to find recorded in LeG. In the case

of the “ cornacas” this is due to the omission of some lines in

B. The total weight of cinnamon obtained yearly by the

King of Ceylon is said by LeG. to have been 10,565

quintals : the figures in Ribeiro are 10,575. According to

Ribeiro, the overseer of the gem-diggers in Sabaragamuwa

was called “ Vidana das agras”’: this appears in LeG. as

“ Vidava dasagras,” the printer having misread the n of the

first word as a uw; Lee translates the title as “vidahn

aratchy,” which is hardly justifiable. To this chapter also

LeG. has appended an Addition.

' Clough has “ Pachayd, aman of a degraded tribe, a low caste man,”

(See also chapters XI. and XVI. of Ribeiro.) ;

282 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vour. X.

Chapter XIT.—Here again Ribeiro mentions the “pachds ”

(B. “ Pachaos”’), and LeG. has transferred the word with-

out explaining it. Lee puts a note to it as follows :—“ Per-

haps this is a mistake of the copyist for paduwas, originally

palanquin-bearers from the coast,” but this explanation is

unsatisfactory. In rendering Le Grand’s (and B.’s) “ Butate-

gama” (L.A. “ Butalegama’”’) as Bulatgama, however, Lee is

no doubt correct. In speaking of the payment by the natives

to their chiefs of taxes, Ribeiro says that the principal article

in which payment was made was “aréca, which is highly

valued throughout India.” This LeG. deliberately alters

into “ Areca, which is a leaf that is greatly valued,” &c. ;

and Lee goes still further and says :—“The tax is more

especially paid in betel, which is a leaf,” &c. In this chapter

LeG. has preserved the “Culles” (coolies) and “ dotteto”

(muttettu) of Ribeiro. LeG. says that “ The forests of Ceylon

are rich in productions which might be serviceable to

commerce.” This can hardly be called a fair translation of

Ribeiro’s words, which are :—“ Moreover, the forests contain a

great quantity of cocculus (coca).” LTreferred above to the fact

that Ribeiro states that Ceylon produces two kinds of resin ;

these are mentioned here, and one is particularly described,

which he says the people of India call “ chandarrius.” Lee has

a note to this :—“I do not think this word is known in Ceylon

—ithe gum mentioned is the Doommala, a kind of copal.”

As I have shown above, Ribeiro specially says that it was

in India that the name “chandarrus” was used. The

word is found in Arabic and Hindustani as sindarias, sandaros,

sundaros, andin English as sandarach.

Chapter XIT.—In this chapter Ribeiro gives a description

of the chief places occupied by the Portuguese in Ceylon.

In describing Colombo he says that the walls were of

“ taipa singela,” which words LeG. has transferred without

explanation, and Lee confesses himself unable to explain.

A writer in the Orientalist says that they mean “ Sinhalese

walls.” “Taipa” means “mud wall,” and “singela” is noth-

ing but “simple.” That is, the walls were “simply mud.”

No. 36.—1888. ] CAPTAIN JOAO RIBEIRO. 283

LeG. fails to record the fact that the portion near the sea at

the south of the fort of Colombo was called “ Galvoca”’

(Galle Buck). He also omits the statement of Ribeiro that

the fort of Jaffna was built of “ pumice-stone” (“ pedra

pomes””). To this chapter LeG. has a lengthy addition, to

only one point in which shall I refer. Speaking of

Galle, he says :—‘“. . . . the soil is everywhere stony, it is

this that has given it the name das Gravayas.” What

he thought Gravayas meant I cannot imagine. Lee makes

the matter worse by, as usual, replacing “as Gravayas”’ by

“oravets.” [Since the above was in type, I have discovered,

through the kindness of Mr. F. H. de Vos of Galle, the

origin of Le Grand’s explanation of the word “ Gravayas.”

Baldzus, in his Ceylon, chapter XXII., says of Galle :—

“«. , . . the mountains look very fine from there. One

travels along hewn out roads, called Gravettes, because they

are made and cut [gegraven] through the mountains.” Of

course this explanation is utterly wrong, and Le Grand, by

copying only a portion of what Baldzus wrote, has left his

readers to flounder in a quagmire of hopeless doubt as to

what connection “stony ground” could have with the name

“ Gravayas.”’ |

Chapter XIII.—This chapter calls for no special remark,

except the last sentence, which, as the editors of L.A. have

shown, LeG. has mistranslated, having been misled by B.,

which for “casava” reads “ escuzava.”

Chapter XIV.—Ribeiro says that in Ceylon the image of

Buddha (“Bodu ”) was “more than six cubits” high. LeG.

makes this “ more than 32 feet.” Ribeiro also states that the

Siphalese call their year “ Awruda,” which fact LeG.

passes over. The statement of Ribeiro that “all assert”

(“todos affirméo”’) that “the Apostle St. Thomas. . . .was

in this Island,” is modified by the copyist of B. into “they

say” (“dizem”), &¢. Ribeiro says of the Sinhalese that

“they do not deny the immortality of the soul, but say that

when the wicked dies his soul goes into an animal suited to

his evil habits, and he who lives well into some domestic

49—89 - F

284 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. X..

animal, and especially into a cow: that of the brave man

into a tiger, panther,” &c. By the omission of a line B..

has misled LeG, into making Ribeiro assert that the soul of

a wicked man passes into a domestic animal. LeG. also has.

changed the “panther” (“onga”) of Ribeiro into a “bear”

(“ours”). Ribeiro mentions the belief of the Sinhalese that

those who have done well in one existence will have their

possessions doubled in the next ; and he adds :—“. . . .for

this reason these people do not inherit a veal from their

parents, nor do married persons ever show each other the

money that comes into their hands, but everything that each

acquires he buries when the opportunity appears safe to him,

and thus nobody has anything of hisown. When they die

they are found to have only some cattle and implements of

labour or similar things.” LeG. has blundered over this as

follows :—“. . . .this is why they preserve nothing of what

he [the deceased] has amassed ; they bury all with him, and

only retain some cattle,” &c. LeG. has an addition to this.

chapter also. Lee renders his “ Gones” and “ Changatars”

by “gorunnanses” and “sanghias”; he has omitted the last

sentence of the Addition.

Chapter XV.—LeG. omits the statement of Ribeiro that

the trees at the foot of which the Sinhalese placed their floral

offerings were cailed “ Bodiames” (B. “badiames”), 1.é.,.

“ Bodihami” 2 LeG. has a footnote as follows :—“ All that I

have seen regarding the Heathen say that the Devil being

wicked it is necessary to try and get his friendship by rites

and presents or sacrifices ; and that God on the contrary being

all-good has need of nothing.” This Lee has, most unjusti-.

fiably, incorporated in the text asif it were Ribeiro’s statement

and referred to the Sinhalese. Ribeiro says that there are

five kinds of poisonous snakes in Ceylon: this LeG. omits..

In the latter part of this chapter LeG. has taken many

liberties with the original. The last paragraph of Ribeiro is

as follows:—“ They are said to have many other sorceries ;

but I relate what I saw with my own eyes. There are among

them Astrologers, whom they call Nangatas: these, I doubt

‘ No, 36.—1888. | CAPTAIN JOAO RIBEIRO. 285

not, are greater sorcerers than the others, since they have to

have a hand in the matter before they are capacitated for one

thing or another: these they always consult when making

journeys and have an omen for anything ; the hour in which

it is necessary to enter on a war, fight a battle, sow the field,

get married, or any other business, allis done by their advice.

These Nangatas are of a low caste corresponding to our

drummers.” In place of this LeG. has the following :—

“* Many other instances of their superstitions are related ; but

that which is universal is, that they have many Astrologers

whom they call Nagatas, and that they undertake no

business without consulting them. It is true that these

Nagatas, who in origin are poor wretches and of the vilest

condition among these people, do sometimes make predictions.

that astonish one, when one sees, contrary to all hope, what

- they predicted occur; so that it is difficult to believe that

there is not some pact with the Devil, and in fact something

supernatural about the affair.” It is remarkable that in

this passage B. (followed by LeG.) has a better reading

(“Nagatas”) than L.A. (“Nangatas”). Lee has the

following note to this word :—--“The Singalese word for

an Astrologer is omB@exkMard0 (Giotisastrikaria), and

of an Astronomer nal@a@qarda: (Naksastrikaria). The

word in the text is unknown.” This is a surprising

statement. Of course “nagata” represents the Sinhalese

nakat or nekata.

Chapter XVI.—In speaking of the caste system Ribeiro

tells us that “ carids” are fishermen, “ maznatos” washermen,,

and “pachas” sandal-makers: this LeG. omits. Ribeiro

says of the Siphalese:—“ All these people are of the colour

of a quince, some darker than others, the hair in the Nazarene

fashion, the beard wide, in the ancient Portuguese style; of

a pleasant countenance, and not differing from the people of

Spain,’ &c. In place of the last words (“da gente de

Hespanha”) B. has “from our Portuguese” (‘dos nossos

Portuguezes”’), while LeG. renders the passage as follows :—

“All the men are swarthy, or rather of a colour approaching

286 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

to reddish-brown, some of a darker colour than others ; they

wear the hair long, the beard square.” LeG. has also

abbreviated a good deal in the latter part of this chapter, and

in some places has been misled by false readings in B. He

has also made an Addition to this chapter.

Chapter X VII.—Ribeiro commences this chapter with the

words “As we are speaking of these animals,” 7.6, of

elephants, to which he had been referring in the previous

chapter. LeG., however, breaks the connection between

chapters X VI.and X VII. by inserting chapter X VIII. between

them, so making chapter XIX., which treats of the animals of

Ceylon, follow the one on elephants. Speaking of the famous

elephant Ortela, Ribeiro says that he brought the King of

Kandy more than fifty thousand patacas yearly ; LeG. has

“plus de cinquante mils écus,” which Lee has by a slip

rendered “about 15,000 crowns.” LeG. omits to record

the fact mentioned by Ribeiro, that every year twenty or

thirty elephants were sold to the Great Mogul. Ribeiro says

that in eight days the wild elephants become tractable.

LeG. shortens this period to three days. He has also

abbreviated considerably throughout this chapter.

Chapter XVIII.—By the omission of some lines B. has

led LeG. to make the statement that even the low-caste

murderer of a high-caste person could not be put to death

unless taken within sixty days: whereas Ribeiro makes the

contrary assertion. In the account of the trial for adultery,

also, B. has omitted the words “de azeite” (“of oil”), and so

led LeG. to make one of the ordeals the thrusting of the arm

into a caldron of boiling water. LeG. also omits the

following statement of Ribeiro’s :—“ This ordeal isa barbarous

one; but I heard one of our people, who was several times

Maralleiro, say that he has seen many women come through

these tortures without injury.”

Chapter XILX.—Among the animals recorded by Ribeiro

as being found in Ceylon are “macareos” ; these are omitted

by LeG. Ribeiro also says that the rivers yield large

quantities of fish and “camardes” (prawns or shrimps) ;

No. 36.—1888. | CAPTAIN JOAO RIBEIRO. 287

LeG. translates the last word “ coquillage” (shellfish), which

Lee has rendered “shells” ! Regarding smallpox, Ribeiro

says :—“‘ They call this disease Deane charia, which in our

language means an affair with God.” This appears in LeG.

as :—‘ The people of the country call it Ancharia, an affair

with God, because apparently one does not recover from it

except by a miracle, and because one must think of putting

his affairs in order when heis attacked bythis disease.” It will

be noticed that for “ Deané charia” LeG. has “ Ancharia,”

which Lee has further altered into “ Ankaria.” The origin

of Le Grand’s blunder is found in B., which reads “dean-

charia,” the first two letters of which word LeG. evidently

mistook for the Portuguese preposition de. “ Deané charia”

apparently represents the Sinhalese Deviyanné kariya.

The Sinhalese name of the venereal disease is given in

L.A. as “ Parangué rere,” while B. (followed by LeG.)

reads “‘ Paranguelere,” the latter being a better reading,

if, as I suppose, the Sinhalese parangi-leda is intended.

Towards the end of this chapter the copyist of B. has omitted

several lines.

Chapter X X.—Ribeiro states that “there are large num-

berg of bears in a portion of the island, but not throughout” :

this LeG. omits. Ribeiro’s not very delicate story of the

soldier and the mungoose has been considerably toned down

by LeG. The statement in LeG. that “the Sinhalese call it

[the cobra] Nata and Naghaia,” is an interpolation of the

Abbé’s which he has fathered on Ribeiro. LeG. has also

considerably abbreviated Ribeiro’s details regarding the

snakes of Ceylon. |

Chapter XXI—In this chapter also LeG. has omitted

many little details given by Ribeiro: his mistranslation

regarding the gathering of pepper has been noticed above

by the editors of L.A. LeG. has appended to this chapter

an Addition, containing information on precious stones by

Barbosa, taken from Ramusio.

Chapter XXIIT—In this chapter also LeG. has taken

considerable liberties with his original. His blunder about

238 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). Riou

the pearl diver’s privilege has been pointed out above by the

editors of L.A.

Chapter XXIII—By omitting a line the copyist of B.

has led LeG. to make Ribeiro say that the trees planted

round the footprint on Adam’s Peak were intended to give

the spot a more venerable appearance ; whereas our author

really states that the trees made the place healthier and more

agreeable. The Abbé has characteristically improved on

Ribeiro’s outspoken remarks as to the fraudulent origin of

the footprint. L.A. has the misprint “ Pasdim corla” for

‘““Pasduncorla,” as B. has it (LeG. “Pasdum corla”’). For

the “Trequimale” and “Batecalou”’ of bok B. has “ Trin-

quimale” and “ Baticalou.”

Chapter XXIV.—LeG. makes Ribeiro say that it is a

singular thing that Ceylon should have for centuries con-

tained so many different nations, and he adds a footnote to

explain that these were probably the descendants of persons

shipwrecked on the coasts of the Island. But he has quite

misunderstood our author, who makes no such statement as

that fathered upon him, but is referring to the Veddas.

LeG. also makes Ribeiro say :—‘“There was formerly

near Balané a small Kingdom called Saula”: here the Abbé

has misread the J of “Jaula” (Yala) in B. as an S, and has

mistakenly altered “ Balavé” (Walawe) to “ Balane.” Among

the places supplied with salt from the saltpans of Balave

Ribeiro mentions “ Villacem” (Wellassa): this name LeG.

omits. The “pagoda” which Ribeiro speaks of at the end of

this chapter is not the “ Wirgel-coil or temple” as Lee states,

but that of Kataragama : Ribeiro gives the name (“ Catergao’’),

but LeG. has failed to record it. Ribeiro, moreover, says

that it was guarded by “five hundred” armed men, not

“1,500,” as LeG. makes it.

Book Il.

Chapter I.—In this chapter occurs a passage, one word

of which LeG. has most amusingly metamorphosed. In

LeG. we read :—“It was immediately sought to reassure

Wer opthneiptio UI 40 Ze

LLB o

No. 36.—1888. | CAPTAIN JOAO RIBEIRO. 289

the subjects of the King of Portugal, somewhat alarmed by the

irruption which the King of Candy had made; a garrison of

five hundred Portuguese was placed at Maula, in order to

arrest the incursions of the Cingalese, and to abate the pride

of their King.” Now I have no doubt that many readers of

LeG. or of Lee’s translation have wondered where “Maula”

was situated, and have searched the maps in vain to find it.

The fact is, however, that ‘ Maula” is what Professor Skeat

would call a “ ghost word,” and is an invention of the worthy

Abbe, founded on a misreading of B. What Ribeiro wrote

was that “The General quieted all the territories, and seeing

that the war had broken out from the King’s side, and that he

was very proud and vain, and in order to tame his pride, put

himself on the march with five hundred Portuguese soldiers,

and the black people of our territories, all well armed,” &c.

I give on the opposite page a facsimile of the passage in B.,

from which it will be seen that the word “marcha” is so written

as to be easily mistaken for “ Maula” by one unacquainted

with the copyist’s mode of forming his letters; but this

excuse can hardly be pleaded in the case of the Abbé ; in facet,

the same word occurs a few lines above, where the letters

are more clearly formed. It was this curious error that con-

firmed my suspicion that B. was the identical MS. used

by LeG. for his translation. Ribeiro gives as the reason

for the King of Kandy’s Atapattu Mudaliyar’s marching on

Jaffna, the fact that the garrison of that fort was small, and

that Felippe de Oliveira, who had brought that kingdom

ander submission to the Portuguese rule, was dead. This is

not recorded in LeG., the copyist of B. having omitted a

couple of lines. The name of the captain of the relieving

expedition sent to Jaffna is given by LeG. as “Jean

de Pina,” but L.A. and B. both read “ Foao,” not “Jofo.”

Ribeiro tells us that the Portuguese general went from

Manicavaré to Malvana, “where that King [of Kandy]

solicited peace, with all the earnestness and the conditions

that we required. The general was not very unwilling to

accede, both on account of those conditions and because the

290 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X..

soldiers during those two years had become worn out by the

continual marches and toils,” &c., and goes on to say :—“ how-

ever, at this time an order reached him from the Viceroy,.

the Conde de Linhares, in which he expressly commanded

him that he should once for all conquer that Kingdom,

accusing him of remissness.” LeG. has misunderstood the

first part of this passage strangely, for he renders it :—“.

from there he went to Malvana, where the King solicited

him earnestly for some time to endeavour to reduce the rest

of the country. The General recognised the importance and

the difficulties of this enterprise,” &c. Apparently the Abbé

thought the “ King” referred to was the Portuguese “ King of

Malvana.” Lee seems not to have been able to understand

what was meant by “the King,” for he leaves him out entirely,

and translates :—“. . . .he went to Malwana, where he

received pressing orders,” &c. LeG. makes Ribeiro say that

the Viceroy was ignorant of previous communications on the

subject of the capture of Ceylon: this is absurd, and is not

borne out by the original. Ribeiro gives the year 1630 as

that when Constantino de Sa became for the second time

Captain-General of Ceylon, and prepared to enter on the

campaign which cost him his life: this LeG. omits. Ac-

cording to L.A. the four traitor Mudaliyars were “allied

to the chief Portuguese inhabitants,” but according to B..

“‘with persons of authority.” LeG. has made an Addition

to this chapter, in which some details are given regarding

the traitors.

Chapter II.—Ribeiro says :—‘‘The soldiers that he [the

General] had did not amount to four hundred; wherefore

he chose some citizens of Columbo capable of accompanying

him, and with the one and the other body he made up five

hundred men, and some twenty thousand lascarins.”

LeG. renders this :—“ He drew as many as four hundred

Portuguese from the garrisons, and enrolled some thousand

or eleven hundred in Colombo ; so that he collected nearly

fifteen hundred Portuguese and twenty thousand Lascarins.”

As before, the Abbé has misunderstood “ quinhentos” to mean

No. 36.—1888. | CAPTAIN JOAO RIBEIRO. Zot

“fifteen hundred” instead of “five hundred.” Ribeiro says

that D. Jorge de Almeida landed at Colombo “at the end of

October, 1631”; LeG. says “on the 21st of October of the

year 1631.”

Chapter I1T.—Ribeiro says that the Portuguese whom the

Captain-General had deprived of the elephant given him by

the King of Kandy received from the latter “ precious stones ”’

of double the value. LeG. simply says “ presents.”

Chapter IV.—As an example of the carelessness of

the copyist of B., and of the way in which he has altered

words arbitrarily, I may mention the following. L.A.

reads :—‘ Com esta resposta se poz logo o General em

marcha com toda a gente de guerra das nossos terras’’; but

B. has :—“ Com esta Reposta sepos logo o Rey em marcha,

ou general em marcha com toda agente da Terra de nossos

dominios.”

Chapter V.—The words with which this chapter concludes

in LeG., viz., “and thus was kindled in the Island of

Ceylon a war that cost Portugal dearly,” are not found in

Ribeiro.

Chapter VI.—According to Le Grand, Ribeiro makes the

statement that “there is no port on that side,” 72.¢., on the

east coast of Ceylon; and Lee appends to this a note,

saying :—‘“*. . . . it is unnecessary to point out the inaccu-

racy of this remark to those who know that there is perhaps

not a finer harbour in the world, certainly not in the Eastern

seas, than that of Trincomalee.” But Ribeiro does not make

any such assertion: he simply says that the position of

Batticaloa and Trincomalee rendered them of little use to the

Portuguese, who spent more on those places than they got

from them. According to L.A. it was “after seven days”

that the garrison of Trincomalee capitulated to the Dutch ;

B. has “in a few days.”

Chapter VIT.—Ribeiro describes Caimel as being situated

“a league to the north of Negumbo”; LeG. says “a league

from Negumbo ”: while Lee makes it ‘“‘a league below Ne-

gombo.” According to L.A. the Portuguese, after fortifying

292 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

Negombo, placed in it “three” pieces of artillery; B.,

followed by LeG., makes it “ten” (“des” for “tres”’).

Regarding Dom Filippe Mascarenhas, Ribeiro says :—“....

of the many nobles I knew during nineteen years in that

dominion [India], he surpassed all in his character and

virtues.” LeG. has blundered over this, and made Ribeiro

say that he was acquainted with this noble “ during erghieen

years.” (B. has “em 18 annos alias 19.”) Ribeiro says

that Antonio da Mota Galvéo was sent fo Sabaragamuwa. to

bring it under the rule of the Portuguese; LeG. says that

he was sent from that district for that purpose !

Chapter LX.—Ribeiro says that Fernéio de Mendogca, when

escaping from the Kandyan King’s dominions, reached

Matara through the “Grevaias,”’ which, as usual, Lee has

rendered “ gravets.”

Chapter X.—Ribeiro says that Antonio da Mota Galvao sent

an escort to meet the prince of Uva at “Opanaique” (Opana-

yaka). The copyist of B., mistaking the first letter of this

name for the Portuguese definite article, makes it “o

Panaique,”’ which LeG. copies. Strangely enough, L.A. is

still worse, for it reads “o panaique.” |

Chapter XTI.—LeG. says that the Prince of Uva was accom-

panied to Goa by two nobles and “two” servants. Ribeiro

does not specify the number of the latter. The account of

the Prince’s baptism is also a good deal abbreviated by LeG.

Chapter XII.—The copyist of B, has omitted a couple of

lines near the beginning of this chapter, and LeG., not

being able to make sense of what remained, has abbreviated

considerably. For the ‘“Cadangio” of L.A., B. has

“Candegam” (in LeG. “Condegan”’), which is nearer the

correct form of the name, viz., Kendangomuwa. LeG.

has again altered “Balave” to ‘“Balané,” and Lee has once

more rendered “ Gravayas” by “Gravets.” For the “ Acomi-

vina” (Akmimana) of L.A., B. has “Acomevina,” which in

LeG. is altered to “ Acomerina.” LeG. omits the statement

of Ribeiro that the Dutch commissary who arrived in

‘Colombo in February, 1643, to inform the Portuguese of

No. 36.—18838. | CAPTAIN JOAO RIBEIRO. 293

the ten years’ treaty of peace, was Pieter Burel, and that he

came with four ships.

Chapter XIII.—Ribeiro says that the battle of “Curaca”’

lasted from 9 in the morning to 3 in the afternoon; LeG.

makes it commence at 8 A.M. LeG. makes the name of

the Dutch commander “ Vanderhat”’; L.A. has “ Uvanderlat,”

and B. “ Vvanderlat.” (Of course Van der Laan is meant.)

Ribeiro adds that he was “the best soldier they had in the

Island.” The wounded on the Portuguese side were 67,

and not 60, as LeG. has it. Ribeiro does not state, as

LeG. makes him say, that the Captain-General raised the

ranks and the pay of those wounded in this conflict: he

simply says that he slipped under the bolster of each a

paper containing 12, 15, or 20 San-Thomés, according to their

rank. LeG. is also inaccurate in other details. For

“Acomivina”’ or ‘“Acomevina” LeG. has “ Comeriau,”

which Lee has altered to “Comerian.” (This curious mistake

is due partly to a misprint and partly to Le Grand’s mis-

reading of B., the copyist of which has written “a Comevina.”’)

LeG., following B., has the misspellings ‘“ Mapoligana” and

** Bolitote,” for “Mapolegama” and “ Belitote.” To the latter

name Lee has a note, “? Bentotte.” This is absurd: Welitota

is the place referred to. “Mapolegama” is of course

Mapalagama. There seems to be no doubt that by “ Curaca ”

Ribeiro meant Mirissa, but how the name assumed such a

~ guise I cannot imagine, unless it was in some way confused

with Akuressa.

Chapter XIV.—Through a stupid blunder of the copyist

of B., LeG. makes Ribeiro say that Pedro de Sousa left

Colombo for Negombo at 8 in the morning, whereas he

simply says that eight companies marched from Colombo to

assist the other Portuguese troops. Ribeiro also says that

they marched with great difficulty, as the route consisted of

five leagues of deep sand, which caused them to go back-

wards as much asforwards. ‘“Poginho,” which Ribeiro states

was midway between Colombo and Negombo, means “the

little well.” LeG. says that on the news of the defeat of the

294 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Von. xX.

Portuguese army reaching Colombo, the wife of Antonio da

Mota Galvao “increased the alarm and horror by her cries.”

This is utterly unjustified by the original; and in other

details the Abbé is equally incorrect. LeG. says that the

successor of Antonio da Mota Galvao in command of the

troops was “Jean Alvarés Brandan”; B. has “Joao Alvres

Brandféo”; but L.A. reads “Joao Alvres Beltraéo.” LeG.

says that the Captain-General of Colombo placed troops “in

the castle of Betal.”” Here he has been misled by B., which

reads ‘“‘ pago” (castle) for “ passo” (pass). The place

referred to is Pass Betal (Wattala).

Chapter X V.—LeG., following B., says that it was on the

17th of January, 1640, that the Dutch retired from Colombo to

Negombo; whereas L.A. has the 27th. The “ Paco dos

Lagartos” of B. and LeG. should be “ Passo dos Lagartos”

(the Pass of the Lizards). Asa specimen of the manner in

which LeG. has curtailed and mistranslated the original,

the following passage may be quoted. Ribeiro says :—“ On

the 25th we gave them [the enemy] an invitation with nine

hundred and fifty balls and one hundred and twenty fire-

bombs, which had more the appearance of the latter than that

they were such in reality ; for the zeal of the Captain-General

led him to order the casting of a mortar, and in place of bombs

he ordered a good number of cocoanutsto be filled with powder,

which, when well covered with tow, pitch, and other in-

gredients, seemed to be what they were not ; so that, while the

enemy made fun of these bombs, they were all the same much

annoyed by them ; for the Church and the houses of the old

fortress did not hold two hundred, and four hundred found

accommodation in thatched huts, and they went about conti-

nually with buckets in their hands to protect themselves from

those fireballs; but the greatest effect was almost nothing.”

This LeG. renders thus :—“ On the 25th there came to usa

convoy of 950 bullets and 150 bombs; the Captain-General

caused mortars to be erected, from which cocoanuts supplied

with pitch, tow, and resin were thrown, all thinking that

they would greatly inconvenience the besieged, because, as

No. 36,—1888. | CAPTAIN JOAO RIBEIRO. 295

there were not houses to lodge all the garrison, the greater

part of the soldiers were in wretched huts easy to burn.

But all this had no great effect.” LeG. has also considerably

abbreviated the speech of the German officer, and his

version of it is very incorrect. LeG., following B., says that

the assault on Negombo lasted from 11 A.M. to ll PM:

L.A. saysfrom 1] A.M.to 2 P.M. For the “ Val dos Reis” of

L.A., B. and LeG. have “ Valdereis.” The “ Verganpetim” of

L.A. is in B. “ Vargempetim,” and in LeG. “ Vaigampetim.”

Lee has rendered it ‘‘ Waygampittia,’ which is incorrect ; the

place referred to is Weligampitiya, between Colombo and

Negombo.

Chapter X VI.—For the “ Bebiliagama” of L.A., B.and LeG.

have ‘ Bitiagama.”’

Chapter XVII.—For “Uahoa” (Alawwa) Le Grand has

“ Lagoa,’ he having misread B., where the / is written very

likeag. Ribeiro says :—‘‘ At Calituré a Captain of infantry

was in charge with his company; and likewise another in a

stockade made of wood at Canasturé, where we had a magazine,

in which were stored the provisions and ammunition that

came by the river for the supply of the camp at Manicavaré.”

This LeG. renders:—‘“ A Company of Infantry with a Captain

was stationed at Calituré, and at the mouth of the river

of Calituré some magazines were made for the camp of

Manicavaré, and there likewise a Company of Infantry was

stationed.”” Here the Abbé has gone out of his way to

blunder: the “river” referred to by Ribeiro is the Kelani, and

“ Canasturé” is Kanadura onthe Gurugoda-oya. He hasalso

deliberately altered the “eighty” soldiers of which each of

the three companies in Colombo was composed to “ eight

hundred.” With this chapter commences the omission by

the copyist of B. of long passages, often of great importance,

of the original, with the occasional insertion of words to

fill up the lacune. It is no wonder, therefore, that Le Grand

sometimes found it difficult to follow the narrative, and

inserted statements not made by Ribeiro. For instance,

in this chapter LeG. makes Ribeiro say of Lopo Barriga

296 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). ES Ol OR

that he was ‘‘an active and vigilant man, but one not to.

the taste of everybody, and regarded more as the spy and 3

minister to the passions of the General than as a camp.

Marshal.” ‘Aranduré” (Arandara) isin B. written “Andure,”

and LeG. has still further altered this to ‘‘ Anduné.”

Chapter X VIII.—The greater part (about six-sevenths) of

this chapter is omitted by B.

Chapter XLX.—About three-fourths of this chapter is

omitted by B., including the explanation of the word

“ Garaveto ’(gravet) as “a gate for the entrance of a stockade.”

Chapter XX.—About half of this chapter is omitted by B.

LeG. has joined this chapter to chapter XIX. Ribeiro says

that the Dutch placed in the Rayigam Korale “ four hundred

lascarins.” LeG. has 4,000, having been misled by B., which

reads “quatro sentos mil lascarins.”

Chapter XXI.—B. has omitted about a fourth of this short

chapter, one omission being Ribeiro’s statement that General

Hulft’s squadron “consisted of eighteen ships and two.

patachos, in which were six thousand men of war.”

Chapter XXII.—B. omits about half of this chapter.

Chapters XXI. and XXII. form chapter XX. in LeG.

Chapter X XITI.—No less than seven-eighths of this chapter

is omitted by B. For “ Nossa Senhora da Vida” LeG. has

“nuestra Senora @ajuda,” thus substituting Spanish for Por--

tuguese, and converting “Our Lady of Life” into “Our Lady

of Help.” A good example of the utter nonsense that the

writer of B. has made of Ribeiro by his omissions is found in

this chapter, where LeG., following B., states that Antonio

de Mello de Castro, with one hundred men, killed more than

three thousand of the enemy; whereas in fact, Ribeiro says

that in the assault on the battery of Santa Cruz the Dutch.

lost more than two thousand (“mais de dous mil”; but

B., “‘ pagante de trez mil’’).

Chapter XXIV.—More than three-fourths of this chapter

is omitted by B., and in LeG. it is condensed into some

dozen lines. The “countermine” (“contramina”) of L.A.

is converted in B. into a “curtain” (“ cortina”).

No. 36.—1888. | CAPTAIN JOAO RIBEIRO. 297

Chapter XX V.—More than five-sevenths of this chapter

is omitted by B. In this and the two preceding chapters

Ribeiro gives most interesting details of the siege of

Colombo, and draws a terrible picture of the sufferings

endured by the Portuguese from want of food and pestilence.

