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JOURNAL

OF THE

CEYLON BRANCH

OF THE

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

VOLUME XI.—1889-1890.

EDITED BY THE HONORARY SECRETARY.

The design of the Society is to institute and promote inquiries into the History,

Religions, Languages, Literature, Arts, and Social Condition of the present

and former Inhabitants of the Island, with its Geology and Mineralogy,

its Climate and Meteorology, its Botany and Zoology.

COLOMBO :

GHORGE J. A. SKEEN, GOVERNMENT PRINTER, CEYLON.

1894.

om :

ith

CONTENTS OF VOLUME XI.

No. 38.—1889. PAGE

‘« A Short History of the Principal Events that occurred in the

Island of Ceilon since the arrival of the First Nether-

landers in the year 1602, and afterwards from the Estab-

lishment of the ‘ Honourable Company’ in the same Island

till the year 1757.” Translated from the Dutch by F. H.

DE Vos 500 bo sree 1

No. 39.— 1889.

A Visit to Ritigala, in the North-Central Province. By A. P.

GREEN, F.E.S. ee eile

Note on the Botany of Ritigala. By H. Thee F.R.S.,

Director, Royal Botanic Gardens, Ceylon ... ee LGR

Etymological and Historical Notes on Ritigala. Ele M. DE Z.

WICKREMASINGHE 160%

Paddy Cultivation Cee in we Four Kéralés, gall

District. By H.C. P. BELL, c.c.s. 167%

Essay on the Construction of Zoological Tables, with a

Tabular Diagnosis of the Snakes of Ceylon. By A.

Haty, Director, Colombo Museum, Ceylon... Bee Wo

Johann Jacob Saar’s Account of Ceylon, 1647-1657. Trans-

lated by P. FREUDENBERG, Imperial German Consul in

Ceylon a wee is eat 200

No. £40.—18S90.

Wouter Schouten’s Account of Ceylon. Translated from

the Dutch by P. Se Imperial German Consul

in Ceylon 660 60 315

-Henricus van Bystervelt’s raha hone to Kandy. Meme

from the Dutch by F. H. DE Vos 355

The, Animal- ve Rocks of ee By F. H.

MoppDER Son 377

No. 41.—18990.

“ The Rebellion of Ceylon, and the Progress of its Conquest

under the Government of Constantino de Sé y Norona.”

Translated from the Spanish by Lieut.-Colonel H. H. Sr.

GEORGE oe ® 427

PROCEEDINGS, 1889 50¢ 1

PROCEEDINGS, 1890 os 500 se XXVIII

* Wrongly printed in the text as pages 1, 6, 10, 17, and 22, respectively.

Bee pa erine of the first 32 pages of Journal No. 39 should run from

151 to 18:

S10 OL} | Moe tt 2

JOURNAL

OF THE

CEYLON BRANCH §&

OF THE

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY, §

1889, a

Sn Le Lp Ln Do Lh Lm Dinh Pi Ln Lan Sh

VOLUME XI.

No. 88.

EDITED BY THE HONORARY SECRETARY.

“The design of the Society is to institute and promote inquiries into the History,

Religion, Literature, Arts, and Social Condition of the present and former

Inhabitants of the Island, with its Geology, Mineralogy, its Climate and

Meteorology, its Botany and Zoology.”

| COLOMBO:

GEORGE J. A. SKEEN, GOVERNMENT PRINTER, CEYLON.

1891. :

ls Bs alta ht dt det dn ol

JOURNAL

OF THE

CRYLON BRANCH

OF THE

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,

1889.

VOLUME XI.

No. 38.

EDITED BY THE HONORARY SECRETARY.

“‘The design of the Society is to institute and promote inquiries into the History,

Religion, Literature, Arts, and Social Condition of the present and former

Inhabitants ef the Island, with its Geology, Mineralogy, its Climate and

Meteorology, its Botany and Zoology.”

COLOMBO:

GEORGE J. A. SKEEN, GOVERNMENT PRINTER, CEYLON.

1891.

CONTENTS.

A Short History of the Principal Events that occurred in the Island

of Ceilon, since the arrival of the First Netherlanders in the year

1602, and, afterwards, from the Establishment of the ‘‘ Honour-

able Company” in the same Island, till the year 1757.

(Translation from the Dutch made for the Society, and revised by

: F. H. de Vos, Esq., Barrister.)

JOURNAL

OF THE

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,

CEYLON BRANCH.

A SHORT HISTORY

OF THE PRINCIPAL EVENTS THAT OCCURRED

IN THE ISLAND OF CEILON,

SINCE THE ARRIVAL OF THE FIRST NETHERLANDERS IN THE YEAR

1602, AND, AFTERWARDS, FROM THE ESTABLISHMENT OF THE

‘““ HONOURABLE COMPANY ” IN THE SAME ISLAND,

TILL THE YEAR 1757.”

(Translation made for the Society, revised by

I’. H. de Vos, Esq.)

paola HE Island of Ceilon was for a long time a pearl

7 “ii inthe Crown of the possessions of the ‘ Nether-

lands Hast India Company.” Like so many of

their other jewels, she was irretrievably lost to

them during the latter part of the last century.

EAS It cannot, indeed, be uninteresting to become

aan with some of the events that took place there

under our rule: such information will be found in the

* “ Beknopte historie van de voornaamste gebeurtenissen op Cedlon

sedert de komste van de eerste Nederlanders aldaar in den jare 1602, en

vervolgens van het etablissement der Edele Maatschappy ten zelven eilande

tot den jare 1757.” The original spelling of names has been retained.—

Hon. Sec.

86—90 B

2 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). { VOL.

following pages, entitled “A Short History of the Principal

Events that occurred in the Island of Ceylon, since the arrival

of the first Netherlanders in the year 1602, and afterwards

from the establishment of the Honourable Company in the

same Island till the year 1757.”

This history was compiled in the year 1760, from printed

papers and manuscripts in the care of the Political Secretary

at Colombo, and was sent to the Fatherland in 1762.

The manuscript was found among the papers of the

former East India Company in the State Archive at the Hague,

and through the kindness of the Archivist, I was, now about

two years ago, allowed free access to it. Should the

‘“‘ Historical Society’ desire to include this History in its

Journal, itis respectfully offered to them, by their obedient

servant.

The Hague, 1862. P. A. LEUPE.

SHORT SUMMARY OF THE HISTORY OF THE

ESTABLISHMENT OF THE “ HONOURABLE COMPANY ” IN

THE ISLAND OF CEILON.

Arrival of Admiral Spilbergen in Candia: his reception

by the King, and the presents given to him, with permission

to build a castle.

His departure, and arrival of Vice-Admiral Sebalt de Weert,

who, after making a contract, sails for Atchin.

His arrival with seven ships at Baticaloa. Animosity of

the native princes, followed by his brutal massacre.

Illness and death of the King. His step-brother succeeds

him, and desires friendly relations with the Netherlanders.

Boschhouwer makes a contract with him.

Boschhouwer’s departure to Mazulipatnam, after receiving

many honours, provided with ample credentials by His

Majesty, to fulfil his promise, according to contract, of pro-

curing assistance against the Portuguese.

His return to the Fatherland, where, owing to disagreements

with the Directors, he goes over to the Danes.

King Adakyn dies, and is succeeded by his youngest son

Raja Singa Rajao, who asks assistance from the Governor of

Cormandel against the Portuguese.

His Majesty’s letter delivered to their Excellencies, who

thereupon despatch two persons to the coast.

Through them the Governor of Cormandel delivers the

letter written to the Candian Prince.

Contents of the letter.

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. S

Arrival of the aforesaid Commissioners in Candia: their

audience and conference with the King.

Their departure to Goa, with Ambassadors from the King

and a letter to Admiral Westerwold.

Contents of the letter.

Sea fight between the Netherlanders and Portuguese off Goa.

Arrival of the “Henriette Louisa” from Batavia, and

““Hertogenbosch,’ with Vice-Commandeur Coster from

Souratte, [The latter] sent to Ceylon with three ships by

Heer Westerwold to inform the King of the expected

arrival of further assistance to besiege the various forts,

and to deliver the under-quoted letter to him.

His arrival off Trinconomale, and consultation as to the

best means of attacking Baticaloa.

Arrival of Heer Westerwold at Baticaloa, and capture of

that fort.

He enters into a treaty with the King, which is sent by two

of His Majesty’s Ambassadors to Batavia.

Delivery of 400 bales of cinnamon, &c., as part payment

of expenses.

Capture of Trinconomale by Heer Caen :

Nigombo by Heer Lucaszoon :

Galle by Heer Coster.

He goes to Candia, but is compelled to withdraw, without

receiving any honours.

On his way to Baticaloa is murdered.

An ill return for the services rendered to the King and

highly displeasing to the Netherlanders, and the reason of

the loss of Nigombo.

This [place] retaken by storm by Heer Caron.

‘The King’s treacherous intentions towards the ‘“ Honour-

able Company”: he has no scruples about taking up arms

against it.

Several instances given.

The Netherlanders are envied the possession of the Seven

Corles. Secret treaty with the Portuguese, whereupon Heer

‘Thyssen declares war, &c.

Heer Maetsuycker seeks on his arrival to remedy the

foregoing misunderstanding, and writes with that object to

His Majesty.

Further correspondence to change the unfavourable opinion

of the King.

Without avail, as proved by his conduct to Heer van der

Stel and his men.

Heer Maetsuyckeragain writes to His Majesty requesting him

to state whether he is desirous of preserving peace or not.

The King continues obstinate, as his letter to Heer

-Maetsuycker confirms.

4. . JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

Letter from the King to Heer Maetsuycker.

Reply of the latter.

Further letters from Heer Maetsuycker to the King. He

treats them with silence, which induces Maetsuycker to dis-

semble and write the under-given letter.

Strong protest by Maetsuycker against not receiving an

answer. Requests a passport for Commissioner Maerschalck.

His Excellency eventually receives an answer from the

King. His reply thereto.

His Excellency informs the King of the departure of

Commissioner Maerschalck.

His Majesty desires to know the views of the Netherlanders

in regard to the peace sought by the Portuguese. Heer Maet-

suycker’s reply.

He writes to their Excellencies that they can never expect

peace with Ragia.

Communicates to His Majesty that he has heard from the

Portuguese that peace has been made with them, and thatit is

now proposed to make war upon us.

This story seemingly an invention of the Portuguese, His

Majesty resolved to send off the Netherland prisoners

with Maerschalck ; whereupon Heer Maetsuycker thanks him

and presents him with a horse.

Complaint of His Excellency to the King against his Dessave,

and of the difficulties in collecting cinnamon.

For two years this had been peeled by the Portuguese,

and such proceedings His Excellency would prevent by the

help of his army. Notice thereof to the King.

[| Heer Maetsuycker] expresses his surprise to the King,

who is unwilling that any cinnamon should be brought to

Nigombo.

_ Asks [of the King] that the Pittigal Corle may be repopulated

so as to get possession again of the cinnamon.

Thanking him at the same time for the concession, which

allows him to bring an army into the field to protect the

Chalias [cinnamon peelers], for allowing the Netherlanders

to pass through his dominions, and for his promised help in

case of shipwreck in his harbours:

Also for permission to place a permanent Ambassador at

the Court, which will be done immediately.

Presents from His Majesty to Heer Maetsuycker, who sends

in return the afore-mentioned horse and a Duich saddle.

Return of Maerschalck with two of His Majesty’s grandees.

Terms of peace; also remarks of Heer Maetsuycker, con-

cerning the cinnamon. These he sends with the Ambas-

sador, and two of the Company’s servants.

Heer Maetsuycker thanks the King for the appointment

of a Dessave for Mature : proposes after the expiration of his

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 3

term to nominate Camholt, and to send Cox as Commissioner

to the Court.

His Majesty asked to allow us to remain in Nigombo until

we have also delivered Colombo to him.

The reply to this not ascertainable; but undoubtedly

Heer Maetsuycker was presented with a ring and a tusker

elephant. He asks that the peeled cinnamon in the Seven

Corles be delivered to us.

Ambassador Cox returns with the terms of peace and

several prisoners, &c.

Heer Maetsuycker writes to Batavia that it is impossible

to wean Raja from his baseness, and that he must be

forcibly brought to his senses.

Thanks His Majesty for the breast jewel, and mentions

the arrival of Heer Kittensteyn to relieve him.

Further tells the King that our servicesdo not merit such

treatment.

His Excellency’s [Heer Maetsuycker’s] departure. He

leaves instructions with his successor, which show that His

Majesty intends to destroy the cinnamon lands.

Therefore it is thought best to take those lands into our

own possession ; which we did without breaking our contract.

The declaration of war sent by Heer Thijssoon to the King

causes the loss and despoiling of the Seven Corles.

Two points decided by Heer Maetsuycker.

Recommendation to His Excellency [his successor] to

guard against treacherous intentions regarding the Com-

pany’s forts and lands.

Heer van Kittensteyn asks the King to name a Dessave of

our own nation, and sends a ship to Baticaloa to bring

our sick prisoners.

Complains to the King about the Adigaar Rampot, who he

observes is the cause of the King’s displeasure.

He is further described as a treacherous and dangerous

subject.

Upon which he is ordered to return from Mature to render

an account of his differences with Heer Maetsuycker, &c.

His Excellency thanks the King for the assistance rendered

to the ship “ De Haen,” stranded at Calpetty, and for giving

freedom to four persons of that vessel detained. __

His Excellency hearsfrom our Commissioner of His Majesty’s

intention to come down to interview His Excellency con-

cerning some matter of great importance, and of a promise to

deliver a large quantity of cinnamon and elephants to us

every year.

Heer van Kittensteyn requests His Majesty to allow our

Commissioners greater freedom, and better opportunities to

despatch their letters hither.

6 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XI.

Some presents sent to His Majesty ; and communications

received from Batavia.

His Excellency forwards these tothe King,reproaching His

Majesty at the same time, though politely, for calling himself

God.

He writes to the King with reference to the alliance with

‘the Portuguese, which His Excellency himself believes to be

a fact.

Departure of His Majesty’s Ambassadors to the Court with

the pro data required European lifeguard, &c.

Heer van Kittensteyn receives a letter from His Majesty.

In reply begs that the delay in taking over Colombo may be

accepted in the best spirit possible; adding the assurance, that

we, on our side, do not intend to possess ourselves of a foot of

His Majesty’s land.

Resignation of Heer van Kittensteyn. He is succeeded by

Heer van der Meyden, who communicates the fact to the

King.

Heer Hulft appears with a large fleet : he takes Caliture and

makes preparations for the siege of Colombo.

Pleasure of His Majesty at the arrival of the fleet, proving

that Kittensteyn and Van der Meyden had verily promised

to deliver Colombo to him. For [the place] itself [His

Majesty ] cared nothing, if he were but allowed the honour

of its conquest.

Shows still more pleasure at the arrival of Heer Hulft and

the taking of Caliture. Orders already given for collecting

[His Majesty’s] forces.

Resolve to attack Colombo, but driven back with great

loss, and compelled to defer the attack for another time.

Meanwhile, everything prepared for another attack.

His Maiesty being informed of the failure of the first

attempt, keeps back his army.

Heer Hulft thereupon proposes to send an Ambassador to

ascertain His Majesty’s intentions.

But first gives notice thereof to the Dessaves of Saffregam

and the Four Corles.

Hartman is sent as Ambassador to Candia ; whereupon

the King resolves to come down to consult with Heer

Hulft.

His Majesty advises Heer Hulft to be on his guard against

treachery, and requests him, should there be anything in his

(the King’s) letters which Heer Hulft does not quite com-

prehend, to communicate with him direct, so as to prevent

all misunderstandings, &c.

At the request of the King for a trustworthy person,

Ys Godskens is sent. He returns and reports verbally the

replies to five letters sent to His Majesty.

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 7

Among other matters, the high honour and esteem in

which Heer Hulft is held.

His Majesty requests to be informed how, after taking

possession of Colombo, Jaffanapatnam and Manaar can also

be taken.

Sends his Dessaves down to accompany Heer Hulft. Two

letters written by His Excetlency in answer to those of the

Portuguese.

Heer Hulft undertakes the journey, and is received with

unusual honour.

His Majesty abides by the agreement concluded with

Westerwold, on the proposition of Heer Hulft.

Further conversation between the King and Heer Hulft.

His Excellency’s return from the Court, and his sad death.

Of this Heer van der Meyden informs the Prince, who

thereupon sends his Dessaves and Adigaar to express his

sympathy, and to inquire into the cause of the sad occurrence.