Beside dogs, fifteen elephants were eaten, only the famous

Ortela being spared. LeG. has combined this and the two

preceding chapters as chapter X XI. of his translation.

Chapter XX VT. (chapter XXII. in LeG.).—B. omits three-

fourths of this chapter, including the statement that the

Portuguese prisoners were sent to Negapatam. LeG. gives

May 10, 1656, as the date of the evacuation of Colombo by the

Portuguese; Ribeiro says that it was May 12.

Chapter X XVII, (chapter XXIII. in LeG.).—More than >

half of this chapter is omitted by B. . In the list of persons

who were present at the siege of Jaffna, LeG., following B.,

inserts after the name of Joao Botado de Seixas that of

““Lancarote de Sexas,” and makes Mathias Catanho (printed

*“‘Catarho”’) the “ Vedor da Fazenda,” or Controller, instead

of Leonardo de Oliveira.

Book IIl.

Chapter I—B. omits more than a half of this chapter, and

LeG. passes it by entirely, except the heading, which he has

attached to chapter VIII.

Chapter I7.—More than half of this chapter also is omitted

by B., and the whole of it by LeG. It deals, like the first

chapter, with the errors committed by the Portuguese in their

conquest of India.

Chapter I1ZI.—B. omits more than three-fifths of this

chapter, which LeG. has entirely left out. It treats of the

whole of the Portuguese empire in India, and describes the

various fortresses.

_ Chapter IV.—The subject of the preceding chapter is con-

tinued in this. B. omits almost the whole of this chapter,

and the parts that remain are so utterly disconnected that

it is no wonder that LeG. passes over it also.

298 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

Chapter V.—In this chapter Ribeiro shows that it was

necessary for the Portuguese to maintain only Malacca, Ormuz,

and Goa. B. omits more than three-fifths of the chapter,

and LeG. omits the whole of it.

Chapter VI.—This continues the subject of the preceding

chapter. About three-fourths is omitted by B.,and the whole

by LeG.

Chapter VII.—In this chapter Ribeiro argues that the

Portuguese should have abandoned the whole of their posses-

sions in India and occupied Ceylon exclusively. B. omits

three-fourths of the chapter and LeG. the whole.

Chapter ViI.—The heading of this chapter is, “How

the produce of the Jands of the Island should have been

gathered,” but, as I have said, LeG. has substituted the

heading of chapter I., and has made this a part of the first

chapter of Book III. in his translation. B., from which

he translates, has omitted about five-sevenths of the chapter.

Ribeiro says that the king of Kandy might have exported

yearly not one hundred shiploads of cinnamon, but two or

three thousand; LeG. says “ one or two thousand.”

Chapter LX.—The subject of this chapter, according to

the heading, is “The chief errors of modern times.” B.

omits half of the chapter, and LeG. joins his translation

of the remaining half to the preceding chapter. In describ-

ing the sufferings which he endured in the service of his

king in Ceylon, Ribeiro says that for eighteen years he

had “marching by night and by day, going barefoot, and

covered with forest leeches, always living in the jungle.”

Le Grand’s version is that he “passed eighteen years in

the woods of Ceylon, going almost naked, and torn by the

thorns.” The reason why he does not mention the leeches is,

that B., in place of “ cuberto de sanguesugos do mato,” reads

“‘cuberto de sangue cheigas do matto,” which is nonsense.

Chapter X.—The heading put to this chapter by LeG.

(who makes it chapter II. in his translation) is not found

in Ribeiro, who simply states that it brings the work to a

conclusion. Three-fifths of the chapter is omitted by B.

No. 36.-—-1888. | CAPTAIN JOAO RIBEIRO. 299

I have thus endeavoured to show briefly how badly

Ribeiro has been treated by a careless and dishonest copyist

and a not very faithful translator. A rough calculation

shows that B. has omitted a good deal more than one-

fourth of the original ; and the editors of L.A. are therefore

quite justified in saying that “we have not yet, at least,

a translation of the work of Joio Ribeiro.” Several years

ago I began a translation into English of the Lisbon

Academy’s edition, but from want of leisure did not proceed

very far; and it is as well that this was the case, for it

seems that a somewhat fuller and more grammatical text of

Ribeiro’s work than that published by the Lisbon Academy

of Sciences is in existence. Shortly before I returned to ~

Ceylon from England in 1887, I wrote to the Secretary of the

Academy of Sciences at Lisbon, to ask him if he could put

me in the way of obtaining any information regarding

Ribeiro and his work, and I received a short letter in reply,

accompanied by a pamphlet, the title of which (translated)

is as follows :—“ Short Comparison of a Printed Work issued

by the Royal Academy of Sciences, with a Manuscript of his

Excellency the Visconde da Esperanca on the History of the

Island of Ceylon, by A. F. Barata.” This pamphlet was

published in Evora in 1886, and the following is a translation

of it -—

“In the valuable library of the Visconde da Esperanca

there is an important manuscript entitled Historia da Ilha

de Ceiléo expendida e dedicada & Magestade do Senhor Rey

Dom Pedro segundo, nosso Senhor, pello capitio Joao

Fibeiro. Fielmente copiada do seu original por hum corioso.

lisboa Anno de 1732. It isa folio of 327 leaves.

“This copy was made by a careful and conscientious

individual, who has written in an ante-prologue :—‘ In the

choice library of José Freire Monterroy Mascarenhas there

was a quarto book written and signed by Joao Ribeiro,

which may be looked upon as the original of this author ;

and as such it was considered by its owner. On account

of its rarity I have transcribed this copy, and in my opinion

it is of equal trustworthiness, and in order that it may

be so held by bibliophiles I have attached to it this

‘statement.’

49—8&9 3 G

300 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. X.

“This work was published in vol. V. of the Noticias para

a historia e geographia das nagées ultramarinas, with a

different title: Matalidade historica da ilha de Ceilao, &c.

“ The author is referred to in the Bibliotheca Lusitana, and

more biographically in the notice that precedes the publi-

cation of the Roval Academy of Sciences.

‘““There is, however, much to be noticed regarding the two

copies, the printed and the manuscript.

“The printed version was given to the Academy by the

Cardinal Patriarch Fr. Francisco de 8. Luiz, and this Society

ordered it to be printed, believing it to be the very one that

the author presented to D. Pedro II., notwithstanding its being

written by another hand, although signed by Joao Ribeiro.

“From the note of the copyist of the manuscript, we gather

that the original of Montarroio Mascarenhas was written and

signed by the author, a circumstance which the more gains

for it the credit that it deserves from us.

“rom a comparison of the two copies, printed and manu-

script, it is evident that the latter is a later work, made

after the printed edition ; that is, that the printed edition is

a copy of the rough sketch, of the first work of the pen of the

Portuguese soldier in those distant regions, written without

nicety of diction, without that classicism of phrase and

completeness possessed by the manuscript copy, in which

can be seen the work of the study, of rest and quiet, in the

better rounding off of the periods, in the pruning away

of exuberances, in the expansion of deficiencies, in the

infusion into the whole work of the fifteenth century flavour,

which is lacking in the printed edition.

“The first part of the three into which the work is divided

contains the same number of chapters, 24.

“Somany and so important are the alterations in the form,

that to prove this it would be necessary to reproduce faith-

fully these chapters, both of the printed edition and of the

manuscript, a plan which, beside being lengthy, would be

tedious.

“ All,—the dedication, the prologue, and the chapters,—

though essentially the same, has been recast. Let us

look at the first chapter. The printed edition says :—‘The

precious island of Ceiléo extends from about the sixth

to the tenth degree of north latitude, that is, from Galle

Point to Rocky Point [da ponta de Galle a ponta das

Pedras]|, and is seventy-two leagues in length and forty-

seven in breadth, which is the distance from Chilao to

Trequimale.’

“The manuscript referred to says :—‘ The precious island

of Ceilao is situated in the north latitude, from 6 degrees to

about 10, which [reach] from the Point of Galle to that of the

No. 36.—1888. | CAPTAIN JOAO RIBEIRO. 301

Rocks [que! da ponta da Galle thé a das pedras]: it is 82

leagues in length and 4 in breadth, which is the distance

from Chilao to Trequimale; and its circumference is 190

leagues.’

«s The 2nd chapter i in the printed edition begins :—‘ It is said

that this Island had seven Kingdoms; this does not surprise

me, for even at the present day, on the coast of India, these

people out of alimited province form a Kingdom, as we have

seen on the coast of Cannara and Malavar .

“The manuscript reads:—‘ Itis said that this island had seven

Kéoms: this does not surprise me, for on the coast of India,

even at the present day, these people form a kingdom out

of a limited province, as we have seen on the coast of Cannara

and Malavar.’

‘Here the superiority of form, the elegance of diction, are

to be noted.

“In chapter VIII. is printed :—‘ As D. Joao had the Queen

in his hands, he executed on her the purpose which he had

secretly determined on ; and which was, that then in public

in the sight of all, he should deflower her, by which act he

would obtain the end of his hopes in making himself King.’

“In the manuscript :— As D. Joao had succeeded in getting

possession of D. Catharina, he executed the purpose that he

had only secretly determined on, which was to have con-

nexion with her publicly, the only means of obtaining

marriage with her and being King of her Dominions.’ '

“One is struck with the superiority and delicacy of phrase

in the allusion to the act, from which there can remain

no doubt that the manuscript under notice was amended by

the author himself from the first one, which the Academy

took in hand to print.

“It is well to notice the divergence of the headings of

chapter XIX. Whilst that of the printed edition says that

there was in the island ‘a great abundance of provisions,

cattle, and diseases,’ that of the manuscript asserts that it had

“abundance of provisions, cattle, and few diseases,’ an asser-

tion which a perusal of the chapter, both in the printed edition

and in the manuscript, fully demonstrates.

“As far as the 24th chapter of Book I. noteworthy differ-

ences are to be found, and this also contains some. The

printed edition runs:—‘It is not amiss to note, that this

Island being, as neither with the size of Borneo, or 8. Lourengo,

which in fine by the capacity of these, and extent of land,

might have a similar monstrosity ; but it is to be noticed, as

we have shown, that the circumference of Ceilfo is a little

—>

' According to the usage of the writers of the period, there is the ellipse

of a verb, perhaps vdo (reach).— Note of Sr. Barata.

Gio

302 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. X.

more or less in land than this our Kingdom, which has

had for many ages back a people, that their trade and

mode of living would appear a fabulous narrative; however,

all who go to the Island have knowledge of it.’ This is

not very lucid, and has no grammatical smoothness. The

manuscript corrects in this manner:—‘ It is not amiss to

express surprise that this island of Ceilao not being in size:

like that of Burnéo, or 8. Lourenco, has had for many ages.

back a people preserving their rites and ceremonies, the

narration of which would appear fabulous to all prudent

reasoning ; however, none of those who should chance to.

live in this Island would be able to doubt the truth of this

statement which I make for the satisfaction of the inquisi-.

tive mind.’

“The correction is manifest, and, as its noble possessor says,.

‘the printed edition is taken from the first handiwork of

the author, and the manuscript from the second, already

corrected by him.’

““ Not only the text, as is seen, has been altered, but even the

headings of the chapters ; it is like a new work on the same

design, from the chief title of the book to the accessory

minutiz.

“This comparison seems to me sufficient for the apprecia-

tion of the first book; I shall continue the same method in

the subsequent ones.

Il.

“To show exactly how much the two editions differ, I shall

continue to give parallels of the commencements of chapters.

only, as the complete transcription of these would be, as I

have already stated, a reproduction of the two editions.

“The second book commences with these words :—‘ We

have shown briefly, and in the mode in which it was

possible to us, what Ceiléo is and what it produces, rites,.

laws, and customs of that people, and everything else that

we saw, experienced, and considered in eighteen years of

residence.’

“The manuscript :—‘ We have shown in the mode in which

it was possible the situation, fertility, and riches of the island

of Ceilao ; laws, rites, and ceremonies of its inhabitants; and

everything else that we observed in the course of eighteen

years that we resided there.’

“The printed chapter ends:—‘. . . . that in fine all are

blacks our enemies.’

“And the manuscript :—‘. . . . who are always black

and our enemies by nature, and only friends by necessity.’

“The printed second chapter commences :—‘ With the

previous occurrences that we have stated, and the elder

No. 36.—1888. | CAPTAIN JOAO RIBEIRO. 303

Prince of Candia, by name Raja Cinga, making an incursion

into our territories, in order to incite the Captain- General, as

had been agreed with the Modeliares .

“This is asort of abstruse jumble, in which erammar is

wanting. Let us see what the manuscript says :—‘ With the

previous occurrences which we have considered, the elder

Prince of Candia, called Rajatinga, [szc] made an incursion

into our territories to incite our Captain-General, as he had

agreed with the Modiliares . a

“ With the same ideas, the conclusion of the chapter differs

in form.

“The third printed chapter begins :—‘ The King of Candia

Henar Pandar died, being the widower of D. Catherina.’

“Tn the manuscript :—‘ Hanar Pandar, King of Candia,

‘being already the widower of the Queen D. Catharina, died.’

“Thus the literary and academic work proceeds with the

‘grammatical and linguistic correction.

“The ninth chapter opens in this manner :—‘ Before we

continue the narrative it is necessary for us for a better

understanding that we turn back . ;

“<To turn back’ is so vulgar that the author corrects in

the manuscript :—‘ Before we prosecute this history, for its

better understanding it is necessary to retrocede . ‘

‘* And the commencement of the eleventh chapter says :—

“ After the Prince had been in the city ten days. . .

“And the manuscript :—‘ After the prince had resided in

this city ten days. . ;

“And further, in the thirteenth printed :— After we had

the territories of Sofregao all submissive. . .

“Correction of the apograph :—‘ After we had subjected to

our authority all the territories of Sofregam .

“And without going through all the chapters of the twenty-

seven which the second book contains, I shall show the manner

in which the last one commences :—‘ The Hollanders seeing

that after we had lost the city of Columbo, we brought a large

force, and with it reinforced the Island of Manar, and the

Kingdom of Jafanapatio, where had assembled a fleet of

‘galleys, which had been sent to the help of Columbo by

Manoel Mascarenhas Homem, who was Governor of the Domi-

nion, through the death of the Conde de Sarzedas, Vice-Roy

thereof, the Captain-Major of which was Francisco de Seixas

Cabreira ; ; and also another of twelve sanguicels, which the

‘same Governor sent to Manar, and the Captain-Major of this

was Manoel de Mello de Sam paio : aS well as a hundred and

ten soldiers and captains, whom the Hollanders had sent to

Negapatao, having surrendered in oe aaalDe, and who went

as prisoners in the ships.’

“What did the Hollanders do on seeing all this? The

‘text does not say.

304 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. X.

“‘ Let us look at the correction of the copy of the Visconde:

da Ksperanea.

““¢The Hollanders seeing, after they had taken from us the

city of Columbo, that we brought a large force to the island

of Mannar, and Kingdom of Janapatao, [sc] where had

assembled the fleet of galleys which the Governor of India

had sent by the Captain-Major Francisco de Sexas Cabreira ;

and the other of 7 caturves, of which Manoel de Mello

Sampaio was Captain-Major; and knowing that the same

Governor of India, after having been informed of the loss of

Columbo, had nominated as Captain-General of the island of

Ceilao Antonio d’Amaral Menezes, who actually occupied

the post of Governor of that Kingdom, who informed him of

the despatch of reinforcements, who might do to them what

they had just done, which would not be difficult for the

Portuguese whilst they continued in Janapatio, [sic]

determined, in order to guard against the mischief that they

feared, to drive us out of the island of Mannar also.’

““ Here we have the verb that is wanting in the copy printed

by the Academy,—‘ determined.’

“It is manifest, therefore, that the manuscript copy is

the corrected one, which the Academy ought to have printed

if it had known of its existence, and not the rough draft of

the soldier, the skeleton naked of form, of literary clothing,,.

as its scientific dignity demanded.

‘Neither the edition of Montarroio Mascarenhas nor this

copy of the Visconde da Esperanca was known of, and in this.

respect the Society is free from blame. Where, however, it is

not, is, in My opinion, in having ordered to be printed a work.

that ought to have been corrected, at least of serious faults of

yrammar, if not of imperfections of forms of proper names,,.

which very possibly are not consistent in the apograph.

“Tt is very likely that this labour would have been dis-.

agreeable and difficult, the more so as it would have

been necessary to look at the readings of Barros, Couto,

Castanheda, and Gaspar Corréa; but an Academy was bound

to do so, before it printed such a work simply because it was

offered to it by its member Fr. Francisco de S. Luiz, who

certainly had not seen the defects and errors in it.

“They might have said that it was not their province to.

alter the rough original, as that would be a kind of profana-.

tion. To correct rude errors is a meritorious work, and in.

literary matters a good service, which has been done in so

many cases in literary works to the improvement of all..

Soropita did this to the lyrics of Camo6es, ‘meddling with that

which was clearly an error of the pen,’ and he did quite right..

“It now remains to compare the third and last book of the

work, where the alterations, the excisions, and additions are:

more noteworthy.

No. 36.—18838. | CAPTAIN JOAO RIBEIRO. 305

“This slight essay leaves room for a serious study on the

island of Ceylon, and the verification of doctrines, proper

names, dates, of everything contained in this Historia da

Itha de Ceiléo. I have neither the time nor the knowledge

to do this ; and so I shall simply continue the work I have

begun.

iL,

“] proceed with the comparison of the two copies, be-

ginning with the first chapter of the third part.

“The printed edition says :—‘ In the first book we have

shown what Ceilfio is, in the second the progress of that

war, and for the end which we have in view, all is necessary,

and before we proceed to show it with evidence, we have of

necessity to make some observations, and if in these we err,

many of other judgment, talent, and study fall into this

infirmity.’

“In the manuscript we read :—‘ I showed in the first book.

the situation of the Island of Ceiléo, what was remarkable

in it, how we governed it, and the right which we have to

hold it ; in the second I referred to the wars which we had

there with the natives and Hollanders, until we were, through

the lack of reinforcements, expelled therefrom : in this I

shall show the inadvertence with which care was not taken

for its retention, the damage caused to us by this incon-

sideration, which still exists.’

‘The author continues his work of perfecting and recasting

the first essay.

“The second chapter commences :—‘ Let us pass to the

third point: for the preservation of these fortresses (we

speak of those of less account and utility), these had to be

provided, like the rest, with captains, men who had served

in that province.’ |

“The manuscript savs:—‘The third reason was the

bad choice that was made of commanders for those

fortified places, especially those of less utility. These

ought to have been provided with captains, who might be

men created in the war of the same province; not only

in order to incite the rest, that by their exertions they

might be worthy of those posts, but because experience

taught them what was necessary for their preservation and

defence.’

“Thus it continues with sufficient clearness, in regular

periods, with subject, verb, and attribute, a matter in which

there is a want of sequence on the part of the correlative

printed edition.

“This assertion is being fully proved ; meanwhile, I shall

continue the comparison. |

306 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou, X.

‘‘'The printed third chapter begins thus:—‘As I have become

confused, and got into a labyrinth [laberintv} of so many

fortified places, it appeared to me right, although it might

be with much trouble, to give a look at all in order to know

what they were, and what we derived from each, and what

they produced ; ‘taking as companion on this long journey

a poor speech, such as God has given me ..5 2%.

“And the manuscript says :—‘ As I have become greatly

confused, having got into alabyrinth [labyrintho] of fortified

places, it appeared to me right to refer (although with some

trouble to myself) succinctly to all, what each contains, and

the utility that resulted to us from their conservation, with-

out which my discourse cannot well be understood. For

traversing them all I have not desired any other companion

than my rude speech, nor greater preparation than my free

intellect : and with such limited provision as this I enter on

the road of such a lengthy journey.’

“Thus commences the third chapter, which includes the

fourth printed one, the manuscript therefore commencing

with the words of the fifth printed one :—: The principal

object of this our supposed journey . .

“The manuscript :—‘ The principal round of this our

supposed peregrination . sh

“The printed sixth chapter opens :—‘ Malaca, an emporium,

and a strong place by art and nature.’

“The manuscript :—‘ Malaca, a place equally strong by art

and by nature . bs

“The seventh printed says :—‘ All that we have related being

taken for granted, some excuse may well be admitted for

those who peopled . ’ &e.

“The sixth manuscript : :— ‘All the right of excuse that the

first peoplers may have had .

“The eighth printed and the ‘seventh manuscript chapters

compare as follows in their commencement :—‘ We have

shown what are the territories of the Kingdoms of Candia,

Uva, ....’ &. ‘In the first book I showed what are the

territories of the Kingdom of Candia, ... .’ &c.

“The ninth and the eighth thus :—‘ All things have a be-

ginning, a growth, and a decline.’ ‘All things have their

beginning, growth, and decline.’

“The alterations are most noteworthy at the end of the

work, especially as the printed tenth chapter is once more

recapitulated in the eighth and last of the manuscript, which

ends with these words:—‘....and by this means we

might have continued the government and rule of such a

valuable island.’

“These words, mutatis mutandis, are, in the tenth chapter as

printed, joined on tothe last paragraph, which terminates with

alist of the Governors of Ceylon as far as the sixteenth,

No. 36.—1888. ] CAPTAIN JOAO RIBEIRO. 307

information which the manuscript gives separately, as I am

about to show :—

Pedro Lopes de Sousa ;

D. Hieronymo d’ Azevedo ;

D. Francisco de Menezes ;

D. Manoel Homem de Magalhiaes ;

D. Nuno Alvares Pereira ;

Constantino de Sa Noronha ;

Jorge de Albuquerque ;

Constantino de Sa Noronha, a second time :

D. Jorge de Almeida ;

Diogo de Mello ;

11. D. Antonio Mascarenhas :

12. Manoel Mascarenhas Homem :;

13. Francisco de Mello e Castro ;

14. D. Filippe de Mascarenhas ;

15. Francisco de Mello e Castro, a second time ;

16. Antonio d’Amaral Menezes occupied this post

in Janapatao [sic] until we also left that place.

‘“‘' This statement or list of names has in the printed original :

at the 4th, Mascarenhas, and not Magalhaées; at the 12th,

D. Filippe Mascarenhas; at the 13th, Manoel Mascarenhas

Homem ; at the 14th, Francisco de Mello e Castro; and

finally, at the loth, Antonio de Sousa Coutinho, aname that

was suppressed in the manuscript.

“To verify the correctness of these names would have been

a good work, and I should have done it had I had the oppor-

tunity, and had there been in Evora the other elements

necessary for the study.

“The suppression of the name of Antonio de Sousa Cou-

tinho is based, perhaps, on what is stated in the Descripgéo

geral e historica das moedas, &c., of Sr. Teixeira de Aragao,

vol. 3, which on page 239 gives him as captain either of

Colombo or of Ceylon for 1657; whence we may conclude

that it was of Colombo, properly speaking, the capital of the

island, the Governor of the whole of it being Francisco

de Mello e Castro, who with him and Manoel de Mascarenhas

Homem formed the gubernatorial triumvirate of India from

May 22, 1656, to September 7, 1657.

“ Asan addition of the copyist of 1732, the manuscript ends

with a List of the Governors of India up to 1754, a date

posterior to that of the autograph copy of Montarroio; con-

sequently a further proof of the copyist’s statement.

“This List enumerates 91 Governors and Viceroys down to

the Conde d’Alva, D. Luiz de Mascarenhas, even giving some

who died on the voyage, such as Ruy Lourenc¢o de Tavora, Joao

Pereira Forjas, Affonso de Noronha, and Joao de Silva Tello.

“‘ It appears to me, in concluding this rapid comparison, that

I have demonstrated the superiority and excellence of the

282 G9 AI SOON br SO Si

308 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou XxX.

copy of the Historia da Ilha de Ceiléo belonging to the

Visconde de Esperanca over the edition printed by the

Academy in 1886, with the title of Fatalidade historica.

“It would be worth while to print this manuscript, which

rejects much that is incorrect and even erroneous in the

printed edition. It should rest with the illustrious Society

to do this, showing in this manner its zeal for the national.

history, free from inexactitudes and illiterate forms.

“An exact and minute comparison of the two editions

therefore excludes the perusal of the printed one by those

who shall undertake to write of our extensive conquests.”

(ete

On receiving this pamphlet I wrote to Sr. Barata, from

whom I learnt that the original MS. of Montarroio Mas-

carenhas, from which the one here noticed was copied, was.

destroyed in a fire: hence this copy is, in all probability,

unique.

I do not agree with all that Sr. Barata has said above in

depreciation of Ribeiro’s first attempt at authorship, which,

though rough and ungrammatical, is mere characteristic of

the soldier than the later polished edition, which smacks too

much of the pedantic scholar. Nor do I consider the Lisbon

Academy of Sciences at all blameworthy for printing (as I

suppose they have done) their MS. verbatim et literatim.

To have acted as Sr. Barata suggests would have greatly

lessened the value of the printed edition. At the same time,,.

it is to be hoped that the Lisbon Academy of Sciences, which

has already done such good service by printing the valuable

works of Gaspar Corréa, Duarte Barbosa, and other old Portu-.

guese writers, will publish a new edition of Ribeiro, with

critical notes showing where the two versions differ, and

with a good index, such as the editors of Gaspar Corréa have

appended to that work. The Academy should also institute:

a search for the MS. of Philip Botelho’s “‘Guerras de Uva,”

which Le Grand utilised in preparing his translation of

Ribeiro, and which has since disappeared from view. If this.

can be found it should also be published. Another rare work

used by Le Grand, viz., Jodo Rodrigues de S& e Menezes’

account in Spanish of his father’s disastrous expedition

No. 36.—1888. ] CAPTAIN JOAO RIBEIRO. 309

against the Sinhalese, is, | am glad to say, now being trans-

lated for our Society by one of its Members, two copies of

the curious volume, published at Lisbon in 1681, and

dedicated to the Virgin Mary, having lately been added to the

Society’s library. The references to Ceylon in the work of

Gaspar Corréa, which I have mentioned above, are not very

numerous, but are interesting and valuable, especially so

being his account of the building of the first Portuguese

fort at Colombo, of which place he gives a curious but

faithful drawing. These passages should also be translated

into English.* The Portuguese and Dutch writers on Ceylon

have been far too much neglected hitherto, but I am glad to.

find that in the case of the latter at least one gentleman is

displaying the most praiseworthy activity in the matter of

translation. I hope that others will follow his example, and

that ere many years are past all the most valuable of the

Portuguese and Dutch, as well as French and German,

narratives of the past history of our Island will be available

in an English form.

Postscript.—W hile this Paper is passing through the press

I learn that the following MSS. of Ribeiro’s work are in the:

Bibliotheca Nacional at Lisbon :—

“ Ribeiro (Capittio Joao)—FKatalidade historica da ilha de

Ceil#o. Dedicated to D. Pedro II. Original, dated 1685.

B-8-31.

“The same work, with the title Historia de Cecilam. Slight

variations. B-8—-43. 3

“By the same author—Proseguimento da historia de

Ceilad. B-8-44.”

The custodian of the Library, Sr. D. Jose Pessanha, who:

furnishes this list, adds a note as follows :—“ These works of

Joao Ribeiro were published in 1836 by the Royal Academy

of Sciences of Lisbon.” This, however, is not quite correct,

as only the first-mentioned MS. seems to have been printed.

* Since the above was written the writer has himself supplied this.

want in the pages of the Ceylon Literary Register, vol. III.

310 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von X.

THE ANTIQUITIES OF MEDAMAHANUWARA.

(Read July 26 and Dec. 28, 1888.)

1.—The Maligawa.

Fa|HE ancient highway from Kandy to Bintenna

proceeded from the south-eastern extremity of

the city, skirted the right bank of the Maha-

weli-ganga for three miles, crossed the river by

a ferry at Kundasdle, and thence diverged from

the river’s path through the fertile valleys of Pata-Dumbara

to Teldeniya. From this point the modern road closely

follows the ancient track. Crossing the Hulu-ganga at Tel-

deniya, fifteen miles out of Kandy to the east, the road turns

sharply to the right, runs parallel for two miles with the

Hulu-ganga, and then turning to the left near the junction

of the Hulu-ganga with the Guru- (Galmal) oya, follows

closely the right bank of the latter stream for two and a

quarter miles through an unhealthy and uninhabited valley.

After passing the Guru-oya by a bridge close to the ancient

crossing, it climbs the hill to Urugala and Miriyahéna (the

Nugetenna gap), which lie beneath the shadow of the

Medamahanuwara-kanda, and thence descends by tortuous

ways (the last part of the descent being formerly accomplished

by the Galpadihela) for twenty miles, until the Mahaweli-

ganga is again reached at Weragama. Here there is a ferry

boat, which will land the traveller on the opposite bank of

the river in the ancient city of Alutnuwara in Bintenna—

the Mahiyangana of legendary and historic fame. The

modern road is now open for cart traffic beyond Miriyahena,

and is being gradually extended by a circuitous route through

the Gandeka. The ancient road was nothing more than a

narrow track.

No. 36.—1888. | MEDAMAHANUWARA. 31]

It is upon this route, as might be anticipated, that the most

interesting remains of ancient times in Dumbara are to be

found. Such are the palace of Kundasdle, the Galvihara of

Bambaragala, and, most important of all, the traces of the

old town of Medamahanuwara, which in the past gave its

name to the neighbouring hill, and in more modern days to

a once flourishing coffee district.

Medamahanuwara was situated on both sides of the Guru-

oya, within a mile of Urugala. The Guru-oya divides.

Medasiya-pattuwa from Udasiya-pattuwa South—a division

established some forty years ago by the English Government.

Formerly, however, Medasiya-pattuwa included a portion of

what is now Udasiya-pattuwa South, and hence, though some

of the remains are comprised within the latter division, the

whole of them lie within the ancient limits of Medasiya-

pattuwa. Thename of Medamahanuwara is probably derived

from Medasiyapattuwa, the city having taken the distinguish-

ing name of the political division within which it stood—

still another explanation of the name is also possible. ‘The

middle great city’ may have been so called from its position

on the route midway and almost equidistant from Mahanu-

wara on the one hand and Alutnuwara on the other.

Though Medamahanuwara can lay claim to no such hoary

antiquity or colossal structures as those “happy hunting

_grounds” of the archeologist in the North-Central Province

and the Magam-pattuwa, there still linger in itsome interesting

remains of the régime which preceded British rule in the

Kandyan districts. Of these remains, I ascribe the foremost

place to the ruins of the Maligawa, not that they appear to

be first in point of time, or exhibit any special architectural

features, but because, firstly, they were the royal residence,

and secondly, the materials available for a description of the

Maligawa are more exact than for any other building.

The site of the Maliga4wa is well defined by certain con-

taining walls, which will be hereafter described, though the

superstructure, with the exception of a few fragments of

tiles, three large blocks of stone at the north-west corner,.

312 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. X.

and two flights of stone steps, has entirely disappeared. It

is situated in, and indeed forms a part of, a paddy field

sloping towards the left bank of the Guru-oya. On the

occasion of my last visit the field was under cultivation, and

the tender rice was shooting in several inches of water within

the precincts of what was once a royal palace. The work of

measurement having to be accomplished from the narrow

ridges, was attended with some difficulty and the risk of

partial immersion at every step.

The plan of the palace buildings was rectangular. They

faced the south, and were approached from that quarter by

two broad stairs comprising seventeen stone steps. At the foot

of the upper flight, and surrounding the palace proper, stood

the straw-thatched lines of the king’s guards. The steps

conducted to an open space, which formed a compound

running round the four sides of the main central building

between it and the lines of the guards. From the compound

there rose another and smaller flight of stone steps, conducting

io the verandah of the central edifice and its principal

entrance. The three stairs are in a line with one another,

and stand immediately in the front and centre of the southern

side of the palace. A verandah supported by carved wooden

pillars encompassed the central building, which was the

palace proper, the quarters of the king. At the north-west

corner, situated in the encircling compound, wasthe Mirawiya,

and on the north side, also in the compound, a tamarind tree,

which is still flourishing, spread a grateful shade. The walls

of the main building were of chiselled stone, and the roof

was covered with tiles, and rose on the four sides toa central

ridge running east and west.

For the above description of the external appearance of the

Maligawa I am indebted to Idamégedara Meddumarala Ko6rala,

an intelligent headman of some eighty years of age, who

remembers having seen it, when it was still standing, in his

youth. From the same source I have also gathered that the

palace was erected by the king, who was styled by the

honorific title of “ Medalassé Budu-vechcha Deviyo,” between

No. 36,—1888. | MEDAMAHANUWARA, 313

whom and Sri Vikrama Raja Sinha, the last king of Kandy,

there were two reigns, and that it fell into ruin about the

year A.D. 1820. It thus appears probable that the palace was

built about A.D. 1740 by Sri Vijaya Raja Sinha, who was

also known as “ Hanguranketa,” from the palace built by him

‘at that place. There is however a vague tradition connecting

Medamahanuwara with Sri Vira Parakrama Narendra Sinha,

better known as “ Kundasale,” the king who preceded Sri

Viyaya Raja Sinha, and reigned from A.D. 1706 to 1739. As

Kundasale is known to have built a palace at the place from

which he derived his eponym, and also the Nata Déwale at

Kandy, it is not improbable that the Maligawa of Medamaha-

nuwara should also be added to the list of his works.

Whether it was built in the reign of Hanguraynketa or Kunda-

sile thus appears doubtful, but it is at least certain that it

was built in the reign of either one or the other, subsequently

to A.D. 1706 and prior to A.D. 1747.

The palace was used as a halting-place on the royal journeys

between Kandy and Bintenna, and for brief occasional visits

extending over one or, at the most, two weeks. Except for

the few months that the Dutch occupied Kandy in the reign

of Kirti Sri Raja Sinha, it does not appear to have ever served

as a permanent residence, but the visits were probably

frequent, as, besides being on the route to Alutnuwara and

_ Bintenna, it was also on the way to the gabaddgam, or royal

villages, of Hanwella and Mahawela.

With regard to the interior of the Maligawa I have not been

able to gather any information, beyond the fact that there

were no windows—a negative feature common to native

houses in general.

it has been mentioned that the Maligawa was built on

ground sloping towards the bed of the Guru-oya. Hence it

will be understood that on the southern and western sides

the open compound was on a slightly lower level than the

palace proper, and the huts of the guards were on a still

lower level than the compound. Hence also the necessity

for the flights of steps on the south. On these sides (the

314 JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vov. X.

south and west) the ground had to be raised for the site, and

contained by masonry walls. These walls, which clearly

indicate the plan and dimensions of the palace, still remain,

and, especially on the southern side, are in a fair state of

preservation. They are built of stones rudely shaped by

the mason’s chisel, intermingled here and there with round

stones from the river bed. Now in the crevices, lantana

and other jungle growths have found a home.

There are three walls to the south. The length of the

third and outermost, which appears to have supported the

ground on which the guards’ houses stood, is now 143 ft.,.

but the wall appears to have slipped away at its extremities,

and to have been originally of greater length. Its height is.

5 ft. The second wall, which supported the compound, is

143 ft. 8 in. long and 8 ft. high. The innermost wall, which

supported the palace proper, is 105 ft. long and 5 ft. high.

On the west there are also three walls remaining, namely,

the wall which supported the palace proper, 76 ft. 2 in. long ;

a wall supporting on the west the southern portion of the

compound, 38 ft. 8 in. long; and a short wall 18 ft. in length

to the southern site of the guards’ houses. These measure-

ments show the superficial area of the palace proper to have

been 105 ft. by 76 ft. 2 in. ; the breadth of the compound on

the front and south side to have been 38 ft. 8 in., and exactly

half this breadth (19 ft. 4 in.) on the west; and the site of

the guards’ houses on the south to have been 18 ft. in

breadth.

The large blocks of stone at the north-west corner, which

I have above referred to, are believed to have formed part of

the Nirdviya. One of them has had a groove cut in the

centre. Twoof them have been removed from their original

position in the compound to the site of the palace proper,

where they now form a portion of a small watercourse. The

cubic measure of the largest stone is about 194 ft.

The ground on which the palace stood was sold by the

English Government, about sixty years ago, to the late Rateé-

mahatmaya of Mampitiya, by whom it was resold to

No. 36,—1888. | MEDAMAHANUWARA. 315

Madugallé Ratemahatmaya, who in his turn resold it about

fifteen years ago to the present owner, Migahakotuwé Appu

Gurunnehé. It was asweddumised and converted into a

paddy field about eight years ago.

On the left bank of the Guru-oya, below the Maligawa, may

be seen a pool stiller and deeper than the rest of the stream.

Here was the king’s bathing-place, and there yet remains a

low stone wall on the bank from which his majesty was

wont to feed the fishes. It was forbidden to catch fish here,

and the prohibition was enforced by the headmen, and

generally observed for many years even after the British

occupation of the country.

The subject of this Paper is of comparatively recent date.

Tradition however relates that it was built to replace a still

older Maligawa, which stood near the Vidiya of Medamaha-

nuwara, and was known as the Koéngaha-yata Maligawa; and

there are not wanting remains in the neighbourhood which

date from a time anterior to the foundation of the Maligawa

which I have attempted to describe. Such are the remains

existing on the adjacent grounds of the Viharé-watta and

Madame-waita, the Vidiya, and last, but not least in impor-

tance, the royal city of refuge, Galé-nuwara, on the summit

of the neighbouring hill. There is very little precise

information to be obtained about these localities, but from

such scanty materials as I may be able to collect, I hope to

furnish at some future time a second Paper on the antiquities

of Medamahanuwara ; and I may here remark in advance

that the foundation, both of the Vihdré and Galé-nuwara,

is attributed to king Senarat, who reigned from A.D. 1627 to

1634; and as I have been unable to discover any traditions

relating to an earlier time, I am inclined to fix this reign as

the one in which the locality of Medamahanuwara first

derived its name and connection with Sinhalese royalty.

The accompanying sketch! of the Maligawa as it is

' Not reproduced.—B,, Hon. Sec.

4 9—89 H

316 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

believed to have existed has been furnished by Mr.

J. V. G. Jayawardana, the Interpreter of the Panwila and

Urugala Courts.

Il.—Viharéwatta, Madaméwatta, Ira-handa-kotapu-gala,

Vidiya, and Galénuwara.

Adjoining the site of the Maligawa is the Viharéwatta,

which derives interest from its having been the last but one

of the many resting-places of the Dalada,—the national

palladium,—prior to its removal to the Kandy Maligawa in

the reign of Kirti Sri Raja Sinha. The Dalada was enshrined

at Medamahanuwara during the reign of king Kundasale.

It was thence removed to the Pitigoda Vihare in the Gampaha

division of Uda Dumbara, and thence to Kandy.

The original Vihare was replaced about forty years ago on

the same site by the present one of mean and unpretending

structure. The walls of this are of mud, and the roof is

thatched, but the massive wooden door and doorway are part

of the old building, asalso the carved pillars of the verandah,

and the small moonstone, void of ornamentation, that faces

the entrance. Scattered around are several chiselled stones,

which appear to have belonged to the old Vihare, and

amongst them abroad and smooth flagstone, which stood

in front of the original building and was used for the priests

to lave their feet upon before entering into the sacred pre-

sence of the relic. Facing the Vihare is the Pansala, the

residence of the priest ; but the priest is seldom to be found.

The Vihare is closed, and, I believe, empty, the karanduwa

in which the relic was enclosed having been removed to a

private house for safe custody, after the bottom of it, which

contained a “sannas”’ (grant), had been lost or stolen.

The only objects of veneration now remaining in the

Viharéwatta are two Bo trees. One of them, standing to

the left as the garden is entered from the upper side, is of

great size and apparently great age. It measures 25 ft.

in circumference round the stem at a foot from the earth.

No. 36.—1888. | MEDAMAHANUWARA. 317

‘The other is a smaller one, standing on the site of an older

and more venerable tree which fell down four years ago,

and was honoured with cremation. A charred fragment of

the deceased tree may still be seen. Communicating between

the two trees are the remains of some stone steps, the ground

declining towards the bed of the Guru-oya. There are no

inscriptions. One stone only bore some floral carving of stiff

geometrical designs, and was doubtless intended to receive

offerings of flowers. Formerly, and up to within the last

thirty or forty years, the garden was a great resort of

pilgrims. Now the shrine is deserted, and there is but an

occasional pilgrim on “poya” days. All the surroundings of

the place bear an air of semi-abandonment and neglect.

The glory has departed, but the sacred trees continue to

flourish, and their worship still lives on, the one sign of

care and attention recently bestowed being a rude attempt to

restore the wall of the terrace where stood the older tree.

Madaméwatta is lower down the stream on the right bank.

It was formerly the place of residence of the priests of the

Vihare, and contained besides a small cave dedicated to the

goddess Pattini, and a small Déwalé dedicated to Katara-

gama Deviyo. It has been completely abandoned, and is

now overgrown with jungle and lantana.

I visited the cave; the entrance is extremely narrow.

With some difficulty, for cobras are supposed to keep a

jealous guard, I persuaded a Kandyan attendant to enter the

eave. His description gave it a glamour of magnitude and

mystery that determined me to explore its wonders for

myself. After the entrance had been enlarged a litile by a

crowbar I succeeded, by assuming a horizontal attitude, in

Squeezing myself in. I then found myself inside a cavern

with fissures running in several directions, but so small that

I could scarcely stand upright, whilst to explore the fissures

required a mode of progression similar to that of the ficti-

tious guardians of the place. While in this uncomfortable

attitude a bat, startled by the intrusion, flew against the lighted

candle, and left me in the dark. The cave contains nothing

H 2

318 JOURNAL, &.A.8. (CEYLON). [Von. X..

of interest except a few stalactites, and I do not believe it |

ever contained any objects of worship. Certain it is there

were no visible signs of Pattini past or present. The story of

the goddess was probably a pious fraud of some Kapurala,

who imposed upon the credulity of the people and turned

their superstition to his own advantage. The narrowness

of the entrance and the dreaded wrath of the cobra rendered

his sham arcana tolerably safe from detection.

The Déwalé of Kataragama was a very small affair. Only

its foundations, now overgrown with lantana, remain. Here

again I met with a marked exhibition of the superstitious

reverence of the natives for the cobra,—a superstition which

I have always found to exist in connection with the déwalas

of the Hindu gods, and never with the relic shrines of

Buddha. I think this worthy of note, as it appears opposed

to the conclusions of Sir J. Fergusson that Buddhism and

Naga-worship are closely allied and essentially of Turanian

origin, whilst the A’ryan development of Hinduism exhibits

only such traces of Naga-worship as have been imparted by

contact with Turanians. The old Déwalé on Madaméwatta.

was replaced by a building now standing in the Vidiya of

Medamahanuwara, of which I shall have occasion to speak

presently. But the modern Déwala is always closed, and

appears forsaken. The decay of the old religions in these

parts is very marked. It would almost seem as if the Old

World worship of the Tree and the Serpent was about to

survive them all.

Close to the river bed on Madaméwatta is a large inscribed

stone, of which a copy was made by Mr. J. V.G. Jayawardana.

The carvings are mostly symbolic. They portray a trident

spear in the centre,—the peculiar weapon of the god Katara-

gama, the Sinhalese equivalent of Kartikéya, the Indian

Mars. On the left of this trident is a small circle symbolising

the sun, and below it a chank. On the right a half circle

representing the moon, and below it a sizha and a smaller

ehank. These carvings are subscribed by the Tamil words

GuriFa Cgsiur wrew, Kumarasin teyya madam, which

No. 36.—1888.] MEDAMAHANUWARA. 319

I conceive to mean “the niche at which Prince Kumarasinha

lights his lamp, and worships,” madam signifying “a small

hole in a wall to keep lamps,” used especially with reference

to Hindi temples and worship, and déyyd being a translation

of the Sinhalese deviyo, the ordinary appellation arrogated by

the reigning monarchs and independent princes of the royal

blood.

The inscription was no doubt the work of a Brahmin priest

from Southern India. Not only the characters and words,

but also the form of the sinha, strongly suggest a Tamil

origin, and as it is probable that Brahmins officiated at the

déwalas patronised by royalty, the foreign character of the

inscription is easily accounted for, the Brahmin caste having

no representatives amongst the natives of Ceylon. I think

it well to point out, as a mistake might easily arise, that the

name of Madaméwatta contains no reference to the madam of

the inscription, but was so called from its having been the

place of residence of the priests of the Pattiniand Kataragama

Dewalés, and apparently of the Buddhist priests attached to

the neighbouring Viharé (Sinhalese madama, Tamil madam).

The only Kumarasinha who figures in the Sinhalese annals

was the prince of Uva. Hewas the son of Vimala Dharmma

by Dona Catharina, whose strange eventful history is well

known. After Vimala Dharmma’s death, his brother Senarat

became the husband of Dona Catharina and the guardian

of the young Kumarasinha, and before his death divided

the kingdom into three parts, assigning Uva to Kumarasinha.

‘There seems no reason to doubt that this is the personage to

whom the inscription refers.

If the hypothesis is correct, it affords some ground for sup-

posing that Medamahanuwara may have belonged to the old

principality of Uva—a conclusion which derives support from

the fact, that the principality is known to have embraced the

strip of territory below the Galpadihéla between the hills

and the left bank of the Mahaweli-ganga which now forms

the boundary between the Central and Uva Provinces.

The Vidiya of Medamahanuwara is, as its name denotes,

320 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

a street with houses and other buildings on either side. It

is situated close to the ancient crossing of the Guru-oya, on

the right bank of the stream, immediately below the modern

eart-road and within a short distance of the bridge. It is

said to date from the reign of Vimala Dharmma, who ruled

from A.D. 1592 to 1627, and though now upwards of two

and a half centuries have passed away since its foundation,

it still retains the distinctive characteristics of its name, and

continues to be the residence of a few families. It was here

that Vimala Dharmma established a lock-up, which gained an

evil notoriety, as a means of extortion in the hands of the

subordinate officers of the Government. Here also stood the

Kongaha-yata Maligawa, the residence to which I have

previously referred as being antecedent to the more recent

building described in my first Paper. The gaol was standing

at the beginning of this century, but now no trace remains

of its existence except on the opposite side of the street some

parts of the foundation of the house, where dwelt the Reka-

vallu or Prison-guards. The present inhabitants of the

Vidiya are known by the designation of Katupullo or

Constables, a name which indicates their descent from

persons who held offices in connection with the gaol. There

is nothing worthy of detailed description in the modern

Vidiya. The most conspicuous building is the Dewalé of

Kataragama, built after the collapse of the temple on the

adjacent Madaméwatta ; and next in importance to it is the

‘‘ambalam,” whose pillars of mili/a wood, carved with figures

of the lotus and conventional trees and flowers, are said to-

have been removed by the villagers from the room of

the queen at the M4aligawa. There used to be an annual

merahera at the Vidiya, on which occasions an image of

Kataragama was paraded with an accompaniment of tom-toms.

and torches, but this too, with the other religious institutions

of the place, has fallen into disuse and discontinuance. _

The peak of Medamahanuwara guards, as it were, the defile

through Miriyahéna, or the Nugétenna gap, between the

Kandy country and Bintenna. It rises to an elevation of

No. 36.—1888. | MEDAMAHANUWARA. 321

4,372 feet, is precipitous on the north and west, but easy

of ascent from the south. On its summit king Senarat

built Galé-nuwara, a rock-fortress intended to serve

as a place of refuge for the kings of Kandy when hard

pressed by the invasions of the Portuguese. The fort was

on an extended scale, and though now its remains have

been defaced by the hand of time, and overgrown with

jungle, alone they are still worth the labour of the climb,

and combined with the lovely view over the sleeping vale

of Dumbara and its guardian hills they afford a picnicing

ground than which there is none better in the Island. It

was on such an occasion that I, in company with two friends

from neighbouring estates, the Ratémahatmay4 of the

district and Mr. Jayawardana, was so fortunate as to make —

acquaintance with Senarat’s airy citadel.

Starting from the magistrate’s house at Urugala, we passed

round the southern base of the mountain through several

abandoned estates, and commenced the ascent at the old

Dodangala estate. After climbing for about half an hour

over loose gravelly soil almost bare of vegetation, we

arrived at the edge of the jungle which envelops the moun-

tain’s crest. Here we saw the remains of what had once

been a substantial stone building near a running stream

of water, called by our guides the Halu-pé, or Dhoby’s

house. Its walls and dimensions, however, were of such

a pretentious character that it is not at all likely the

building was ever a dhoby’s residence, and I think that it

was intended for a halting-place, wherethe king might rest

on his fatiguing journeys up and down the hill, the dhoby

having his establishment close by, and providing a custom-

ary change of raiment for hismajesty. The journey onwards

and upwards was through the forest up a steep path cleared

for our party under the directions of a headman. As we

approached the summit we came across two cuttings on the

hill-side, which, though they contained no water, had

originally been fosses. At one of them was a stone wall

Supporting the opposite bank, and in the wall was an

322 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

opening intended as an embrasure fora cannon. The cannon

had disappeared, but the timber beam of halmilla, after

two centuries and a half of exposure to wind and rain and

attacks of the insect kind, still lay across the top of the

opening. The opposite walls of the fosses were perpen-

dicular, and we had to clamber up as best we could with the

aid of jungle roots. A little further on we passed, wonder-

ful to relate, a spring of fresh water, and a few steps still

further brought us to the summit of the peak. This is

srowned with an oblong stone building, the thick walls of

which are still standing, though the roof has fallen in. We

climbed on to the walls, startling as we did so a jungle-hen,

who flew away, deserting her nest and eggs. Then we were

rewarded for our pains by a fine view in the Hunasgiriya

direction. We spent some time in exploring the locality,

finding everywhere on the southern and eastern slopes the

remains of mouldering walls, by which the steep hill-sides

had been shaped and fashioned into battlements and bastions

and escarpments, after the manner of a western medizval

castle. On the north and west were sheer precipices, which

rendered access impossible and artificial defences unneces-

sary. On the northern side tradition relates the existence of

a cave, which, being approached from above by means of a

chain suspended from the rock, formed, when the chain was

withdrawn, a sure and impenetrable hiding-place.

The remains of the stronghold are scatiered about an area

of several acres; and for the three-fold reason, that they are

on so large a scale, our time was limited, and the ground is

steep and covered with dense jungle, [ am unable to enter

into any more detailed description of the plan of the fortress

than has been suggested by the foregoing notes.

In recent times cannon and stone cannon-balls have been

found, including a bar-shot, and we hunted about with some

curiosity for souvenirs of this description. But in this we

were disappointed, all such relics of the past having been

appropriated by former “ picnicers’” and the denizens of the

neighbouring villages, who have realised Scripture, not indeed

No. 36.—1888. | MEDAMAHANUWARA. 323

by turning swords into ploughshares and spears into pruning-

hooks, but in a still more practical manner, by melting down

the cannon and converting the iron into mamoties.!

As this paper on Medamahanuwara has been compiled

without regard to chronological order of the several build-

ings and localities, a brief summary of the history of the

district will here be given, so far as I have been able to glean

it from the only available source,—popular tradition.

I have stated above that the reign of Senarat was probably

the time in which Medamahanuwara first became frequented

by Sinhalese royalty, but further inquiry has revealed that

the first king whose name is mentioned in connection with

the place is Vimala Dharmma (A.D. 1592-1627). The Vidiya

with the lock-up, and the first Maligawa, may be said to date

from his reign. The succeeding king Senarat (A.D. 1627-

- 1634) built the citadel of Galénuwara as a stronghold against

the Portuguese, between whom and the kings of Kandy

there existed a continual warfare ; and to the same king | also

ascribe the religious establishments of the Viharéwatta and

Madaméwatta. During Senarat’s lifetime the kingdom was

subdivided, and it has been suggested that Medamahanuwara

belonged to the portion of Kumdrasinha, the prince of Uva.

Kumarasinha did not long survive Senarat, and at his death

his possessions, and amongst them Medamahanuwara, reverted

to Raja Sinha the second, the tyrant described by Robert

Knox. Thesecond Maligawa was built probably by Naréndra

Sinha (A.D. 1706-1739). During this king’s reign the Dalada

was enshrined in the Viharéwatta, whence it was removed to

the Pitigoda Vihare, where it remained until it was finally

removed to the Kandy Maligawa in the reign of Kirti Sri

Raja Sinha (A.D. 1747-1780), after the evacuation of Kandy

by the Dutch. In 1815 Sri Wikrama Raja Sinha made for

Galenuwara on the invasion of his country and the occupa-

tion of his capital by the British forces. Accompanied by

two of his wives he arrived in the evening at Udupitiye-

' See note B.— Hon. Sec.

324 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

gedara, the residence of Appurdala, A’rachchi of Bombura,

situated near the foot of Medamahanuwara-kanda. Thence

he sought to take refuge in a cave on the mountain side, but

being overtaken by darkness and torrents of rain he missed

his way, and returned in sorry plight to Udupitiyé-gedara.

Here he passed the night, and the next morning (February

17) a party of the British having come up under the guidance

of the friendly chief Ekneligoda, the three royal personages

were seized and stripped of their jewellery and carried

captives into Kandy. The Udupitiya family still lives in

Bombura, the present occupant of Udupitiyé-gedara being a

great grandson of the A’rachchi at whose house the king was

caught. The site of the original house, the actual scene of

the capture, is easily traced, and lies beneath the shade

of an ancient tamarind and a stwriya tree. Near it is

another house called Uda-gedara, on the site of an older

building of the same name, where the English soldiers who

accompanied Hkneligoda’s party were quartered. I visited

these places, and it was not without interest that I looked

upon the scenes where, after a chequered history of 2,122

years, the last act was played in the drama of Sinhalese

monarchy.

NOTE A.

Medamahanuwara was a place of refuge, and was so used by many

of the Kandyan kings during internal dissensions and at the time of

their wars against the Portuguese and Dutch.

King Senarat, who reigned from a.D. 1627 to 1634, embellished the

place by erecting the rock fortress Galé-nuwara, a royal palace, and a

Dalad& temple, as the following translations of two extracts from

the Réjawaliya and Siyamépasampadawata will show :—

Rajavaliya.— King Senevirat retired to the city which he had built

at Kalagatwatta in Malepane. Having afterwards erected the fortress

Galé-nuwara in Medamahanuwara, he publicly held court there. He

had three sons, viz., princes Rasin, Vijayapala, and Kumarasinha.

1 By N, don M. de Zilva Wickremasinghe, Assistant Librarian of the

Colombo Museum.

No. 36.—1888. | MEDAMAHANUWARA. 325

Sinhalaya (the hilly portion of the Island) was divided by king Sene-

virat into three parts, and each son was assigned apart. The eldest,

prince Rasin, was crowned king of Bintenna and Alutnuwara.”

Siyamopasampadawata.—‘ King Sénératna ordered the erection of

temples for the Dalada relic (Daladd mandira) in several of the

mountain fortresses, such as Medamahanuwara, and the Dalada relic

which had been receiving the customary adorations at Sriwardhana-

pura was ordered to be taken to those various temples, where constant

and similar devotions should be paid to it.

‘Having taken his chief queen and all his harem, as well as the

royal princes, and carrying his hereditary treasures, he fled to Mahi-

yaggana, where he resided in a palace in the vicinity of the Mahiyan-

gana chetiya.”’

lt is stated in the Rdjdvaliya that king Siri Vira Narendra Sigha or

Kundas4lé (great grandson of Senarat, 1706-39) escaped to this city,

Medamahanuwara, owing to a conspiracy having been formed by his

ministers for his dethronement and assassination.

NOTE B.

Extract from a Report made to the Hon. the Government Agent, Kandy.

Nilgala Walawwa, June 16, 1889.

No stone cannon balls are now to be found on the top of Medamaha-

nuwara peak. They have been from time to time removed by the

villagers for various purposes.

Last year I went up to the top with Mr. Hamilton, then Police

Magistrate, in search of some remains of its antiquity, but returned

unsuccessful. Since I have sent up my headmen, with no better

result.

I have, however, been able to procure three stone balls found in the

possession of villagers of Bomburé, at the foot of the peak, and said

to be some of those that have been found on the peak.

H. P. RAMBUKWELLA,

Ratemahatmaya.

GX RAPD AAR

H. C. COTTLE, ACTING GOVERNMENT PRINTER, CEYLON.

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“‘The design of the Society is to institute and promote inquiries into the History,

Religion, Literature, Arts, and Social Condition of the present and former

Inhabitants ofthe Island, with its Geology, Mineralogy, its Climate and

Meteorology, its Botany and Zoology.”

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JOURNAL

OF THE

CEYLON BRANCH

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,

1888.

VOLUME X.—No. 387.

EDITED BY THE HONORARY SECRETARY.

‘The design of the Society is to institute and promote inquiries into the History.

Religion, Literature, Arts, and Social Condition of the present and former

Inhabitants ofthe Island, with its Geology, Mineralogy, its Climate and

Meteorology. it; and Zoology.”

COLOMBO:

GEORGE J. A. SKEEN, GOVERNMENT PRINTER, CEYLON,

1890.

CONTENTS.

Introduction to a History of the Industries of Ceylon.—

By Georce WALL, Esq,, F.L.S., F.R.A.S., Vice-President

Ancient Industries of Ceylon—By Grorcr Watt, nee

F.L.S., F.R.A.S., Vice-President

A Collection of Notes on the Attack and Defence of

Colombo, in the Island of Ceylon, given over to the

English on February 16, 1796.—Tvranslated from the

French of MonsIEUR DE LA THOMBE (Voyage aux

Indes Orientales) by the late Colonel the Hon. A. B.

F'YERS, R.E., Surveyor-General of Ceylon

PAGE

328

365

ERRATUM.

At page 397 omit the two signatures A. K. Korpeerr and J. M-

J ARTHOLOMEUSZ.

JOURNAL

OF THE

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,

CEYLON BRANCH.

INTRODUCTION TO A HISTORY OF THE

3 INDUSTRIES OF CEYLON.

BY GEORGE WALL, F.1.S., F.R.A.S., VICE-PRESIDENT.

(Read October 4, 1888.)

eee | 11 fact that important changes have taken place in

regard to the local industries of the Island in the

past suggests that a review of their history with

reference to their present condition and future

prospect would probably prove useful ag well as interesting.

Much has already been done by previous writers, and

especially by the indefatigable compilers of the “ Ceylon

Handbook and Directory,” to show the present state and

recent progress of local enterprises ; but much remains to

be said respecting the causes which led to the condition in

which the British found them. These did not fall within

the scope of that useful work, but have a special interest of

their own and will amply repay the attention necessary to

follow their operation.

85—90 | BO

328 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. X.

The nature and development of all industrial pursuits

depend, to a considerable extent, upon certain conditions and

economic principles which are largely independent of those

natural resources, the primary importance of which is so

obvious as to generally obtain for them a degree of regard,

even beyond what they really deserve. A due consideration

of those factors is therefore necessary to a right understanding

of existing industries ; and if they be overlooked and natural

resources only be considered, much misapprehension may

arise, of which some remarkable examples will be adduced

in the sequel. In order to discuss those principles fully,

much more space would be required than could be given

‘within the compass of this Paper, but it is necessary to review

them briefly in so far at least as they bear upon the course of

industry in this Island.

It may be premised that in every community in which

agriculture is carried on, however primitive its constitution

may be, the cultivators of the land produce a surplus, of

greater or less extent, over and above their own primary

requirements. In other words, the produce of the land

exceeds, to some extent, the necessary consumption of the

labourers employed. The proportion of the surplus so arising

and the manner of its disposal are important factors in deter-

mining the development and progress of industry. The

former depends very much upon the natural resources of the

country and upon the local advantages it may possess, such

as facilities of transport, access to markets, &c. The latter

is dependent upon the character and aims of the ruling

powers, the disposition of the people, and the relations which

subsist between the workers and the powers that direct and

control their sinew.

Wheresoever the surplus accumulates, and wealth accrues,

the fact affords evidence of the capabilities of the country ;

but, on the other hand, the absence of accumulated wealth is

no criterion of poverty of resource, inasmuch as the total

income may be, and not unfrequently is, consumed, either

by the State or the people, not in the necessaries of life, but

No. 37.—1888.] INDUSTRIES OF CEYLON. 329

in various forms of luxury, waste, and war. The rulers may

and often do expend the surplusage in pomp and pageantry,

in displays of regal and monumental splendour, in religious

ceremonials and in court luxury. And the people, if they

have the means, may lack the inducement to thrift. In such

cases capital will not be created nor material progress

made.

In some countries accumulated wealth has proved to be so

great a source of danger that it has been sedulously avoided,

lest it should attract the predatory incursions of powerful

neighbours ; or it has been protected at prodigious cost.

Hence China endeavoured to guard its territory and pos-

sessions by constructing one of the greatest works ever

achieved by man, a wall of over 2,000 miles in length, which

probably absorbed more labour and material than all the

pyramids of Egypt together. The immense armaments of

Europe in the present day, with the vast expenditure

necessary for their maintenance, have the same object, and

in like manner consume a large portion of the national

surplusage unproductively.

Wealth offers the strongest and one of the commonest

inducements for aggressions of one country upon another,

-and for the oppression of the weaker by the more powerful

‘classes of the people. It is, however, in regard to individuals

rather than to collective bodies that the danger of possessing

wealth operates most influentially in preventing the accumu-

lation of capital. Under native rule, it was not safe for any

‘private individual in this country to possess riches, as they

were certain to be seized by the ruler, or by his more

unscrupulous .officials in his name. Knox says that the

Sinhalese will do “only what their necessities force them to

do, that is, to get food and raiment. Yet in this I must

‘a little vindicate them, for what indeed should they do with

more than food and raiment, seeing as their estates increase

so do their taxesalso! And although the people be generally

-covetous, spending but little, scraping together what they

can, yet such is the Government they are under, that they

330 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. X..

are afraid to be known to have anything lest it be taken

away from them.”

The Government thus referred to was that of the native King

of Kandy, amongst whose subjects Knox passed the twenty

years of his captivity, living as one of themselves, and there-

fore knowing their ideas, habits, and feelings more intimately

than any other of their Kuropean historians. Under the cir-

cumstances thus described, industry would not only be useless

but injurious. In later times the officers of Mohamet Ali’s gov-

ernment in Egypt habitually employed the bastinado to ex-

tort levies from people whom they suspected of having secret

possessions. ‘Thus the mere suspicion of their having any

spare means exposed the Egyptian fellaheen to penalties

which are generally reserved for the punishment of convicted

criminals. Industry, in such case, would only aggravate ex-

tortion ; self-denial and thrift, the virtues which elsewhere

insure wealth and create capital, incur the penalties of

erime. The truest wisdom and policy of labourers so treated

is to leave nothing unconsumed that could attract the

State inquisitor and his armed retinue. The material

progress of such a people is impossible, and demoralisation

inevitable.