His Majesty shows further sympathy, and desires an

interview with Heer van der Meyden. He wishes the

jewels and presents of Heer Hulft to be sent to his friends

in the Netherlands; and to know what further steps are

to be taken for the subjection of Colombo.

Writes to Heer van der Meyden that he has every con-

fidence in the loyal services of the Netherlanders, and

intends writing to that effect to the Netherlands.

Wishes them to inform him in time of the conclusions at

which they have arrived, &c.

His Majesty also ordered the Sabandhaar at Gale to see

that the most favourable view was taken by Heer van der

Meyden of the mistakes in his letters.

Ys Godskens, who had been sent to His Majesty,

returned with three Courtiers, announcing that His Majesty

would like the attack postponed until April 30.

This they had resolved to undertake on the night of the 27th;

but put off until May 7, when the attack was made upon

St. Jan, and the bastion taken.

The Prince’s flag planted upon it, and articles of agree-

ment drawn up with the Portuguese; thereafter followed

the surrender of Colombo.

Letters received from His Majesty, retracting the agree-

ment made with Heer Hulft.

Anger of His Majesty and the departure of his Dessaves

to the Pass Naklegam: this is considered by Heer van der

Meyden and Council a great mistake.

Charge to the Corporal stationed there not to prevent the

passage of His Majesty’s subjects.

His Majesty’s anger increases, and he insists on the sur-

render of Nigombo and Colombo.

8 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

Writes that he does not understand idle stories, and will not

hear them.

Further complaints of His Majesty about the non-per-

formance of the agreement.

Reply of Heer van der Meyden to the King, who becomes

exceedingly enraged, and even accuses the Netherlanders of

treachery.

Follows this up by actual hostility.

Prevents supplies from arriving, as well as obedience to

our authorities at Mature, at the same time taking possession

of everything.

Whereupon [the authorities] at Gale detached three com-

panies for our safety, and to warn the Candians to keep out

of our territory.

The while it appeared that the chiefs were in alliance with

the King.

This was afterwards discovered through an intercepted ola.

In the Pasdum Corle and at Caliture, things were no better,

as appeared from another ola.

The Candians at Caliture collected and committed great

depredations; whereupon 200 soldiers were stationed at

Bentotte.

The same thing occurred at Nigombo, where an ola was

also discovered.

Resolve to represent to the King his base action, desire

him to cease all hostilities, and leave our territories

in peace.

Request a speedy answer and that some Ambassadors may

be sent: in the meantime Nigombo would be deserted and

razed to the ground, and all reasonable demands of His Majesty

not conflicting with our interests would be conceded.

Unsatisfactory answer of the King.

The increasing enmity of the King obliges us to keep a

strict watch upon everything.

His Majesty presents the Portuguese with some large

villages: the Candians attack the post of Hakman, but

are obliged to retire.

Our principal Singalese are unreliable.

A sergeant, four soldiers, women, and some of the natives

of Mabolle are seized and brought before the Dessave of the

Seven Corles.

Two spies caught at Bomboele and decapitated.

As the Portuguese again try to collect a force, 200 or 300

men are detached in order to frighten the Candians.

Sixteen ships and 700 men are sent to Ceilon in charge

of Heer van Goens, as Commissary from Batavia.

_ Capture of Tutucoryn, Manaar, Hammenheil, and Jaffana-

patnam ; treachery detected at the last-named place.

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 9

The King appears to wish for peace, but nevertheless

continues to agitate the country.

The port of Calpetty surrendered to His Majesty: [the

surrender] disapproved by their Excellencies.

[His Majesty] to have possession provisionally, provided

he continues peaceable.

Heer van Goens elected Governor in place of Van der

Meyden ; first conquers Cochin.

Raja Singa strangely remained inactive during that ex-

pedition.

His Majesty holds captive all the Netherlanders sent to

him. Their Excellencies therefore decide to send him only

natives in future.

Van Goens relieved and replaced by Heer Hustaerdt, under

whose rule the English vainly try to gain a foothold in the

country.

Things continue to remain peaceful.

As also under the rule of Heer Roothaes.

Heer van Goens arrives as Superintendent, Admiral, and

General, and assumes the Government.

Conspiracy against the Candian Court, from which the -

King fortunately escapes, and craves assistance of the

Company.

They assist him with troops, who take possession of fifteen

provinces.

Their Excellencies apprised of this, in order to evade the

danger, recommend the retiring a little further into the

low-country.

Orders given to take possession of the ports of Baticaloa,

Coetjaar, and Trinconomale.

The opinion being that our armies must evacuate the upper

country so as to give less [cause of] objection against the

occupation of Trinconomale.

Van Goens maintains that the contrary would be of more

benefit to the Company.

This their Excellencies finally acknowledge, and consider

the necessity of erecting a small fort at Calpetty :

Also to garrison Chilauw, and fortify Nigombo.

Raja Singa appears to agree with the “ Honourable Com-

pany,’ praises the occupying of Trinconomale, and com-

municates a letter written to him by the English.

Is rewarded with the amount realised by the tax on areca-

nuts sent to Colombo, in acknowledgment of his good faith.

_ Calpetty becomes the possession of the Honourable Company.

They capture an Embassy sent from the King to the

English at Madras.

This shows plainly how little trust can be placed in that

‘monarch.

10 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. X1.

Baticaloa is captured :

Coetjaar also occupied.

Meanwhileit is not thought advisable to take possession of

the Seven Corles or to peel the cinnamon to the north of the

river of Caymelle.

The Mendecaduale and Attekalan Corles are invaded by the

Singalese ; which is avenged by some of our troops sent out.

Resolve to see whether the abandoned lands of the Honour-

able Company could not be held.

This does not seem to have succeeded, as the ports and

free navigation remained open to the King until a violent

insurrection again occurred.

Request to the King for the release of the Netherland

prisoners.

Not succeeding, the navigation at Coetjaar, Baticaloa, and

Calpetty is closed : whereupon some courtiers arrive, and

pretend that this is all the work of malcontents.

Deplorable situation of the King and the consequence

thereof : his illness.

He is, as it were, beleaguered, but has entrenched himself

on a hill.

The highlanders again commence hostilities.

Appearance of a large French fleet off Trinconomale, under

two Admirals, who pretend that they have been called in by

Raja Singa.

Whereupon it is considered advisable to send out some

detachments ; in consequence of which several Corles are

again brought under the authority of the Company.

Retreat of the French from Trinconomale, in consequence

of the measures taken by Heer van Goens.

The request of Raja Singa to drive away that nation the

more remarkable, as they were encouraged in their action

by the King.

The occupied posts are maintained, and pardon granted to

many insurgents.

Thus the Company remained in quiet possession until

1675, when a general invasion took place.

Departure of Van Goens, who is succeeded in the Govern-.

ment by his son.

Bibligam attacked and surrounded in such a manner that

our troops succumb to the superior power of the Candians,

&C.

The greatest disloyalty is shown on that occasion by the

Company’s subjects; also by those of the Nigombo district,

which is abandoned by them.

The Dessave of the Seven Corles having gone to the

north with his whole force and all kinds of implements, some

reinforcements sent to Calpetty.

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. = 11

At Mature also everything was in danger and commotion.

A number of people sent to Baticaloa on account of the

insurrection of the inhabitants.

All the outlying posts called in, and departure of the

Governor in person to Sitavaque and Mature; which had a

good effect.

Jaffanapatnam reinforced by one hundred men, and Aripo

placed in a state of defence.

The Dessave of the Seven Corles, fearing the tyranny of

the King, came over to us and was accorded protection.

The inhabitants of those Corles also implore our protection

for the like reason, and that they may be ruled by their

own Prince.

Whereupon Van Goens resolves to take the pretender,

Prince of Matele, with him to Nigombo, to make further

inquiries.

In case the inhabitants renewed their request, to march

with a force to Doenagaha.

Resolved to take possession of that post and Sitavaque.

Heer van Goens receives a letter from their Excellencies

directing him to hand over to the King the lands held

possession of since 1665.

A missive on the subject written to His Majesty.

Resolved in case these generous offers are not accepted, to

protest, and if that has no effect, to defend Sitavaque, and

the Kolona and Happittigam Corles.

Report to the Court officials, concerning the reception of

the letter from their Excellencies, which was presented at

Sitavaque by Captain van der Poel. It was therein stated

that in order to satisfy His Majesty and to dispose him to

release our prisoners, some of the best horses should be

offered to him, among them two Persians.

Heer van der Poel sent to Sitavaque, with the above-

mentioned horses and with soldiers and lascars to resist the

King’s forces, upon the report that most of the Dessaves

were collecting all their men.

The result of that report and the acts of the enemy.

Van der Poel ordered to send off the useless and the sick,

and to follow with the remaining militia, leaving the

necessary garrison at Sitavaque :

But to apprise the Court thereof, and of the murders

committed by the highlanders.

Heer van Goens, junior, relieved and succeeded by Pyl,

the Jaffanapatam Commandeur.

A Persian lion, horses, tigers, and falcons sent to the Court

with Mierop; also the presents remaining at Sitavaque :

by which it is expected the Netherland prisoners will be

released.

12 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

The King’s people maltreat the Chaliasand burn the peeled

cinnamon, the King pretending friendship the while and

dissembling in everything.

But in 1682 the Chalias being at work unmolested, the King

was presented with a special gift accompanied by a friendly

letter.

The tyranny of the King over those who had appeared too

powerful has a political significance.

On the demise of hisfather the young King will give the

Company much more trouble.

The Singalese are by nature generally bad and treacherous.

The treacherous disposition of the old King and cowardice

of the lowlanders contrasted with the highlanders.

The cinnamon harvest of 1683 peaceably gathered in,

amountsto 8,400 bales, but the Ambassador Mierop still remains

at Ampe, and his proceeding up country is uncertain, for

reasons given in the text.

Lamswaerde and Ram as volunteers sent by their Excel-

lencies with a letter to the King, in order to induce His

Majesty to make peace; but are unsuccessful in their mission.

The Court officials excuse themselves from entering within

the Company’s gravets on the pretext that they are acting

under orders.

Considered advisable to give the King notice of this in

a friendly manner.

Meanwhile the aforesaid Courtiers having sent troops to

different Corles and laid claim to them, it was resolved to

concentrate the Netherland forces.

Mierop is admitted to audience and cordially received.

The remaining presents at Sitavaque sent to the Court by

the hands of Captain Sleet.

The King’s people having strengthened their forces at

Ampe, the ordinary convoy of the Embassy is also strength-

ened by 500 men.

Two boats with two field-pieces are sent to Rouanelle,

under pretence of enhancing the honour of the presents.

The peeled cinnamon is detained, as the Chalias at Nigombo

went higher up [than usual ] where the crop was more abundant.

The King states that if the Company is in want of cinna-

mon they can ask His Majesty, when they will have a

sufficient supply ; but that he is offended when it is peeled

beyond the boundaries without his knowledge.

The King’s pardon asked, and the detained cinnamon

restored.

Peace and quietness continue, and a present is sent to the

Court. Illness and insanity of Mierop.

The cinnamon peelers continue their work quietly, and are

able to furnish 8,400 packages.

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 13

Four Courtiers arrive from Candia and communicate the

good health of His Majesty and an assurance of his good-

will.

The King’s people again occupy some district, but do not

molest the inhabitants, and are not interfered with.

Mierop returns from Candia, having been presented with

an elephant and several other gifts.

Lamswaerde and Ram also return ; but there are no tidings

about the other prisoners.

Everything remains quiet, and the King still flatters the

Company with hopes of peace.

The small fort Hangwelle rebuilt ; itis intended to fortify

Nigombo; Caliture also strengthened.

Great uncertainty continues as to the fate of Raja Singa.

The High Priest of Candia pays a visit to the Governor,

and is received with great state.

Conference between him and the Governor concerning the

King’s intention towards the Company : his departure, &c.

Release of the Netherland prisoners frustrated through the

instigation of the French and Portuguese : attempt made to

conciliate the King with presents.

The cinnamon peelers are driven away from the Pittigal

Corle.

Decapitation of some highland Chiefs and Dessaves on

account of their tyrannical rule.

The movements of the King’s people in the Mature district

checked.

A present of a falcon to the King, who seems pleased ; and

arrival of prisoners in consequence.

The departure of Heer Pyl to Nagapatnam to confer with

His Excellency’s Commissioner van Rheede is the cause of

suspicion and uneasiness at the Court, and he is induced to

return immediately.

Remarks of Heer van Rheede, upon the opinion of Heer

Pyl, concerning the peace movement of the Court.

Continuation.

Further continuation.

Heer Py! seeks through the arrival of an Embassy to take

advantage of that state of things, but in vain.

And presents to the Courtiers, in pursuance of orders from

their Excellencies, all the Corles taken possession of in 1655 ;

but they will not accept them. |

Death of Raja Singa, and general mourning.

Succession of young prince Mahattane to the throne.

General rejoicing.

The Secretary of State communicates the decease and

cremation of the old King, and he is advised of the funeral

ceremony and the sending of an Embassy.

14 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

Arrival of some Courtiers, bearing two olas by order of

the King.

They mention that His Majesty has given the large village

Belligam to the Basnaike.

Discussion of Heer Pyl with the Ambassadorsabout the letter.

Continuation.

Further continuation.

The Ambassadors are, after two days, again admitted to

audience by Heer Pyl, when the ola is again discussed.

Continuation,

Further continuation.

The Governor repeats, at another interview, his complaint

about the peeling of the cinnamon in the Pittigal Corle.

Whereupon the Ambassadors request him to exercise patience

for a fortnight after their departure.

They received promise of aship to fetch a High Priest from

Arracan, conditional on the [ prior | fulfilment of their promise.

The officials ask, whether the King will be allowed to trans-

fer 3,000 amunams of arecanuts from Putulang, and also 400

or 500 packages of cinnamon to the Netherlands on His

Majesty’s account on board our ships, and to bring out goods

in exchange.

This was politely refused.

The Court officials have far more influence with the young

King than with the old monarch, which does not tend to the

advantage of the Company.

Sudden arrival, by river, of the Secretary of State,

announcing that the young King will assume the title of

Emperor shortly.

We testify our pleasure thereat.

Speedy departure of the Ambassador.

Secret conference between him and the Governor, in which

he says that if the Company desires peace, they should first

restore to the King all the lands confiscated since 1665, and

further should open the navigation of the ports.

Regarding the first part of that request he was told that the

King had been offered these territories long since, but no one

had as yet appeared to take possession.

The Ambassador gave it as his opinion that the best way

would be for the Company quietly to evacuate them.

Objections stated to him against the opening of the ports,

which could not be done without authority.

Resolve to draw up a draft of contract, and Alebos chosen

to offer congratulations to the new King.

He departs with some costly presents.

Heer Pyl’s report of the Embassy and all that happened

with the Candian Ambassadors, forwarded to Heer van Rheede,

who sends his opinion thereupon to Colombo.

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 15

Heer Pyl’s remarks upon the pretensions of the Singalese.

N.B.—The fulfilling of the terms of peace.

Evacuation of the sea forts, and free navigation of those

places.

Free trade with foreign merchants.

Negotiations for peace should be fearlessly entered upon.

A favourable peace would be to the advantage of the

Company.

Return of Alebos, unsuccessful in bringing about prelimi-

naries of peace or the release of the remaining prisoners.

Appearance of the Dewekare Mahamotiaar at Colombo

withnineprisoners. Heannouncesthe coronation of the King

as Emperor, and that permission has been given for peeling

the cinnamon unmolested in the up-country Corles.

The coronation of the King observed by us with great

state.

Alebos goes again to Court to congratulate the monarch,

and to make him some presents on behalf of the Company,

with ample instructions for the negotiation of peace, accord-

ing to the draft contract mentioned below.

The private discussions of the Governor with the Dewekare

Mahamotiaar about the peace had no effect upon him: he

boldly inveighed even against the Counsellors.

The subjects of the Company, including the coolies, showed

greater preference for the King than for the Company.

Return of Alebos unsuccessful.

[ Description of] his interview with the Courtiers regarding

peace. _

His second conference with those officials.

Their remarks upon some of the articles contained in the

contract of peace.

Answer of the Ambassador thereto.

Continuation, concerning the two points mentioned in

articles 3 and 5.

About the booty at Gale.

The treasures left behind at Raigamwatte.

The revenue and taxes from the lands.

He further declares that he cannot treat for the surrender

of lands and towns included in that contract.

His answer upon the point concerning the exclusion of all

nations in the traffic and the closing of His Majesty’s

ports.

And that there will be no prohibition should His Majesty

feel inclined to send one or two vessels elsewhere, to pur-

chase necessaries or curiosities.

The Courtiers agree to report to the Sovereign, who will

then take it into favourable consideration.

End of the Conference.

16 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

The Ambassador declares his conviction that the contracts

of 1638 and 1649 were not at the Court, and that they seemed

to have no knowledge there of the letters, &c., written by

His Majesty to Colombo in 1640.

The Ambassador is informed that he will be permitted to.

leave the next day, and that the Sovereign has agreed to every

point, with the exception of the surrender of the lands, and

that on the Governor will be bestowed a title of honour, and

a certain Province surrendered.

But this was a mistake, as His Majesty had not made up

his mind upon certain points, his intention being to come

down to meet the Governor with a view to a satisfactory

conclusion.

The Ambassador mourns his lot, and is told he must

consider himself highly favoured at the honour shown

to him.

It is presumed that the cause of the sudden change must

be ascribed toa certain ola written by the Basnaike of Colombo.

A letter received from the Courtiers expressing displeasure

at the wrong done to His Majesty, &c.

Separate note accompanying the same.

Contents thereof.

Change of affairs to the disadvantage of the Company

after the King’s death.

In whose time the Company’s right on the ground of

conquest could be better maintained against all Kuropeans.

The evacuation of the above Corles, the taking posses-

sion of them by the King’s people, and the placing of

Chiefs over them, with the exception of the Three Corles.

Meanwhile the Company’s subjects continue to press for the

continuance of sake of titlesof honour, which hasan ill-effect.

Some Courtiers bring two olas. The first states that

His Majesty is coming down to make arrangements with

the Governor, to which His Excellency replies that he

cannot have that honour, as he is not permitted to leave

Colombo.

The subject of the second letter treats of religious tolerance

for the Singalese, and the opening of the ports.

Orders sent to Calpetty to prevent the despatch ofa vessel

with arecanuts from Putulang.

Heer Pyl sends a full report of what has happened, before

as well as after the mission of Alebos, to His Excellency the

Commissary, who makes his comments thereon.

Again receives a very offensive ola from the Courtiers,

to which His Excellency sends the reply given below.

Those who formerly fled to the mountains are returning

again, and Heer Pv sees plainly that his native employees are

traitors, the worst being the Basnaike.

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 17

The Singalese consider it against their dignity to be

reasonable ; it is therefore better not to be too conciliatory.

His Excellency maintains that the lands in the possession

of the Company should not be surrendered, but on the con-

trary an attempt should be made to conquer the Pittegal Corle.

Things thus remain without any appearance of a suitable

arrangement with Candia, a rumour being prevalent of an

attempt to oust the Company altogether.

The French Ambassador causes much mischief by inciting

the Courtiers to send off another vessel with arecanuts.

They had already granted a pass to a different vessel laden

with 200 amunams for Cormandel.

A vessel with three flags charged with red lions detained at

Calpetty.

Arrival of a vessel with curiosities from the coast for His

Majesty, which after discharging cotton goods was granted

a clearance.

The peeling of the cinnamon and the sending of the annual

present are carried on, although the Singalese caused us delay.

The King desires that Heer Pyl should continue in the

Government : otherwise he would not enter into a treaty of

peace ; but if His Excellency remained he wouldconfer with

him about it.

His Excellency therefore resolves to remain in order to

advance the peace.

Notwithstanding this there was nothing effected with the

Courtiers.

The only desire being for free permission to peel cinna-

mon, &e.

The present sent up remained on the way. The King

sends off several of the lascars and subjects who had deserted

to the up-country. He considers himself affronted because

no Netherlander is sent with the presents.

Heer Pyl is relieved and succeeded by Heer van Rhee,

under whose rule, of five years duration, the land remained

quiet, and the cinnamon was peeled in peace.

With the exception of the escape of a great number of the

Chalias, who were sent back and appeared before the Governor

and gave the greatest assurance [of future good behaviour].

Heer de Roo becomes Governor, but diesat Suratte; so that

van Rhee remains until the arrival of Heer de Heere.

Harmony continues with the Court. A party of runaway

lascars are sent back, the ringleaders being put in chains.

The Chalias peel the cinnamon as far inland as ever.

Fresh proofs of the ill-feeling of the Courtiers,who send two

impertinent olas to the Governor.

Replied to in strong terms, and a,resolution made not to

send the required contract.

86—90 C

18 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL XI.

Great consternation at the Court at the false report that

the Company intends to declare war against the King.

The cause of the detention of the Ambassadors, who were

sent up with presents.

On their return after a year’s absence, they report that

His Majesty gave many proofs of his friendship with the

Governor. [The King] sends four escaped ringleaders,

with the request that they should be pardoned for the nonce.

One hundred and twenty-three escaped Chalias, with six

of their ringleaders, given up.

The gravets closed by order of His Majesty, who has

given orders to negotiate at Putulang.

This causes great scarcity of provisions, and the falling off

of the trade in arecanuts and salt,

Although the highlanders made their appearance in the

Company’s territories, they offered nothing for sale,

and the Ambassador of last year still remained up-country.

A Modliaar in the Mature district deserts to Candia with

his family.

The afore-mentioned Ambassador returns from Candia,

where he had been courteously entertained: a friendly ola

is also received from the Courtiers.

Heer de Heere dies, and the Political Council assume the

Government.

The condolence of the Court Adigaar and of four other

Courtiers is received.

The gravets are opened and provisions obtained, but Putu-

lang remains the headquarters of the arecanut trade.

Arrival of Governor Simons, who assumes the Government.

The order of their Excellencies for the closing of the ports

carried out, and reported to His Majesty on the pretext that

it is on account of the French, with whom the States were at

war.

Of this the Court apparently takes very little notice.

The year following, 1704, the Court also kept very quiet.

An Ambassador sent to His Majesty to inform him of the

nomination of a new Governor.

The arecanut trade is not re-established.

Return of the Ambassador, who reports that the closing of

the ports is of very little consequence as long as the price of

the arecanuts remains as high as at Colombo.

Departure of some Chiefs to the Court of Madure, to escort

a princess of the so-called “Sun race” to His Majesty : for

which purpose accommodation is granted on board a vessel.

Illness of His Majesty and nomination of a Crown Prince ;

followed by His Majesty’s death.

Whereupon an Ambassador is despatched to offer condo-

lence and congratulation to the new King.

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 19

His Majesty receives him cordially.

The ports are at once closed and regulations issued with

respect thereto.

Heer Simons gives the Government over to Heer Becker :

meanwhile everything remains quiet.

Failure of a conspiracy against the King, and execution of

the culprit.

Resolve to send an important Embassy to congratulate His

Imperial Majesty upon his coronation.

Quietness still continues, and the friendly behaviour of

the young King gives general satisfaction.

But the Courtiers again commence their old attempt at

trying to open the harbours, the prime instigators being

the Dessave and the Modliaar of the Gate.

The Governor intercepts a letter written by some of the

Chiefs on the Coast to the Chiefs of the cinnamon peelers in

order to incite them to revolt: this is defeated by the

removal of the disloyal. |

Insolent and brutal behaviour of our Ambassador.

Our apologies sent to the Court, which appear to have

given satisfaction, so that peace remains undisturbed.

But in 1716 the gravets were again closed, of which fact His

Majesty professes his ignorance and promises that they shall

be re-opened.

Heer Becker replaced by Heer Rumph.

The King requests the opening of the port of Putulang,

and the gravets are opened.

The Courtiers strongly desire the opening of that port, but

are refused.

The Kilkareese Moorsabout Koedremale and Moddergamme,

being desirous of opening a market for the purpose of import-

ing cloth to the King’s dominions, are given every facility.

Diving for pearls on the Chilauwse reefs by the Candians

prevented by a cruiser.

Alsothe disturbance created by the Courtiersin the Maanboel

Corle, by sending a Company of soldiers to Moddergamme.

Death of Heer Rumph, leaving the Government to Heer

Mol and Council until the arrival of Heer Hertenberg.

He, also dying, the Government remained with Heer

Schagen and Council, until the arrival of Heer Vuyst, who

transferred it in 1729 to Heer Versluys.

Unfriendly reception of the Ambassador in the King’s

territory ; the detention of the Company’s letters between

Batticaloa and Trinconomale; and the obstacles put in the way

of the purchase of paddy.

Peace and friendship at the Court.

Departure of Heer Versluys. Government of Heer

Woutersz and Council, and arrival of Commissioner Pielat.

20 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou XI.

Closing of the gravets.

The stakes pulled up with the intention of insulting the-

Company.

- Complaints about the closing of the ports and the dimi-

nution of the presents.

The stores will not be opened before the opening of the

harbour of Putulang.

The opening of the harbours refused, and the King’s areca--

nuts received at Calpetty.

The rebels in the Hina Corle brought to submission.

Heer Pielat’s departure. The Government left to Heer

Domburg.

Arrival of two Ambassadors with some fugitive lascars,

for whom they request pardon, and permission to proceed

to Colombo vid Matura.

This being refused, they return.

The gravets are again opened, and a quantity of arecanuts.

brought away.

Revolt of the Chalias in the Seven Corles. They demand

the removal of their Vidaan when they would peel again.

For this His Majesty had already given the necessary orders,.

which he wished them to obey.

The Chalias persevere in their obstinacy, and are encouraged.

by the Court.

Their superintendent and interpreter dismissed and re--

placed by others.

With little effect.

Attempt to gain over to their side those working in the

bush: those of Gale and Mature also refused their services.

Their former superintendent and interpreter reinstated at

their request. Promise to make up the deficit in the great

harvest from the small harvest.

Revolt in the Salpitty, Raygam, and Hewegam Corles, and

depredations committed on the loyal inhabitants.

Complaints against the lawlessness of the Cinnamon

peelers, and the mischief committed by them.

They are admonished and warned not to continue their

nefarious practices.

Their reply, and request to be relieved of some of the taxes:

| Wattoebaddoe ].

The garden rents remitted. [The malcontents] together

with those of the Hina and Pasdun Corles, warned to abstain

from further insubordination.

But remain as stubborn as ever, and pillage several gardens

in the village of Pilgore, besides [committing] other depre--

dations.

They are driven from the place by a detachment of

troops, &c. |

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. = 21

Two olas received from the rebels, wherein they repeat

‘their former requests, make various complaints, and insist

that the Head Administrator shall be sent to them.

Decision arrived at.

This being communicated to them, they still refuse to

work, with the exception of those of the Raygam, Pasdum,

Wallawitte, Aloetcoer, and Happittigam Corles, and those of

‘Caliture and Nigombo.

The Governor writes a letter to the Court, to which the

King replies that the causes of the revolt are the unjust

actions of the Chiefs.

Their Excellencies asked for 300 Beeginese and Bali

{soldiers ].

The insurgents in the Hina and Salpetty Corles become

more unruly than ever.

Gale Corle, Gangebadde Pattoes, and Belligam join the

rebellion.

The Dessave with two other [officials] members and a

company of Grenadiers are sent to Hangwelle to make in-

‘quiries, hear the complaints, and grant redress.

Some Commissioners with fifty soldiers are sent to the

villages of the Chalias.

Orders also sent to Gale, and some Commissioners aah

forty-eight soldiers to Calane to uproot the Planted Eden (?),

and to station themselves at Malwane and Attenegale.

The small forts of Malwane and Attenegale surprised by

the Candians, our people dispersed, the guns and ammunition

captured, and the forts dismantled, &c.

To bring about their rebuilding presents are sent to the

court officials in order to pacify the King, and to obtain the

return of the Ambassador.

Death of Heer Domburg. Heer Macaré and Council

assume the Government.

The displeasure of the Court, caused originally by the

non-reception of two Ambassadors at Mature; also a letter

about the complaints of the inhabitants.

In consequence of the publishing of the letter the people

‘are incited to mutiny.

The rebels had done their best to force those who had

previously refused to sign the ola.

The evacuation of the afore-mentioned entrenchments

-emboldens the Candians, who possess themselves of Pelgore.

The inhabitants of Happittigam and Aloetcoer pretend

‘to be His Majesty’s subjects.

Petition to their Excellencies for troops, as the King’s

people are getting the upper hand.

Arrival of Heer Imhoff at Colombo: he assumes the Govern-

‘ment, in consequence of which quietness prevails everywhere.

22 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

Communicates his arrival to the Court, and requests the

speedy return of the Ambassador.

Exhorts the people by proclamation to remain peacefully

in their villages.

Abolition of several taxes; the cinnamon peelers resume

work, permission being given to peel in the King’s territory.

By a letter to the King, the Governor demands the sur-

render of the four chief rebels, satisfaction concerning Alan-

gacon, and for the damage done at Attenegale, &c., as well as

permission to peel and the [ unimpeded | transport of elephants.

His Majesty’s explanation touching the agitation in the

country.

Publication of another proclamation.

This finally restrained the inhabitants of Hina, Happitti-

gam, and Aloetcoer Corles :

Brought to reason by a detachment sent against them, and

by outlawing the ringleaders.

Quietness and peace are restored, and the Ambassador is

cordially received.

Heer Imhoff fears that the ill-feeling at the Court may at

some time or other intensify itself to the disadvantage of the

Company.

Death of the King, and succession of another whose name

is not mentioned: the Governorand Council assume mourning.

Departure of Heer Imhoff, who is succeeded by Heer

Bruynink.

The Court refuses permission for the conveyance of the cin-

namon, the vessels are therefore obliged to sail without it.

The Ambassador prohibited from expressing any form of

eondolence.

Destruction of the materials for the rebuilding of the dam

at Attenegale by order of the King, and prohibition against

continuing that work.

Pillaging of three houses in the villages of Galepitty,

Mandeme, &c.

The inhabitants of the Coerewitty Corle appropriate some

lands in the Company’s territory.

Complaints thereof by the Ambassador, and the reply of

the Court.

Refusal to allow the erection of a church in the Happitti-

gam Corle.

Not considered worth while to take umbrage thereat.

Heer Bruynink goes to Batavia and leaves the administra-

tion to Heer Overbeek.

[His Excellency] receives an insolent letter from the

Dessave of the Three and Four Corles, requesting that two

documents addressed to Negapatnam may be sent to Arracan

and Siam by the Company’s people, &c.

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 23

Heer van Gollenesse takes over the administration from

Heer Overbeek, who goes to Batavia.

The Candians alter the frontier lines of the Hina Corle,

and appropriate nine villages belonging to the Company.

This is investigated by native commissioners,

Their report thereon, and the communication of the

Governor to the Courtiers : the case redressed by the arrival

of an Embassy.

The Candians continue their smuggling and _ illegal

traffic.

The Adigaar is of opinion that the smuggling will cease if

the port of Putulang is opened.

The natives of Putulang are much offended at the refusal

to allow fifteen dhonies of arecanuts to sail to Kilkare.

The arrest by acertain Naiker of the Jaffanapatnam Master

of the Stables with five horses, and the Vidaan of Mantot

with tame elephants.

The people of Calpitty were requested to protest before the

Chiefs of Putulang against the detention of the animals.

The Naiker aforesaid did not scruple to detain the Mature

Gaginaik with the elephants; for which he was refused

passage to the continent finally.

Regret expressed by the Court at the arrest of the elephants;

whereupon their release ordered.

And assertion made that the Company had also committed

a great error in detaining the Naiker.

Thereupon the Company urge the necessity of punishing

him for causing the elephants to be detained.

The Court encourages the malpractices, promising the

Naiker that, in the event of histwo vessels being stopped

from sailing, the transmission of the Jaffana mail would

also be stopped, in the same manner as the supply of pro-

visions had been prohibited.

He is asked to leave for Manaar within eight days.

He continues his ill-will, as shown in the text.

The guard for the prevention of the escape of the Chalias

driven away, and the guard-houses destroyed.

No means of getting the cinnamon peeled in the King’s

dominions. Many, however, of the escaped Chalias return ;

and 200, mostly Jagerers, left for the bush.

The anger against the Naiker dissembled ; he is allowed to

depart, after handing over some presents and two detained

dhonies.

The Chalias again revolting, three companies of Europeans

and ten detachments of lascars are sent against them, with

much success.

The Court appears unfriendly, the ecbpesadoe being

delayed: three months on his way.

24 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

The Dessave of the Three and Four Corles makes very

unreasonable demands. He permitted the destruction of

many houses and gardens in the Hina Corle.

And professed at the same time to the Governor the sincere

friendship of the Court towards the Company.

Asa proof of this, he was shortly to be expected with a large

suite :

And with permission to peel cinnamon, transport

elephants, &c. :

He also requests that aship may be made ready to convey

some Courtiers to Pegu.

He arrives for this purpose bearing an ola.

The Court, disapproving this action, continues its extra-

vagances regardless of consequences.