Hence it appears that though the natural resources of a

country and its means of creating surplusage may exist

abundantly, its material advancement does not depend upon

the extent of wealth so arising, but upon the way it accrues,,

and the manner in which it is employed ; whether, in fact, it

be consumed in luxury, or wasted otherwise unproductively;.

or whether, on the other hand, it be converted into capital

for developing the resources and economising the means of

the country.

The ruins of Yucatan, the remains of Nineveh, the pyra--

mids of Egypt, and the irrigation works of Ceylon, all afford

striking evidence of the great natural resources of those

countries at the time when these works were constructed ;

and each contains a chapter of local history, which may be

read in the nature and purposes of the structures themselves..

No. 37.—1888.] INDUSTRIES OF CEYLON. ddl

Much may thereby be learnt respecting the condition of

the people and the character of the rulers of those times.

Probably Egypt is the most remarkable example in the

world’s history of the profusion of natural resources. There,

in fact, little is left for the labourer to do but to reap and

‘garner the harvests for which the soil is prepared and tilled

by the fertilising floods of its great artery, the Nile. These

bring every year fresh soil from the mountains of the in-

terior and spread them over the sunny surface of the country,

ready to receive the seed from the husbandman, who follows

the retreating waters in his punt. So lavish has nature been of

her bounties there that notwithstanding the waste involved

in the stupendous monumental edifices that still stand to

attest it, the national wealth sufficed beside for the construc-

tion of one of the grandest examples of economic engineering

the world has ever produced, the river of Joseph. By its

means was the Nilotic alluvium extended artificially over an

area almost equal to that of its natural reach. The ruins of

this marvellous work, like those of our own magnificent

tanks, are eloquent witnesses of the results of the arbitrary

proceedings of despots, and of the consequences of their un-

checked control of a country’s sinew and resources.

In strong contrast to these instances of the profusion of

natural resources and the waste or neglect committed by

those who controlled them, may be cited that of the British

nation, where surplusage has been obtained under compara-

tively adverse conditions, and where, nevertheless, the fruits

-of labour have so accrued, in accordance with true economic

principles, that capital has accumulated to an extent greater

than that of the nations most highly favoured by nature, and

has raised the country to an unrivalled pitch of industrial

wealth and glory. The production of capital in North

America has been even more rapid than in Britain, the un-

bounded extent of virgin soil there having been utilised in

conformity with principles favourable to the development

and progress of industry.

These illustrations show that natural resources conduce to

332 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VOL. X..

the growth of industrial enterprise, and to the material

advancement of a country, only in so far as the surplusage:

of its products is turned to account in the form of reproduc-

tive wealth, or capital. Whatsoever is expended in luxury,

pageantry, wars, and other forms of unproductive expendi-.

ture is lost to all -beneficent purpose, and is productive, at

best, of a transient glory, destined either to perish in

oblivion, or to endure as proof of the neglect or selfish ambi-

tion of irresponsible despotism.

It must not be supposed that educational and religious

institutions are ranked as wasteful or unproductive. In so:

far as they tend to increase knowledge, instil virtue, and

extirpate vice, they are in the highest degree useful and profit-

able to the State by promoting order, peace, and morality..

They only become indefensible when they fail to honour:

God, or when they minister only to the pride and vanity of

man. Moreover, knowledge is itself one of the most valuable

forms of reproductive capital, and ought therefore to be in-

culcated assiduously as an important element of industrial

success and material advancement. Knowledge, however,

is also power as well as capital. Despots, therefore, must

needs keep their subjects in ignorance, or they would lose

their power of oppression. This formidable two edged

instrument is sedulously kept by despotic rulers out of the

grasp of the people, who are thus made helpless and depen-.

dent, and therefore in no way responsible for the condition

of the countries they call their own, nor for that of the in-

dustries in which they labour.

In ancient times almost all countries were governed by

despotic rulers, or patriarchs, who regarded the labouring

class as inferior beings, to be kept in abject ignorance and

dependence. Their labour, and often also their persons, were

regarded as chattels at the disposal of the State. They were

required to work for little if any other recompense than the:

food and shelter necessary to enable them to perform the-

requisite service. The surplusage of their labour inured

entirely to their rulers, who therefore had the absolute-

‘No. 37.—1888.] INDUSTRIES OF CEYLON. dao

disposal of the entire income of the country. Hence the

fruit of industry was consumed, wasted, or converted to

reproductive use as capital, according as the taste and temper

of the sovereign for the time being might determine. One,

animated by beneficent ideas, might devote the labour of the

people, the resources of the country, and the energy of his

own character to the construction of an useful work ; another,

more vain and selfish, might neglect such work, and, like

Cheops, apply the national wealth and sinew to a stupendous

pyramid, for no higher purpose than to calculate his horoscope,

or to perpetuate the memory of his personal vanity. Wisdom

or folly, fanaticism or pride, by turns directed the ever-

varying aims and objects to which the labour of the people

was applied; and the same fitful and uncertain policy

determined their condition. The history of Ceylon and its

industries under native dynasties is a record of such alter-

nations, in which great achievements were succeeded by

ruinous lapses, in periods of fitful duration, when the condi-

tion and even the numbers of the people must have fluctuated

between wide extremes. Such have been the general results,

as attested by history, wherever the resources of a country

have been concentrated in the control of despotic rulers.

Though the interests of both rulers and people ought theo-

retically to be identical, seeing that the surplusage produced

by the latter is the measure of the means of the former, yet

in practice it has proved that pride, ambition, and greed have

generally prevailed over the dictates of policy and reason.

Hence, instead of progress of wealth and happiness and the

blessings of contentment extending to all classes, the natural

results of the principles and conditions of native despotism

have been the ruin and desolation which are to be seen in the

countries so governed. The ruined tanks, and the unhappy

people who still cling to the expiring remains of the grand

enterprise they represent, are the natural consequences of the

system pursued by native despots, whereby the wealth and

capital of the country were concentrated in one hand, subject

to one will, and were not available for individual enterprise.

304 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. X.

The influence of capital, the motive power of industry,

depends mainly upon the way it is directed, whether as the

ally of the labourer, or as his imperious taskmaster ; whether

to employ and remunerate him, or to exact as much work as

the lash or the bastinado may be able to extort; whether to

divide it in just and reasonable proportion between the

labourer and the capitalist, or to absorb the whole, either by

the power of the State or by usurious exactions. In the

sequel of this review of the industries of Ceylon, it will be

seen that the absence of capital has been in some cases

scarcely ‘more fatal than the abuse of the power exerted by

its few possessors. The needy goya, who has to pay fifty

per cent. for the use of his seed, would often be better

without it, and at the best he pursues his enterprise under

discouragement fatal to the future progress of his industry

or to the improvement of his own condition.

The conduct of the Portuguese and the Dutch was charac-

terised by the avarice of adventurers, who were regardless

of the good of either the country or its inhabitants. Their

only care was to extract from both whatever they could

obtain, whether by force or guile. Their capital and the

command their fleets gave them of the sea, were employed

in the interest of their own country and commerce at the

expense of this Island and its people. Though they nomi-

nally purchased the produce of local industry, they actually

appropriated it on terms little better than pillage, the prices

paid being such as would have effectually suppressed the

production, which was therefore carried on mainly by means

of forced levies. Certain quantities of the various commo-

dities were exacted under severe penalties, and the prices

paid were such as to involve the producers in loss and grief.

Some industries were thus destroyed, and all were discour-

aged. Bertolacci relates that pepper tothe extent of forty to

one hundred and fifty thousand pounds per annum was levied

at the rate of 1 to 14 fanam per pound, worth many times that

paltry payment. Governor Schreuder on leaving the Island

advised his successor to reduce the exports, lest the trade

No. 37.—1888.] INDUSTRIES OF CEYLON. d30

-of Malabar, another Dutch possession, should be injured.

And it is well known that the cloves and nutmegs were

destroyed in Ceylon in the interest of Dutch trade in the

Moluccas. For cardamoms, Bertolacci says, they paid the

Sinhalese 2 fanams per pound. Under this regimé the capital

-and power of the State were employed in seizing the pro-

-ducts of industry on terms so grievous that it became the

interest of the people rather to root up their trees than to

harvest the fruit, wherefore it became necessary to enact

extreme penalties for the destruction of fruit trees.

It thus appears that our predecessors employed their

capital ina manner to effectually discourage, or even to ex-

tinguish, the most important industries of the country, nor

was it ever applied beneficently, or under the conditions

which foster enterprise, until the British took possession. Of

private capital, independent of the State, there was then but

very little, and that little was in the hands of renters and

other such persons, exercising or usurping official functions

and authority. Sir J. Emerson Tennent seems inconsistent

in his remarks upon private capital, for in some parts of his

writings he exposes, with all the force of his powerful pen,

the extortions of native usurers ; and elsewhere, in the Blue

Book for 1846, he says: “It is a singular fact and somewhat

discouraging that there is not asingle native capitalist m

Ceylon, though some are proprietors of land to a considerable

extent, and enjoy a corresponding rank and influence in their

localities.” Here he shows, not the absence of capital, but

its abuse.

The practical difference in the results of the employment

-of capital by the State, as compared with its application by

private individuals, is well exemplified by reference to the

historic facts above cited. Works constructed by the State

are generally on a large scale, and whether of an useful and

reproductive character, or of the opposite kind, they depend

for their maintenance on the disposition of the rulers for the

time being. They and they only have the power and the

means. No one else has either the responsibility or the

336 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. X..

ability to keep them in a state of efficiency. Hence neglect,

the fatal and almost inevitable consequence of irresponsible

ownership, has overtaken and ruined the greater number of

such works. On the other hand, private capital has, from

time immemorial, produced enduring results, which no

power can destroy, and which will through all time go on

developing the resources of the world. Commerce, the great

benefactor and pacificator of mankind, which has brought

the most distant nations into mutual intercourse and inter-.

dependence, owes its origin and development to private

enterprise. In Britain, where it has attained the greatest

development, and in some other countries, where modern

civilisation has subdued or modified the ambition and sel-

fishness of ancient despotism, the fruits of private capital are

manifest in the advancement of all classes of the people, in

the progress of art and science, and in affording the strongest.

motives for the maintenance of peace and for strengthening

the brotherhood of nations.

The cause of the stagnant state of local industries, which

the British Government found on assuming possession of this

country, was clearly proved by the wonderful change which

immediately followed the introduction of the capital which

the planters introduced, and so vigorously employed, and by

the widespread improvement in the condition of the natives

within the range of its benign influence. The reason that in

the regions beyond that range the old stagnation still con-

tinues, is because the old adverse conditions which discourage

enterprise and make progress impossible are still in force

there. The training of ages in oppression and misery could

not easily be effaced, even if the former discouragements did

not persist. To ignore those conditions, and to heap reproaches

upon the victims, is as foolish and unprofitable as it would

be to revile the dying or the dead.

The influence of free intercourse between different coun--

tries, and between distant parts of the same country, is an im-

portant factor in the development of industrial enterprise. In:

former times a nation might keep within itself and maintain:

No. 37.—1888.] INDUSTRIES OF CEYLON. dot

a comparatively isolated and independent position, its.

inhabitants accommodating their wants to their own local

resources. In some the avenues of access were closed against

all foreigners, except a favoured few, on whom they depended

for some necessary exchange of commodities. In modern

times, however, such exclusiveness has become impossible.

Steam navigation, railways, and telegraphs, have brought

nearly every habitable part of the earth into direct inter-

course with all the rest. Keen traders issue forth, laden

with the products of countries where industry has fructified

abundantly, to find markets for the surplusage of their

productions. Thus an almost universal interchange of com-

modities has been established. Old barriers have been

broken down, until at length few hindrances remain to

prevent free access to the recesses of even the most jealously

guarded countries. The special resources and requirements

of each, what it can most cheaply supply, and what it most

urgently wants, thus become generally known, and commerce

sets up a process of distribution and equalisation which

seems to be destined to eventuate in a general equilibrium.

With this knowledge every country might turn to account

its special capabilities and advantages to the purposes for

which it is best adapted. Many industries which were

formerly pursued under adverse conditions, in certain places,

have already been superseded by new ones more suitable to

the circumstances. A still more comprehensive re-adjust-

ment will doubtless be effected by a greater freedom of

intercourse, which, if carried out to its natural results, will

eventuate in each country’s producing the commodities for

which it is best adapted. In the meantime, however, this

natural tendency of universal competition is being checked

by means of artificial expedients, such as prohibitive or pro-

tective tariffs whereby local advantages are nullified and

adverse conditions perpetuated. The good of the many is

sacrificed for the benefit of a few, and the natural tendency

is perverted. This old fashioned method of interfering with

natural growth, though still maintained extensively, must

338 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. X.

in the end succumb to natural forces. Universal intercourse

seems to be the destined providential means of promoting

peace, brotherhood of nations, and the distribution of the

people to the places where there is most room for them.

Far as the world is yet from such a consummation, the

tendency of modern inventions, discoveries, and civilisation

is so to disseminate knowledge, and to distribute the pro-

ducts of industry, as to extend their benefits universally.

Facility of communication between the distant parts of a

country is as important to its industries as the intercourse

it enjoys with other countries. Valuable commodities may

otherwise exist abundantly in one part, and be yet practi-

cally unavailable for other parts, where they are urgently

wanted. Thus, stores of grain existed in India in one part,

whilst, but a few years ago, famine raged in another. Hence,

for want of efficient means of transport, one province lost

the benefit of a good market, whilst the people in another

were dying of starvation. On the other hand, railways and

modern appliances have proved the means of bringing

supplies of wheat from the north of India and other new and

remote places, which have afforded cheap food to the millions

of English labourers, who would otherwise have suffered

severe hardship during the long protracted depression of

trade from which the country is only now recovering.

When the British took possession of Ceylon, the interior

was accessible only by village paths and game tracks, which

precluded the transport of any but very portable and valu-

able commodities. Wherefore the few industries which

existed in the country were mostly of a local character,

confined within narrow limits. Sir J. Emerson Tennent,

writing in 1846, says: “It is surprising that even postal

communication is so regularly maintained, considering the

obstructions caused by wild animals, deep streams, and the

absence of local European superintendence” in some parts.

A British Embassy which started from Colombo to the King

of Kandy in 1806, had to leave its artillery behind at

Sitawakka, and to proceed in light marching order, not

No. 37.—1888.] INDUSTRIES OF CEYLON. da9

without great difficulty and delay. Trade and industrial

enterprise were necessarily then almost confined to the

coasts, each of which in turn was practically inaccessible for

half the year during the monsoons, the small craft the

Island possessed being unable to cope withthem. In Knox’s

time, the King of Kandy required his subjects to bring with

them, and deliver to him, the products of the country under

his rule, and that faithful historian describes graphically the

detentions, losses, and privations to which the people were

exposed whilst waiting His Majesty’s pleasure to receive

them. He also relates that arecanuts lay on the ground

ungarnered, because there was “no vend for them,” or

indeed for any other of their fruits. It follows that under

such conditions, so comparatively recent, the industries of

the Island were necessarily confined to such commodities as.

could be carried by almost impracticable paths to all but

inaccessible markets.

Nor were the conditions much better under the Dutch,

whose proceedings, as we have already shown, offered no

inducement to the natives to pursue by choice the industries

forced upon them, even if the markets that Government pro-

vided had been more accessible than they were made by the

canals they constructed.

It was not until the British Government introduced the

system of roads throughout the Island, for which it has since

been so justly noted, that this essential element of industrial

success has been provided. This means of communication

has, in the meantime, been superseded by railways, in which

steam takes the place to a very large extent of draught by

animals. Unless Ceylon proceeds more energetically, how-

ever, and by private enterprise, to complete the chain of

intercommunication by rail, she will be left far behind in

the keen competition of powerful rivals in her newest enter-

prises, and will suffer discouragement, or possible defeat.

The policy of constructing railways at the expense of the

existing local industries, and of devoting them when paid

for to the raising of revenue by means of excessive rates of

340 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VOL. X.

transport, is neither wise nor just. It deprives them of a

great part of their value, which consists in economising

carriage and thus affording aid and encouragement to

enterprise.

In the foregoing remarks on the influence of capital,

intercourse, and market, the relation these elements bear to

the all-important one of labour has been incidentally shown,

but requires to be more particularly considered.

Asa general principle, it is obvious that some adequate

inducement is an indispensable condition of voluntary labour.

It would be vain to expect to enlist the best energies of the

people in work in which they have no interest. Labour may,

it is true, be extorted by the lash of the taskmaster or slave-

driver for the benefit of those who, for the time, possess the

_ requisite power ; and it has already been shown that prior

to the accession of the British in Ceylon, the Sinhalese

suffered galling oppression, and were in a state of helpless

ignorance and degradation. It was dangerous, wheresoever

it was at all possible, for them to possess anything of which

they could be deprived, and they were therefore in a state

of inevitable poverty. It was not possible for industry to

prosper, or for the people to advance under such conditions.

Although the country possessed great natural capabilities, and

the virtual monopoly of two precious commodities, cinnamon

and pearls, yet neither the people nor the country derived

any advantage even from these specialties ; in fact, the greed

of our immediate predecessors, the Dutch, reduced the value

and destroyed the monopoly of the spice, and drove the trade

into another channel.

Itisthus manifest that the nature, extent, and success of the

industries of a country are not under the control of the

labouring people, nor are the working class responsible either

for their own condition or for that of their country. This

fact, so clearly shown in the history of Ceylon, is fully borne

out in our own country elsewhere, and is strikingly manifest

in the fact that the depressed, languishing, dispirited people

who still linger about the ruins of the ancient tanks, are of

No. 37.—1888.] INDUSTRIES OF CEYLON. d41

the same race and natural character as the energetic Sinhalese,

who are ever ready to undertake work on contract, and the

‘goyas, who, to a man, are willing to fell heavy forest, clear,

sow, and fence it, for the small return of a single crop of

kurakkan, which rarely even yields an equivalent of 7d. a

day for the severe labour it involves. The wretched crofter

of North Britain, who listlessly watches his starving family

in astate of moral paralysis, is of the same race, and naturally

of the same energetic character, as his countrymen who have

made the name of a Scot a synonym for indomitable energy.

The African captive who suffers himself to be dragged

ignominiously from his home, is often of the same kith and

kin as his captor, and would turn the tables on him if he

were not demoralised by oppression. In all these cases the

difference of character is not natural, but is the product of

the particular circumstances, often entirely artificial, in which

the people are placed. The same result may be produced

either, on the one hand, by oppression, which deprives men

of the just value of their labour and reduces them to an

abject condition, or by the dispiriting influence of vain and

fruitless effort. A dead pull breaks the heart of a colt, and

in like manner a hopeless condition makes men apathetic,

despairing, and slavish.

One of the few Dutch Governors who had generous

impulses towards the Sinhalese recommended his successor

to offer an additional inducement instead of forcible exaction,

for he says: “ Raising the price of an article has more effect

with them (the Sinhalese) than harsh measures.” At the

same time, his suggested addition of a penny per pound by

way of inducement for the production of the article they were

levying at a mere fraction of its proper value, shows how the

feeling of justice becomes dried up by the exercise of

habitual and systematic oppression.

History teaches that the stability and permanence of a

Government depend mainly upon the justice and reasonable-

ness of its dealings with the people, and upon the inducement

thus offered for the enlistment of their energies, This, in

d42 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. X..

fact, is one of the leading conditions which determine the

character of a nation’s industries. Wheresoever labour is.

exacted by force and fails to receive its just remuneration,

wheresoever service is executed without wages, the woe

pronounced by Jeremiah will be realised. The fruits of

such service will be uncertain, and may perish like the river:

of Joseph, or endure uselessly like the pyramids amidst the

desolation they have helped to create. In short, power that

ts exerted selfishly is unenduring, and that only is progressive

and permanent which extends its rule unselfishly to all

classes of the people. The degradation of any section of a

community isa mortal malady of the State, which will in the

end bring the whole body politic to decay and ruin. The

healthy condition of a State can only be secured by maintain-

ing that of each class. The providential arrangement by

which the violation of the principles of justice and charity

entails its own penalties is as applicable to a nation as to an

individual. Hence all the devices by which despotism has

striven to maintain and perpetuate oppression have through-

out the world’s history eventuated in the destruction of the

oppressor.

We have seen that in Ceylon, until lately, the conditions.

which call forth the energies of the people have been

continually violated, and that the natural consequences have.

followed in the deposition of the oppressors, the stagnation

of local industries, the waste of natural resources, and the

demoralisation of the people. The requisite inducements

for effective exertion, the capital necessary to utilise the

labour of the people, and the knowledge required to direct

it, were all wanting, until British capital and the energy of

the planters supplied these essential elements to a part of the

country where they have fructified abundantly. May the

same happy results be soon extended to those parts which

still lie under the blight bequeathed by former Governments !

The institution of caste, howsoever it may have originated,

afforded to native rulergan effective means of securing their

own ends by working upon the feelings of pride natural to

No. 37.—1888.] INDUSTRIES OF CEYLON. 343

man. The distinction thus conferred upon all who were

engaged in the occupation in which the rulers were most

interested, and which gave to such people a rank above their

fellows, secured the supremacy of that industry. Thus the

cultivators who filled the State granaries were made to look

with scorn upon all other classes of the people, who suffered

degradation in different degrees, according to arbitrary

arrangement. The people were thus placed in an unnatural

relation one class to another, whereby invidious distinctions

were created amongst them all, and severe discouragement

was imposed upon those industries which were likely to

enrich the people engaged in them. Nor was the distinction

of the favoured class an unmixed blessing to themselves, for

they were obliged, on pain of their own degradation and.

that of all their descendants, to adhere to their particular

pursuit, whether their lands afforded an adequate return, or

failed, from whatever cause, to yield the produce necessary

to maintain their increasing numbers. Hence the coveted

distinction subjected its possessors to the fate we see to-day so

terribly exemplified in the condition of the wretched sur-

vivors of a once dense population, who still cling to their

ancestral lands about the ruined tanks, and also in villages

which have outgrown the resources of the lands belonging

to them.

The obligations and restrictions imposed by caste upon the

labouring population of Ceylon, and the relations thereby

established between labour and the other factors of industrial

progress, are entirely opposed to the conditions under which

success is possible. Of these none is more important than

the freedom of the labourer to dispose of his one possession,

sinew, in the manner most conducive to his advantage and

to the demand that may exist for its use. Caste inflicts a fatal

impediment to the adjustment of means to ends, and imposes

insuperable obstacles to progress and prosperity. One craft

may lack labourers whilst another is overdone. Natural

resources may lie neglected because the people, where they

are available, are precluded by their caste from defiling

85—90 Cc

344 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. X.

themselves by utilising them. For instance, coir is a thri-

ving industry in some places, and is neglected in others

because of the special contamination caste assigns to it.

It would far exceed the limits of this Paper to specify the

numerous forms of discouragement caste imposes on our

industries, but many will appear in the sequel. The influ-

ence it exerts must be constantly kept in view in considering

each one in particular, if justice be done to the subject.

Probably the worst evil consequent on caste is that which

makes it a degradation to accept wages. It virtually requires

aman to be either a partner or a slave of his employer.

Knox shows that it is not the work itself, generally, but the

doing it for wages, which degrades the man. He says:

“Husbandry is the great employment of the country. In this

the best men labour, nor is it held to be any disgrace for one

of the greatest quality to do any work, either at home or in

the field, if it be for themselves, but to work for hire with

them is reckoned for a great shame, and very few are there

to be found who will work so, but he that goes under the

notion of a gentleman, may dispense with all works but

carrying—that he must get a man to do, for carrying is

accounted the most slave-like work of all.” We daily experi-

ence the truth of this remark, by observing with what

avidity the Sinhalese will undertake almost any kind of work

by contract, which comparatively few would be induced to

do for wages. The task or contract evades the ignominy

of hire. Even yet, notwithstanding some relaxations effected

by European influence and example, the degradation which

caste assigns to certain occupations, and to labouring for hire,

continues in strong force. There are at this day hundreds

of thousands of able-bodied Sinhalese, who would gladly earn

the wages their labour would procure, but for the shame of

that terrible scare, and the sacrifice it would entail of their

social status and that of their descendants.

The strength of caste feeling in the native mind may be

inferred from the following remark of Sir J. F. Dickson in

in his article on Ceylon in the Encyclopedia Britannica :—

No. 37.—1888.] INDUSTRIES OF CEYLON. | 345

“ The castes do not intermarry, and neither wealth nor Kuro-

pean influence has had any effect in breaking down caste

distinctions.”

Kuropeans may inveigh against the poor native, who in

his deepest needs refuses to violate his order and sacrifice

his social status and that of his posterity by working for hire,

‘but it is a feeling which operates as strongly in our own

community as amongst Asiatics, though not bearing the same

opprobrious name. An English gentleman will not descend

to any employment which, according to the accepted creed,

would degrade him and lower his social status. It cannot

therefore be expected of the ignorant natives who have

inherited for many generations the ideas of the race, to do

for themselves what even Christian teaching has not effected

for the European. Naturally the invidious feelings inspired

by caste distinctions are the strongest in the higher grades,

who enjoy the superiority caste confers. They, therefore,

whose example alone could break down the caste barriers,

.are they who most strenuously uphold them.

Of the numerous writers who have employed their pens in

descriptions of this Island, very few have considered the con-

ditions essential to the success and development of industrial

enterprise. AJl of them, without exception, have been deeply

impressed with the apparent capabilities and resources of the

soil and climate, as these are manifested in the luxuriant

growth and great variety of its vegetable products ; and have

therefore been surprised at and have remarked upon the

backward condition of its industries, the undeveloped state

of its apparently inexhaustible sources of wealth, and the

low status of the rural inhabitants. Such a discrepancy

between the actual condition of the country and its apparent

capabilities required explanation, and nearly all have

considered that the apathy of the people afforded a satis-

factory solution of the matter, and have taken it for granted.

Though this very simple reason may seem to suffice for the

mere purpose of accounting for the existing state of the

country, it will be seen from the foregoing remarks that it

346 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X..

does not represent the true state of the case, and that it fails.

entirely to expose the real evils that have been the effective.

causes of discouragement in the past, some of which have, in

consequence, remained in operation, and are still unremedied..

The ready acceptance which this superficial theory has

received has proved a very serious impediment to progress,

and a grievous injury to the people, especially to that large

section of them who are still suffering helplessly under

adverse conditions, for which they are not in any way

responsible.

Those writers who adopt this theory, and their followers.

quote the evidences of ancient prosperity and plenty con--

tained in the ruined irrigation works to show what has.

actually been done, and they refer for proofs of more modern

industry and success to the vaunted riches extracted from

the country in formertimes. Butthey generally overlook the

fact that the foundation on which those superstructures of

past greatness and wealth were built was, in both cases,

unstable. Under native rule the whole resources of the

country and the sinew of the people were in the power of the

State and were devoted to one enterprise, dependent for its.

success on vast works, which the State alone could maintain.

The failure of these works therefore inevitably sealed the

doom of the unhappy people, who had no escape from the

ruin imposed upon them. They lived under artificial con-

ditions of which they were not the splendid authors, but

only the miserable victims. It was not nature that was cruel

to them, nor were they responsible for the violation of her

laws. Equally unnatural and impolitic was the conduct of

our immediate predecessors, and though it operated in very

different ways it was not less effective than that of the native

rulers in crushing out the vital principles of industrial

enterprise.

The authorities whose writings and opinions have been

referred to may be divided into two classes, viz., those who

have apprehended the true state of the case, and have

sympathised deeply with the sufferers ; and those who, on the

“No. 37.—1888.] INDUSTRIES OF CEYLON. 347

-other hand, have disregarded the effective agencies, and have

contemned and reproached the people for their misfortunes.

The former class, though small in number, is strong in all

that gives value to their evidence and weight to their

opinions. Sir Henry Ward is a type of this class; he saw

the country for himself, and investigated personally, with all

the force and acumen of an experienced statesman, the

actual conditions of the country and the people. The result

was a deep sympathy with the sufferers, and strong invective

against the real authors of the evils under which they

suffered. Knex belongs to the same class; and writing as

one of the people themselves, after living as one of them, he

describes in his naive and simple way that the people durst

not possess anything that could attract the cupidity of their

rulers, nor had any inducement to produce more than they

could consume, “ having no vend for anything they might

get.”

In the masterly Minutes of Governor Ward, and in the

unvarnished description of the honest captive, who spent

twenty years in the village life of the Sinhalese, are contained

the true principal causes of the backward condition in which

the British Government found the industries of the country

when it assumed the rule.

Those who, on the other hand, attribute the condition of

the country to the apathy and idleness of the people have

written apparently without any intimate knowledge of the

character and ideas of the labouring classes of their own and

-other countries.

The writings of those who belong to this class, and of their

followers of the present day, would lead their readers to the

supposition that, if it were not for the supineness and crass

idleness of the Sinhalese, the whole Island would be a verit-

able garden of Eden, teeming with all the products of tropical

growth, besides some peculiar to itself. It would take up

pages of this Paper to merely enumerate the various products

which, according to Bennet and others, would yield fortunes

to any one who would take the trouble to reap them. He

348 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Wont x

(Bennet) is particularly strong in regard to indigo, cotton, .

opium, pepper, and tea. The two first mentioned grow wild,

and he says there are 4,000 square miles on which cotton

might be grown. As regards tea, which he also describes as

indigenous, he may have only followed Percival, who wrote

about twenty years previously, and says that “the tea plant

is found in the greatest abundance in the northern parts of

the Island, which are most unfavourable to other kinds of

produce”! He says further “that it is equal in quality to

any that ever grew in China.”

Another enthusiast of more recent date, C. W. Payne, has.

published, besides his book on “Ceylon, its Products, Capa-

bilities, and Climate,” a map of large size, and of very re-

markable character. At page 11 of his book he says that

_ Ceylon “ will be found to be far more productive in mineral

wealth than any other country.” He estimates “that the

exportation of cotton from hence would give freight to 500,000"

tons of shipping annually, and would annihilate the slave

cotton supply from America.” Of tobacco he says “an acre

produces one and a half to two tons.” Wine of superior:

quality, and that to a great extent, could be made here;

indeed “it would be difficult,” he says, “to find a climate or

soil better adapted for the cultivation and growth of the

grape than some parts of the low country.” In his rambles

he “gazed around him with astonishment to see the herds of

wild cattle grazing upon the beautiful green pasture,

resembling our home parks, but far more luxuriant, Count-

less herds of wild cattle wander through the forest, and over

the valleys ; they have also their camping grounds, park-like

places, shaded with trees. Every herd has several of these

camps. So strong is their attachment to place that they have

been known to travel back 100 and even 200 miles to their

old haunts.” “Here,” he says, “ is a wide field for the slaughter

house; beef and venison in abundance.” “I have myself

seen,” he goes on to say, “herds numbering two to three

thousand heads without owner or master. Why, the very

hides of these animals would make a fine export trade, while

No. 37.—1888.] INDUSTRIES OF CEYLON. 349

their flesh would be food for the Eastern army and the emi-

grant!” This gentleman assured Lord John Russell that “in

a few years he could produce a surplus revenue of £ 1,450,000

sterling, after deducting expenditure.” Still, extravagant as

is the picture drawn by this author and resident of the coun-

try, he is in one respect more just than most other writers ;

for he admits the need of capital for the execution of most

of his projects, whilst they expect the poverty-stricken

people to do everything by merely shaking off their sloth,

and harvesting the natural products of the country, amongst

which they include some that are neither indigenous nor

cultivable, things that never did nor ever will grow here.