Remonstrances mild but firm decided upon, and to over-

come force with force if necessary.

Whereupon depredations cease, and the Ambassador

returns with full permission to peel cinnamon and to trans-

port elephants.

The Court appears much pleased at the granting of a passage

to some Chiefs to Batavia to bring the priests: the Governor

receives some presents, &c.

- Death of the King, who is succeeded by the eldest brother

of his late consort.

The Chiefs in the interior agitate strongly against the

leasing of land, but the revolt is speedily suppressed.

Continued friendliness of the Court; polite reception of

the Ambassador: the request for pearls and three mares is

not granted.

The request for the delivery of the escaped peelers vain.

The Ambassadors, upon arrival, express their disapproval

on four different points at issue.

The reply thereto.

The Court seem to seek a quarrel upon every frivolous

pretext.

Apparently on account of a fishery of the pearl banks

between Chilauw and Caymelle.

They try diving at Chilauw with twenty-one dhonies for

two or three days without success.

Arrival of a High Priest with thirty-two minor priests and

a numerous suite, for the purpose of consulting Netherland

physicians: they take lodging with His Majesty’s Ambassadors.

They request that he [ High Priest] may remain at Calane;

which is refused with an excuse, as his illness was considered

feigned.

The Courtiers continue their unfriendly attitude, except

the Dessave of the Three and Four Corles, through whose

mediation the Court shows a better disposition.

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. = 25

Heer van Gollenesse goes to Batavia as Director-General,

and is succeeded by Heer Vreeland.

Peace is maintained until after his death : the Government

then falls upon Heer de Jong and Council, from whom Heer

Loten takes over.

Displeasure of the Candians at the too great freedom in

diving for pearls on the banks off Caymelle; permission

will be asked of the King in future.

The Court desire to participate in the elephant trade, and

letters are written to Batavia about the matter. The Dessave

of the Three and Four Corles is requested to desire His

Majesty to await the reply.

Execution of some Candians by order of His Imperial

Majesty, and recovery of some subjects who had escaped

into the Company’s domains.

Captain Castelein, sentas Ambassador into the up-country,

is asked by the Dessave of the Three and Four Corles about

the answer regarding the elephant trade, as he seems to

-doubt the despatch of a letter to Batavia, &c.

The Mohotiaar of the Gate, Leander de Saram, is presented

with a gold chain and the title of Moedianse.

Becomes Maha Modliaar of the Governor’s Gate. Their Ex-

-cellencies decline the request affecting the elephant trade.

The Governor of the Three and Four Corles being inform-

-ed, still presses the point.

The depredations of the Tamblegamme natives at Trinco-

nomale put a stop to.

The complaints of the cinnamon peelers and chiefs of

the Mahabadde are unfounded.

A letter of complaint from the Hina Corle received by

Lieutenant-Dessave Keller.

The Ambassadors repeat their request about the elephant

‘trade, which is politely refused ; but a promise is given that

their Excellencies will reconsider the matter.

Insolence of a Naiker at Jaffanapatnam.

The peelers hindered in their work and maltreated, and

the cinnamon scattered and stolen.

Reply from their Excellencies to the Court, telling them to

desist from their double request.

Recall to Batavia of Heer Loten, who is to be succeeded by

Heer Schreuder.

The Ambassadors once more prefer their requestsconcerning

the elephant trade and the transport of arecanuts to Putulang.

The reply of the Governors.

Their Excellencies are now informed of this conference.

Departure of Heer Loten, who hands over the Government

to Heer Schreuder ; under whose administration the revolu-

tion of 1760 broke out.

26 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VOLEN Sale

THE first Netherlander who came to this Island was

Admiral Joris van Spilbergen. Hearrived at Batticaloaon May

30, 1602, to offer the friendship of the “ Netherlands East

India Company ” to Don Joan, the Emperor of Candia. This

so pleased the King and the Chiefs or Courtiers, that they not

only paid Spilbergen all possible honour, but they presented

him with a quantity of cinnamon and pepper then in store.

They also gave permission to the States and His Serene

Highness the Prince of Orange and Nassauw to build a castle

as they thought proper, within His Imperial Majesty’s terri-

tory, employing the following words :—

“1,my Empress, Prince, and Princes, will carry on our

shoulders the stones, lime, and all the building materials, if

the States General and the Prince wish to build a fortress

in my country.”

Admiral Spilbergen having thus accomplished his mission,

and the turn of the monsoon not permitting him to remain

longer at Batticaloa, commenced his return journey;

leaving behind some letters for Vice-Admiral Sebalt de Weert,

whom he expected to meet while in the King’s dominion,

and who soon arrived at Ceilon. After making a contract

with the King of Candia (the contents of which are not

recorded), he sailed to Atchin, to collect a large force to

attack the Portuguese.

Having collected a fleet of seven ships, De Weert sailed in

haste to Batticaloa, and immediately informed the King of

Candia of his arrival; who thereupon came down to confer

with him. The King understanding, however, that De Weert

had liberated some Portuguese belonging to four vessels

captured by him, was very dissatisfied. This dissatisfaction

was increased to such an extent by false reports from the

Ambassador who had accompanied De Weert upon his

voyage, and also by his unguarded behaviour, that His

Majesty in a violent passion ordered De Weert to be

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 27

bound. But he resisted, and while attempting to draw

his sword was seized from behind, and had his head cloven

with a broadsword ; thus losing his life in an unexpected

and traitorous manner.

As this atrocity could not be remedied, no one dared to

inform the King, but the Prince of Oeva was at last embold-

ened to tell. His Majesty was at first greatly troubled ;

but the affair being explained as satisfactorily as possible,

it was both overlooked as a thing past recall, and the

King ordered that the crew left on shore by De Weert

should also be killed ; thus serving them in the same way as

their master. This was done, and only a few escaped by

swimming [to their vessels ].

_ After this massacre (which, when too late, was often

regretted by the Candian King), His Majesty fell dangerously

ill, and succumbed in the year 1604.

He was succeeded, after some previous insurrections in the

Kingdom, by his step-brother Cenewieraat Adassyn, who,

as soon as he felt his position secured, again sought the

friendship of the Netherlanders in order to form an alliance

with them against the Portuguese. His Majesty, however, was

anticipated by the Netherlanders, for in the year 1609, Their

High Mightinesses the States General of the United

Netherlands having concluded atwelve years’ peace with the

Archduke Albertus and the Infanta of Spain, Isabella Clara

Hugenia, with the proviso to include these in the

Indian possessions, the Directors issued letters of recom-

mendation to all the East India Kings, Princes, and Potentates,

and amongst them the Emperor of Candia. These were

drawn out by Their High Mightinesses and His Serene

Highness the Prince of Orange and Nassauw in the tenor

stated by Baldeus* in his description of Ceilon, pages 23, 24,

and 25, despatched by the yacht “Hasewind,” and upon

arrival forwarded to Chormandal to Mr. Joan van

Wesik, President, on behalf of the East India Company.

* Baldeus (Ph.), “ Beschryving van Malabar, Choromandel en Ceylon,”

&c., Amsterdam, 1672.

28 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

The President despatched these letters to Ceilon by the

hands of the junior merchant Marcelles de Boschouwer. He

was received at the Candian capital on March 8, 1612, by

His Majesty, to whom he delivered [the letters] and concluded

a convention with His Majesty on May 11 of the same year,

as detailed by Baldeus on pages 26, 27, and 28.

After the conclusion of this contract, Boschouwer asked

permission to depart for the coast to acquaint the President

with the result of the negotiations; but this was refused

under various pretences, and many honourable offices were

given him up to the year 1615. Upon his serious re-

monstrances, he wasthen allowed to depart to Mazulipatnam to

render the promised assistance against the Portuguese, as men-

tioned in the contract, and also to arrange and conclude such

treaties and alliances with the kings, princes, and republics

as would be considered a protection to His Imperial Majesty’s

Kingdom against the treachery of the said nation; for which

purpose he was provided by His Imperial Majesty with letters

and credentials appointing him Plenipotentiary, and stating

that everything done or promised by him would be ratified.

Boschouwer having left Ceilon on May 9 of that

year (1615), arrived at Mazulipatnam on June 2, where he

found Heer Hans de Haze at the head of affairs, who took

him to Bantam to hold a consultation with General Reynst.

But the General having died in the meantime, and the state

of affairs in the Mulucquos not allowing of any force being

taken from there to Ceilon, it was considered advisable to

send Boschouwer home to Europe to submit his commission

to Their High Mightinesses the States General of the United

Netherlands, His Serene Highness the Prince of Orange, and

the Directors of the East India Company, and to fully inform

them of the state of affairs in Ceilon. But he seems not to

have been successful, for no sooner had he arrived in Holland,

than, filled with an idea of his importance, he disagreed with

the Directors, and deserted to the Danes, with whose King he

madeacontract. This became valueless, as Boschouwer dying

during his passage to Ceilon, the King entirely repudiated. it.

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 29

Meanwhile the relations between the Candian King and the

Portuguese remained in a state of agitation, until the decease

of King Cenewieraat Adassyn in the year 1632. He was

succeeded by his youngest son Raja Singa Adassyn, or Raja

Singa Rajoe, who also allowed matters to remain as they were

until the year 1636; when, perceiving the impossibility of

agreeing with the Portuguese, he sent off a letter to Heer Carel

Reyniersz, Governor of Chormandel, wherein he mentions the

victories already obtained over the Portuguese, and at the same

time earnestly requests the assistance of the Company against

them, promising to defray all expenses, and to behave asa

brother to the Netherlanders as long as the sun and moon

shall endure. On receipt of this letter the Governor of

Chormandel immediately forwarded it to the supreme

Government of India, who at once despatched two persons

(Captain Jan Thyssen, afterwards Councillor Extraordinary

for the Netherlands, and the merchant Andreas Helmondt)

to the coast, leaving the general direction of affairs to the

Governor of Chormandel, with orders to communicate his

decisions to the fleet stationed at Goa.

On the arrival of the two Commissioners, the Governor

handed them a letter directed by His Excellency to the

Candian King, dated October 20, 1637, in which was stated :

1. That notice had been taken of His Majesty’s letter

wherein he mentions the trouble, vexation, and treachery

caused by the Portuguese, notwithstanding the successive

treaties of peace and friendship entered into with them ;

2. That His Majesty’s resolution to protect his country

and drive away the Portuguese, and to call in our assistance

for that purpose, is fully appreciated by us ;

3. That we are inclined to co-operate with His Majesty in all

sincerity, and the Governor-General has appointed these two

persons to act as Ambassadors and to enter into negotiations;

4, That provided His Majesty grants us the whole of

the cinnamon trade, we on our side are ready and willing

to give him every assistance in the way of arms and ammu-

nition of every description ;

30 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI,

5. That if His Majesty would have two or more

shiploads of cinnamon ready to deliver to us by next month,

at such price as shall be agreed upon between us, we should be

ready to receive the same against cash, Soler ne atc or

ammunition, according to His Majesty’s pleasure ;

6. That in case His Majesty wishes to enter into

further agreements, the said Ambassadors are directed to pro-

ceed without delay to our fleet stationed at Goa and to apprise

the Admiral thereof, so as to provide Ceilon with such ships

as may be required ;

7. Lastly [it is hoped] that the Ambassadors, who are

sent with sincere regard, will be granted a favourable audi-

ence, and be allowed to depart without delay, in order to

join our fleet at Goa before the end of the monsoon [| monsson ],

to counteract the manceuvres of the enemy, and to bring

matters to a happy termination.

The Ambassadors departed with this letter, and on their

arrival in the King’s territory were met by the King’s

Treasurer and a Netherlander named Jan Albertsz., of Emb-

den ; while the King awaited them at the Namleganga river,

a distance of fifty miles from Candia, and received them in

audience on November 19. He remained standing during the

interview. Among other inquiries he asked if they had full

power to treat with him. They replied that this power was

only granted tothe Admiral stationed at Goa, and not to them.

These Ambassadors had daily interviews with His Majesty,

and a letter was prepared for Heer Adam Westerwold, Admiral

of the fleet, and three persons nominated, to view the ships

and to make a report to His Majesty.

Having received the letter and made all the necessary

preparations for departure, they accepted their despatches

and took leave, accompanied by the King’s Commissioners, to

Goa, where they arrived on December 4, 1637, and delivered

the letter dated November 28, 1637, to Heer Westerwold.

The contents of the letter were as follows :—

1. That as the Commissioners Heer Thyssen and the

merchant Helmond) had not full power to treat with

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 31

His Majesty, His Majesty sent his Ambassadors to negotiate

with His Excellency ;

2. That the Governor of Palliacat had written to His

Majesty concerning one or two cargoes of pepper, and that it

would be advisable to send five ships to capture Batticaloa,

and to erect another fortress in that harbour, and also to

transport the cinnamon stored in that place;

3d. That His Majesty was informed of His Excellency’s

intention of remaining at Goa until the end of the next

month, April, when he would leave for Jacatra, if possible

touching at Colombo, in order to despatch three ships for

the capture of Batticaloa, which His Majesty considered

sufficient for that purpose ;

4. That His Majesty is about to proceed against Colombo,

and if victorious, the said town will belong jointly to His

Majesty and the Netherlanders ;

5. That regarding the contract for cinnamon and

pepper, it would be advisable for Heer Westerwold to come

here with all his ships, in order to conclude a convention,

which should be as lasting as the sun and moon ;

6. That in case His Excellency is prevented from

coming himself, he should immediately send a trustworthy

person to negotiate with His Majesty; for the treaty formerly

made with the Portuguese now being broken, the assistance

of the Netherlanders was necessary ;

Meanwhile an important sea fight took place outside the

Bay of Goa between the Netherlanders and Portuguese, where-

in the former appeared to great advantage, and the King’s Am-

bassadors, who had witnessed the fight, could not evince

sufficient surprise at our prowess at encountering with our

small vessels such large Portuguese galleons, which were by

far our superiors both in armament and men. The combat

over, the Netherland fleet cast anchor amongst the islands on

the south of Goa for repairs, in order to again show a bold

front to the enemy. The “Henrietta Louisa” from Batavia,

and the ship “’s. Hertogenbosch” from Surat, made their

appearance withthe Vice-Commander Willem Jacobsz. Coster

32 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

on board, who, after despatching the necessary reports and

merchandise by the yacht “ Valk” to Batavia on January

23, 1638, was directed by Heer Westerwold and his Privy

Council to proceed to Ceilon with the ships “ Texel,” “ Ams-

terdam,” and “Dolfyn,’ manned by 110 sailors and

70 soldiers, to communicate to His Majesty that

further reinforcements would be sent by next May:

his duty was not only to besiege one or other of the

Portuguese forts, but to deliver a letter to His Majesty

mentioning :—

1. That their Excellencies had received His Majesty’s

letter, dated September 9, 1636, whilst actively engaged

at the Indian headquarters in preparing sixteen well

appointed ships for the Indian coasts in order to blockade

the Portuguese outside the port of Goa;

2. That the letter had acquainted them with the treachery

and atrocities committed by the Portuguese in His

Majesty’s dominions, and that His Majesty earnestly implored

our assistance, at the same time permitting us to build a fort

either at Batticaloa or Coetiaar, and offering to defray the

expenses of the vessels required for His Majesty’s service ;

_ 3. That the offer having been taken into consideration

by the Governor-General and his Councillors, their Excel-

lencies could not refrain from acceding entirely to His

Majesty’s wishes ;

4, That as Heer Westerwold learnt from a letter received

later from His Majesty, dated November 21, 1637, that His

Majesty still persevered in his request, he had sent a ship

and two yachis, to tell His Majesty to expect our arrival ;

>. That with them the Vice-Commandeur Willem

Jacobsz. Coster, Vice-President of the Council, was coming

over to negotiate about the questions pending; also about the

condition of the Portuguese forts, and the best manner in

which they should be attacked ;

6. That His Majesty should muster his army at Baitti-

caloa or elsewhere, against Heer Westerwold’s arrival, and

should have some bamboo ladders and other necessaries

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 33

of war in readiness, to enable him, with our assistance, to

conquer the above strongholds ; |

7. That His Majesty’s Ambassadors return at the same

time and will give a further verbal report ;

8. That Heer Westerwold expects to go over to Ceilon

about the end of April with three more ships, men and

ammunition, to confer with His Majesty ;

9. Finally, that he requests His Majesty to have in

readiness according to promise one or two cargoes of

cinnamon.

Heer Coster having arrived before Trinconomale with his

three ships on April 2, 1638, the King’s messengers landed

to deliver the letter addressed to His Majesty and to inform

His Majesty of the arrival of the ships.