Such are some of the misapprehensions into which writers,

including some who have enjoyed the advantage of personal

observation during considerable periods of residence in the

country, have been led by judging from superficial appear-

ances and overlooking the conditions which determine the

nature and development of industry. A fair and reasonable

consideration of the subject with reference to those con-

ditions will be found to explain some apparent anomalies, to

account for the decline of some industries and the extinction

of others, and to place the character of the Sinhalese race in

a light which relieves them, to a great extent at least, of the

charges commonly laid against them, both as regards their

industry and their intelligence. As to the rest, they cannot

be expected to exhibit the characteristic virtues of Christianity,

which as yet are but little understood amongst them.

390 — JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. X,

ANCIENT INDUSTRIES IN CEYLON.

By GEORGE WALL, F.L.S., F.R.A.8., VICE-PRESIDENT.

(head November 22, 1888.)

=<—|KYLON is fortunate in possessing a connected

. history of the last 2,300 years, of which Turnour,

a most competent authority, says that “it is

authenticated by the concurrence of’ every

evidence which can contribute to verify the annals of

any country.” Like all ancient and nearly all modern

histories, however, the histories of this Island are almost

exclusively records of great national events and the pro-

ceedings of rulers, princes, and priests, and afford little, if

any, information respecting the industries of the people.

Historians, even to this day, fail to recognise the fact that

potentates are not possible without a people, and that a

people is nothing without its industries. In other words,

the position, power, and resources of kings are derived

entirely from industry as the fundamental source of all

wealth. The fact that unless the people earn by their

labour somewhat more than the necessaries of life there is

no resource for either princes or priests, outside of the ranks

of the people themselves, is generally regarded by historians

as unworthy of notice in a national record. It is nevertheless

a fact of such importance, and is so related to all those events

that figure prominently in history, that the condition of a

country, and the industries in which the sinew of the people

is employed, may, to a great extent, be logically inferred one

from the other. The slight mention of trade and commerce

in Sinhalese histories is attributed by Mr. Turnour to the

fact that they were exclusively written by Buddhist priests,

who are debarred from all secular pursuits.

No. 37.—1888.] INDUSTRIES OF CEYLON. 301

The monuments which remain to attest the resources, and

to exhibit the national character of ancient races of mankind,

seem to show that wheresoever the surplus products of

labour were devoted to luxury, pomp, and unproductive

purpose, the improvident races so employing them perished,

and their epitaph is inscribed upon the memorials of their

wasteful policy ; and on the other hand, that wheresoever the

sinew and resources of an ancient people are represented by

reproductive works, the race and its industries survive, even

where these have been crushed by the weight of unproductive

national burdens, as in Egypt, or have been subject, as in

Ceylon, to the frequent incursions of rapacious neighbours,

and to the vicissitudes of ever-changing and despotic Govern-

ments. Had the ancient Sinhalese possessed the wisdom and

foresight which led the Chinese to fortify their country

against invasion and to protect their industries from harassing

interruptions by erecting that stupendous barrier, the great

wall, this country might have enjoyed, like that, a con-

tinuous progress of permanent and enduring wealth. Andthe

Sinhalese would almost certainly have attained a degree of

intellectual and moral refinement and culture which are

fairly foreshadowed by the art displayed in the design and

‘decoration of their religious edifices, the science exhibited in

the conception and execution of their stupendous irrigation

works, and in the beautiful ideas of womanly devotion and

‘female virtues which form a staple subject of their best

poetry. But, instead of any such provident regard for the

security of their possessions and industries, the Sinhalese

attracted their rapacious neighbours to their defenceless

coasts, by lavishing upon their religious edifices a profusion

of precious metals and gems, which were highly prized and

easily carried off by their enemies. Hence it followed that,

throughout their history, from the most ancient times, when-

ever the Government was weak, parties of Tamils invaded

the Island, and either despoiled it, or seized upon and

exercised fora time the supreme power. It is astonishing

how easily these marauders established themselves, and how

302 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. X.

patiently the Sinhalese generally submitted to, or accepted,

their domination. The policy of the people seems to have

been to acquiesce unresistingly in each new dispensation,

and to gradually absorb into the realm the novel elements so

introduced. The only exceptions appear to have been pro-

voked by extreme oppression, or by religious feelings, and

when thus roused, the Sinhalese turned resolutely upon their

foes, and drove them bodily out of the country, or

exterminated them. In reference to such struggles the Rev.

Spence Hardy says that “many a Marathon or Thermopyle

might have been recorded of them.” Seeing that the

frequent invasions by their Tamil neighbours were the cause

of all the worst disasters that befel their splendid industries,

the persistent neglect of their national defences was the

more remarkable, especially as they had nota long line of

exposed boundary to protect, like the Chinese, but only a

few points of their coasts. Such blind disregard of their

national interests, after so many and such severe lessons, can

only be accounted for by the inability the race has always

shown for any great combination. They were ever a

domestic, not a political, people, and so continue to be to this

day. People of this disposition fall almost necessarily under

the subjection of any resolute power, and become the

servants, if not virtually the slaves, of those who wield it.

It may here be incidentally questioned, whether the great

wall of China, which in modern times has been regarded as

an egregious folly, costly as it must have been, was not, at

least in the time when it was built, a more economical means

of defence, after all, than a standing army, which would

have abstracted in perpetuity so large a proportion of the

labour taken from the industries of the Empire.

Seeing that history affords no direct information respect-

ing the ancient industries, the actual condition of the people,

or the national resources of the Island at the time of

Wijayo’s conquest, all that can now be ascertained on the

subject must be inferred from the data afforded by the

authentic narratives of the events therein recorded. These

No. 37.—1888,] INDUSTRIES OF CEYLON. 303:

events, so far as they depended upon the sinew of the people,

either directly for the things done, or indirectly for the

means of doing them, afford a sure guide for inference and

research. Industry, being in one form or another, the

source of all wealth, it is evident that wheresoever this is

proved to exist, that must have preceded it, as certainly as

the parent its offspring. Even when wealth flows from the

most precious of nature’s bounties, considerable labour is

nevertheless necessary for their utilisation. In the Austra-

lian gold fields, for example, during the first few years

after their discovery, notwithstanding the large prizes found

near the surface, and the fortunes acquired by some indivi-

dual diggers, the total output, when divided over the whole

force engaged in the work, amounted to only two guineas a

week for each worker. Gems, and even pearls, when charged

with all the expenses involved in their collection, are not so

lucrative a source of revenue as they seem at first to be.

Sir J. E. Tennent, in his celebrated book on Ceylon,

disposes summarily of the great staple industry of the Island

by the remarkable statement that before the arrival of

Wijayo, 543 B.c., agriculture was unknown here, and that

grain, if grown at all, was not systematically cultivated.

“The inhabitants,” he says, “appear to have subsisted then

and for some centuries afterwards on fruits, honey, and the

products of the chase.” This view, which has been generally

accepted on his authority, seems, however, to be irreconcil--

able with the authentic narratives, which will be found on

examination to plainly describe a condition, both of the

country and its inhabitants, at the time of Wijayo’s landing,.

indicative of a certain degree of civilisation, and of the:

existence of settled communities, cities, and Governments..

Such a state of things is incompatible with the nomadic life

of tribes who live by the chase, as is conclusively proved

by our experience of several races still living in that way in

different parts of the world. The Red Indians of America,

Bushmen of Australia, Hottentots of Africa, and Veddas

of Ceylon, all afford examples of the wandering, unsettled

354 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von X.

mode of life proper to such pursuits and manner of subsis-

tence. In none of these races do we find cities, settled forms

of Government, or any approach to the conditions prevailing

in this Island when Wijayo arrived. All the narratives of

this event show that the Sinhalese Yakhos, as they were then

called, and as they familiarly call each other to this day, had

cities, Yakho capitals, social institutions, a national language,

and some indubitable signs of accumulated wealth. Agri-

culture must, therefore, have been well understood, and

successfully, if not quite generally practised, for it will be

shown in the sequel that no other supposition is compatible

with the circumstances narrated. Tennent supports his

theory that the inhabitants lived by the chase by the fact

that hunting was one of the amusements of the princes in

those days, and that royal huntsmen formed part of their

retinue. The same might be said, however, of the English

princes of to-day, and the fact seems to indicate the luxury

of court life, rather than that the people were reduced to

that primitive and precarious means of subsistence.

Turning to the narrative of Wijayo’s landing, and divest-

ing the substantial facts of obvious orientalisms, and the

heroine of supernatural powers, it becomes quite plain that

Kuweni, like the rest of the inhabitants, was of human flesh

and blood, no demon or spirit, but a real and also a very

fascinating lady, whose ideas, tastes, and language harmonised

with the princely character in which she appeared to Wijayo.

Her “innumerable ornaments, lovely as Maranga, and her

splendid curtained bed, fragrant with incense,” would indi-

cate, even if they were figments of the imagination, refine-

ments inconceivable by a Red Indian or a Vedda. Yet

Yakhini as she was, her charms were sufficiently real and

substantial, and her position high enough, to captivate Wijayo,

and to obtain for her the honour of becoming his wife and

the mother of his two children. With such credentials, her

discourse about other princely persons of her acquaintance

follows consistently and naturally, and the narrative proceeds

to relate that Wijayo listened to her story of a certain Yakho

No. 37.—1888.] INDUSTRIES OF CEYLON. 350)

sovereign, Kalaseno, who was just about to form a family

alliance with another, the King of the Yakho city, Lankapura.

The event was to be celebrated by a wedding festival of seven

days’ duration, and she treacherously suggested that this

would be a rare opportunity for a surprise attack. Profiting

by her information and advice, Wijayo proceeded to the

distant scene of the festivity, and slaughiered the assembled

Yakho guests in the midst of their conviviality. This done,

Wijayo appropriated Kalaseno’s court dress to his own use,

and his retinue, following his example, helped themselves to

the rich wedding garments of the other slaughtered Yakhos.

These and other collateral circumstances establish the fact

that the Yakhos concerned were neither demons nor Veddas.

Sovereigns, cities, and court dresses contrast strangely with

what we know of chiefs in war paint, skin, and feathers,

the orgies in which they indulge, and the life led by nomadic

tribes who live by the chase.

The theory propounded by Tennent seems to have been

suggested, and indeed necessitated, by the fundamental mistake

into which he, in common with so many other authors, was

led by regarding the Yakhos as savage aborigines—Veddas,

in fact, whose manner of life is suchas he and his followers

describe.

After the events just mentioned, Wijayo departed from

the Yakho capital, founded the city of Tambapanni, and

settled there. His chief ministers then proceeded to

form separate establishments, each for himself. Anu-

radho formed his far away on the banks of the Kadambi

river, Upatisso went still further north, and Uruwelo and

Wijito settled southwards and eastwards, in places not

now identifiable. From this dispersion of Wijayo and his

ministers to form settlements in parts of the country widely

distant from each other, it may be confidently inferred that

the places mentioned were well populated, and that the

people were of a peaceable character, or Wijayo’s small party

would not have dared to separate. Nor would ministers or

princes settle in deserts or jungles, where there were not

Shee JOURNAL, R.A.8. (CEYLON.) (Von. X.

people enough to produce the food, and to render the services

necessary for themselves, their retinues, and courts.

Wijayo’s adventure having thus succeeded so well, and his

supremacy having become established by his representatives

in so many parts of the Island, it seemed to his ministers

unadvisable that the traitress Kuweni should share his

throne. A mission was therefore sent to the King of Madura,

to solicit for a princess suitable to become the wife of the

ruler of Lanka. The emissaries who formed this important

embassy took with them “ gems and other splendid presents”’

wherewith to propitiate the favour, and secure the aid of the

King Panduwo. This monarch received them graciously,

and thereupon consulted with his ministers, with whose

concurrence, he, having already decided to send his own

daughter, asked his nobles ‘‘ who amongst them were willing

to send their daughters to renowned Sihala,” to accompany

her. In response to this invitation, 700 noble ladies are

said to have been selected, and Panduwo, having decorated

his daughter with every description of gold ornaments

befitting her sex and exalted rank, dispatched the party in

charge of 18 officers of State, 75 horsekeepers, elephant-

keepers, and charioteers, his daughter to be the bride of

Wijayo, with a dowry consisting of elephants, horses, chariots,

and slaves, and her noble companions to seek their fortunes

in his court. On the landing of the cortége, the ladies, their

retinues, and the magnificent presents they brought, were

received and conveyed to Wijayo’s court, with all the honour

due to their rank and to the high positions for which they

were destined. The ovation prepared for them, and the

festivities that followed were such as could only have been

conceived and executed in a country where regal state, court

customs, and luxury were familiar and a state of civilisation

was established, and where the inhabitants, on the long line

of the march from the landing place, were peaceable and

acquiescent. It is needless to point out how utterly incongru-

ous sucha party of noble ladies, and such presents as Panduwo

sent, would have been if dispatched to a country inhabited

No. 37.—1888.] INDUSTRIES OF CEYLON. BY |

by Veddas or bushmen scouring the Island for a miserable

subsistence of fruit, honey, and game. The picture such a

country would have presented may be imagined from the

isolated condition of the part of this Island now occupied by

the few remaining Veddas that survive, and better still from

what is known of the wilds of Australia, where aborigines

roam in search of a wretched and precarious subsistence.

Moreover, the troublesome character of such people, as near

neighbours, is abundantly proved by the terrible contests

civilisation has had to wage against savagery in America and

elsewhere, even in our own times.

It is very probable that poetic licence has multiplied many

fold the number of the noble ladies who came from the

Pandyan court to settle in renowned Lankd, and may have

magnified the value of the gifts they brought; but, unless the

story be altogether rejected, it establishes the fact that Ceylon

was already a settled and civilised country when Wijayo and

his party set foot in it. The substantial and well-attested

facts of the narrative indicate a state of things wide as the

poles from anything to be found amongst Red Indian or

Hottentot tribes. What nomade tribe of which anything is

known, ever, for example, collected gems, gold, or any other

treasure than scalps, skulls, and such like trophies of their

savage habits? The gold of Australiaand California, albeit

glittering here and there upon the surface of the ground, lay

neglected by the hunters, who wandered for ages about those

regions in quest of game. Such races do not fulfil, and pro-

bably do not know, the divine injunction to subdue the earth,

but prey upon its natural productions, like the beasts of the

field, urged by the same wants and appetites, and satisfying

them by similar means.

The hypothesis established by the foregoing facts harmo-

nises the various circumstances of the narrative of Wijayo’s

adventure and the subsequent history of his reign, and that

of the dynasty he founded ; on any other theory these present

insuperable inconsistencies and impossibilities, which would

vitiate the whole annals of that important era. Hence the

358 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

opposite theory, that Ceylon was inhabited in Wijayo’s time

by Yakhos, who were not Sinhalese, but savages, Veddas in

fact, living on fruit, honey, and the products of the chase,

will not bear the test of logical inference, and must give

place to one which is consistent in itself, and is besides

strongly supported by recent philological research into the

origin and history of the Sinhalese language.

On this subject the Rev. Spence Hardy has stated the

probability that “the Sinhalese language was spoken long

before the arrival of Wijayo.” “ Hither this prince,” hesays,

“imposed his own language upon the people whom he

conquered, or his descendants adopted the language pre-

viously spoken in the Island,” the former being an untenable

supposition, without parallel in history, and the second

being therefore all but certain.

Judged by the actions recorded of him, Wijayo could not

have been so wild and reckless an adventurer as to have gone

with his retinue to a country, either altogether unknown or

known to be inhabited by savages, so unprovided, that his

party had at the outset to accept the hospitality of the

princess Kuweni. Considering the proximity of Ceylon to

India, it is most improbable that its real condition could

have been unknown there. Panduwo, in fact, spoke of it

as renowned, and as he had no hesitation in sending his

daughter and her noble associates thither, so soon after

Wijayo’s accession, he must have had reason to be satisfied

with the resources of the Island and the character of the

people. Indeed, the pacific disposition of the Yakhos, if not

already well known, must have become so very shortly after-

wards, or their country would not have been so frequently

invaded by comparatively small bands. It seems probable,

in fact, that Wijayo’s was one of these incursions, and perhaps

not the first of those easy victories already alluded to. The

facts suggest that the motive and preconceived intention of

the expedition was to obtain the power over and to command.

the riches of the country, ends in which he succeeded so

completely, and seeing that Gautama had foretold that such

‘No. 37.—1888.] INDUSTRIES OF CEYLON. 09

‘was the part he was destined to fulfil, the plea of religion

may have served to give a favourable colour to his project in

the eyes of his followers. It will be remembered that

Gautama had previously paid several visits to Ceylon, and he

may probably have been inspired with the idea that his

doctrines might be propagated amongst the Yakhos without

encountering the opposition with which it had to contend in

India, where the Brahminical religion had become deeply

rooted. His prophecy respecting Wijayo’s future rule over

the Island may have been intended to stimulate this hero to

fulfil a prediction which promised results so glorious to any

ambitious adventurer, and was, at any rate, one well calcu-

lated to ensure its own fulfilment. Whether these supposi-

tions are true or not, they supply a rational motive for the

adventure, which relieves it of the foolhardy and reckless

character it might, in the absence of such reason, assume.

Albeit history affords many examples, even in modern times,

of daring seizures of power by a few resolute leaders who,

‘favoured by the momentary weakness of the ruling powers,

and the supineness or pre-occupation of the people, have

succeeded in effecting great revolutions. Such, for example,

was the case in our own day, when Napoleon the Third

succeeded by means of a handful of Changarniers in

subverting the Republic of that day, and establishing himself

-on the Imperial throne.

Seeing then that Ceylon had in several distant parts, at the

period in question (543 B.C.), its own Yakho sovereigns,

capitals, and courts, characterised by a certain degree of

luxury and refinement, it must necessarily have also had a

large population, spread over a wide extent of the country,

for it has already been postulated that there could be no

potentates without a people. Equally certain is the inference

that the natural resources of the Island must have been

effectively utilised by labour, seeing that a people cannot

exist without industry, and that cities, courts, and luxury

could neither be originated nor maintained without an

amount of surplusage divertible from the pursuit of the

85—90. D

360 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. X..

necessaries of life, to procure such adventitious means of

advancement and civilisation. The facts of the authentic

history of the period thus plainly imply the existence of

large national resources, an ample supply of labourers for

their utilisation, and a considerable accumulation of national

wealth.

At this stage of the inquiry a brief glance at some of the-

most obvious evidences history affords of the wealth of the-

period may serve to confirm and strengthen the foregoing

conclusions, and to prepare the way for the further inferen-

ces which are to follow, respecting the nature of the Island’s

resources, the condition of the inhabitants, and the kind of

industries by means of which the material progress of the

country was advanced. Considering the numerical strength

and the particular constituents of Wijayo’s party, it will be

evident that whatever was achieved during his reign, and for

a century afterwards, must have been effected by means of

the wealth and resources of the Island already existing when

he arrived, for such a party could not have materially

increased the production of wealth, though they might,

when in possession of supreme power, have directed wisely,

and no doubt did actually control the application of the

means and materials then existing to such objects as they

deemed best. The evidences herein to be adduced will be

drawn from the proceedings, not only of Wijayo’s reign, but

from those also of the century following.

1. The enormous expenses which must have been

incurred in connection with the mission to King Panduwo.

The presents sent by Wijayo must have been of a very

costly nature to have been worthy of such an occasion and

its particular object, and to have adequately exhibited the:

state and power of the suitor. And that they actually were

such is proved by the nature of the response elicited, and by

the magnificence of the return gifts, the rich dowry conferred

upon the bride, and the splendid retinue that accompanied:

her. The expenses of the mission itself, consisting, as it did,.

of numerous officers of State, and attended as it must neces-

No. 37.—1888.] INDUSTRIES OF CEYLON. abl

sarily have been, by a numerous and imposing cortége, must

have involved a very heavy outlay. Even greater still must

that have been which was prepared to receive and convey to

Wijayo’s court the bride and her noble suite. Add to all

these items that of the wedding festivities and the inaugura-

tion of the Queen Consort, and the sum total will represent

an amount which would have taxed severely the resources of

any but a rich country. This costly occasion, moreover,

occurred but a very few years after the conquest.

2. The formation ofa tank for irrigation at Anuradhapura

by Wijayo’s immediate successor, Panduwasa, less than

forty years after Wijayo’s landing.

This tank was not a mere pokuna, or bath, but a wewa for

agricultural purposes, and is the first recorded of those

useful works which form so striking a feature of Sinha-

lese history, and which afford, by their interesting ruins,

irrefragable proof of the ancient wealth of the Island. These

great structures, the mere repairing of which strains modern

resources, both of skill and finance, must have required for

their construction an immense force of labourers, and they

prove incontestably therefore that the country must have

possessed great wealth at the time each was executed.

Whether the labour employed was locally supplied, or was,

as some authors imagine, imported from the continent, is

immaterial as a proof of the wealth of the builders, for it

would cost more to import and to pay foreign labourers

than to avail of the local supply. Whencesoever the labourers

came, and whether or not remunerated otherwise, they must,

at the least, have been fed and maintained at the cost of those

who employed them.

The same may be said of capital, material, or other form of

contribution from abroad; therefore the supposition that

Ceylon was indebted to foreign aid for the means of executing

the stupendous public works and religious edifices implies

that such aid, whatever its form, would have to be paid for,

and would therefore require a greater degree of national

wealth and resource than the more natural and probable

362 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VOL. X.

theory that the means were locally provided. Ceylon could

never at any time have obtained extraneous means for

nothing, but must have paid for them, as she now does for the

rails, locomotives, rice, and other commodities which are

imported for public or private use.

In the sequel, reasons will be adduced for believing that

though the tank above-mentioned is the first work of the kind

recorded in Sinhalese history, it was not the first in fact, and

that it did but represent the means by which the Yakhos

(not Veddas) had long practiced their national agriculture.

It appears, indeed, to be highly improbable that a mere change

of Government should sosoon have revolutionised the practice

of the country in a matter of this particular nature. Especially

so considering that the conquerors did not bring with them

the secret of artificial irrigation by means of these stupendous

works. Even so late as the eighth century the Rajah of

Kashmir sent to Ceylon for engineers to construct tanks in

hisrealm. ‘The first authentic record fixes the date of the

earliest of such works in India in the fourteenth century of

our era,and on the other hand, the Government of this Island

possessed within the early period now in question its “ chief

engineer,’ and several of these vast works were completed,

besides others designed and commenced, the completion of

which occurred but a little later. It thus appears that to the

Yakhos so-called belongs the credit of originating these

wonderful structures, though they probably owed the

opportunity and means of carrying them out on an extended

scale to the settled rule and powerful administration of a

strong Government. |

It may here be incidentally asked whether it is conceivable

that a population of Veddas could have designed such works,

could even have been forced to abandon the chase, and to

settle down to do the work themselves, or have supplied the

means of doing it? The people who designed and executed

those great irrigation works could not have been Veddas, or

men of the chase. They may have been demon worshippers,

- and doubtless were such, to some extent at least, and their

No. 37.—1888.] INDUSTRIES OF CEYLON. 363

successors of this day still retain some remnants of that

ancient superstition. Neither demons nor savages, the ancient

people called Yakhos were evidently a civilised and intelligent

race. Mr. Spence Hardy implies so much in the passage

already quoted, in reference to their language, but he further

says: ‘Speaking of a time long anterior to Wijayo’s, I am

far from thinking that the ancient race of the Island was so

rude and ignorant as it is generally regarded.” Indeed, it

appears from history that a few only of the Yakho chiefs

were conquered by force of arms, and that the rest were won

over by the diplomatic skill and tact of the conquerors, for

it is stated that Panduwasa, Wijay6é’s immediate successor,

permitted certain of the Yakho chiefs, Kalawélo and Chitto,

to exercise great authority. He even allowed them, on great

public occasions, to sit upon a throne of equal height and

dignity with that on which he himself was seated.

We attach no importance to the name, Yakhos, by which

the people were called. It is no new thing to speak in

contemptuous terms of a conquered people or even of

strangers. We ourselves are still designated by the Chinese

as barbarians and foreign devils.

3d. Passing by the evidences of wealth which are exhibited

in the construction of gilt palaces and other edifices of which

ruins still remain to attest their magnificence, the fact of the

condition which the city of Anuradhapura had attained with-

in half a century after Panduwasa’s reign may be adduced

in proof of the wealth of the country at that time.

This city already figured as a centre, in and around which

several vast tanks had been completed, numerous palaces and

religious edifices had been erected, and the city itself contain-

ed an organisation of which some idea may be formed from

the fact, that there was a staff of 500 scavengers, 200 night

men, 150 corpse bearers, and 150 chandala attendants at the

public cemetery, all maintained, of course, at the public

expense.

The marvellous nature of the works achieved by the

Sinhalese, and the rapidity with which they were executed

364 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VOL. X.

under the Governments of WijaydO and his immediate

successors, in the first century and a half after the conquest,

may perhaps be better understood and appreciated by

comparing them with what has been done in modern times,

in countries enjoying the advantages which science has

conferred, and possessing an amount of wealth and resource

which may be fairly known or estimated. Take, for instance

and comparison, what has been done in the same country,

Ceylon, under British rule during nearly a century of

occupation, bearing in mind that the natural resources of

the Island have been supplemented by several millions of

capital, some thousands of Britain’s most energetic and

intelligent sons to employ it, and nearly 200,000 Tamil coolies

imported to aid in carrying out the work that has been

accomplished. All these extra advantages, as well as the most

modern appliances and experience, have been exercised

under the favourable conditions of a powerful Government

and uninterrupted peace. The most sceptical mind could

not fail to be convinced by such a comparison of the great

resources of labourand wealth the ancient inhabitants of this

Island must have possessed, and the energy they displayed

five centuries before the Christian era. Leaving antiquarians,

anthropologists, and others to puzzle out the problem of the

Yakho pedigree, and to make of it what they may, no

sophistry can deprive the people of Ceylon in the time of

Wijayo of the lustre of a degree of high intelligence and

prolific industry of which their works bear witness, without

involving in the wreck the superstructure supported, as

Turnour states, “‘ by all the evidences that could contribute

to verify the annals of any country.”

Pursuing the application of the principles laid down in

the preceding chapter, which regulate and determine the

course and development of national industries in general, to

the facts of ancient history, it will in the sequel appear

what were the nature and condition of the chief of those

industries which conferred upon this Island the wealth of

which the facts just adduced afford indubitable proof.

No. 37.—1888. | CAPTURE OF COLOMBO. 3609

A COLLECTION OF NOTES ON THE ATTACK AND

DEFENCE OF COLOMBO, IN THE ISLAND

OF CEYLON,

‘GIVEN OVER TO THE ENGLISH ON FEBRUARY 16, 1796.

Translated from the French of MONSIEUR DE LA THOMBE

(Voyage aux Indes Orientales) by the late Colonel

the Hon. A. B. FYERS, R.E., Surveyor-

General of Ceylon.

[The following translation of Recueil de Notes sur ? Attaque et Dé-

_fense de Colombo, which appeared in M. de la Thombe’s “ Voyage aux

Indes Orientales,” was made for the Society by its President, the late

Colonel A. B. Fyers, r. £., Surveyor-General. The translator died in

ignorance that a previous version in English had been attempted by

Mrs. C. A. Lorenz (née Nell), some years ago, and printed for private

circulation. This translation is now unprocurable. Colonel Fyers’

contribution, therefore, so far from being held de trop, will be welcomed

as a valuable addition to the historical papers issued by the Society.

The Appendices have been added by the editor with the object of

laying before readers ample material for forming an unbiassed opinion

regarding the surrender of Colombo to the British arms.—B., Hon.

Sec. |

== HE surrender of the Island of Ceylon to the

‘| English, and notably the capture of the fortress

of Colombo which is its bulwark, having given

rise to different versions, 1 am going to publish

some information on the military operations which preceded

the occupation, in order that an opinion may be formed as

to how much reliance can be placed in the account given by

Mr. Percival, an English officer, who, like a good English-

man, is far from confessing that treason alone obtained for

his country the invasion and possession of this fine Colony.

366 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X..

This information was given to me at Batavia and in the-

Island of Java by several Dutch officers of rank employed

there, who had formed part of the garrison of Colombo:

at the time.

Their own character and the agreement of their accounts.

convinced me of the truth of the notes which they gave me.

ATTACK, DEFENCE, AND SURRENDER OF COLOMBO.

July, August, September, 1795.

After the capture of Trincomalee, the English marched

upon Batticaloa, of which they took possession without

opposition, and then repaired to Jaffna (Jaffnapatnam),

where the Dutch only left a few invalid officers and a company

of Sepoys, having made the Europeans and artillery evacuate

it for Colombo.

All the Malays who were in the Wanni (Je Vanille) and at

Mannar (Manaar) were also recalled thither, and the defence of

that fortress from that time alone occupied attention. For had

it been retained it would have helped, with assistance from

the King of Kandy, towards the recapture of Trincomalee and

the other posts of which the English were then masters.

Haste was then made to set on foot in Colombo the defensive

arrangements which the circumstances necessitated.

Two companies were placed in the ravelin of the Delft

Gate.

M. Duperon, second engineer, who had charge of the

execution of the exterior works, constructed outside the:

Galle barrier a fléche, the tire of which covered the lake, the-

road, the Galle Face (la plaine de Galle), and the sea. Four

eighteen-pounders were mounted on it, but it could have

held eight.

A battery for two eight-pounders was constructed outside

the Delft Gate, which commanded the coast and the lower:

town road. Two eighteen-pounders were mounted on the

bonnette above the barrier which directed its fire on to the

esplanade.

No. 37.—1888. ] CAPTURE OF COLOMBO. 367

Another bonnette was made at the angle of the covered way

leading from the ravelin of the Delft Gate to the Powder

Mill, in which two eighteen-pounders were placed so as to

fire on the lake by the esplanade. A place d’armes was

constructed here, and the covered way was heightened.

All these works as well as the others were pallisaded.

The side facing the Governor’s house which commanded

the roadstead was armed with small fieldpieces, one or two-

pounders: a wide trench was made in front of it.

A sod battery was constructed to defend the landing-stage

at the wharf. Three or four pieces of small calibre were

mounted on it.

Large quantities of cheveaux de frise, fascines, gabions,

pickets, and poles were made.

The fire engines were put in order, the wells in the

fort repaired, and private ones cleaned out. In addition to

these a large supply of water was stored in the garden of the

Governor’s House.

The European and Malay companies each furnished seven

men daily for these works. They were given as extra pay

Six sous, two rations of arrack, and a small loaf of bread.

They were under the surveillance and command of two of

their own officers.

A large number of cattle were collected. Store-houses

were built for carvates, cocoanuts, arrack, oil for lights,

wood, &c. Private houses were hired to serve as stores

and for the offices of the Company, the premises being

used, or the intention being to use them, for depositing

merchandise.

The order forbidding storekeepers from selling any pro-

visions whatsoever was renewed.

Private persons who wished to take refuge in the Fort were

obliged to provide themselves with provisions for at least

six months. Others conveyed their goods there to save

them from the pillage which they had reason to fear at the

time of the approach of the English.