Meanwhile Heer Coster conferred with the Modliaar of

Mataklappe about the position and strength of Batticaloa, and

resolved to sail there and land. This he did with 100

soldiers and sailors, whom he divided into two detachments,.

and who, with the assistance of the inhabitants, threw up two

batteries, and fortified them with two half mortars and two

half metal culverins. His Majesty also arrived there on the

14th of the same month with a force of 200 men; and after

entertaining Heer Coster with great honour, they consulted

together as to the manner in which the afore-mentioned

stronghold should be attacked on the arrival of the ships.

Heer Westerwold also made his appearance in the roads

off Batticaloa on May 10 of the same year, having under his

command four ships and one yacht, manned by 840 men,

officers, soldiers, and sailors.

He landed on the following day with this force, and

six more half mortars (which were quickly placed upon

the aforesaid batteries), and attacked the fortress in such

a manner that the Portuguese were obliged to surrender

after about four hours’ firing, and to march out without arms

or accoutrements.

After the capture, Heer Westerwold made a treaty with

his Candian Majesty on May 20 (as mentioned by Heer

86—90 D

34 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

Baldeus in greater detail on page 56). This was despatched

with Heer Westerwold, accompanied by two of His Majesty’s

Ambassadors, to Batavia, to receive the ratification of their

Excellencies.

His Majesty, in order to reduce the expenses already

incurred, delivered 400 bales of cinnamon, 87 quintails of

beeswax, and 3,059 1b. of pepper, promising to deliver more at

Sammature, a port, as soon as it could be collected.

Heer Westerwold having taken his departure, the ordinary

Councillor of Netherlands India, Heer Anthony Caen,

captured the fortress of Trinconomale on May 1, 1639, and

Heer Philip Lucaszoon, Director-General, the fortress of

Nigombo, on February 9, 1640.

Heer Jacobsz. Coster, the Vice-Commander, made _ his

appearance on March 8 following, before the town of Gale:

after casting anchor in the bay the same afternoon, and land-

ing with very little opposition on the north side, he

marshalled his whole force, dividing them into three bodies.

Many of them were killed on the following day, and some

wounded, by 350 Huropean soldiers from Colombo, sent as a

reinforcement to the Portuguese. But the Netherlanders

were fortunately reinforced on the llth by the arrival of

the vessels “‘ Haarlem,” “ Middelburg,” and “ Breda,” with

400 soldiers and sailors. Thus Heer Coster did not find

much difficulty in effecting a breach in the bastion St. Jago

on the 12th instant, and in capturing the town on the 13th ;

which he stormed after a valiant resistance of some one

and a half hours.

After this victory, Heer Coster might have been

accepted as the chief personage in the town of Gale; butas his

presence was required in Candia, he went there in order to

give the necessary orders about some matters which had been

neglected. Upon his arrival, seeing that his reasonable

demands met with no satisfaction, and being detained for no

purpose, he became so depressed and angry, that he not only

threatened the Courtiers, but addressed them in unseemly

language. The Singalese pride revolting against this, they

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 30

informed the King, who then gave Heer Coster permission

‘to depart without the usual honours being shown him.

He was thus obliged to depart without having effected

anything. He took his way to Batticaloa, but before he

reached there, was murdered by some Singalese, who had

gone with him under pretence of bearing him company

—an ill return for all Heer Coster’s great services to the

Candian King. For not only did he bring over to the King’s

side the inhabitants of Trinconomale and Batticaloa, but also

effected the surrender of the territories of Gale and Mature

with all their taxes; although there was no obligation on his

‘part, either verbally or by contract, the only object being to

secure His Majesty’s affection. In return the King had in

no manner been grateful for such services, but on the con-

trary showed how little he cared for the Netherlanders:

otherwise we could, with his assistance, have taken Colombo

with very little trouble ; for the enemy in order to protect

‘Gale had concentrated their forces in its neighbourhood, and

‘Colombo was only defended by priests, citizens, and a few

soldiers, who hardly dared show their faces beyond the walls.

But the King rejoicing at the sight of two European powers

cutting one another’s throats in his territories, allowed the

Portuguese time to recover themselves; andthe Netherlanders

not only lost this splendid opportunity, but had the misfortune |

even to lose the stronghold of Nigombo (which had been

- captured as above stated on February 9, 1640, by the Director-

General, Philip Lucaszoon), the Portuguese having in the

meantime received some reinforcements from Goa.

Gale was also besieged so closely that Heer Jan

‘Thyssen, who was then in command of that place, was com-

pelied to make sorties from time to time to prevent by

all possible means the nearer approach of the enemy.

During the whole of this time the Netherlanders had no

help from the King, who looked on complacently, leaving his

lowlands in the hands of the enemy till the year 1644.

On January 9 (or, according to others, February 9)

Nigombo was retaken by storm by Heer Francois Caron,

D 2

36 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

fortified by four bastions of earth faced on the outside with

sods, and garrisoned with 000 men ; in consequence of which

the Portuguese General Don Philippo Mascarenhas, when

trying to repossess himself of it, was obliged to retire to.

Colombo with great loss and covered with disgrace.

Heer Jan Thyssen meanwhile wrote from Gale to Batavia

on March 10 of the same year, that the Company could not

depend upon the King, who would gladly free himself

from the Netherlanders, if only he had good grounds, and

had already urged various frivolous pretexts, and was doing

his best to secretly deceive the Company ; but that he would

not hesitate to offer him battle and imitate the valour of

the Portuguese, who always opposed not only the Nether-

landers but the King.

In another letter of April 24 of the same year, he said it

was evident that the King was keeping up his deception and

cunning. He sent the people to the mountains and drove

them away from the Company’s territories, and even endea-

voured to deprive the city of Gale of fishermen, toddy

drawers [tyffedoors|, and others; so that the Company

experienced more contumely and derision from the Singalese

than from the avowed enemy, and it was only by force of arms

that our property could be protected.

The King, envying the Netherlanders the possession of

the Corles, conspired secretly with the Portuguese, and

encouraged his bandits to rob and commit all kinds of depre-

dations ; in consequence of which and the intermeddling of

the Portuguese, Heer Thyssen declared open war against His

Majesty, and the Commandeur of Nigombo, Nicholas Jacobsz.

Overschie, seized the King’s tame elephants outside the

Company’s frontier posts.

The King took such umbrage at this proceeding that he

gathered all his forces to avenge himself upon our people;

in which he succeeded, as they made a very faint resistance,.

and cowardly surrendered.

Under these circumstances Heer Jan Thyssen was re-

placed in 1646 by Heer Jan Maetsuycker, who in order to-

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. od

redress the past, wrote to His Majesty saying that Heer

Thyssen had acted without authority, and was dismissed on

that account, as also Commander Overschie, and that he

himself had been appointed in Heer Thyssen’s place. He

also stated that the elephants which had been seized were

on their way back, and as soon as His Majesty was pleased

to receive their Excellencies’ letter, with the accompanying

presents, the elephants would follow.

Heer Maetsuycker informs the King by another letter, that

the Netherlanders had never intended to take away his lands;

they only wished to protect them against the Portuguese,

and, after having settled our war expenses, we wished him

‘to sell us the products of the country at a reasonable price,

according to the contract made with Heer Westerworld ;

further desiring His Majesty to be pleased to appoint a place

where all differences could be settled.

- But all this was in vain: the King only increased his

hostility against us; for, when the Commandeur Heer

Adriaan van der Stel was sent to Hegari with 688 men, they

were surprised by the Singalese and all but four killed, the

head of the Commandeur being sent in a silk handkerchief

to the Netherlanders.

Upon hearing of this atrocity, Heer Maetsuycker was again

obliged to address the King. He wrote to him on May 20,

1646, to the effect that he had heard with deep regret that the

Commandeur Van der Stel, who was sent with the permission

of His Majesty to draw off our army, had been surprised and

killed, when he could not according to orders, with propriety,

defend himself, but had to maintain peace, and that almost

all his men had been killed and the guns and baggage

looted. :

Heer Maetsuycker also said that the enemy would only

rejoice that the differences between the Netherlanders and

His Majesty had risen so high, that His Majesty allowed the

persons who cameto serve him to be murdered. He requested

‘His Majesty to declare himself either for peace or war; but

hoped His Majesty would be guided by his good sense and

38 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

not make war against those who had delivered him from the

power of his enemies, and given him four fortresses, and who

had the power to be of further aid to His Majesty. But His

Majesty would not listen to these arguments, and continued

to molest us and murder our people, as proved by a letter

dated May 31, 1646, addressed to His Majesty by Heer

Maetsuycker. It is as follows :—

1. That instead of receiving an answer to his former letters,

he daily received tidings that our people, who were told to

abstain from committing any depredation, were murdered

and maltreated at Nigombo by His Majesty’s command ;

2. That His Majesty had sent Ambassadors to Colombo,,

from which it would appear that His Majesty desires to enter

into a war with the Hast India Company in spite of our just

and reasonable offers ;

od. That it is decided in accordance with international

law to oppose force by force, and that four ships and some

smaller vessels are being prepared to occupy Batticaloa,.

Coetjaar, and Trinconomale, and to repossess ourselves of the:

places formerly taken from the Portuguese.

Meanwhile, whilst composing the above, Heer Maetsuycker

received a letter from His Majesty, dated May 21, 1646,

stating :—

(a) That he was inclined to keep to the arrangements

made with Heer Westerwold.

(b) That the Netherlanders had unlawfully taken his lands.

(d) That the Netherlanders had taken possession of

Nigombo against his will.

To which Heer Maetsuycker replied :—

1. That the Netherlanders also wish to adhere to the

contract with Heer Westerwold.

2. That His Majesty was not entirely wrong in his state-

ment that the Netherlanders had taken unlawful possession

of some of his land; but that this had been done by Heer

Thyssen without authority, under the impression that he

could get the cinnamon easier by this means..

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 39

3. That their Excellencies are willing to give up the lands

and also to reduce the taxes.

4, That His Majesty has only to send his Dessaves, who

will be received with the honour due to their rank, provided

that His Majesty gives orders for the cinnamon and other

products of his country to be delivered to us according

to contract ; so as to pay off the money advanced by us, all of

which could be done in a little time, provided His Majesty

gave orders to that effect.

). That with regard to Nigombo His Majesty had given

strict orders in his letter of February 9, 1645, that the Nether-

lands garrison should remain at that fortress at His

Majesty’s expense.

6. That it is not advisable to raze that fort, as the

Portuguese might afterwards find means to lurk there.

7. That the new fortifications erected by the Netherlanders

could be pulled down.

8. That the fort of Nigombo should remain in the hands

of the Netherlanders for the space of a year at least, for the

purpose of watching the Portuguese.

9. That the garrisun ought not to be at once withdrawn, as

it would prevent the dispersing of the inhabitants and non-

gathering of cinnamon [required | to pay off the war expenses.

10. That it is also expected that His Majesty will deliver

the prisoners at once, if he desires peace.

11. Lastly, that a speedy answer is desired upon all the

above points, in order to make necessary arrangements:

otherwise we declare our intention to wash our hands of all

future consequences, being ready to give every satisfaction to

His Majesty in the hope of disposing him to peace, and to for-

ward the letters and presents received from their Excellencies,

whenever His Majesty will be pleased to accept them.

But it appears that no satisfactory answer was received,

as Heer Maetsuycker again wrote to His Majesty on June 21,

1646, as follows :—

His Majesty’s letter of the 10th received, but disappointed

with its contents.

40 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

His Majesty says that it is not right to ask for peace from

Kings under threats of war, but if His Majesty be high and

mighty, are we fallen so low as not to be permitted to tell the

truth ?

His Majesty was of a different opinion, when in 1640 he

accepted us as the protectors of his dominion.

We use no threats, only warnings: neither do we sue for

peace from a feeling of insecurity ; but offer it as an alter-

native to just war, being perfectly satisfied that we have not

given any cause for the latter.

We are inclined to surrender Nigombo, according to the

orders we have already received ; but under present relations

with His Majesty, this will never be done unless His

Majesty drives us out of the place by force.

To this day nothing has been repaid us towards the

expenses of our capture of Nigombo; therefore its surrender

is an unreasonable request and unbecoming such a King.

His Majesty does not mention ought concerning the prisoners

in his letters ; without their release we cannot make peace.

Our intentions are, to abide by the contract of Wester-

wold, to maintain the peace and alliance, on condition that

His Majesty first releases our people and issues his order that

the cinnamon, &c., be delivered to us: this being effected,

we are willing to leave the Government of the country in

His Majesty’s hands.

This letter also had no effect : not only did the King pags it

over in silence, but made it appear as though he had not

received any letter. This being reported to Heer Maet-

suycker through the Netherlands prisoners, His Excellency

again wrote the following letter to His Majesty dated

September 11, 1646 :—

1. That he was surprised to learn from the letters of the

aforesaid prisoners of His Majesty’s complaint that Heer

Maetsuycker fails to answer His Majesty’s letters, as he has

never received any reply to his of the 21st of June last ;

2. That we are still willing to conform to the contract

made with Heer Westerwold.

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 41

3. That before the absolute surrender of Nigombo, we

wish to have security for our war expenses.

4. That, as a compromise, it would be advisable for the

Netherlanders not only to remain at Nigombo six or eight

months longer, but to keep possession of Ceilon for two or

three years, in order to recoup themselves by the cinnamon,

and largely reduce His Majesty’s indebtedness to them.

). That meanwhile the potential outturn of cinnamon in

the Nigombo district should be ascertained.

6. That the assurance is given to His Majesty in the

name of their Honourables, that at the expiration of the

terms stated, all the lands will be evacuated, and only the

fortress of Gale retained by the Netherlanders.

7. Finally, that on His Majesty’s acceptance of these

proposals, he is requested to send an answer to that effect,

and also to release some of our people, and more especially

a clerk named Nicolaus Loenius.

Not receiving any reply to this letter, Heer Maetsuycker

despatched a letter dated January 8, 1647, to His Majesty.

In it he complained strongly that his letters remained

unanswered, mentioning at the same time that his proposals

were too favourable to be disregarded, and that it was his

belief that His Majesty had either not received them, or that

he had been prejudiced by tale bearers ; but that in order to

satisfy himself, Heer Maetsuycker had despatched the

merchant Maerschalck as his Commissioner, for whom (if

His Majesty was pleased to grant an audience) a passport

was requested to enable him to depart unmolested, whether

the decision was for peace or war.

Whereupon Heer Maetsuycker received a letter from His

Majesty dated July 12, 1647, the contents of which (although

the letter itself is not forthcoming) can be guessed by the

reply of August 11 of the same year. This states :—

1. That Heer Maetsuycker heard with regret of the

continued indisposition of the King.

2. That the Commissioner mentioned in his last letter

will start shortly by way of Batticaloa.

42 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI,

3. Thatif the order of the Honourable Company permitted

it, he would present himself before His Majesty in person,

inorder to faithfully execute the contract made with Heer

Westerwold, which up till now has not been necessary.

4, That the past disturbances were not ascribed to His

Majesty or caused by the Netherlanders, but by false tongues

and ill-meaning persons; to whom His Majesty is requested

not to give too ready credence, but rather to consider the loyal

services of the Netherlanders, who desire no other recompense

than the faithful fulfilling of the contract and His Majesty’s.

friendship.

On the 21st of the same month of August, Heer Maetsuycker

prepared another letter for His Majesty, informing him that

Laurens Maerschalck was ready to depart for Candia, to

assure His Majesty of the good feeling of the Netherlanders,

and to settle the differences upon the conditions proposed,

which His Majesty would, no doubt, accept.

After the despatch of this letter, another communication

was received from His Majesty dated August 29, in which His.

Majesty desires to learn the opinion of the Netherlanders

concerning the peace proposals of the Portuguese.

Heer Maetsuycker replied, on September 10, that His.

Majesty should act touching it according to his own pleasure,

and in the interests of his country, the only desire [of the

Netherlanders] being the strict fulfilment of the contract made

by Heer Westerwold, if His Majesty also had the same feeling.

That further, the wish of the Portuguese for peace with His

Majesty was only caused by the fear of an approaching war with

the Netherlanders,and the opportunity of gaining His Majesty’s

protection ; butin this they deceive themselves, the contract

being no obstacle to prevent us from harrying them wherever

possible; the only difference being that the Netherlanders.

formerly warred with them in the name of His Majesty, but

will now be obliged to attack them in the name of their

Excellencies the States General; consequently everything

captured will be the property of the Netherlanders, and should

Colombo be taken, His Majesty would have noclaim upon it,.

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 43

Meanwhile, Heer Maetsuycker informed their Excellencies

at Batavia on November 18, 1647, that no lasting peace

can be expected with Ragia, notwithstanding all his profes-

sions of friendship and courtesy.