Tn accordance with the decision of a Council of the different

368 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. X.

heads of corps, who assembled at Government House to

consult on the means for an exterior defence, a portion of

the trees and shrubs on the Cocoanut Garden Island (/’Lle

du Jardin de Cocotiers) was cut down. All that was

on the Galle Face on the side of that island was pulled

down, besides a part of the bazaar of the lower town on the

seaside. A commencement was also made in demolishing

the block of houses situated on the shore of the lake, as well

at the front and rear of the cemetery situated at the entrance

ofthe lowertown. They were undecided whether they would

also raze the half of this lower town, as formerly re-

commended by M. de Cipierre, an engineer from Pondicheri.

The ramparts were furnished with guns, mortars, howit-

zers, and all ammunition necessary for a vigorous defence.

The powder magazine at the Galle Gate, and that

situated at the Rotterdam Gate, were masked with three

rows of cocoanut trees, on which were placed four feet of

sand. Finally, the epaulments of the angles of the bastions

were heightened by earth.

All the sailors were organised into a company, and

exercised at the guns on the ramparts.

Three companies of Moormen (des Mauwres) were formed,

who served as coulis or labourers either to the Company

or to private individuals. They were commanded by batta-

lion officers. Similar companies were also formed of

Sinhalese dependents of the Disave, and were commanded

by sergeants or corporals.

The writers of the Company, too, took up arms and formed

another company amongst themselves. Two companies

were formed of citizens commanded by the brothers

Kulemberg, who agreed to maintain them during the

expected duration of the siege.

In September, 1795, there was grumbling on the part

of two companies of the Meuron Regiment (Régiment de

Mewron) who were stationed at Galle. They were cudgelled

into submission, the punishment which Major Moitié had

dealt out to them.

No. 37.—1888. | CAPTURE OF COLOMBO. | 369

All the merchandise and effects of the Company which

were at Tuticorin were transported to Colombo: some

families also came to seek refuge there. It [Tuticorin] was

entirely evacuated, and the English took possession without

firing a shot.

While these events were proceeding, two merchant vessels

arrived from Batavia, which were fortunately laden with rice

and various other provisions. They brought also despatches

for the Governor which confirmed the alliance of Holland

with France, and the news of the departure of the Stadt-

holder and his family for England. These vessels were to

have been reloaded at once and sent away to the Isle of

France [Mauritius], but the difficulty of finding cowlzs or

slaves, or other cause not possible to get at, delayed their

departure.

The Governor had assuredly many means of provisioning

his Fort and posts and securing against the misfortune

which befel merchandise worth immense sums, but he

appeared not to care to profit by any of them.

_ M. Cheniéte, Viceroy (liewtenant du roi) at Tranquebar,

came during the month of August and offered to supply all the

provisions which might be required, in exchange for country

produce. His offer was fruitless, either in consequence of

the season being unseasonable, or because they did not come to

terms about the price. He also offered to purchase the two

merchant vessels which had just arrived, to place them under

the Danish flag, and to buy up for their cargo all the Com-

pany’s goods, giving Bills of Exchange on the Royal Treasury

of Denmark, taken up by the Governor of Tranquebar.

‘These proposals were not accepted.

Pierre Monneron subsequently arrived from the Isle of

France with two vessels under the flag of Tippoo Saib. His

cargo consisted of Madeira and Bourdeaux wines, which were

nearly all purchased by the Governor. Monneron offered to

transport to the Isle of France, to be warehoused there, all the

goods, or even to purchase them, but being unable to agree

about the price, these offers were equally resultless.

370 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. X.

All that was done was to sell publicly many goods of small

value which were in store and likely to be spoilt.

However, the first two vessels which arrived were loaded

again, but no one knew their destination or nature of the

cargo. There was also a question of loading Le Fidele, which

belonged to the Governor Mr. van Angelbeck, but under the

Danish flag.

It was learnt indirectly that the King of Kandy, faithful to

his ancient alliance with the Company, had offered to assist

in the defence of the Island; but it appears that his aid

was mistrusted, and even rejected, because he favoured the

English.

All the spices which were at Kalpitiya, Chilaw, Negombo,

Kalutara, Galle, and Matara were transported to the stores in

Colombo, which was considered the only place that should

be defended. Much was left at Galle, for want of means

of transport.

During these preparations money changed in value:

the rupee, which was ordinarily worth 5 escalins, rose to 10 ;

the piastre from 10 escalins 3 sous to 20; the ducaton

from 13 escalins 2 sous to 25 escalins; the pagoda of

Tuticorin or Porto Novo from 17 to 28 escalins; the star-

pagoda and others from 20 to 32 escalins. Florins and copper

coins were very scarce.

Two English frigates having commenced to cruise before

Colombo, an officer and a detachment of artillery were

directed to proceed every night to each of the seaside

batteries, but enjoined not to fire under any pretext whatever,

without an order from the Governor. This naturally looked

suspicious to several officers, and remarks were made about it.

The Governor being desirous to go to Galle, as was said, on

some secret business, and unable to do so in consequence of

indisposition on reaching Kalutara, had an interview with

the Commandant of the former place, and with Colonel

Sangle.

On the return of the Governor, he had tried in his presence

the eighteen and twenty-four pounders on the Leyden Bastion.

No. 37.—1888. ] CAPTURE OF COLOMBO. 371

and on False Bay Battery (de la fausse Baie). Their

furthest range was nearly to the mouth of the river at Great

Mutwal (grand Matuaal): they were afterwards pointed on

the Fishmarket and on Courteboom.

Mortar practice was made from the Utrecht Bastion in

firing stones as far as the Galle Gate. In short, preparations

were made for the most vigorous resistance.

The English came from Jaffna by land very leisurely.

The Governor was not ignorant either of the strength or

_ the description of troops of which their army was composed.

He had been forewarned of everything that had been

planned at Madras regarding the Island of Ceylon. He

received information from Tranquebar and even from Madras

itself.

The English army was composed of Sepoys, some of whom

were raised in haste at Madras from the coulis of the

country. A report spread that it consisted of 10,000 men,

and that the enemy had raised besides on the coast of

Madura a corps of bandits who would scatter about the

environs of Colombo and pillage.

What troops were at Kalpitiya and Chilaw, were then

recalled, but the officers at those two places had deserted

beforehand, leaving their charge to the Company’s clerks

(des Boekaiders).

At this juncture Captain Lamotte, who commanded the

Malay battalion, was sent out to meet the enemy with a few

companies of his corps; but he had orders to retire as the

enemy advanced. He finally took up a position defending

the passage of the Kaimelle river. Information having been

received that armed Kandyans were marching in great force

to unite with the enemy, and that they were even supplying

them with provisions, he was ordered to retire upon

Negombo, and from thence to return to Colombo.

All the bridges on the route were destroyed, and all the

roads cut to prevent the passage of the enemy’s artillery.

Nevertheless the English established themselves at Negombo;

at2 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Von. X.

which its head (’Oprohoffie) had abandoned, and their men-.

of-war and transports anchored there.

Four eight-pounders had been placed at the Passebetal, but

orders. were subsequently received to withdraw them.

The English Major Agnew, who had already once sum-

moned the Governor of Colombo, van Angelbeck, to surrender

the Fort, and to place himself under the protection of the

English flag, came and made a second summons, and handed

over to the Colonel of the Meuron regiment letters from his

brother [with the offer] of a Brigadier’s commission, if he

would join the English service. This he accepted, and it

appeared to have been arranged beforehand, as he announced

at the same time that the whole regiment would pass over

to the same service with its Colonel, who claimed it.

This treason happened most inopportunely, as the European

garrison was inconsiderable.

As this regiment was composed partly of Frenchmen

devoted to their country and to the Dutch, our allies, their

services were counted upon.

The English Major arrived in the frigate L’Héroine, but

had left her in the offing, and come on shore alone in

a canoe. He landed at the inn, where, for form sake, a

sergeant was placed near him. He remained for several days

and had his meals daily at Government House, from the

balconies of which he could easily inspect the preparations

which were made.

A show was made of refusing the protection of the English

flag, but the Meuron regiment was allowed to leave, and

the Dutch Governor even countenanced [its departure ] ; for as.

there were no vessels fit to transport them, he furnished them

with sloops belonging to the Company, at twenty rupees a

head. Pierre Monneron also freighted one of these vessels

for this service.

Colonel de Meuron wished to take his field-pieces away

with him, but this was not allowed, on the plea that they

belonged to the Company. The Frenchmen belonging to

this regiment, the contract term of many of whom had expired,

asked to be permitted to remain, on the ground that they had.

73:

No. 37.—1888. | CAPTURE OF COLOMBO.

been engaged only to serve the Company ; but they were all

compelled to depart under promise to the latter that their

discharges would:be granted to them as soon as they arrived

at Madras. Nevertheless a large number of them deserted.

Captain Zuelf, Aide-Major of this regiment, was ordered

by the Governor to Galle to superintend the embarkation

of the two companies which were stationed there.

Finally, in accordance with a convention between Colonel

de Meuron and the Governor, the sick who were not

able to leave remained in the Dutch hospital, and were

treated as though still in service. As soon as the Meuron

regiment left, the Council resolved to evacuate Galle, and

only to defend Colombo. All the artillery and stores were

withdrawn, and Colonel Hugues, who was stationed there

with a company of the Wurtemburg regiment, was ordered

to return [to Colombo]. He halted, however, at Kalutara

for two days until the former regiment had all embarked.

The Malays, the artillery, three officers, and the sailors of

the privateer Le Mutin who were at Galle, had also orders to

return to the town [Colombo].

It was at this time that the frigate ZL’ Héroine, which was

cruising before this fortress, anchored opposite Barberyn.

Some armed sailors landed, spread alarm in the neighbour-

hood, bought provisions, and cut down cocoanut and palm

trees to get the fruit. The officer in command ordered the

postmaster (posthorider) —an ‘invalid corporal from the

garrison of Kalutura—to have in readiness for him the next

day cattle and wood, for which he promised to pay. He

then returned on board his vessel.

The corporal promised everything, but he informed the

Commandant of Kalutara, and sent him three English

sailors who had remained on shore. They were passed on

to the Governor of Colombo, and imprisoned with a deserter

from Trincomalee who had come through Jaffna.

There had already been posted at Bentota beyond Barberyn,

a company of Malays commanded by Lieutenant Driberg,

to defend the entrance of the river and the seacoast, and

al4 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. X.

one at Panadureé (Panire), this side of Kalutara, for a similar

purpose, under the orders of Lieutenant Vogle.

Although Bentota was nearer, an order was sent to this

officer. to proceed without delay to Barberyn, to oppose the

landing of the enemy. He had with him a company of

Sinhalese. Arriving at night he formed an ambuscade

with the Malays behind a house of the Company situated near

the landing place, and at the back of a neighbouring store.

The Sinhalese, as natives of the country, were kept under the

cocoanut trees.

The English did not fail to come next day according to their

promise. They had four long boats and a lighter (wn

both) to take the cattle and wood demanded the day before

from the postholder. They landedarmed, and commanded by

naval officers. Scarcely had they landed, when the Malays,

impatient to be engaged, opened fire and advanced on them.

The English, surprised at this reception, retreated precipi-

tately into their boats and defended themselves; whilst

shoving off a lieutenant of the frigate and several sailors

were killed, and several wounded. The Malays threw

themselves into the sea, and captured a boat with several

guns and sabres. All were sent to Colombo, and the value of

the booty divided amongst the captors. Three of the Malays

(of whom one was a sergeant) were killed, and some of them

as well as of the Sinhalese wounded. The latter also behaved

very bravely. This little affair showed the enemy that the

natives (les Indiens) in the service of the Dutch Company

were determined to defend themselves well. This was the

only time [the enemy] attempted to disembark.

The Governor, under his semblance of defence, appeared

anxious to employ all the Europeans who were in the place,

and offered the officers of the privateer Le Mutin and the crew

service in the artillery during the seige; but as they foresaw

what would happen, they thanked him and incontinently

demanded to be allowed to return to the Isle of France, in one

of the smallest one-mast sloops which had been sent for from

Galle. He acceded to their request, and took advantage of

No. 37.—1888.] CAPTURE OF COLOMBO. 375

their departure to forward despatches to General Malartic,

Governor-General of the Isles of France, and Bonaparte (then

Bourbon). The necessary provisions were supplied to them,

as well as two old Sakebres and some old sailors. M. Pour-

chasse, Captain of the prize, had the command. Some days

after, profiting by a dark night and foggy weather, they set

sail at 10 o’clock at night. They had the good fortune to

escape the English cruisers, and it was known shortly after

that they arrived safely at the Isle of France.

About the same time an English merchantman anchored

before Matara. An officer and five lascars landed to procure

fresh water. Meanwhile the Disava sent three fishermen

on board to reconnoitre the vessel. The Captain, finding his

men did not return, fearing attack, and wishing to profit

by a favourable breeze which suddenly sprung up, weighed

anchor and set sail for his destination, Bengal, detaining the

three fishermen on board. His cargo consisted of Persian

horses. The English officer and the lascars were seized and

sent to Colombo by the Disava as prisoners of war. The

three sailors and the soldiers, who were prisoners, entered the

[Dutch] service.

The troops were reorganised. The company of the Colonel

of the Wurtemberg [regiment] and that of Winkelmann was

split into three. Colonel Venagel was appointed Major.

Two battalions of Malays were formed, the first commanded

by Captain Lamotte, the second by Captain d’Obrick. A

separate company of a portion of the Malays who were at the

Arsenal was stationed at the depdét of the Company’s slaves

and of those condemned to chains. A battalion of Sepoys

was raised under the command of Captain Pannemberg, Major

of the fort of Galle. The Moors that had been enrolled also

formed a battalion commanded by Captain Betzem. Five

hundred Chaliyas (Salias) were armed to be employed under

the orders of Captain Mittemann in the open, and in the

woods. Major Cheder was promoted to the rank of

Lieutenant-Colonel, and had orders to repair to Colombo.

The command at Galle was given to Captain Hulembeck of

85—90 E

376 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. X.

the Grenadiers, who had only some invalids and marine

artillery, a company of Moors newly raised, and one of

Sinhalese, to man that fortress. There was still in the Disa-

vany of Matara a company of Sepoys that had been sent

against the insurgents, who were led by a [native called ]

Don Simon (Dorsimon). For some time he had been

spreading sedition in the Province. This company was

recalled. The Disava and those under him abandoned

Matara and withdrew to Galle.

The Prosalot company, composed of deserters from the

Meuron [regiment ],—the greater part Frenchmen,—having

complained of its Captain, was offered by Colonel Driberg

and the Governor to Captain Legrevisse, who accepted

it. Captain Prosalot was compensated by being appointed

Major and Aide-de-Camp of the Governor, who placed

entire confidence in him. Lieutenant Hayer was promoted

to the rank of Captain, and took the command of the

former Légrevisse company. Lieutenant Vandestraaten

commanded that of Major Driberg. Lieutenants Osel of

the National Battalion and Wekel of the Wurtem-

berg [regiment] were named Aides-de-Camp of the

Governor.

Many other promotions were made, both of captains and

lieutenants, amongst them one named Le Sieur Deville, a

Frenchman, formerly a non-commissioned officer in the

Meuron regiment. Men being wanted in all branches, they

were obliged to make engineers of artillery officers.

It was during this time that the English men-of-war and

transports assembled at Negombo. Several frigates and

coasting craft cruised continually before Colombo, and

approached it very closely every morning to discover if

anything had left during the night.

The frigate L’Héroine passed and repassed within range

of the guns of the Flag battery, and it would have been

easy either to sink her or to have made her strike her

colours ; but the Governor having commanded that there

should be no firing without his order,—which order never

No. 37.—1888.] CAPTURE OF COLOMBO. dT7

came,—the soldiers saw with mortification the enemy

continually setting them at defiance, without being able to

retaliate. The Malays encamped on the seashore at the

foot of the Flag battery, being too exposed were put into

barracks in the storehouses of the Harbour Master outside

the Water-gate (de la porte deau), and some small guns,

three or four-pounders, were placed at the base of the Flag

battery under the apprehension that an armed sloop might

approach on that side. They also lodged the Sepoys and

Moors in some storehouses.

A part of Colonel de Meuron’s house was rented to

accommodate the Council of Justice and also for an office.

The Town Hall served for the armed townsfolk and the

clerks. The goods in the offices were placed at Government

‘disposal.

By the advice and invitation of the Governor, several ladies

betook themselves to Galle.

At the Governor’s house there is a small platform,

and under it a vaulted cellar; the Governor had it

covered with four rows of fascines and sand, which

rendered it bombproof, and there he deposited his plate

and furniture. ;

A ship bearing the King of Achem’s flag (red) appeared

before the roadstead with the intention of entering. One of

the two brigs cruising about left its mate and gave

chase, pouring in broadsides which rent all the sails.

This vessel very fortunately escaped under the Water-Pass

battery, mounted with guns of large calibre, which, for the

first time, were ordered to be fired. It was supposed that the

‘Governor only made up his mind to give this order because he

hoped this vessel might bring despatches which he daily

expected from Batavia. The enemy’s brig went about, stood

‘away, and the vessel arrived safely in port. It was the

French corsair Le Jupiter, from Batavia, which had been

previously captured by Commodore Mitchel, and subsequently

retaken. The Captain who commanded her was a Dutch-

man named Backer: he had only a Malay crew, but offered

E 2

378 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. X..

to capture the two brigs before night and to bring them in

for the Governor, if he would grant him sailors and soldiers.

to work his guns. But the offer was refused.

The Military Council assembled every day, and was com-:

posed of the Governor as President, of Colonels Driberg andi

Hugues, of Lieutenant-Colonel Scheder, Majors Vaugine,,

Venagel, Prosalot, Hupner, and Foenander, Captain of the

Engineers.

Awnings were made for the batteries to protect the soldiers

from the heat of the sun. Thither they had sent long and

broad knives (a sort of kléban) for the Malays in case of

attack.

On the surface of the Galle Face they made trous de loup,,

and abattis were placed across the roads which led from the:

wood to Mutwal (grand Matuaal), and towards Grandpass,,

where those whe lived in the environs could pass in carriages..

Cross roads were made in the woods and gardens to afford

communication between different posts.

In order to prevent the enemy from coming either by

Maradana (le Maraudanne) or by the Cinnamon Garden

(jardin a cannelle), Major Hupner took upon himself to

have a canal made to unite the two lakes above the island,

but the Governor, who came to see it when it was half

finished, considered it a useless and very expensive [ work |;

and put a stop to it.

When all the English transports had arrived at Negombo,

the army advanced as far as Ja-ela, (Jail), half way on the-

road to Colombo. Information of this was sent to the

Governor. This took place at the beginning of February,

1796.

On February 5, 1796, the company of Captain Légrevisse

received orders to march to la place d’ Amsterdam at 9 o’clock

at night, as well as the company of Grenadiers and two of

Malays. Cartridges and stone balls were distributed to them,

and they repaired to the main guard of the Delft gate. Major

Vaugine assumed the command, and added to them a

company of Sepoys. At 11 o’clock at night this small body

No. 37.—1888.] CAPTURE OF COLOMBO. 379

of troops came out of the Fort, and arrived at half past

one in the morning at Passe-Bétaal, a post which the

enemy sought to occupy. Major Vaugine marched so as to

approach Grandpass, and then debouched to the left in order

to reach the wood and a narrow path: he had several

streams and abattis to pass, but he was not disturbed

during that night.

The following day, February 6, 1796, the Major began

stationing posts all along the river, and sentries on the two

banks.

The minister Goeffening, who lived not far off, came to visit

the post, and offered his services, observing that from the

Leper Hospital (da maison des Lépreux) on the other side of

the river, it would be easy to surprise it. Thereupon a

dozen men under Lieutenant Portmann were posted there, as

much to guard this point as to observe what might occur

on the Mutwal side. The environs of the latter consist of

cocoanut gardens watched by natives.

A quarter of a league further up [the river] to Grandpass

was [stationed] Tavel’s company.

At the ferry there was a small house occupied by an

invalid corporal, whose duty was to examine those crossing

the river. He had with him five Sinhalese fishermen to

work the ferry boats, but they all took flight on the arrival

of the detachment. The officers stationed themselves in

the verandah of the Postholder’s house, and the soldiers

under the trees facing the ferry. At three in the after-

noon of the same day Major Vaugine received orders to

return to the Fort with one company of Grenadiers and one

of Malays. He forwarded Captain Légrevisse a copy of his

instructions, according to which he was to maintain himself

in that position, and warned him that Captain Mittemann

would replace him in the command of his company. He

thereupon went to Mutwal, where he had learnt that the

enemy wished to effect a landing.

On February 7 Captain Légrevisse received orders to send

another detachment of Malays to the Fort to assist at a

380 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. X..

funeral; and they sent him the same day one officer, a

sergeant, a corporal, and an artilleryman, with six four-.

pounders mounted on naval gun-carriages. They were

placed on the right and left of the troops facing the ferry.

Platforms were made of cocoanut branches and sand, and

a hut of cocoanut boughs to serve as a depot for the provisions..

M. Légrevisse then sent outa patrol as far as Grandpass..

The sergeant in command reported that the English were on

the other side of the river.

Indeed, during the night of the 7th and 8th, several men

were really seen, who with torches appeared to be searching

for the road leading to the mouth of the river.

At daybreak the drums announcing the march of the

enemy were heard. During the morning Sepoys were seen

coming from the mouth of the river: one party marched in

column. The spies gave warning that the enemy were

coming from Negombo with artillery.

Captain Légrevisse at the same time received instructions.

from the Governor not to pass the river, and to remain in the

position that he occupied. In the afternoon four English

officers were seen examining this post with glasses, and the

following night moving up the river six shots were fired

across the garden under the belief that troops were most

probably encamped there. 3

Captain Winkelmann of the Wurtemberg regiment with-

drew to Grandpass with a strong detachment. He established.

a post on a large rock situated near the mouth of the river.

In the event of a retreat Captain Légrevisse was to go up.

the river by the gardens as far as M. Tavel’s country

residence, from there to join Winkelmann’s detachment, or

to return to Colombo by the wood, if he could not hold

Mutwal, whither he received in the evening orders to retire..

On February 10 he placed his company at the entrance of

the wood leading to Colombo. The Sepoys were near, and

the company of mounted Malays in a garden on the road

leading to Passe-Bétaal.

The hamlet of Mutwal was abandoned. At five in the

No. 37.—1888.] CAPTURE OF COLOMBO. asl

evening the enemy crossed the river at Passe-Béetaal. The

Sub-Lieutenant Deville, after firing on the enemy, overturned

his field-pieces into the water : the gunners retired to Grand-

pass, and he and the rest rejoined Captain Légrevisse.

The order came afterwards to withdraw to Courteboom.

Captain Légrevisse made his way there by a narrow path in

the wood, the road being obstructed by abattis. He took

up his position on the road, and M. Mittemann and his detach-

ment at the entrance to the wood leading to Mutwal.

Captain Winklemann had orders to retire from Grandpass,

where the enemy had turned his position. Lieutenants

Bockmann and Vogle received orders to go to Carvate-

Breuque, and in the event of their hearing cannonade on

the Mutwal side, to enter the Fort after communicating

the above order to M. Mittemann.

On the llth the soldiers were without provisions, and

occupied some empty huts. Captain Légrevisse took over

command from M. Mittemann, who, through M. Prosalot, had

received the Governor’s order to return to him.

At midday an English corvette came very near land to

examine and sound the bay. The Fort allowed it to approach

without firing a single shot. M. Légrevisse thereupon with-

drew his troops to the cover of the wood in order to save

them from the broadside which the vessel was ready to fire

had opportunity offered. After beating about for some hours

she put out to sea again.

Captain Mittemann in the afternoon returned with the

order toretire to Malabar street (da rue des Malabares).

His detachment stationed itself there ina garden surrounded

by walls and near Cowrteboom. M. Legrevisse placed his in

such a position as to guard the street down to the sea, as

well as the avenues leading to Grandpass. A soldier of his

company, who was reproached with having quitted his post,

desired to be punished, or to be cleared by blowing out his

own brains.

An English frigate having approached the Dutch vessels

in harbour, MM. Honline, Pabst, and Kuyper, artillery

382 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VOL. X.

officers, fired on her, and were immediately put into the

mainguard for having done so without the Governor’s

order.

A quartermaster, coming from Passe-Bétaal by Grandpass,

assured Captain Légrevisse that the English had all

crossed the river, and were in the garden of President

Geeffening, and were going to push on that very evening to

Mutwal.

At three on the morning of the 12th, M. Raymond, late

Lieutenant-Colonel of the Luxemburg regiment, came of

his own accord from Colombo with two companies of

Malays to join M. Légrevisse. The latter profited by this

reinforcement to make asortie. When he reached the entrance

to the wood he took a by-path, but scarcely had he advanced

a few steps, when he heard ver daw (“who goes there”) !

And although he replied ami (“friend”), he received a

volley on advancing, which killed two men of his company

and several Malays: there were besides several wounded,

amongst them M. Raymond himself, who had the bone of

his right thigh broken. He replied smartly, and the fire

ceased. He immediately sent out to reconnoitre, but without

success.

Meanwhile, a part of his company and the Malays went to

Mutwal along the seashore: soon afterwards he heard them

engaged with the enemy, who were there in force. He imme-

diately proceeded there with the rest of his troops ; but the

enemy had already taken post there, and fired grape shot

from their field-pieces into the wood. Captain Mittemann

having refused to support him, and not being able other-

wise to turn the English position by the right of the road,

as they occupied the communications to Grandpass with

superior forces,—this brave officer was forced to retire on

Courteboom, where Captain Mittemann was already. The

position of the latter was bad; the sea being in his rear

and the wood on his left flank, He directed M. Legrevisse

to withdraw, being himself ordered to remain alone in that

position.

No. 37.—1888.] CAPTURE OF COLOMBO. 383

After M. Légrevisse had effected his retreat through the

wood, he perceived on his right a detachment of Malays

and of the Wurtemberg regiment coming from Carvate-

Breuque, which proceeding on the road to Colombo, took

up a position on the right. At the same moment the

enemy debouched on the road and vigorously attacked the

troops of these two captains, who were driven back and

obliged to retire to Kayman’s gate (la porte des Caymans),

having been deserted by the Sepoys. It was very fortunate

for them that the enemy was contented to take up its position

at Courteboom. |

This was the only encounter of any importance that took

place before the surrender of Colombo.

At Kayman’s gate M. Légrevisse found three companies

of the National Battalion: the Grenadiers, the company

of Captains Thirback and Hoyer, as well as a detach-

ment of artillery placed under his orders, to support

him if the enemy approached. He stationed these troops

at all the avenues, and the artillery and his own detach-

ment on the seashore in an old Portuguese battery, partially

demolished. Shortly afterwards Lieutenant-Colonel Scheder

came to take command of the troops. In spite of all, the

enemy assembled in force at Courteboom under their very

eyes.

Captain Légrevisse received orders at midday to retire

with his detachment into the Fort, and the remainder of the

troops received a like order successively. Kayman’s gate

was then closed, and a Malay guard placed there.

On the 13th all the gates of the Fort were shut, and the

bridges raised. Légrevisse’s company was directed to guard

the ravelin of the Delft gate.

M.Sluysken, Director of Surat, who had cometo Colombo for

his health, wrote to Colonel Stuart, Commander of the English

army, for permission to leave the Fort with his family. The

permission was granted, and he withdrew to a country house

on the Grandpass road. At the same time similar permis-

sion was offered to the ladies and private individuals who

384 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

might desire to avail themselves of it, and a safeguard was

promised them : but no one accepted it.

The enemy then came and took up its position in Malabar

street facing the old Portuguese battery, also at Wolfendahl

(Volsendanne) at the Disavany (Dessavonie), and beyond the

lake.

Captain Légrevisse was entrusted with the defence of the

barrier of the ravelin of the Delft gate as far as the powder

mill at the Rotterdam gate. Gunners under the command

of an officer were stationed at the barrier, as well as at the

ravelin, at the bonnet of the covered way of the powder-mill,

and at the powder-mill itself.

Firebombs were thrown during the night from all the

batteries and from inside the Fort to enable them to ascertain

what was going on on the esplanade, in the lower town, and

in the harbour. A strong detachment of Sepoys, com-

manded by an Huropean sergeant, patrolled the lower town.

He had orders to go as far as Kayman’s gate, and went out by

a flying bridge communicating between the ravelin and the

covered way of the powder-mill. The English on their side

communicated throughout the night with their ships at

Courteboom : they had lighted fires for this purpose all along

the coast.

On February 14, at 1 P.mM., Major Agnew, an officer of

the enemy’s army, came with a flag of truce to Kayman’s

gate. They apprised the Governor of it, who sent his Aide-de-

Camp, Major Prosalot, in a carriage. He returned with the

Hnglish officer, preceded by an under-officer carrying a flag of

truce and by adrummer. A council was held in the after-

noon, and the English officer with the flag of truce returned

in the evening. Thereupon the report spread that there was

a suspension of hostilities for some days. Indeed the gates

remained open, and whoever wished went out as far as

Kayman’s gate; part, too, of the Moors, of the artillery, and of

those who had been formed into battalions under pretext of

going to see their families took advantage of it to desert.

On February 16, at 6 o’clock in the morning, all the

No. 37.—1888.] CAPTURE OF COLOMBO. 385:

troops thinking, and with reason, that they were betrayed,

were ripe for revolt. Several guns went off in the Rotterdam

quarter, where two Wurtemberg companies were stationed.

Firing then commenced at several other points of the Fort,

and notably from the barracks of the Water-gate, where

the Malays and Sinhalese were stationed. It was entirely

directed towards the house of Governor van Angelbeck.

At the same time Captain Légrevisse, who had received orders

to repair with his company to the mainguard, received a

counter order, to the effect that the Fortress was given over to

the English. This was done at 10 o’clock in the morning.

Thus was Colombo, the principal fortress of the Island of

Ceylon, surrendered to the English. All the troops were so

indignant with the Governor, that if the English Colonel had

not sent him a detachment as bodyguard, he would certainly

have fallen a victim to the fire which destroyed his house

and menaced the interior of the Fort.

Subsequently the Governor himself was so horrified at

his own treason, that he blew out his brains.

The terms of the capitulation were, that the garrison

should march out with honours of war, arms and baggage, with

drums beating, matches lighted, and colours flying ; that it

should keep its artillery, which would follow it, and that the

officers should be allowed to carry their side-arms.

Accordingly the whole garrison assembled at la place

@ Amsterdam, and leaving the Fort by the Delft gate, laid down

their arms on the esplanade. All the gates of the Fort

remained open, and the officers were at liberty to re-enter

it. The Anglo-European soldiers were quartered in the

barracks, the Sepoys in the streets, and the officers in tents:

and in the verandahs of houses.

The next day,the 17th, Colonel Driberg conducted all the

officers of the Dutch garrison to Colonel Stuart, who was

lodging at the Governor’s house. He informed them that

they would leave for Madras on the 20th, and that two vessels

would be ready for this purpose, one for the National troops

and the other for the Wurtemberg regiment.

386 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. X.

Lieutenant-Colonel Raymond, who had died of his wounds

the previous day, was buried with all military honours.

M. Hupner and another artillery officer were appointed

commissaries to receive the surrendered arms.

The Kandyans, to the number of 3,000 to 4,000, appeared on

the morning of the 16th at Grandpass on the right bank of the

river. They sent to offer their services to the English ; but

Colonel Stuart replied that he had no need of them, and

forbade their crossing the river.

On the 17th the Ambassador of the King of Kandy came

to offer congratulations to Colonel Stuart. The troops

received them under arms, and the artillery saluted as they

entered and retired ; but notwithstanding these honours, they

complained that they were not paid the same respect

they received from the Dutch. Colonel Stuart received

them at Government House without any special ceremony,

and informed them that they must put up with it, being

the English custom. They retired but little satisfied, and

principally because they had received no presents.

On February 21 the Dutch troops embarked and set sail

on the night of the 21st or 22nd. Some days after, the

Malays were sent to Tuticorin, and from there by land to

Madras. The sailors were taken to Bombay.

The National troops embarked on board the Epaminondas,

a Dutch vessel: forty-seven officers, infantry, artillery,

and surgeons; four hundred and fourteen non-commis-

sioned officers and men—in all 461. —

The Wurtemberg regiment embarked on board the Anna,

a private vessel: thirteen officers, among whom was Major

Venagel : non-commissioned officers and men. |

These two ships were escorted by the frigate Bombay

of Bombay.

The ship Anna sprung aleak; the pumps were hardly

able to save her. They let herdrive before the wind, and she

arrived on March 12, the Epaminondas only arriving on the

23rd.

No. 37.—1888.] CAPTURE OF COLOMBO. d8T

List of the Ordnance on the Exterior and Interior Works

of the Fort of Colombo.

Outside the Fort.

Beyond the barrier which commands the

Lower Town seis ... 2 brass 4-pounders

Within and under the new Guard-house... 2 18-pounders

The ravelin between Delft and Hoorn ... 10 iron 6-pounders

Opposite the Lake road from the Powder

Magazine ... o& 18-pounders

Over the demi-lune of the orden ees 13 8 and 6-pounders

Do. at the barrier of Galle gate... 4 18and 12do.

Do. battery before the said gate... 412 and 8 do.

Between Enkhuysen and Briel, Malaycamp 4 brass 2-pounders

Before the Water-gate ... seein do. do.

Opposite the Landing Stage

On the Baettenbourg Bastion

At the Water-gate

4 do. do.

. 18 brass 24-pounders

. 16 iron and brass 18 and

12-pounders

Within the Fort.

( Leyden ... 27 iron and brass 6, 18,

and 24-pounders and

| 1 howitzer

| Delft ... 23 iron 8 and 24-pounders

On the Bastions { Hoorn . 28 do. 3, 8, 12, 18, and 24-

pounders and 5 mortars

Rotterdam ... 26iron 6,8, and 18-pounders

Middelbourg . 18 do. 18 pounders, 3 mor-

L tars, and 1 howitzer

False Bay of Middelbourg Pe SOM OM go, | Onl 2a mean

24-pounders and 6 pieces

in reserve

. 10 iron 8 and 12-pounders

7 do. 6,8,and2 do.

Klipplenbourg Battery

Enkhuysen Bastion

Briel do. . 10 iron and brass 2 and

24-pounders

Hangenhock 500 6 iron 3 and 6-pounders

Zeebourg Bastion bot soo SCO. Denn IA clo,

Amsterdam do. . 10 ironand brass 8-pound-

ers

9 of iron of 1 and 2 lb.

216

Outside the Fort ae 505. ceva

Total...300

Curtain in front of Government House

388 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL X.

The Coéhoorn mortars, for firing grenades, were placed on Ley-

den, Hoorn, Delft, Middelbourg, Briel, Baettenbourg, and on the

curtain before Government House.

Sixteen more pieces of various calibre were stored at the arsenal.

The magazines were very well stocked with powder, though much of

it was found to be damaged.

There were in the arsenal small arms for a garrison of three times

the strength.

List of the Garrison of Colombo, in the Island of Ceylon,

at the time of its surrender to the English on

February 16, 1796.

General Staff.

Van Angelbeck, governor ; Driberg, colonel in command ; Scheder,

lieutenant-colonel ; Vaugine, major; Prosalot, major and adjutant-

general ; Driberg, captain major of the fortress ; Caper, lieutenant-

adjutant of battalion; Hopel, lieutenant and adjutant to the Governor ;

Dejé and Scheder, sub-lieutenants and Fort adjutants ; Wolkers,

surgeon-major of battalion.

National Troops.

Grenadier Company.

Captain Frantz, two leutenants, one sub-leutenant, one assistant

surgeon, and 90 non-commissioned officers and men.

Fusiliers.

1st Company.—Captain Légrevisse, 2 lieutenants, 2 sub-leutenants,

1 assistant surgeon, and 93 non-commissioned officers and men.

2nd Company.—Captain Thirback, 1 heutenant, 2 sub-lieutenants

1 assistant surgeon, and 115 non-commissioned officers and men.

3rd Company.—Captain Hoyer, 2 lieutenants, 2 sub-lieutenants,

1 assistant surgeon, and 92 non-commissioned officers and men.

4th Company.—Captain Vandestraaten, 2 lieutenants, 2 sub-leute-

nants, | assistant surgeon, and 98 non-commissioned officers and men.

Also attached to the Grenadier Company, a drum-major, a sergeant, a

bandmaster, corporal, and nine bandsmen.

Wurtemberg Regiment.

Van Hugues, colonel; Venagel, major ; Hoffmann, lieutenant-adju-

tant ; Franck, surgeon-major ; Stalinger and Bleshe, ensigns of the

colours ; a drum-major, corporal; bandmaster, sergeant, and eleven

bandsmen.

No. 37.—1888.] CAPTURE OF COLOMBO. 389

_f Colonel: Captain-leutenant Reitzenstein, 1 lieutenant, 2 sub-

heutenants, 97 non-commissioned officers orl men.

Major: Captain-heutenant Halovax, 1 leutenant, 2 sub-lieute-

nants, 78 non-commissioned officers and men.

Fusiliers: Captain Winkelmann, 1 heutenant, 2 sub-lieutenants,

78 non-commissioned officers and men.

Companies.

Malays: Ist Battalion, commanded by Captain Lamotte.

An assistant surgeon.

1st Company.—Driberg, lieutenant commanding, 1 drill sergeant,

Kaping, major and captain, 1 leutenant, 1 sub-lieutenant, 99 non-

commissioned officers and men.

2nd Company.—Boegman, lieutenant commanding, 1 drill sergeant,

Nolloyaija, captain, 1 lieutenant, 1 sub-leutenant, 84 non-commis-

sioned officers and men.

3rd Company.—Schmith, sub-leutenant commanding, 1 drill ser-

geant, Singationa, captain, 1 leutenant, 1 sub-lieutenant, 86 non-

commissioned officers and soldiers.

Ath Company.—Moilee, heutenant commanding, 1 drill sergeant,

Singajouda, 1 lieutenant, 1 sub-lieutenant, 86 non-commissioned

officers and men.

5th Company.—Vogel, leutenant commanding ; 1 drill sergeant,

Toedacvilyaija, 1 heutenant, 1 sub-lieutenant, 53 non-commissioned

officers and men.

Malays : 2nd Battalion, commanded by Captain Dobrig.

1st Company.— Willemberg, sub-lieutenant commanding, 1 drill

sergeant, Singasaric, captain, 1 heutenant, 1 sub-lieutenant, 87 non-

commissioned officers and men.

2nd Company.—Pellegrin, sub-lieutenant commanding, 1 drill ser-

geant, Boukiis, 1 heutenant, 1 sub-leutenant, 81 non-commissioned

officers and men.

3rd Company.—Délille, sub-lieutenant commanding, 1 drill sergeant,

Lay, 1 heutenant, 1 sub-lieutenant, 97 non-commissioned officers and

men.

- 4th Company.—Graimont, sub-heutenant commanding, 1 drill ser-

geant, Singagouna, | heutenant, 1 sub-lieutenant, 67 non-commissioned

officers and men.

5th Company.—Stroop, sub-lieutenant commanding, 1 all sergeant,

Wirakousouna, 1 heutenant, 1 sub-leutenant, 55 non-commissioned

officers and men.

6th Company.— Heyde, sub-lieutenant commanding, 1 drill sergeant,

Bingalaxana, 1 leutenant, 1 sub-lieutenant, 91 non-commissioned

officers and men.

390 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. X..

Sepoy Battalion, commanded by Captain Pannenberg.

1st Company.—Frick, sub-lieutenant commanding, 1 drill corporal,

1 captain, 1 heutenant, 1 sub-lieutenant, 61 non-commissioned officers.

and men.

2nd Company.—Otto, sub-lieutenant commanding, 1 captain, 1

heutenant, 1 sub-heutenant, 48 non-commissioned officers and men.

ard Company.—Golstein, sub-lieutenant commanding, 1 drill ser-

geant, 1 captain, 1 lieutenant, 1 sub-lieutenant, 82 non-commissioned

officers and men.

4th Company.—Olivier, sub-lieutenant commanding, 1 captain, 1

lieutenant, 1 sub-lieutenant, 83 non-commissioned officers and men.

5th Company.—Axen, sub-lieutenant commanding, 1 drill sergeant,

1 captain, 1 lieutenant, 1 sub-heutenant, 76 non-commissioned officers

and men.

6th Company.—Vanderverff, sub-leutenant commanding, 1 captain,

1 lheutenant, 1 sub-leutenant, 91 non-commissioned officers and men.

7th Company.— Vandelbock, sub-lieutenant commanding, 1 drill

sergeant, 1 captain, 1 heutenant, 1 sub-lieutenant, 80 non-commissioned

officers and men.

Battalion of Moors, commanded by Captain Beem.

ist Company.—Brahé, lieutenant commanding, 1 drill sergeant,

1 captain, 1 lieutenant, 3 sub-lieutenants, 94 sub-officers and men.

2nd Company.—Kneyser, lieutenant commanding, 1 drill sergeant,.

1 captain, 1 heutenant, 1 sub-lieutenant, 81 sub-officers and men.

3rd Company.— Van Kssen, lieutenant commanding, 1| drill sergeant,

1 captain, 1 heutenant, 1 sub-leutenant, 72 sub-officers and men.

Artillery.

Hupner, major commanding; Proberg, captain, assistant major ;

Tresseler, sub-lieutenant, adjutant ; Stekler, sub-lieutenant, adjutant ;

Aleps, lieutenant of the arsenal ; an assistant surgeon.

1st Company.—Schreuder, captain, 2 heutenants, 3 sub-leutenants,

44 non-commissioned officers and soldiers, 30 sailors, 5 workmen,

28 Moors.

2nd Company.—Erhard, captain, 2 lieutenants, 3 sub-lieutenants, 44

non-commissioned officers and soldiers, 30 sailors, 6 workmen, 34

Moors.

ard company.—Ducrok, captain, 1 leutenant, 5 sub-lieutenants, 41

non-commissioned officers and soldiers, 29 sailors, 6 workmen, 38

Moors.

_ 4th Company.—Lagarde, captain, 2 lieutenants, 4 sub-lieutenants,

42 non-commissioned officers and soldiers, 29 sailors, 4 workmen, 32

Moors.

No. 37.—1888.] CAPTURE OF COLOMBO. aol

Engineers.

-Foenander, captain commanding; MDuperon, captain-lieutenant ;

Luzon, captain-leutenant ; Walberg, sub-lieutenant; Ulembeck, Cheva-

lier, Hernian, and Welsinger, cadets ; Keller, sergeant in charge of the

works.

Invalids.

Heicom, lieutenant in command, and 43 officers and soldiers.

Scouts.

Van Mittemann, captain commanding, and 500 Chalias.

Commissariat.

Van Stroure, captain, and Jonson, dubash.

Armoury.

Nette and Demeré, captains.

Surgeons-Majors of the fortress, subordinate to the Surgeon-G'eneral :—

Pool, Switz, and Heyden.

In addition three companies of Sinhalese, each 100 strong, retainers

of the Disd4va, and an European corporal for each company.

There were besides one company composed of the clerks and two of

citizens.

Memoranda relative to the Military Stations, the Organi-

sation and the Pay of the Troops of India in the

service of the Dutch East India Company.

All the invalids of the infantry or artillery were placed at the

Disavoni to guard the warehouses outside the Fort, at the several minor

posts in charge of the Disava in the department of Colombo, of the

captain of the coast in the district of Galle, and the Disdva of the

Disavoni of Matara. This branch of work was no concern either of

the colonel commanding at Colombo or the major commanding at

Galle.

Trincomalee had but one military station, where the whole adminis-

tration fell to the major in command. When there were detachments,

either of native or European troops, they were subject to the control

of the chiefs of the district.

The Malay troops were all on the same footing, and companies

of a hundred men their full strength.

They were composed of a major of their nation, captain of the first

company, of an European officer in command, and a drill sergeant or

corporal, one captain, one lieutenant, one native sub-lieutenant, six

sergeants, six corporals, two drummers, a fifer, and 80 fusiliers.

85—90 Fr

392 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. X.

The Malay major received fifty rix-dollars (at 48 sous) a month ;

the captain twenty five rix-dollars ; the lieutenant eighteen rix-dollars

and nineteen sous; the sub-lieutenant, fifteen rix-dollars ; the ser-

geant, seven rix-dollars ; the corporal, five rix-dollars and seven sous ;

the soldiers, four rix-dollars and seven sous.

They were allowed a flag, but had to pay for it. Commanders of

companies were responsible for the repair of the arms, and received on

this account fifteen rix-dollars a month, as did those of the European

troops. Those of battalions had charge of the clothing, and received

the opium given to the companies, and distributed it to the Malay

captains, and they to their men.

Each European officer commanding a company of native troops

received, besides his pay, ten rix-dollars a month.

The invalids got only two rix-dollars and thirty nine sous, with forty

pounds of rice, like the rest of the troops.

Captains of battalions received eighteen florins a month, and after

five years one hundred florins. The captain-lieutenants, sixty florins ;

the lieutenants, fifty florins ; the sub-lieutenants, forty florins ; and

sergeants, twenty florins—the florin being worth fifteen Dutch sous.

APPENDIX A.

[Correspondence extracted from the Dutch Records, Colombo. |

To the Honourable J. G. vaN ANGELBECK, Governor, &c.,

at Colombo.

Sir,—I Have the honour to acquaint you that I have received orders

from the Directors of the Honourable Hast India Company to carry

into execution, in concert with the Officers Commanding the Naval and

Land Forces in India, such measures as may appear necessary to

prevent the ill effects apprehended, on account of the late successes of

the French in Holland, from extending to this country ; and for this

purpose the Prince Stadtholder, who has been obliged to take refuge

in Great Britain, has transmitted a letter for you, through His

Majesty’s Secretary of State, which will be delivered to you herewith.

As it contains the orders of His Serene Highness for putting the

Dutch Settlements on the Island of Ceylon under the protection of

fis Majesty, I am persuaded there will be no difficulty on your pari

in paying immediate obedience to them, in order that such Colonies or

Settlements may be protected against the enemy, and held possession

of upon the condition of their being restored to the Republic, at the

conclusion of a General Peace, by which its independence and its

Constitution, as guaranteed in 1787, shall be maintained and secured.

No. 37.—1888.] CAPTURE OF COLOMBO. 393

{ have the satisfaction to acquaint you that the Officers Commanding

the Naval and Land Forces have His Majesty’s orders to cultivate the

friendship and goodwill of the inhabitants, who may thus be placed

under His royal protection, and to convince them of His Majesty’s

disposition to grant them all such indulgences and immunities as can,

consistently with the general interests of the Empire, be extended to

them ; and that it is His Majesty’s intention that their laws and

customs should not be infringed, nor fresh taxes or duties imposed,

relying, however, that proper provision will be made for defraying the

expense of the internal Government of the Settlement. Iam also to

inform you that it is His Majesty’s gracious intention that the internal

trade of the inhabitants shall be entirely free, and that permission

will be granted to them to trade to and from the English Company's

possessions, in the East Indies, with the same advantages as the

subjects of the most favoured nation ; and that whilst the Settlements

under your Government shall continue in His Majesty’s possession, the

inhabitants will be treated in the most favourable manner, and will be

admitted to a full and free use of all the commercial advantages

-of which the situation and circumstances of the settlement will admit ;

and with a view to give every proof of His Majesty’s desire to render

the situation of the inhabitants as satisfactory as possible, he has

-directed that the officers of your Government should be left in the full

and free possession of their cae peat until His Majesty’s pleasure

‘shall be known.

With respect to the European corps serving under your Government,

His Majesty has been graciously pleased to authorise that it should be

proposed to them to be taken into the pay of Great Britain, and

engaged for his service, on the terms on which they are now

employed.

Having made this communication, it is my duty to apprise you that

if, contrary to His Majesty’s expectations, resistance should be made

to deliver up the several Colonies and Settlements upon the Island of

Ceylon, the Officers Commanding the Naval and Land Forces have the

express command of the King to take possession of them by force, in

His Majesty’s name, a measure which, being the result of your

disregard to the orders of the Prince Stadtholder, will render you, and

those who may be concerned with you, responsible for the con-

sequences.

I have further to acquaint you that a considerable body of troops ~

will sail from hence in the course of a few days to rendezvous at

Trincomalee, and that any communication you may have to make upon

the important subject of this despatch you will address to the

Commanding Officers of the Naval and Land Forces assembled at that

place, who have full authority to adopt such measures, in conformity

to the orders above-mentioned, as the exigency of the case may

require.

ag4 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VOL. X..

The friendship which has so long subsisted between Great Britain

and the States General, and which has certainly so much contributed

to the welfare of both, has placed me under a peculiar embarrassment,

from feeling the necessity of calling upon you for a decided and final

answer to this despatch within a limited period; but the critical

situation of public affairs will not admit of delay. It is therefore

indispensably necessary that you should at once determine whether

you will accept the protection offered by the King, as the ally and

friend of the States General under the Constitution guaranteed to.

them in 1787, or whether you will prefer a system fraught with every

distress and ruin to the liberty and property of those who are so

unfortunate as to exist under it.

For this purpose, Major Agnew has directions to convey your

answer to the Commanding Officers of the Naval and Land Forces, as

no further communication can be had with me upon this point ; or

in the event of your wishing to despatch any person from your own

Government, Captain Gardner has Commodore Rainier’s orders to give

him every suitable accommodation in His Majesty’s ship ZL’ Heroine, and

to land him at Trincomalee ; but it must be explicitly understood that

the smallest delay under existing circumstances will be considered as

a refusal of the offered protection.

Major Agnew, who will have the honour of delivering these

despatches, is an officer upon whose integrity and discretion you

may place the firmest reliance, and is highly deserving of being treated

with the most unreserved confidence.

I have, &c.,

Fort St. George, HOBART.

July 7, 1795. ——

PROCLAMATION.

WHEREAS an armed force, acting under the pretended authority of

the persons now exercising the powers of Government in France, has.

entered into the territories of His Britannic Majesty’s ancient allies,

their High Mightinesses the States General of the United Provinces,

and has forcibly taken possession of the seat of Government, whereby

the Stadtholder has been obliged to leave his own country and take

refuge in Great Britain—We do by this Proclamation, issued in virtue

of His Majesty’s command, invite and require all Commanders and

Governors of Settlements, Plantations, Colonies, and Factories in the

East Indies, belonging to the said States as they respect the Sacred

Obligations of Honour and Allegiance and Fidelity to their lawful

Sovereigns (of their adherence to which they have at all times given

the most distinguished proofs), to deliver up the said Settlements,

Plantations, Colonies, and Factories into His Majesty’s possession, in

order that the same may be preserved by His Majesty until a general

No. 37.—1888.] CAPTURE OF COLOMBO. 9)

pacification shall have composed the differences now subsisting in

Europe, and until it shall please God to re-establish the ancient

Constitution and Government of the United Provinces ; and, in the

meantime, we hereby promise upon the assurance of His Majesty’s

royal word that so long as the said Settlements, Plantations, Colonies,

and Factories shall continue to be possessed by His Majesty, to

be held and treated upon the same terms, with respect to all advantages,

privileges, and immunities to be enjoyed by the respective inhabitants,

upon which the Settlements, Plantations, Colonies, and Factories in

the East Indies are held and treated, which are now subject to His

Majesty’s Crown, or are otherwise possessed by the Company of

Merchants trading from England to the East Indies under His Majesty’s

Royal Charters.

Given under our hands at Fort St. George this seventh day of July,

1795.

PETER RAINIER.

— JOHN BRATHWAITE.

Mon CHER FRERE,—EN consequence de la dissolution du Gouverne-

ment avec lequel j’avois fait la capitulation pour le service de mon

regiment en 1781, j’ai pris la resolution de le retirer de l’armée

Hollandoire dans l’entention de transferer le corp 4u service de sa

Majesté Britannique qui a donne sa protection au Prince Stadtholder

Hereditaire, et qui a garanté la conservation de la Constitution des

Hitats Généraux etablie 1787.

Je vous en donne avis affin de vous deriger en consequence je

connois trop vos principes et votre attachement pour me permettre de

douter un instant que vous ne remplissies tous les devoirs que ce

nouvel ordre de choses vous imposent.

En attendant la donnée satisfaction de vous enbrasser ne douttes

jaimais des tendres sentiments fratérnel de votre devoué frére et chef

propriétaire.

LE Cui. CHARLES DE MEURON.

Goudelour,

‘ce 30 Février, 1795. os

To the Officers Commanding the English Naval and Land

Forces in the Bay of Trincomalee.

S1Rrs,—I RECEIVED through Major Agnew a letter from Lord Hobart,

‘the contents of which you are acquainted with, and I am desired to

‘send you my answer by Major Agnew. In consequence I have the

honour to declare as well for myself as for the Members of the Coun-

‘cil, which form the Government of this Island, that all of us and

each in particular adhere faithfully to the old and lawful Government

396 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON), [ VoL. X.

system of the Republic of the Seven Provinces, with the States.

General and the Hereditary Stadtholder at the head, as guaranteed in

the year 1787 ; and that we still acknowledge the English as our close

and intimate allies.

Our principal forts are, thank God, well provided with everything

that is necessary for a vigorous defence ; and therefore we are not so

much in want of the supply which has been offered. But nevertheless

it will be agreeable to us, if the Government of Madras will now return

the friendship which we showed it last year, with an equal quantity

of eight hundred Europeans, of which three hundred ought

to be placed in the fort of Ostenburg, three hundred near Colombo

in the forts of Negombo and Kalutara, and two hundred near Galle in

the fort of Matara. But thereby we ought to inform you, that we are

destitute of money, and therefore unable to pay those troops, and

thus we beg that your Government will charge itself with the pay-

ment, to be indemnified hereafter by our superiors.

With this supply we trust that we will be sufficiently able to repel

the enemies which may attack us, and frustrate their designs, and this

‘ our confidence is grounded on the strength of the forts, the quantity

of the garrisons, the stock of all that is required for a vigorous defence,

and the firm resolution with which all our officers and troops are

animated to hazard their lives and property for the defence of the

establishments which have been committed to our care.

The recommendation of his Serene Highness our Hereditary Stadt-

holder and Chief Governor-General to give every possible help in our

harbours to his Britannic Majesty’s ships, shall be obeyed according to

our power. But respecting the proposition of Lord Hobart to put

our settlements under the protection of his Britannic Majesty, I am

obliged to answer that we are in duty and by oath bound to keep

them for our superiors, and not to resign the least part of them. I

trust that this declaration will be approved of by you, as the letter of

his Serene Highness the Prince of Orange on which his Lordship

grounds his proposition does not make the least mention thereof, as.

you will see by the copy which joins this.

This is also not required to attain the purpose, as we are, thank God,

able to defend the establishments which have been committed to our

care, especially if the English Government pleases to supply us with

the aforesaid troops, and that his Majesty’s ships please to co-operate

for the defence of our coasts and harbours.

As I do not doubt but that this my just declaration will be accepted,

the Major and Commandant Fornbauer is ordered by me to take in

three hundred Europeans, and to station them in the fort of Ostenburg,

and to deliberate with you about the measures which ought to be

pursued for that garrison, and to deliver to the Commandant of the

fort, cannon, stores, and other goods according to an exact inventory,

for which purpose, according to Lord Hobart’s proposition, the junior

No. 37.—1888.] CAPTURE OF COLOMBO. dot

merchant Fraercken is sent from hence to assist jointly with the

administrator Martensz, as Deputy at the inventorisation.

SIRS,

Your obedient servant,

Colombo, July 27, 1795. J. G. VAN ANGELBECK.

Note pour Messieurs les Capitaines Renaud et Hoffmann.

1. Ces Messieurs presenteront mon respect a M. le Commodore.

2. Ils lui diront, que je jois prét, d’observer les devoirs d’un

Commandant d’une puissance alliée.

3. Mais que j’ai des nouvelles, des préparatifs de guerre, que la

- Compagnie Anglaise faisoit & la cote, et notamment a Negapatnam.

Que les chefs de la Compagnie Anglaise, disent publiquement, que

ces préparatifs joient contre Tile de Ceilon.

4. Que cette nouvelle peut-étre facilement détruit par M. le

Commodore, en donnant sa parole d’honneur par écrit que actuelle-

ment, M. le Commodore, n’ait pas d’ordre, qui l’auteorisent de non

faire la guerre et queen cas que M. le Commodore’ ne juge pas

apropos de me tranquiliser sur ce point, je le priede me permettre que

je refuse Ventrée dans la Bumenbaay a chaque batiment de guerre

Anglaise, jusque ce que j’aurois des ordres definitifs du Gouvernement

Général de l’Isle et que jusque la, je ne pourrois entrer en aucune

negociation, sur le sujet contenue dans la lettre, qui m’a été remise par

M. le Major Agneween.

J. G. FORNBAUER.

A. K. KORDEERT.

Trinkonomale, ce 1 Aott, 1795. J. M. JARTHOLOMEUSZ.

Commodore Rainier presents his compliments to Major Fornbauer,

and will transmit his answer to the Note delivered by Captains Renaud

and Hoffmann, as soon as the papers he judges necessary for his in-

formation can be copied. Major Agnew and Captain Borough will

have the honour to deliver Commodore Rainier’s answer to Major

Fornbauer, and will be authorised to give such further explanation as

may appear necessary.

On Board H.M.S. Suffolk.

August 2, 1795. a

In reply to the note of Major Fornbauer communicated by Captains

Renaud and Hoffmann, Commodore Rainier and Colonel Stuart have

to observe, that the object for which the troops under their command

have been ordered to Trincomalee was particularly explained to the

Government-General of Ceylon, in a letter from the Government of

398 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. X.

Madras and other communications, transmitted to Colombo, by Major

Agnew, who has brought to them the reply of Mr. van Angelbeck,

and delivered to Major Fornbauer the orders issued by him in con-

sequence of these communications. The Officers Commanding His

Majesty’s Sea and Land Forces conceived that no further explanation

of their object was necessary ; but as Major Fornbauer requires it,

they assure him that they are come as the ancient friends and firm

allies of the Republic of the United Provinces, to protect with the

troops of His Britannic Majesty the possessions of his allies, and to

prevent their falling into the hands of their common enemy, under the

express condition that as soon as the Constitution of the Republic of

the United Provinces is re-established as guaranteed in the year 1787,

the places occupied by His Majesty’s troops shall be restored.

It is necessary that the Major Fornbauer should be fully acquainted

with the instructions under which Commodore Rainier and Colonel

Stuart act ; which are, in the event of refusal to admit the troops for

the purposes of protection as above stated, to use the force under their

command to compel obedience ; and should Major Fornbauer render

it necessary for them to resort to force, he will be himself responsible

for the consequences which may ensue from a line of conduct so

opposite to the orders of His Serene Highness the Prince Stadtholder,

and those of the Government of Colombo, that it can only be attri-

buted to his determination to take part with the common enemy of

His Britannic Majesty and the Dutch Republic.

Given under our hands on Board His Majesty’s Ship Suffolk, in

Back Bay, Trincomalee, this second day of August, 1795.

PETER RAINIER.

J. STUART.

Instruction pour Messieurs Renaud et Bellon.

1. Crs Messieurs presenteront mon respect a M. le Commodore

Rainier et M. le Colonel Stuart, et les remercierons de ce que il sont

bien voula par leur declaration, anuller les avis, que le soussigné avoie

recu, comme si la Compagnie Anglaise, avoit dessein d’envanir I’Isle de

Ceilon. Qu’en consequence les vaisseaux de sa Majesté et autres batti-

ments Anglais, pourront entrer dans la baye et qu’en Général les

troupes de deux nations vivront en bonne amitié.

2. Lesoussigné a ordre de recevoir dans le fort Oostenburg trois cent

tétes militaires, de sa Majesté Britannique. Mais que malheureuse-

ment dans la lettre, qui porte cette ordre, il’y a omission de forme, en

ce que la lettre n’est signeé que de Monsieur le Gouverneur de I’Isle

tout sien: que selon la Constitution de la Compagnie toutes les

lettres, portant méme des petits objets d’administration, doivent étre

signées, constamment du moins par la pluralité des members.

No. 37.—1888.] CAPTURE OF COLOMBO. 399

3. Que cette omission de forme constitutionelle, rend la lettre de

pas plus de poid, qu’une lettre particuliére. Ht que Monsieur le

Gouverneur, qui est d’un Age tres avancé, mourant, la Regence pour-

roit accuser de haute trahison, le soussigné et lui trancher la téte pur

un echaffaud, sans que le soussigné auroit une seule piéce, pour le

justifier de admission, des trois cent hommes, des troupes, de sa

Majesté Britannique.

4, Le soussigné supplie par cette raison, Monsieur le Commodore

Rainier et Monsieur le Colonel Stuart d’avoir égard 4 cette difficulté et

d’accorder un delai eu soussigné, pour l’admission des trois cent tétes

dans Oostenbourg. Jusquece que Monsieur le Gouverneur van Angel-

beck aura levé, par une lettre, ou ordre signée de lui et de la pluralité des

Membres du Conseil, cette difficulté, en quel cas le soussigné admetitra

aussit6t les trois cent hommes, l’intervalle pouvant étre employé, de

prendre les arrangements necessaire pour tout ce qui a égard, a cet objet.

5. Pour engager M. le Commodore Rainier et M. le Colonel

Stuart, d’accorder ce delai, le soussigné declare, qu’il a ordre du

Gouverneur et Conseil de l’Isle de Ceilon, en cas d’attaque par le

Gouvernement actuelle de France, d’en donner avis au Gouverne-

ment de Madras et d’autres chefs de sa Majesté Britannique, et de

demander le secours qui sera jugé necessaire, pour émpecher l’ememi

de faire la conquétte des forts, sous son commandement. Et le

soussigné engage par la presente sa parole d’honneur, qu'il observera

fidélement lV’ordre ci-dessus.

J. G. FORNBAUER.

Trinkonomale, ce 2 Aodit, 1795.

ComMoporRE Rainier and Colonel Stuart have received the Note

which the Captains Renaud and Bellon were charged to deliver to

them from a Major Fornbauer. They have by every means in their

power endeavoured to avoid any occasion of disagreement between

His Majesty’s officers and those of the Republic of the United

Provinces, on an object of service equally important to the interests of

both ; for this reason Major Agnew was despatched to Colombo to

learn the sentiments of the Government of Ceylon, and the British

squadron avoided entering the Bay of Trincomalee, till his return

gave the Officers Commanding the assurance of the continuance of the

friendship which has hitherto subsisted between these States.