Afterwards Heer Maetsuycker wrote another letter to His

Majesty, dated March 25, 1648; but received no reply fora

long time. He therefore resolved to write again on the

10th of the following September; and communicates

to His Majesty, that having waited eleven months in

vain for tidings from his Commissioner Maerschalck, and

having received information from the Portuguese that His.

Majesty had concluded a treaty with them and purposed

commencing hostilities against us, he wished, if such

was the truth, that the aforesaid Commissioner should be

sent back.

But understanding afterwards that this was a mere inven-

tion of the Portuguese, and that His Majesty had resolved to

release Heer Maerschalck and the Netherland prisoners, Heer

Maetsuycker expressed his thanks by letter to His Majesty

dated October 27. But when the release was delayed, he

thought it advisable to remind His Majesty by letter of

March 30, 1649, that a horse was waiting for him at Galle,

asking permission to forward it.

Heer Maetsuycker also complained of the partiality of His

Majesty’s Dessave for the Portuguese, in supplying all their

wants, while he did everything to harm the Netherlanders.

On April 10 of the same year His Excellency informed

His Majesty by letter that having visited the Cattoegampelle

Corle to ascertain what progress was being made with the

gathering of the cinnamon, he did not find a living soul in

Pittegal and at Madampe Corle, only an Appoehamy and a

few Lascaryns, who plainly told him they had been com- —

missioned by His Majesty to prevent anyone from settling

there, as it was His Majesty’s desire to lay waste all these

lands, and thus prevent the Netherlanders from having the

benefit of the services of the natives, in breach of the

contract made with Heer Westerwold.

a4 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

He also informed the King that for two successive years

the Portuguese had peeled the cinnamon which rightly

belonged to the Netherlanders, that His Majesty always said

that this would be prevented in future by sending an armed

force, which fact His Excellency had before brought to His

Majesty’s notice; and requested that a free departure

should be granted to his Ambassador.

Thereafter he received a letter from His Majesty the same

day, and replied to it on the 20th following, to the effect,

that he was surprised at His Majesty’s objecting to anything

being brought to Nigombo, that fortress being held against

his will, as according to his own writing of February 16, 1645

(which His Majesty is requested to peruse attentively), the

contrary is the case.

His Excellency further insists that His Majesty should be

pleased to order the return of the inhabitants of the Pittegal

Corle and the gathering of the cinnamon; but thanks His

Majesty for the concession of allowing him to bring an armed

force in the field against the Portuguese in order to protect

the peelers; also for the free passage of the Netherlanders

through his territories, and the promised assistance in case of

shipwreck in His Majesty’s ports; adding that he wished

that the orders of their Honourables would permit him to

personally confer with His Majesty, when His Majesty

would gain a better opinion of the Netherlanders, and could

then establish his authority over the whole of the Island,

whilst we could retire from Nigombo and Gale.

Heer Maetsuycker repeated his request to have a resident

Ambassador at Court. This being granted in a letter from

His Majesty dated April 28, His Excellency expressed his

thanks by letter of May 24, stating that such an Ambassador

will be despatched as soon as the Ambassador at present

residing at the Court is sent out with the tidings, and the

conditions of peace.

In the meantime His Majesty again wrote to Heer Maet-

suycker on May 14, a letter accompanied by some presents ;

for which he returned thanks on July 7, sending not only

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 45

some small presents in return, but also the afore-mentioned

horse with a Holland saddle.

On July 15, Ambassador Maerschalck at last made his

appearance with two important personages on the King’s

behalf, bearing a letter dated June 27, 1649, and the conditions

of peace.

Upon which subject Heer Maetsuycker simply remarked

that article 10 concerning the cinnamon did not agree with

the stipulation in the treaty, as that spice would lose half its

value to the Netherlanders if they were deprived of its

monopoly ; the condition being especially agreed upon in the

previous contract that we should have the sole control over

it. His Excellency had signed the conditions on that

understanding with the approbation of their Excellencies,

and submitted it for His Majesty’s ratification, at the same

time sending a letter dated August 8, with His Majesty’s

Ambassadors and two of the Company’s servants, one to

swear to it and return with the King’s resolution, and the

other to remain at the Court.

Heer Maetsuycker also thanks His Majesty for appointing

a Dessave of Mature, from our nation ; yet requests that at the

expiration of his term of office His Majesty may be pleased

to give the place to a certain Lambert Camholt, whom Heer

Maetsuycker had intended to send as agent to His Majesty, but

as Heer Camholt had fallen ill in the interval, he proposed to

send instead one Burgard Cox, in whom every trust could

be placed and for whom a speedy dismissal was sought.

The agents were also instructed to request His Majesty to

leave Nigombo in our possession, until we could also deliver

Colombo to him, which we shall do our utmost to accomplish,

if His Majesty be pleased to grant us the same assistance and

advice ; for the Portuguese injured us in every way.

No reply can be discovered to this letter; but it appears

from a letter dated September 9, written by Heer Maetsuycker,

that His Majesty sent His Excellency a letter dated September

8, and also made him a present of a ring, a gold chain, and

an elephant with tusks.

46 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. XI.

Afterthanking His Majesty His Excellency requested thatthe

cinnamon stored in the Seven Corles might be delivered to us.

It seems that on November 16, His Majesty again wrote to

Heer Maetsuycker, and that on December 3 following the

agent Cox came back with the conditions of peace, and some

of the prisoners ; whilst a vessel had to be despatched from

Batticaloa for the sick.

Meanwhile Heer Maetsuycker wrote to Batavia at the end

of July of the same year, that although the treaty of 1638

differed in a few points from the present one, no trust

could be placed in Ragia, who would never abandon his

treacherous machinations, and therefore could only be

brought to reason by force.

On December 27 Heer Maetsuycker sent a letter to His

Majesty thanking him for a jewel which His Majesty

had presented to him, at the same time communicating the

arrival of Heer Jacob van Kittensteyn, who came to replace

him in the Government.

Thereafter having been informed by the agent of the

Company at Kandy of the King’s displeasure, and of his

having six times contemptuously called us “‘ Casta Hollan-

deze,” declaring that we had broken the treaty, Heer

Maetsuycker was constrained to mention this in a letter te

His Majesty dated February 5, 1650, saying that our loyal

services deserved to be better appreciated.

This was the last letter Heer Maetsuycker wrote to His

Majesty, as he left the Island on the 27th of the same month,

leaving instructions for his successor, showing that the

Netherlanders had conformed to Heer Westerwold’s treaty in

every respect; but that the King becoming jealous of our

successes over the Portuguese, viz., the capture of Batticaloa,

Trinconomale, and Nigombo, as also the town of Gale, instead

of delivering to us all the goods and merchandise mentioned

in the treaty, in liquidation of our claim for expenses, had

done his utmost to deprive us of them, by sending the

people from the cinnamon districts to the mountains, and

devastating the lands, hoping thus to discourage us, and,

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. AT

that being thus deprived of the chance of recouping ourselves

for our expenses, that we should of our own accord depart

from his dominions. But having noticed his evil designs,

we considered it best to appropriate the cinnamon districts,

and to keep the King and his ill advisers out of them.

Continually acting with this intention, we finally succeeded on

this side of Nigombo, and on the other side too; but without

actually breaking the treaty entered into with His Majesty,

as we pretended to clear the country from robbers who

molested the peaceful inhabitants. This might have con-

tinued for some time, as the King dared not acknowledge

that the destruction was caused by his orders, but Governor

Jan Thysszoon giving credence to false reports of the

Portuguese, and, contrary to his instructions, declaring war at

Nigombo against His Majesty, caused great disorders in the

Seven Corles, which weretaken from us by the King’s people

and laid waste, to the great loss of the Company.

Heer Maetsuycker, however, affirmed two points, viz. :—

1—That the lands situated on this side of Gale are legally

in our possession, and as, together with those of Nigombo,

they are not yet sufficient to repay our expenses, we should

keep them, although we were not strictly entitled to them

according to the treaty.

2—That we are not to be persuaded, either by threats or

promises, to allow the King to appoint Dessaves over them,

or to give them any jurisdiction, unless he nominates one of

our own people. ,

Heer Maetsuycker also recommends his successor to be even

more watchful in times of peace than in times of war against

treacherous attempts upon our forts and lands, the latter of

which he stated extended along the seaboard from the river

Alikan to the river Waluwe, a distance of about thirty

[Dutch] miles, and from twelve to fourteen or sixteen

miles inland, commencing from Alikan and a part of the

Walewitte Corle and some villages and places of the Passedum

Corle, besides the Jakkawelle, Agras, Belligam Corle, Morrua

Corle, and Dolasdas Corle.

48 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. XI.

Heer van Kittensteyn having considered these instructions,

determined to at once request His Majesty by letter dated

April 1, 1650, to be pleased to nominate a Dessave from our

nation :. he also despatched a ship to Batticaloa to fetch our

sick prisoners who were in the King’s dominions.

On April 2 His Excellency again addressed a letter to His

Majesty, complaining that he considered the Adigaar Rampot

as the cause of the displeasure shown by His Majesty shortly

before the departure of Heer Maetsuycker; asalso of the con-

temptuous expressions used towards us communicated by our

agent, the said Rampot being a dangerous subject, having,

when Ambassador in 1650, with the assistance of the Dessave

of Mature, attempted by every malicious contrivance to

wrest the lands out of the Company’s hands, but that he

could obtain neither land nor power, as all his designs were

frustrated by excuses, &c.

Heer van Kittensteyn received a reply from His Majesty

dated August 25, 1650, that he had summoned the Chief,

Rampot, from Mature, to explain his difference with Heer

Maetsuycker. His Excellency, by letter of September 17 to

His Majesty, expressed his conviction that His Majesty will,

when he has received a truthful account, see that Rampot

was to blame. |

On December 28 His Excellency despatched a letter to

His Majesty thanking him for the assistance rendered on

the occasion of the stranding of the ship “ De Haen” at the

island of Calpetty, and also for the release of four persons

sent by the Commander of the said vessel to Nigombo,

who were detained by the Dessave of the Seven Corles ;

adding, that he was informed by our agent that His Majesty

intended to come to the lowlands, preceded by the agent, to

confer with him about a matter of great importance, and that

His Majesty will in the meantime continue to deliver to the

Company a sufficient quantity of cinnamon and elephants.

Heer van Kittensteyn also requests that his agent and

suite may be granted more liberty and more opportunity

for despatching his letters.

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 49

Some small presents were sent to His Majesty at the same

time, and on March 4, 1651, he was informed of the receipt

of a present from Batavia consisting of :—

A gold chain.

A silver gilt saddle, richly mounted and embroidered, with

everything pertaining thereto.

A silver gilt bridle, &c.

A quiver embroidered with gold and silver.

A bow case do. do.

And fifteen gilt arrows with two bow sirings.

These goods Heer Van Kittensteyn despatched to the

Court on April 15, in charge of Lieutenant Frans Has, and

on November 15 following he mildly remonstrated with His

Majesty for being so bold as to call himself God, under pretence

that we so named him; and added that His Excellency is

not surprised that the Portuguese and the Bengal Princes

gave His Majesty flattering titles, but the Dutch agent has,

not without reason, refused to use their style of address.

After that many letters were exchanged with the Candian

Court ; but they were not of sufficient importance to deserve

mention, with the exception of one from Heer Van Kitten-

steyn of January 15, 1653. In it His Excellency states that

from information received, he understands that the Portu-

guese have declared that His Majesty has made an alliance

with them, and are provided by him with supplies from

Saffregam ; also that they intend making a combined attack

upon us, to which report His Excellency could not but give

credence.

On May 12, 1653, Heer Van Kittensteyn gave permission to

some Ambassadors, who had come with presents to him on

behalf of His Majesty, to depart, at the same time sending a

body-guard previously asked for consisting of an ensign, a

sergeant, a midshipman, two corporals, and twenty-four

privates, and requesting that they may be well treated ;

[adding that] a request will be sent to Batavia for a superior

officer and a doctor. The latter was sent to His Majesty on

July 19.

86—90 B

30 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

A letter was afterwards received from His Majesty dated

August 15, to which Heer Van Kittensteyn replied on

September 2, desiring His Majesty not to be displeased at

the delay in the capture of Colombo; he may further

rest assured that it was far from our intention to appro-

priate a foot of His Majesty’s dominions, more especially

Colombo, which will be given up to His Majesty when con-

quered.

Soon after this Heer Van Kittensteyn was replaced by

Heer Adriaen van der Meyden, who, after taking up the

reins of ‘government upon the departure of his prede-

cessor to the Indian headquarters, informed His Majesty of

it by a letter dated October 25, 1653, other letters being

afterwards interchanged between them.

In 1655 Heer Gerald Hulft, the Director-General of India,

appeared off Ceilon with a formidable fleet, and on October 15,

brought the fortress of Caliture, under the power of the

Company, and took the necessary measures for besieging

Colombo. A letter was received from the Court professing

great pleasure at hisarrival. His Majesty was also supposed

to have said that although Heer Van Kittensteyn and Van

der Meyden had promised to deliver the city of Colombo up

to him, he was indifferent, provided he could have the honour

of the conquest, and that the Company might expect special

benefits by the conquest.

By a letter dated October 29, 1655, His Majesty again

expressed his satisfaction at the arrival of Heer Hulft and

the fleet, as well as at the capture of Caliture, adding that

His Majesty had already issued his commands to his

Dessaves and principal officers for the mustering of his

forces.

On November 9, 1655, Heer Hulft and his Council resolved

to attack the town of Colombo. The necessary orders were

given; and every one had his duties and position assigned

him. The attack took place on the 12th of the month, but

was repulsed with great loss, and had to be postponed

for another occasion.

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. Sl

Meanwhile, every preparation was made for another

assault. THis Majesty, made acquainted with the failure of

our efforts, while expressing his regret, promised to join his

forces to ours; but as they did not put in an appearance,

Heer Hulft thought it advisable to send a messenger to

inquire His Majesty’s intentions, whether he was disposed

to come or not, as things had so far advanced that no further

delay ought to occur in making a fresh attempt. But before

attacking he informed the Dessaves of Saffregam and the

Four Corles, requesting them also to write to His Majesty

and to assure him of our sincere affection, in case there

was still a doubt on his mind about it.

On December 27, 1655, Lieutenant Johannes Hartman was

sent as Ambassador to Candia for the same purpose, with the

result that His Majesty wrote on January 20, 1656, in answer

to our letters, that he had delayed his departure solely by

the advice of his counsellors, but that he was determined to

come shortly regardless of lucky or unlucky hours as he

desired very much to consult with Heer Hulft.

By a letter of February 14, His Majesty recommended

Heer Hulft to be on his guard against the machinations of

traitors and evil disposed persons, and requested that in case

of his meeting with any obscure or unintelligble sentences

in His Majesty’s letters, to communicate it to him at once

so as to prevent all misunderstanding, as it is the sincere

intention of His Majesty to maintain the peace so long as

the sun and moon shall shine.

On March 14, 1656, His Majesty requested that one of our

leading men should be sent to confer with him secretly,

about some important matter, whereupon Heer Hulft nomi-

nated the merchant Ysbrand Godskens for that purpose. He

returned on the 23rd of the same month, and stated that

His Majesty wished him to report verbally the answer to the

five letters previously written to him; that he was pleased

to hear that the people who were confined outside the city

of Colombo by the Portuguese had been sent back; that he

quite understood that our people must have experienced

E 2

D2 JOURNAL, R.A.8. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

much inconvenience and loss, on account of the long

seige, but that this would shortly be remedied ; also that His

Majesty has heard from a trustworthy source that Heer

Hulft was in the habit of exposing himself frequently to

danger, and should he be killed, it would be to His Majesty

like losing the apple of his eye; he therefore besought Heer

Hulft to be more careful of his person for the future, and

recommended everyone in authority to see that no injury

might befall him; that as the letters of Heer Hulft always

treated of matter of great importance, there was no reason

to make excuses for their frequency ; that it always gave

him pleasure to read the letters of one of the most trust-

worthy servants he had ever had, and that His Majesty on

his side had always acted upon the articles of peace made

with Heer Westerwold, but that in the meantime there had

been many Governors of the Island, and Generals of India

who had created much trouble about all that was right and

just, and had been the cause of estrangement between them,

much to his sorrow, and he called God to witness his inno-

cence. He finally requested Heer Hulft, who had been such

a true servant to his masters, and also to the Candian Court

to strengthen that friendship, so that nothing should ever

interfere with it. His Majesty also wishes to be informed

in what manner it was intended after the taking of

Colombo to capture the Kingdom of Jaffanapatnam, and

the island of Mannaar; also whether it would not be advis-

able to despatch some of His Majesty’s Dessaves to occupy

those places at once. His Majesty is also inclined to grant

Heer Hulft an interview on the following Sunday or Thurs-

day, if His Excellency wishes it: some Courtiers would be

sent to escort His Excellency.

At the same time His Majesty’s Dessaves came down

bringing with them two letters, dictated by Heer Hulft at

His Majesty’s desire, in answer to two which had been sent

to His Majesty by the Portuguese.

These letters so much pleased the King, that he requested

Heer Hulft to sign them in his ownnameand toforward them.

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. D3

On April 1, Heer Hulft was informed by letter that some

Courtiers were sent to conduct him to the Court. They

declared that His Majesty was looking forward with longing

to the time of meeting His Excellency and hearing the

music of his voice.

Everything being prepared, Heer Hulft undertook the

journey on April 5, and on the 8th was admitted to an audience

with every mark of honour, as is recorded more fully by

Heer Baldeus: it is therefore unnecessary to mention every

detail here.

It is, however, worth relating that when Heer Hulft had

reached the middle of the audience chamber, His Majesty

arose from his throne, and requested him to come nearer.

Heer Hulft then addressed His Majesty in respectful terms

saying that their Excellencies had sent him to ascertain

whether His Majesty was pleased to abide by the treaty made

with Heer Westerwold, or if he preferred to have a new

contract drawn up, in which case any favourable clauses

desired by His Majesty would be inserted.

Upon His Majesty testifying his satisfaction with the

existing treaty, Heer Hulft recapitulated briefly the victories

gained over the enemy, and added that there still remained

three important matters already represented to His Majesty,

and to the disposal of which he is desired to give his attention.

Firstly, about the coolies requested, the necessity for whom

would be explained to His Majesty, if desired, by the

merchant Ysbrand Godskens, who could give every infor-

mation. But His Majesty gave orders for the Courtiers

to retire, and requested Heer Hulft also to direct his suite

to remain outside: they then remained in conference for

another quarter of an hour, when Heer Hulft was dismissed

with every mark of friendship.

On April 9, 1656, Heer Hulft returned from Court; and

on the following morning inspected the works, as also in the

evening, but was unfortunately mortally wounded by a

chance musket shot of the Portuguese, from which he died

soon after.

a4 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON. ) [ Vou. XI.

The Government again devolved upon Heer Adriaen van

der Meyden. He at once communicated the sudden and

important loss to His Majesty, who immediately sent the

Dessaves of the Five and Seven Corles to view the body,

while the letters of condolence were delivered by His

Majesty’s Adigaar, the Dessave of Matule and other Courtiers.

They wished to be informed whether the sudden death might

not beascribed to a stray shot from our own men or through

his own misfortune, rather than to the enemy ; whereupon

they were shown the fatal spot, which they approached in

fear and trembling and taking a handful of earth with them,

desired that the place might never be trodden upon.

His Majesty gave a further assurance of his sympathy in a

letter dated 15th of the same month, and expressed a desire

to confer with Heer van der Meyden.

His Majesty also requested by a letter of the 18th follow-

ing, that the presents from His Majesty to the late Heer

Hulft might be sent to his friends in the Netherlands: he

also desired to be informed in what manner they contem-

plated the capture of Colombo, as His Majesty wished to be

present if they intended taking it by force, and wished to

have private notice of it two or three days beforehand.

On the 22nd of the afore-mentioned month, His Majesty

wrote to Heer van der Meyden, that he hoped the Nether-

landers would continue to give him and his successors their

true and loyal service; and that he intended to write to the

States General in the Netherlands onthe earliest departure of

a vessel to that country, and to testify to the great services

rendered to him by the late Heer Hulft. In the same letter

His Majesty expressed a wish to be informed in time of

the carrying out of the resolutions arrived at, to enable him

personally to render his assistance. But His Majesty did not

think the proposal of Heer van der Meyden that he should

come to Camp after the capture of Colombo could be of any

advantage, as there would remain nothing to be done, but

to execute the treaty, and that according to the promise of

Heer Hulft he was to be put in possession of the town.

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 55

A letter to the Sabandaar of Galle from His Majesty

dated April 23, mentioned amongst other things, that

Heer van der Meyden is requested to put the most favourable

construction upon any doubtful or obscure passages in His

Majesty’s letters.

Meanwhile it was considered advisable in order to arrange

some confidential matters to send a messenger to His Majesty.

For this mission the merchant Ysbrand Godskens was selected.

On his return with three Courtiers he reported to Heer van

der Meyden that His Majesty wished the storming of Colombo

postponed until the 30th of the month, as he intended to be

present.

But on the 27th everything was prepared for the storming,

which it was unanimously resolved should take place on the

following night.

His Majesty was immediately informed thereof, and there

remained nothing to be done, but to allow things to take

their usual course; which would undoubtedly have been

done had it not been that at a later Council of War the differ-

ence of opinion of some of the members caused the attack

to be postponed to the 7th of May. On that day a furious

assault was made upon the bastion St. Jan, which was taken

from the Portuguese after a protracted resistance, [the

Netherlanders] having been three times repulsed.

The Singalese soldiers, and the Dessaves of Saffregam

and the Seven and Four Corles took refuge in the trenches at

the commencement [of the assault]. His Majesty also sent

four Courtiers and a great number of Lascaryns, who took up

much room and were very noisy, but of little help.

On the 8th of May the Prince’s flag was planted upon the

aforesaid bastion, and on the 10th our forces had advanced

far enough to make use of the cannon placed there. This not

only kept the enemy in check, but induced them to send out

the same day a bearer of a flag of truce to request a free

passage for three other Commissaries ; who, on the following

morning appeared before Heer van der Meyden and submit-

ted to him some peace proposals for his consideration.

36 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XI.

But the Portuguese were obliged to assent to some of our

objections concerning them, and Colombo finally surrendered

on May 12, 1656.

After this conquest a letter was received from His Majesty

dated the 11th of the same month, stating that he was informed

that not only were the Portuguese in treaty with us about the

surrender of the town, but that the surrender had actually

taken place; this he did not believe, as we had not informed

him of it, as we were in duty bound to do. If true, however,

he requested us to communicate to him immediately the

terms of peace, and to remember what was written to Heer

Hulft on behalf of His Majesty and the promises made by

Heer Hulft. Subsequently there was another letter received,

plainly denoting His Majesty’s displeasure.

Some news arrived from Matuaal, that on the request of

the Corporal then on guard at the Pas Naklegam, a sergeant

and ten Mardykers were sent there to disperse three of His

Majesty’s Dessaves, who had collected there with some

soldiers. Heer van der Meyden and his Council, however,

considered this a great blunder, and immediately sent orders

to the Corporal to send the men back to their original

station, and not to interfere with the movements of His

Majesty’s subjects, as it might give further grounds for

His Majesty’s jealousy and displeasure which were daily

increasing, and as he was also cutting off our supplies.

His Majesty still insisted on our handing over Nigombo

and Colombo to him, stating in a later letter that Heer Hulft

had solemnly promised in the names of His Imperial

Highness the Prince of Orange and the Honourable Com-

pany to surrender to him the fortress of Nigombo when

taken, and that he had rendered assistance to his Hollanders

for that purpose, but that the promise still remained unful-

filled. .

His Majesty in a letter dated 21st of May complained that

no notice had been taken of his interests, in a letter which

had been written to one George Blom, Dutch interpreter

in Candia, that they may please other people, with soft

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 57

talk, but they could not easily deceive him, and that he feels

much concerned at the statement that Heer Hulft’s authority

in this country had been conferred upon him at Batavia,

while it had in fact been derived from the Netherlands.

To this was added a postscript from George Blom on

behalf of His Majesty, saying that His Majesty directed him

to inform Heer van der Meyden that when a place is taken

with the assistance of His Majesty’s soldiers, the conditions

agreed upon should be faithfully carried out without swerving

therefrom in any way ; but that at the'surrender of Colombo,

neither the principal rebels nor-the presents in hand were

given up to His Majesty, with the exception of two Persian

cats, one small boat, &c.

Heer van der Meyden did not fail to reply to this, in

respectful terms; but the Candian King was not to be

satisfied, and inveighed against the Netherlanders bitterly,

going so far as even to act treacherously. Forit appeared that

he secretly invited two Portuguese to come over to him

promising to*confer on them the same advantages they

enjoyed; during their supremacy.

It was also discovered that His Majesty’s Lascoreens had

broken into the Company’s gardens, where the buffaloes

and cows were kept,.and had done much damage; that a

Arachchi (Arraatze) named Kanangere, hitherto a trust-

worthy servant of the Company, had gone over to the King

with three hundred Lascoreens, and that more were ready to

follow ; also that the Dessaves of Matule and Ouva had

signalled with white handkerchiefs to the Commanders of

four Portuguese frigates, seen near Galkisse on the 29th of

of May, which appeared next day in the roads off Colombo,

and that some fishermen had been promised 400 laryns, if

they could contrive an interview with one of them. They

made an attempt in two boats for this purpose, but had

to abandon it on account of the heavy sea.

News came from Mature that His Majesty’s soldiers and

their Commanders had forbidden the inhabitants, under

pain of severe punishment, to supply us with provisions or

58 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. IX.

to obey our orders, and had pressed them to place themselves

under the jurisdiction of the King ; further that they made

themselves masters of everything, and had the audacity to

settle down at Belligam, Mallimande, and Baygams.

All this caused the authorities at Gale to detach three

Companies of soldiers, each 40 strong, two of which were to

remain at Accuras for the protection of its inhabitants and to

let the Candians know that they must keep away from those

lands which had been in our possession for so many years

by His Majesty’s special permission, unless they could show

special orders from His Majesty to the contrary ; and that

if they would not heed our warnings but persist in their

depredations, we should treat them as enemies and retaliate.

Meanwhile it appeared that there had been an understand-

ingall along between the Native Chiefs and the King ;and the

Adigaar who came by way of Angretotte to Mature did not

hesitate to circulate the false report that he had acted on the

authority of Heer van der Meyden.

An ola was also intercepted containing the following :—

Cattepitty Appuhami has arrived at Mallimande and sends

an ola from that place, that he had come by the King’s orders

to take possession of the lands of Mature, and to prohibit

the people from providing the Netherlanders on any

consideration whatsoever with provisions of any kind

even to unripe fruits; adding that he had always been

inclined to come down here, as has again happened, and the:

inhabitants would do well to show their appreciation and

respect for the Court and the Dessave of Mature, when they

would not remain unrewarded; also that the Dessave of

Saffregam had sent the Dessave of Mature to render asgsis-

tance in everything.

In the Pasdum Corle and at Caliture things were just as

bad ; for besides carrying off the mother and brother ofa

certain Kotte Nainde and imprisoning other inhabitants,

an ola was found containing the following: —

Tudoculle Madonna Appoehami directs the various

Arachchies, Lascoreens, and chief Mayoraals of Caliture,

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 59

Makoene and Barberyn, when this ola is shown them, not to

hold any intercourse with the Netherlanders, to pay no taxes _,

to them as heretofore, and not to permit any of their people

to serve in the forts. Any one acting in contravention of

this order will be severely punished : therefore let every one

come here to me.

After this, later tidings arrived from Caliture of the

wounding of three persons, a man, a woman, and a slave,

that the Candian soldiers were ravaging the country, that all

those who were unable to elude the pursuit were being carried

off, and that the rest had been pursued as far as the river ;

also that two Araatchies stationed at Alikan had issued orders

for all the inhabitants to appear before them within three

days; and finally that two Lascoreens and 42 coolies, while

on their way from Caliture to Colombo, had been surprised

by robbers and taken into the interior.

It was therefore resolved to despatch a force of 200 soldiers

to Bentotte, for the protection of the inhabitants and the

cinnamon peelers.

At Nigombo things were no better, as His Majesty had

managed by presents and promises of honours to bring the

Pattangatyn of Cocquielle over to his side ; and thus not only

were many difficulties encountered everywhere, but even

at the church called Guia de Lobo, was found an ola con-

taining the following: —

The town of Colombo is now conquered. The promise

was given that it would be surrendered to His Majesty, but

this promise not having been fulfilled, has caused some

disturbances. We desire neither to share the blame nor take

part in the quarrel; but we are convinced of His Majesty’s

goodwill towards the Holland nation, and should you now

feel inclined to send a messenger to His Majesty, it will be

allowed and a free conduct will be granted him.

Heer van der Meyden and his Council having deliberated

over all this, considered it their duty to inform His Majesty

by letter of these unlawful acts and wicked plunderings.

60 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. IX.

It was clearly shown to His Majesty that both he and the

Company suffered great loss in consequence, to the advantage

of the Portuguese, and His Majesty was besought to cease

hostilities and live in friendship with us, leaving us in

peaceful possession of the lands we had so long occupied.

A speedy answer was insisted upon; and we also desired

His Majesty to send us some delegates, saying that we were

inclined to evacuate Nigombo and demolish it, and further

to grant all reasonable demands of His Majesty, provided

they did not clash with the interests of the Colony.

Should His Majesty persist, however, in his unjust persecu-

tion of the poor inhabitants and our own Netherlanders, we

should protest before God and the whole world, and proclaim

ourselves guiltless of all the misery, straits, and blood-

shedding that might ensue, as we were compelled against our

will to repel by force the injustice and indignities committed

against us.

Although a reply was received from His Majesty, it was

not satisfactory, as it only treated of a falcon sent with our

letter to make the contents more acceptable, and did not

make him desist from hostilities; for although the 200

soldiers sent by us as protection had frightened his people

and caused such satisfaction to our native subjects that more

than 1,000 returned to us, it did not prevent His Majesty

from giving orders to his Lascoreens to capture as many

Netherlanders as possible and bring them to him, and to cut

off the noses and ears of all the blacks, Singalese, Moors,

and slaves in our service.

The enmity and bitterness of His Majesty increased daily

obliging us to keep a watch everywhere, and to send troops

against the Candians, who meanwhile carried off a Duraya

(Doeria) and two cinnamon peelers.

On July 20, 1656, two deserters came to inform us, that

His Majesty had presented two Portuguese with important

villages ; also that the Candians had with 100 men attacked

our post Hakman, which had only a garrison of 10 whites

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 61

and 15 Lascoreens, but had met with such a reception, that

they were obliged to retire.

The worst of our troubles, however, lay in our own

dogs biting us most, as the principal Singalese were so

treacherous that they watched all our movements for

the information of the enemy, while we were left in total

ignorance of the designs of the Candians.

We were apprised of the capture of a sergeant, four soldiers,

their wives, and some other inhabitants of the neighbourhood

of Mabol, who were bound and carried before the Dessave of

the Seven Corles, and were told to rest assured that having

served the Netherlanders so long, they would be employed

as slaves to His Majesty for the future.

Letters also came from Caliture to the effect that some

robbers had had the audacity to destroy the harvest at

Boemboele, and that the men sent in pursuit of them had

captured two spies, cut off their heads, and ees them to

public view in the paddy fields.

The Portuguese Admiral requested by His Majesty, sent

some vessels or dhonies (thonys) to Nagapatnam to again

collect some forces, which increased our. difficulties, and

frequently compelled Heer van der Meyden to send 200 or

300 men against the Candians to drive them away.

The King Ragi Singa meanwhile continued his evil acts,

and well nigh depopulated the lowlands maliciously and

ignored his just debts to the Company, as he still claimed to

be master of Colombo.

Their Excellencies at Batavia, however, sent a fleet to

Ceilon at the end of 1657 under the command of His

Excellency Mr. Ryckloff van Goens, composed of 16 ships

and 700 soldiers, while Heer van Goens was to superintend

the Government as Commissary.

On February 1, 1658, the Netherlanders took possession of

Tutucoryn, and on the 22nd of March following, Manaar

fell into their power, followed on April 23, by [the capture

of] Ham-en-Hiel, and on June 21, of the castle of Jaffana-

patnam, where they shortly after discovered great treachery

62 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. IX.

in which His Majesty was implicated: the guilty parties

were punished according to their deserts.

During the remainder of the year, and the two yearg

following, nothing of importance occurred, and the King

now and then showed some desire for peace, without ceasing.

however, from disturbing the lowlands, carrying off the

inhabitants, and even murdering them.

In the year 1661, it was found advisable to cede Calpetty,

to His Majesty. Their Excellencies, however, disapproved of

his, pointing out the facilities it would afford for the smug-

gling of cinnamon from that fort; they would, however,

leave His Majesty in possession, provided he did not break

the treaty. i

In September, 1662, Heer van der Meyden gave over the

government to Heer Ryckloff van Goens, after the latter had

captured the town of Cochin on the Malabar Coast from

the Portuguese. It was remarkable that during that

expedition, wherein some of the Ceylonese forces were also

employed, the King remained quiet, and it was conjectured

that in consequence of the glorious triumph of the Company

he would still so remain.