Having acted with such delicacy towards the officers of the Govern-

ment of Ceylon, they did not expect that any omission of form would

have operated to prevent the immediate conclusion of an arrangement

proposed by Governor van Angelbeck, in answer to the demands made

by the British Government. That arrangement was by no means

equal to the demands conveyed in the British Proclamation; but

Commodore Rainier and Colonel Stuart, from a wish to avoid hostility

if possible, took upon themselves to accept it.

400 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. X.

Major Fornbauer’s last notification obliges the Commanders of the

British Forces at Trincomalee to revert to their original instructions.

Major Fornbauer has received copy of their Proclamation, and he is

hereby required in conformity to the demands it contains to deliver

the forts under his command into the possession of the British

troops, to be protected by them against the attacks of the French ; or

his refusal will be considered as a declaration of hostility.

Given under our hands on Board His Majesty’s Ship Suffolk, in

Back Bay, Trincomalee, this second day of August, 1795.

PETER RAINIER.

————— J. STUART.

Instruction pour Messieurs les Capitaines Renaud and Bellon.

1. EN presentant 4 Monsieur le Commodore et 4 M le Colonel

Stuart mon respect, Messieurs les Capitaines Renaud et Bellon, pro-

testeront formellement contre le contenu de la note fulminante, remis

au soussigné. Ils chargeront Messieurs le Commodore Rainier et le

Colonel Stuart de toute la conséquence, qui peut s’ensuivre et assure-

ront ces Messieurs que la garnison et son Commandant tachera de

meriter l’éstime de la nation Anglaise, pour se consoler du mépris dont

la derniére note vient fletria son Commandant.

Trinkonomale, ce 2 Aott, 1795. J. G. FORNBAUER.

To the Officers Commanding the British Naval and Military

Forces at Trincomalee.

Srrs,— HAVING received the news that you have thought fit to invade

the Company’s territory with armed troops, and to summon the forts of

Trincomalee and Ostenburg, we have annulled our resolution to accept

of eight hundred men as auxiliaries and to place three hundred of them

in Ostenburg, and have therefore resolved to defend with the forces

we have the forts and establishments which have been confided to us

against every one that wishes to make themselves masters thereof. We

inform you thereof, and have the honour to be, &c.

J. G. VAN ANGELBECK.

C. VAN ANGELBECK.

D. C. von DRIEBERG.

J. REINTOUS.

B. L. VAN ZITTER.

A. SAMLANT.

J. A. VOLLENHOVE.

D. D. van RANzow.

A. J. ISSENDORP.

Colombo, August 13, 1795. T. G. Horianp.

No. 37.—1888.]

CAPTURE OF COLOMBO.

401

Capitulation of Trincomalee.

_ Le Commandant du Fort d’Oostenburg rend le dit fort 4 sa Majesté

Britannique sous les conditions suivantes :—

ARTICLE 1.

La garrison du Fort d’Oosten-

burg se rend prisonniers de

guerre; les officiers garderont

leurs epées.

ARTICLE 2.

Le Capitaine Weerman et le

Lieutenant Lellman Ingenieur,

demandent la permission de rester

ici pour arranger leurs affaires at

_ celles des officiers.

ARTICLE 3.

Les proprietés des officiers et

soldats sera assure.

ARTICLE 4.

Les soldats seront prisonniers

de guerre, et delivrés pour étre

transporte ; ils ne seront pas forcés

pour prendre service, et ceux qui

ne voudront pas s’engager, seront

transporté en Europe au tems con-

venable.

ARTICLE 5D.

Les Malays seront bien iraites,

et ne seront pas forcés de prendre

service ni comme militaires, ni

comme matelots.

ARTICLE 6.

Le magazinier, son assistant et

le secretaire demandent la per-

mission de rester ici pour arranger

leurs affaires. |

ARTICLE 7.

Tous les articles de la capitula-

tion de Trinkonomale, quoique

pas contenus dans celle ci, seront

etendues aussi sur la garrison

d’Oostenburg autant convenable.

Granted.

These officers will be permitted

to remain a reasonable time for the

arrangement of ther affairs.

Granted.

Granied.

Granted.

These gentlemen will be allowed

a reasonable time for the arrange-

ment of their affairs, but are to be

considered as prisoners of war.

Granted.

402

ARTICLE 8.

A quatre heures cet aprés midi,

la garrison marcheré dehors

tambours battant et mettra bas les

armes.

JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON).

[ VOL. X.

The garrison will march out at

4 o'clock this afternoon in the man-

ner required by this Article. But

a detachment of the British army

must be put tn possession of the

Water Pass Gate at 2 o'clock in

the afternoon, and proper persons

will be appointed by Captain Hoff-

mann to point out the Magazine, &c.,

that guards may be posted for their

securety.

ARTICLE 9.

Tous les munitions, les magazins,

papiers, et proprietés publiques

seront delivrés au Commissaire

nommé de la part de sa Majesté

Britannique.

PETER RAINIER.

Fort d’ Oostenburg, J. STUART.

ce 31 Aofit, 1795.

To the Honourable J.G. van Angelbeck, Governor, &c., and to the

Gentlemen of Council at Colombo.

HONOURABLE SIR, AND Srrs.—OvuR President had the honour of

addressing a letter to Mr. van Angelbeck on July 7, in which his

Lordship communicated the intentions of the King of Great Britain

with respect to the Dutch Settlements in India, and invited your

‘Government to the acceptance of propositions which were calculated

to secure those settlements during the war from falling into the hands

of the enemy, by taking them under the protection of Great Britain,

with the condition of their being restored to the Republic of Holland,

cat the conclusion of a General Peace, by which its independence and

its constitution, as guaranteed in the year 1787, shall be maintained

and secured. We had the less doubt upon our minds with respect to

the satisfaction it would have afforded you to embrace the plan that

had been concerted between His Majesty and the Prince of Orange,

because we knew that you were bound by the most sacred obligation

to uphold that constitution, and because the principles on which the

plan was formed had nothing in view that could be construed into an

act of derogation on your part.

We feel the most sincere concern that the harmony and good under-

standing which had so long subsisted between the two Governments

‘Should have suffered an interruption by your not having conceived

No. 37.—1888.] CAPTURE OF COLOMBO. 403

yourselves called upon by the Stadtholder’s letter to acquiesce altogether

in the propositions our President had made to you ; and that even the

limited manner in which your Government had thought proper to

comply was frustrated by the Officer Commanding in Trincomalee

from a deficiency in point of form, with regard to the signature of the

order, not deeming himself warranted to obey it.

In conformity to the orders from Europe, in the event of your

declining the protection of Great Britain, the reduction of the Forts

of Ostenburg and Trincomalee, with the adjoining districts, and that

of other settlements belonging to the Dutch on the Island of Ceylon,

which we have reason to expect either are by this time actually in our

possession, or on the eve of being subdued by the British troops, has

been the immediate consequence of the commencement of hostilities.

Being led by many circumstances to believe that we have a common

interest with you in the result of the present war, we seriously lament

the alternative to which we have been driven, and under this impression

are anxious to make every effort in our power to bring our differences

to an amicable and speedy termination, that we may at least enjoy

the satisfactory reflection of having followed the impulse of humanity,

and the dictates of those sentiments of regard we feel towards your

nation, by strenuously endeavouring to avert those evils which must

inevitably attend a continuation of hostility.

We are the more induced to make an attempt towards the restoration

of tranquility at this time from the conviction that your means of

resistance are extremely inadequate, and we are persuaded that you

cannot but concur with us in that opinion, when you are informed

that by a capitulation signed at Netifchatel on March 30 last, on the

part of the British Government and the Count de Meuron, proprietor

of the regiment of that name, it has been stipulated that the whole

corps should be immediately withdrawn from your service, with a

view to its afterwards being transferred to that of Great Britain, and

that for the purpose of executing the terms of the said capitulation

the Count de Meuron had arrived at Tellicherry on the 6th instant.

We have received accounts from His Majesty’s Secretary of State,

communicating the terms of this agreement, and have letters from

Mr. Cleghorn, the gentleman who negotiated them, and who accompanied

the Count de Meuron from Europe to this country.

Your letter of the 15th ultimo would warrant our availing ourselves

of the advantages we must derive from so considerable a diminution

of your force, and might be an inducement to us to complete the

reduction of all the Dutch Settlements on the Island of Ceylon by

conquest, a measure to which we might reasonably look without

imposing upon ourselves a veryarduous undertaking. Weare, however,

too well disposed to peace with the representatives of the Stadtholder’s

Government to forego any opening which may lead to so desirable an

object, and therefore renew our former proposition, as far as it regards

those Settlements which remain in the possession of your Government.

404 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. X.

Tt may at the same time be expedient that you should explicitly under-

stand that our proposition goes to putting the Dutch Settlements in

question completely under His Britannic Majesty’s protection and

control, the troops to be stationed for that purpose to be either

British or selected from amongst those now in your service, according

to the disposition we may think it most advisable to make, under the

impression of existing circumstances.

Our President’s letter of the 7th July contains the stipulations we

feel ourselves at liberty to enter into concerning the settlements

remaining under your Government, as well as our determination with

respect to the line of conduct that will be pursued, in the event of

your persevering in your resolution of the 15th August.

Any further explanation you may require will be given by Major

Agnew, who possesses our full confidence, and who is authorised by us

to settle the mode of carrying the proposed arrangement into

execution.

We have, &c.,

HOBART.

Fort St. George, C. SAUNDERS.

September 22, 1795. — K. H. FALLOFIELD.

Headquarter of the British Army near

Jaffnapatnam, September 28, 1795.

To the Governor or Commandant of the Fort of Jaffnapatnam,

and its Dependencies.

Sir,—THE important Forts of Trincomalee, Ostenburg, and Bat-

ticaloa having surrendered to the Army of his Britannic Majesty, the

undersigned, Commanding-in-Chief the troops of His Majesty on the

Island of Ceylon, demands of you to surrender the Fort of Jaffna-

patnam and its dependencies under your command to the King, my

Master. The officers and troops of the garrison, if it is their wish,

will be immediately received into the pay of Great Britain with the

rank they now hold. Their private property as well as that of all

the inhabitants will be secured to them, and every reasonable indul-

gence which you can require on their behalf will be granted. It must

be evident to you that your resistance cannot long preserve the Fort

under your command, when you are apprised of the possessions which

the English have already acquired on this Island for their preservation

against our common enemy and of the British power in India. If

therefore your refusal to surrender on the very favourable condition

I have now the honour to offer, obliges me to erect batteries against

the place (the guns for that purpose and the remainder of the army

being on their march from Point Pedro to join), no terms will

hereafter be granted, and if you are permitted to surrender it must be

at discretion.

No. 37.—1888.] CAPTURE OF COLOMBO. 405

Captain Borough, Lieutenant Hayter, and John Macdowall, Esquire,

will have the honour to deliver this letter to you, and are empowered

by me to arrange the terms of surrender.

I have the honour to be, with every consideration of respect and

esteem, &c.

J. STUART,

Commanding-in-Chief the Troops of His Britannic

Majesty on this Island of Ceylon.

To the Right Honourable Lord Hobart, Governor, and Council at

Fort St. George.

My Lorp anp Srrs,—WE have had the honour to receive from

Major Agnew your letter of September 22 last, and reply to it as

follows :—

Our answer to Lord Hobart’s letter of July 7, which agreeably to

his Lordship’s desire was despatched to the Commanding Officers of

the British Naval and Land Forces before Trincomalee, contained all

that his Serene Highness the Hereditary Stadtholder demanded from us,

and the strongest reasons why we could not agree to the remaining

demands of his Lordship which went much further.

Our Governor alone signed that letter because Major Agnew insisted

so much on having his despatch immediately on account of the danger

to which the frigate was exposed in the bad monsoon, and as part of

the Members of Council lived without the fort, hours would have been

spent in getting it signed by them. Our Governor signed it without

hesitation, as the draft had been approved by every one of us, and

as the Governors of Ceylon have always in matters of the greatest

importance given orders to the subordinate officers by letters signed

alone by them.

Major Fornbauer should then without hesitation have complied with

its contents, and we have therefore left the consequences of his refusal

to his account.

We nevertheless expected with much reason that the Commanding

Officers would have contented themselves with the aforesaid Major’s

offer, to ask additional orders, and then to comply, in -which case this

unfortunate misunderstanding could have been adjusted within a few

days.

But as they commenced public hostilities by invading our territory

and summoning both our Forts, we were obliged by our letter of

August 15 to repeal our peaceable offer.

We will suppose for an instant that the misdemeanour of Major

Fornbauer had given the Commanding Officers a right to commence

hostilities. But with what reason can the conquest of Batticaloa,

Jafinapatnam, and Tuticorin be justified? The chiefs of those places

406 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. X.

having made liberal offers for the admittance of your troops, what

right or argument can you allege, My Lord and Sirs, except your

superior force, to summon us to deliver our establishments in the

manner you have done by your letter of September 22 last ?

Respecting the capitulation which the Count de Meuron has entered

into with your Government for the Swiss Regiment, we declare he had

no power to do it, because he had consigned his regiment permanently

to us, as long as the Company might want it, as appears by the 25th

Article of the Capitulation, of which a copy is annexed. He says in his

letter to his brother the Colonel Commandant, that the Government

with whom he capitulated is dissolved, and that therefore he had

resolved to withdraw his regiment from the Dutch Army. But the

Government is not yet dissolved, as will appear at the conclusion of a

General Peace in the Netherlands. In the meantime we are here the

representatives of the same, and as such you acknowledge us by your

letter of September 22 last.

But although we are deprived of that part of the regiment which is

here, and which consists of five hundred men; we are, however, not

destitute of resources to defend what has been confided to us, and if

we are at last crushed by a superior force, we will find sufficient con-

solation in the reflection that we have done all that could be expected

from loyal officers, who prefer their honour and their duty to every

other consideration.

We have the honour to be, &c.,

J.G. VAN ANGELBECK.

C. VAN ANGELBECK.

D. C. von DRIEBERG.

J. REINTOUS.

B. L. VAN ZITTER.

A. SAMLANT.

J. A. VOLLENHOVE.

D. D. vAN RANZOW.

A. IssENDORP.

Colombo, October 13, 1875. T. G. HoFLanpD.

To the Officer Commanding the British Troops at Tuticorin.

Srr,—-Havineé made an arrangement with Major Agnew that five

companies of the Swiss Regiment in garrison here should be conveyed

from hence to Tuticorin with the sloops La Fideéle, the Jonge Villem

Arnold, and the Grutaaf, under flags of truce, for which purpose

Major Agnew granted three passports, one of which goes now with

La Fidele.

M. Pierre Monneron arrived since here with his vessel, the Alamgum,

with a passport and flag of Tipu Sultan, and Colonel de Meuron not

knowing any means to convey to Madras the remaining two compa-

No. 37.—1888.] CAPTURE OF COLOMBO. AQT

nies of his Regiment which are garrisoned at Point de Galle, he made

with my knowledge and consent an arrangement with M. Monneron

to convey part of the five companies to Tuticorin, in which case the

remainder can be transported with La Fidele, and the other two sloops

go to Point de Galle to carry over the two companies.

Agreably to this arrangement La Fidéle goes now with two hundred

and fifty men, and the other two sloops have already been despatched to

Point de Galle with their passports in order to embark there the two

companies. I have to request, therefore, that you will please provide

them, with all possible speed, with the necessary water and firewood,

and send them back to Colombo with a passport.

I have, &c.,

J.G. VAN ANGELBECK.

Colombo, November 12, 1795.

APPENDIX 1B.

[ Percival’s “ Account of the Island of Ceylon,”

pages 112-118. ]

THE English landed at Nigombo in February, 1796, when they made

themselves masters of it without opposition.

After the taking of Nigombo, General Stewart, with the 52nd, 73rd,

and 77th regiments, three battalions of Sepoys, and a detachment of

Bengal artillery, marched to attack Columbo. The road through

which he had to pass presented apparently the most formidable

obstacles. Those rivers which add so much to the beauty and richness of

the country, and those woods which afford so much comfort to the

traveller, presented so many bars to the march of an army, and

opportunities to annoy it. For twenty miles the road may be con-

sidered as one continued defile, capable of being easily defended

against a much superior force. It was intersected by two broad, deep,

and rapid rivers, and several smaller ones, besides ravines whose

bridges had been broken down. Each side of the path through which

our army marched was covered with thick woods and jungle, from

whence the enemy had an opportunity of destroying their adversaries,

without even being seen themselves. In such a situation General

Stewart every moment expected an attack, and was exceedingly

surprised, as were all the officers, at being suffered to pass through

such a strong and difficult country without the smallest opposition.

Nothing can give a more striking idea of the degraded state to which

the Dutch military establishments at Ceylon were reduced, than their

suffering an enemy to advance unmolested in such circumstances.

S9—90 G

408 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X,

Neither want of skill or prudence on the part of the officers, nor want

of discipline on that of the soldiers, could have produced such dis-

graceful effects. It is only to the total extinction of public spirit, of

every sentiment of national honour, that such conduct can be

attributed. A thirst of gain and of private emolument appears to

have swallowed up every other feeling in the breasts of the Dutchmen ;

and this is a striking warning to all commercial nations to be careful

that those sentiments, which engage them to extend their dominions,

do not obliterate those by which alone they can be retained and

defended.

If their unmolested march seemed unaccountable, the circumstances

which followed still more surprised our British soldiers. The first

obstacle which opposed itself to General Stewart was the Mutwal river

at the distance of about four miles from Columbo, and here the enemy,

who made their appearance for the first time, seemed determined to

dispute the passage. Nature had done everything in her power to

render their resistance effectual. The river was here half a mile broad

and ran in such a direction as nearly to cut off and insulate for three

or four miles, that tract of country which immediately presented itself

to our army. A little neck of land on the south side afforded the only

entrance to this tract, which from its strength was called the Grand-

pass. A battery erected by the Dutch on the Columbo side commanded

the passages, and General Stewart was of course obliged to halt. The

army lay here for two days preparing themselves for a difficult enter-

prise, when they were astonished to learn that the Dutch had thrown

the guns of the battery into the river, evacuated the post, and retreated

precipitately into the garrison of Columbo. The British at first

doubted the truth of the intelligence, and then supposed it was a

stratagem of the enemy to draw them across, and afterwards attack

them with advantage. As no opposition, however, now presented

itself on the other side of the river, it was resolved to carry over the

army, which was speedily effected on rafts of bamboo, and a few boats

from our ships lying at anchor off the mouth of the river. Our troops

then encamped in a large grove of cocoanut trees, with a Malay village

in front. The position was very advantageous, as the river from its

winding course protected our right flank and rear, while the left was

skirted by a very thick wood or jungle, which extended nearly to the

Black Town of Columbo. Our ships, which lay at no great distance,

were ready to furnish the army with everything necessary. It was of

this last circumstance that the Dutch took advantage to excuse their

pusillanimous conduct in abandoning such an excellent position. They

said they were afraid of troops being landed from the ships between

them and the fort of Columbo, and thus cutting off their retreat. But

those who are acquainted with the situation of the country will look

upon this as a very poor palliation of their cowardice ; as even

supposing we had attempted to land troops between them and the

No. 37.—1888.] CAPTURE OF COLOMBO. 409

fort, a secure retreat was opened to them by the thick wood on the

left, through which from our not knowing the ground, it would have

been dangerous and improper for us to pursue them.

Whilst our troops lay here, the Dutch sent out from Columbo a

large party of Malays under the command of Colonel Raymond, a

Frenchman, to attack us, which they did rather unexpectedly in the

morning about daybreak. Our troops, however, particularly our

flank companies under Colonel Barbut, gave them such a warm

reception that they soon retired very precipitately and with great loss;

their brave commander was mortally wounded, and died a few days

after. ‘The loss on our part was not material: and this was the last

and only attempt made by the enemy to oppose us.

Our army was now come to Columbo, the capital of the Dutch

dominions in Ceylon, large, fortified, and capable of a vigorous defence;

and here they seemed to have concentrated their resistance. On our

appearing before it, however, a capitulation was immediately proposed,

and in a few days after this important place was surrendered into our

hands. To examine the causes which led to this unexpected conduct

may be of use to our own nation, and the Commanders of our garrison

abroad.

Previous to the British troops appearing before Columbo, its

garrison had been in some measure weakened by the loss of the Swiss

Regiment de Meuron, which for along time had composed part of it.

This regiment, upon the term of its agreement with the Dutch having

expired a few months before General Stewart was sent against Ceylon,

had transferred its services to our Government ; and other troops had

not hitherto been procured from Holland or Batavia to replace it at

Columbo. The strength of the garrison was by this means impaired ;

but the want of numbers was not its principal defect, as upon marching

out after the surrender, it was found to consist of two battalions of

Dutch troops, the French regiment of Wurtemberg, besides native

troops ; forming in all a number fully equal to the force sent against it.

The dissensions among both the civil and military officers of the

garrison were a cause which more powerfully hastened its surrender.

Those principles, which have produced so many convulsions and atro-

cities in Europe, had also penetrated into this Colony. The Governor,

M. van Angelbeck, was a very respectable old officer of moderate

principles and a mild disposition. Many of those under him were,

however, violent Republicans of the Jacobin party ; they declaimed

against the Governor as a man of a weak mind, and wished to place in

the government his son, whom they had gained over to their own princi-

ples. The violence of this party had gone to an alarming height; they

had already begun to denounce their opponents ; and several respectable

gentlemen would in all probability have fallen victims to their fury,

had not the sudden arrival of the English at this critical moment

rescued them from impending destruction.

410 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

The state of discipline in the garrison had also fallen into the most

shameful disorder. Drunkenness and mutiny were carried to the great-

est height. The old Governor has frequently declared at the tables of

our officers, that he was in constant danger of his life from their

mutinous conduct. He had resolved to defend the place to the last ;

but such was the state of insubordination which prevailed, that he

could not by any means induce the Dutch troops, and in particular the

officers, to march out against the enemy. Personal safety, an object

scarcely ever attended to by our troops either by sea or land, seemed in

them to overpower every sense of duty or honour. <A few of them

went to accompany the Malay troops on the expedition I have already

mentioned ; but scarcely had they reached the gates of the Black

Town when their courage evaporated, and they left the Malays to

their fate. Not above one or two European officers met us in that

action besides the brave Colonel Raymond, who was ashamed of being

connected with such poltroons, and would have brought their conduct

to public censure had not his death fallen a noble sacrifice to his sense

of honour. ;

This state of total insubordination, the violence of the Jacobin

party, and the fear of an internal massacre, induced the Governor to

enter into a private treaty for surrender with the English as soon as

they appeared before the place. He let his troops, however, know

that such a measure was in agitation ; but this produced no effect on

their disorders, and he at length signed the capitulation without their

knowledge, and I believe without their consent. Our troops were

suddenly introduced into the fort, and had nearly entered before the

Dutch were aware of it. They were found by us ina state of the

most infamous disorder and drunkenness ; no discipline, no obedience,

no spirit. They now began to vent the most bitter reproaches against

the Governor, accusing him as the author of that disgrace which their

own conduct had brought upon them ; and seemed in a tumultuous

crowd determined to display a desperate courage when it was now too

late. The Malay troops alone kept up any appearance of discipline.

Even they, however, were led away by the contagious example of the

rest ; and several of them, in concert with the Jacobin party among

the Dutch, attacked the Governor’s house, and fired it with an intention

to kill him, crying aloud that he had betrayed them and sold them to

the English. Nor was it without much difficulty that these mutineers

were compelled to evacuate the fort, and ground their arms.

It was grateful to the heart of a Briton to behold the steady

conduct and excellent discipline of our troops on this occasion when

contrasted with the riotous and shameful conduct of the Dutch

soldiers. An officer who was an eye witness assured me that the Dutch

soldiers went so far as even to strike at our men with their muskets,

calling them insulting and opprobrious names, and even spitting upon

them as they passed. This behaviour entirely corresponded with their

No. 37.—1888.] CAPTURE OF COLOMBO. All

former cowardice, and was equally despised by our countrymen. I

have often since conversed on the subject with the Malay officers, who

seemed to have embraced entirely the same sentiments with regard to

it. They were all highly disgusted with the pusillanimous conduct of

the Dutch, particularly in the affair at the Grandpass, where they left

them without any assistance to fight by themselves. Their contempt

for their former masters, and their admiration of the valour of our

troops, has served to render the Malays our most sincere friends, and

they are now formed into a steady and well-disciplined regiment in

the British service.

These facts with regard to the easy capture of Ceylon tend to throw

the severest reflections on the Dutch garrison there ; but by no means

serve to show that the enterprise on our part was not attained with the

greatest danger. The opposition of even a very small body of men

must have occasioned much difficulty and loss to us, however great

General Stewart’s military talents, and however brave the troops he

commanded. Nature, indeed, seems to have done everything in her

power to secure the approaches to Columbo on this side.

APPENDIX C.

[ Welsh’s “ Military Reminiscences,” Vol. I., pages 26-40.

TRINCOMALLEE.

The harbour of Trincomallee, situated near the north-eastern

extremity of the island of Ceylon, is one of the best in India ; it was

defended by numerous works, and might have given us much trouble

to take it, but fortunately the garrison were mostly quiet merchants

and mechanics, who, by a protracted defence, would have hazarded

their all for the bubble reputation, and therefore very speedily surren-

dered. The troops destined for the conquest of the Dutch possessions

on the western shore of the island, then assembled at Ramiseram, in

January, 1796, consisting of three European and five native corps,

under the command of Colonel Stewart," of his Majesty’s 72nd

regiment.

* Colonel Stewart was a very old and experienced officer, well known,

and at that time much liked by the Madras army; he went by the fami-

liar appellation of ‘‘Old Row.” Relieved from the government of Ceylon,

he afterwards became Commander-in-Chief at Madras, and returned to

- Kurope in 1808.

412 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). | [Vou. X.

RAMISERAM.

This island, about ten or twelve miles long, and half that breadth,

and which is situated at the head of the gulph of Manaar, is separated

from the mainland of the peninsula by a narrow ferry, and from

Ceylon by Adam’s bridge and the island of Manaar. Its Pagodas,

celebrated all over India for their sanctity, are at the eastern end of

the island ; they are lofty, and in good repair, though of great anti-

quity. The Brahmins have a neat little village in the neighbourhood,

and there is a fine square stone tank, with a small island in the centre,

luring the unwary to destruction, for its approach appears clear of all

impediments. I had swam across to look at its images, and returning,

carelessly allowed my legs to sink beneath me, when they were immedi-

ately entangled in weeds, which pulled me under water two or three

times ; until, at length, I tore them up from the bottom in the struggle,

and reached the bank with great difficulty, dragging behind me several

thin cords of many feet in length. Although it is not very likely that

any of my readers may have occasion to try the same experiment, yet

I could not resist the temptation of holding out a warning to those

who might be led into a similar danger through similar inadvertency.

Here, on very good ground, the troops were encampad as they

arrived ; and about January 10, we took our final departure, in large

open boats ; crossing under the bridge, as it is called, we coasted along,

by Arepoo, Calpenteen, &c., running on shore every evening, to cook

and eat our diurnal meal, and sleep on the beach ; but without any

shelter from the weather, which being particularly inclement, we

generally had our clothes wet through all night, and dried during the

day upon our bodies : experiencing both extremes in the course of the

twenty-four hours. Our first rendezvous was Negumbo, about thirty

miles north of Colombo, then in the enemy’s possession. Our flotilla

being drawn up in order, a landing was effected, and we found the

works abandoned without resistance. Here, then, we landed our

stores, camp equipage, &c., as also the fascines and gabions we had

made, under the erroneous impression that we were not likely to find

materials in Ceylon, the best wooded country in the world ; and I may

as well anticipate the catastrophe, by remarking, that they were after-

wards all served out to the Bombay Grenadier battalion, at Columbo,

for firewood !—the useless cost and labour being carried to the

account of experience and geographical knowledge. Leaving our boats

to carry on the heavy articles, for which cattle could not be procured,

the army marched by land, and arrived within four miles of Columbo,

without meeting the slightest resistance, as it was not until after we

had crossed a broad and rapid river that the enemy attempted to

impede our approach.

COLUMBO.

Advancing at daylight, we crossed the great ferry, called Grand

Pass, and forming on the other side, moved on, uncertain what recep-

No. 37.—1888.] CAPTURE OF COLOMBO. 413

tion we were likely to experience, when all of a sudden a peal of

musquetry, and shower of balls, arrested our attention. A body of

eight hundred or one thousand Malays, followed by Dutch troops, gave

us this salutation, which being returned with interest, they immediately

took to flight, leaving, amongst others, a Colonel mortally wounded on

the ground. His remains were interred with military honours, and we

took up our almost peaceable abode in the Pettah and environs, about

two o'clock the next day : having, however, had a most ridiculous

alarm during the night, which terminated fatally for one of our com-

rades. Being with the advance, I was posted in a thick grove, with

one of the picquets for the night ; the next party to us was furnished

by the Bombay Grenadier battalion, in similar ground. All the

sentries were loaded, and told to challenge distinctly any one who

approached them ; and, if not satisfactorily answered, to fire at the

object. The night was dark, and all had remained still, till towards

morning, when suddenly, ‘‘Who comes there?” was bellowed out

from the Bombay post, and immediately after the report of two

musquets, followed by others, resounded through the grove. “ Fall

in! fall in! prime and load!” followed on our part, to which a dead

silence ensured ; and then one of those uncertain pauses, the most

trying to the nerves and patience of a soldier. Matters remaining in

this state for some time, we ventured to enquire what had occurred to

our comrades on the right, and found that a buffalo had suddenly

advanced on two drowsy Ducks,* and, not giving the countersign, was

immediately fired at ; the remainder of the picquet turning out, loaded

their pieces, and also commenced firing, when a shot from a better

marksman than the rest killed one of our own sentries, and was even

fired so close to him as actually to blow away a part of the poor

fellow’s mouth. The fact was, that drowsiness had obtained such

complete possession of the guard, that on their being thus suddenly

wakened they were quite unable to recognise each other in the dark.

Negociations having commenced between Colonel Stewart and the

Dutch Governor-General, van Angleback, we remained inactive for a

few days ; when, on February 16, the whole of their possessions on

the Island were ceded to us by capitulation, in trust for the Prince of

Orange, and the fort was instantly taken possession of by our troops

in his name, our corps, the 9th battalion of Native infantry, being

detached to Point de Galle, sixty miles south, to receive charge of and

garrison that fortress.

“The Bombay army are generally designated “ Ducks,” perhaps from

their Presidency being situated on a small island. The Bengalees are

denominated “ Qu hies,” from a habit of exclaiming “kocy hye?” “who

is there?” to their domestics, when requiring their attendance ; and the

Madrasees are designated by the appellation of “ Muils,” from the circum-

stance of always using a kind of hot soup, ycleped mulligatawny, literally

pepper water, at their meals, particularly supper.

414 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. X.

Columbo, the capital of the Dutch in Ceylon, is a place of consider-

able consequence and strength, from its natural position as well as

from its works, which were numerous and in good condition. The

fort, which is extensive, contained many capital dwelling houses,

including the Governor’s palace, which is a most superb building. The

Pettah had also several good houses, churches, &c., in it ; and in the

place, altogether, were many respectable inhabitants. Without a

chance of relief, it would have been madness to have held out : and by

an early capitulation, private property was not only preserved, but all

the different public servants obtained pensions from our Government.

Columbo is also a place of great traffic by sea, the roadstead being

extremely safe and commodious, particularly during the north-eastern

monsoons.

——

GEORGE J A SKEEN. GOVERNMENT PRINTER. COLOMBO, CEYLON.

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