Meanwhile His Majesty still kept the Netherland

Ambassadors, sent to him during so many successive years,

captive without assigning any reason or listening to the

repeated solicitations for their release. Whereupon their

Excellencies wrote to Ceilon on August 26, 1663, that they

would for the future send only competent Lascoreens or

other natives to the Court instead of Netherlanders.

At the end of the year 1663, the Governor Rijckloff van

Goens returned to Batavia, and was replaced by Heer Jacob

Hustaard, during whose administration nothing further hap-

pened, save that the English endeavoured to gain a footing

on the Island by the aid of the Candian Court: this they

were, however, unable to do,as the relations between the

King and the Company remained peaceable.

This [quietness] also continued during the time of Com-

mandeur Roothaes, who took over the Government on the 19th

-No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 63

of November, 1664. He assumed charge of the Company’s

interests until the year 1665; when Mr. Ryckloff Van Goens

came to Ceilon as Superintendent, Admiral, and Commander

of the Forces, and re-assumed his former position as

Governor.

At that time aconspiracy arose at the Candian Court

hatched by some Dessaves and Appoehamies, who aimed at

the King’s life ; but His Majesty fortunately escaped after

killing some of his courtiers, and took refuge in the Hangerant-

kitte mountain. From thence he wrote several letters to

Colombo wherein his straitened and humble condition

could be gathered, requesting assistance, and that some well

appointed ships should be prepared to protect the ports

of Batticaloa and Coetjaar against the treachery of the

Portuguese.

Heer Van Goens then sent some soldiers to the King’s

country under the command of Captains Dupont and Marten

Scholten, and the merchant Van Goens, who took possession

of the following 15 Provinces :—

Pannue. Kolane Corle.

Korrewitte Corle. Mende Corle.

Naudon Corle. Hymitte Galeagues.

Koekele Corle. Denniwalre Agures.

Attakalang Corle. Gennimale Bammettepate

Pannewaal Corle. Agures,

Attulegam Corle. Handepandoene Corle.

Dehegampelle Corle. Billigal Corle.

Their Excellencies at Batavia being apprised of this,

earnestly recommended as by letter of July 11, 1665, to

be careful not to expose ourselves to the dangers often

experienced by expeditions in the mountains, and thought

it more advisable for us to return to the lowlands.

They also see no difficulty now that fortune is so much

in our favour, in taking possession as soon as possible of

the harbours and territory of Batticaloa, Coetjaar, and Trin-

conomale, giving as our reasons the King’s commands and

64 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. IX.

the impossibility of maintaining ourselves in these ports

without having a garrison on shore. Trinconomale should

be first occupied, and the point where the Portuguese had

formerly an old fortress, strengthened: everything should

be considered and arranged in the best manner, having

regard to the size of the fort and its situation, so as to

maintain our footing. The same measures might afterwards

be taken at Batticaloa, and thus lay at rest, once for all?

their Excellencies’ anxieties about the opening of these

ports to other European nations.

Their Excellencies repeat by letter of July 21 of the

same year the apprehensions mentioned in their former

letter concerning the expedition to the mountains; being of

opinion that if they evacuate Saffregam and the highlands,

and occupy Trinconomale and Batticaloa, and make it clear

to His Majesty that it is not our intention to make a conquest

of his territories, it will give him less offence.

Heer Van Goens, however, maintained his opinion that it

was to the King’s interest that the districts containing the posts

of Saffregam, Bibligam, and Ruanelle should remain in our

power, so as to afford protection and security to the in-

habitants ; the more so as those who had been kidnapped before

the revolt, had most of them returned, and there was, therefore,

a lack of people in the Company’s territory. Another reascn

was that by holding Ruanelle the transport of arecanuts by

way of Putulang could be diverted to Nigombo and Colombo.

Their Excellencies in their letter of September 13, 1666,

acknowledged the correctness of these opinions, and added

that in furtherance of this plan, Calpetty should be provided

with a small fort, as it had become so important that the

trade in arecanuts and cotton goods had produced 3,000

rix-dollars in taxes within eight months; that Chilauw

should also in time be occupied, and Nigombo fortified

with a view to induce the inhabitants of the Seven Corles to

put themselves under the protection of the Company. The

King Ragia Singa seemed to approve of the Company’s actions,

as upon the capture of Trinconomale by their forces in the

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. — 65

same year he expressed his satisfaction in no measured terms,

and considered the advance guard of Ruanelle as being

already in his power. He also communicated to His

Excellency Van Goens a letter which he had received from

the English.

In acknowledgment of this friendly disposition, and in

order to compensate His Majesty somewhat for the loss

of the lowlands, he was granted the taxes upon the arecanuts

transported to Colombo.

At the commencement of 1667 Calpetty came into the

possession of the Company. They also captured some persons

whom the King had sent as Ambassadors to the English, then

enemies of the Honourable Company, at Madraspatnam, and

brought them to Colombo,

The Netherlanders could judge by these treacherous pro-

ceedings on the part of the King Raja Singa how little

worthy of trust he was in reality, as during this time he was

professing the kindliest feeling towards his trusty Hollanders.

In the year following, 1668, the road by Waluwe towards

Batticaloa was opened and occupied by our troops, the in-

habitants appearing before the Company’s Dessave.

To prevent any jealousy at the Court, a letter or ola was sent

to the Courtiers, with the assurance that the only motive

for this [occupation] was the interest of both the King and

the Company.

At the same time Coetjaar was also occupied, and in the

meantime a letter received from the King stating, inter

alia, that Batticaloa and Coetjaar were occupied by the

Company at His Majesty’s express desire, as can be seen

in the Minutes of the Council of Ceilon dated September

18, 1668. -

Although the Company in this state of affairs was strong

enough to make important conquests, it was not considered

advisable to dispossess the Singalese of the Seven Corles,

notwithstanding their close vicinity to Nigombo, or to peel

cinnamon north of the river of Caymelle against the

King’s will, as it would arouse His Majesty’s displeasure ;

86—90 IL , F

66 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI,

the more so as the Company had already possession of the

coast, and consequently could command the whole commerce

of the Island, and their Excellencies did not aspire to

anything further or wish to control His Majesty in the

interior.

Things were in this condition when news arrived quite

unexpectedly in the month of October, that the Singalese had

invaded the Mendekaduale and Attakalan Corles, thus

playing us a treacherous trick and obliging our people to

beat a retreat.

It was now resolved to send a military force as far as

Ruanwelle; and in the meantime to despatch Sergeant

Major Hendrik van Reede with a considerable detachment.

He succeeded in avenging the treachery of the King.

Consequently things remained more peaceful in 1669,

except that the King attemyted to take possession of the

Company’s evacuated lands. He however expressed his

regret at the retreat of the Company’s forces. A trial was

made on December 9, to hold these lands without retaining

a garrison there, keeping them only under the supervision

of a Dessave assisted by a few European and native soldiers;

but it appeared that the attempt was unsuccessful.

The ports of the Island remained open, and the King was _

not only granted free navigation at Calpetty, Batticaloa,

Coetjaar, &c., but also at Colombo, Gale, and Nigombo; until

October, 1670, when another violent insurrection broke out

between the highlands and lowlands. It was pretended

that the chiefs had driven the King to this.

Matters going from bad to worse, a letter was sent +o the

King requesting the release of the Company’s peopi. who

had been treacherously kidnapped from Arandore, and

threatening to employ every means [of harassment] in their

power upon refusal of satisfaction.

This having no effect, it was resolved to stop the navigation

at Coetjaar, Batticaloa, and Calpetty, and not to allow any

more vessels to enter or depart from these ports.

In consequence of this, some courtiers arrived the

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 67

succeeding year, in February, 1671, pretending that all that

had passed was the work of some ill-disposed malcontents, but

that the King and his officers remained true to the

Hollanders: they requested that one of the Company’s

servants might be sent with them to the Court toassure His

Majesty of their friendly disposition towards him.

This request was, however, refused, partly as no one felt

inclined, in consequence of the treachery already committed,

to run the risk of going to the Court, partly as none of the

previously sent Ambassadors had ever returned.*

It was shortly afterwards ascertained without any doubt

that the King found himself in a deplorable condition,

everything tending to prove that His Majesty had lost all

power, and the chiefs taking advantage of this, and being

unwilling to submit longer to his tyranny, seized on every-

thing that came within their power. They also prevented

the correspondence between the Court and Heer van

Goens. But a soldier who had some time since been

sent [to Candia], had presents given him by the King, and

was ordered to go to Colombo with three courtiers and to

confer with Heer van Goens. This plan was, however, frus-

trated, as the King was suddenly taken ill; and as he was

no longer master of himself the courtiers took possession of

the Court, and prevented their departure.

This was a great misfortune, asthe people of Saffregam and

Arandore were very desirous of putting themselves under

the Company’s power, and many came to Colombo with olas

soliciting protection; while most of the King’s people were

going to the mountains fearing the advance of the Company’s

forces.

At last after the many letters sent to the Court during the

lastfourteen years had been left unanswered, and no attention

paid to the repeated requests for the release of the Dutch pri-

soners, the above-mentioned soldier came from the Court in the

year 1671, laden with presents, and related among other things

that some of the chiefs were soon to follow him, and that

* See note (0), Appendix.

68 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XI.

the King was as good as besieged, but had so well

entrenched himself on one of the mountains, that with

50 men he could easily keep 1,000 at bay; and that the

Company’s people were detained by the Chiefs and not by the

King. But while the arrival of the Chiefs was looked for in

vain at Colombo, they consulted what was to be done with the

Candian King, he having already suffered so much at their

hands, that all the lowlands round about were cleared of

highlanders, and it was easy to see that his power was on

the wane, provided nothing was to be feared from outside.

The mountaineers once more resumed their depredations,

trying to corrupt the inhabitants of the Company’s districts,

and to bring the people over to their side, taking many to

Batticaloa and 'Trinconomale, where they expected to be

assisted by the French, who had arrived there with a numerous

fleet under their Admirals de la Haye and Caron, pretend-

ing they had been invited by the King Raja Singa, and

had been authorised by His Majesty’s Commissioners to

assume the Government of these lands. It was thereupon.

resolved to delay no longer, but to despatch some soldiers

to Sitavaque and Iddangodere, and also a_ considerable

force to the Mature district ; also to station troops as far as:

Walgodde in order to keep the communication open from

that place to Tammegam. This had the effect of bringing

several Corles again under our authority, and inducing the

inhabitants of the Billigal Corle to apply to us to send a force

there, when they would also submit to ourr' le. Some native

soldiers were thereupon sent to Billigal, thi. Corle being of

great importance to the Company.

Meanwhile information was received from Mature that

the depredations, outrages, and murders on the part of the

King’s people still continued, but that Dessave Pit with a

large force had driven the insurgents over the Waluwe river.

His Excellency van Goens having received certain intelli-

gence of the arrival of the French in the Bay of Trinconomale

and of their landing there, consulted his Council as to the

best means of dislodging them and defending the Company’s

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 69

property. They were unanimously of opinion that Trin-

conomale might legally be considered to belong to the

kingdom of Jaffanapatnam, and as it had never been under

the control of the Singalese, and had been taken by the

Company from the Portuguese, they were for defending it

by force of arms against the invasion of the French.

The means taken for that purpose by His Excellency were

so effectual that in the same year, 1672, [the fleet of] that

nation was defeated, and through want and capitulation

retired from the aforesaid bay.

It was very strange on the part of the King Raja Singa

that while the French were at Trinconamale, he expressly

desired the Company to drive them away from that Island.

There is little doubt that they acted in concert, if not

directly with him, at least with his chiefs and with his

knowledge: by which conduct the artful and base character

of that prince were clearly brought out.

Meanwhile we still held the occupied posts, and granted

amnesty to many of the insurgents, without, however,

entering into any agreement with the King’s rebellious

subjects, although they very much desired it. The King on

his part did not interfere with the Company, and left them

in quiet possession of their lands until the year 1675, when

a general rising took place, and the mountaineers invaded

the country in much greater force than was deemed possible.

In the meantime Admiral and Superintendent Ryckloff

van Goens left for Batavia in April of the same year,

1675, and the administration was assumed by his son, Heer

Ryckloff van Goens, junior.

In the month of August the fort of Bibligamme was

attacked and besieged by a strong body of the King’s people, -

and the garrison in the month of September, commanded by

Lieutenant Dessave Blykland and Lieutenant Moliere, was,

after a desperate resistance, obliged to surrender to the

puperior power of the Candians: they were sent as prisoners

of war to Kandy, despite every effort made by the Governor

to procure their release. :

70 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. XI.

Thereafter the King, who had been present in person,

took his forces by way of the Neude and Kaduatte Corles to

Ruanelle, and remained quietly there. This attack clearly

proved the insubordination and treachery of the natives, the

Company’s subjects, who deserted the Netherlanders in a

shameful manner, and otherwise injured them. The

inhabitants acted similarly in the district of Nigombo,

which they deserted altogether ; everywhere they showed

the greatest cowardice and faithlessness, proving what little

reliance could be placed upon them in case the Company

fell into difficulty.

At the same time information arrived that the Dessave

of the Seven Corles, Tinnekoon, had marched northward with

his entire force, provided with the necessary tools, such as.

inchiados,* hatchets, spears, and thonys. Whereupon some

men were sent by sea to fortify Calpetty. That force, how-

ever, effected little except maltreating the Company’s people,.

close to Calpetty, after which they departed.

In the Mature district things were also in a very

disturbed state, owing to the appearance there of a great

number of mountaineers from Saffregam. From Jaffana-

patnam and Batticaloa came similar news that great numbers

were flocking to the latter place, and that its inhabitants too

were beginning to revolt. It was thereupon resolved to.

call in all the outposts, the Gov ‘nor first going to Sitavaque

and then to Mature to superinu 1d matters himself: this

had the effect of arresting the progress of the Candians, and

the King with his formidable force remained inactive at.

Ruanelle.

Jaffanapatnam was reinforced with 100 men, and the

Aripo redoubt placed in a state of defence, to prevent.

communication with the Wannias.

* This word is probably derived from Ingeniero (Hngineer): thus,

perhaps engineering tools. [On this subject Mr. Donald Ferguson writes

to meas follows: ‘As to the word inchiado at p. 419 of the Beknopte

Historie, the editor’s note is quite wrong. The word simply represents.

the Portuguese enxada or enchadae, ‘mattock,’ or ‘hoe.’ ”—F. H. de Vos. |

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 71

At the end of the year 1675 the Dessave of the Seven

Corles being displeased with His Majesty, and fearing his

tyrannical disposition, placed himself under our protection.

This we granted him, and as a consequence the -inhabitants

of these Corles in the beginning of the following year,

1676, requested by ola to be taken under the Company’s

protection, saying they could not tolerate the cruel reign of

the King Raja Singa, and asking to be allowed to be governed

by their Prince (whom they designated in their olas by the

title of Prince and King of Matuaal). Although there had

never been a better opportunity for the Company to annex

these important districts, the Seven Corles, with their

numerous inhabitants, yet it was taken into consideration

that we had not a sufficient force to protect the territory and

the inhabitants against the King’s resentment. Notwith-

standing this resolution it was agreed that the Pretender

(the Prince of Matule) should accompany the Governor to

Nigombo to gain more ample information ; and that should

the Chiefs and inhabitants of the neighbouring Pattoes repeat

their request, to detach a force not farther than Doenegaha to

preventa migration ; and in orderto inducethe most influential

[natives] to come over to our side to transport their families

safely to Nigombo and treat the people in a friendly manner.

Having made the necessary inquiries, it was decided to

take possession of Sitavaque and Doenegaha, so as to prevent

the kidnapping of the principal families by the King’s party ;

but not to advance any further or to occupy any more

districts, not having force sufficient to oppose the moun-

taineers,

On October 19, 1677, the Governor, Heer van Goens,

junior, received a letter from their Excellencies, the

Chief Indian Government, dated the previous September 7,

containing positive commands to offer, and to deliver to His

Majesty by a friendly missive, all the lands acquired by the

Company since 1665, and to assure him of our interest in his

welfare; to which was also added a letter to His Majesty

from their Excellencies which was to be sent at the same

(2 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). PYOL. XT:

time. On receipt of these orders it was agreed to write to

His Majesty, stating :—

1. That their Excellencies were pleased to recommend

the Council of Ceilon to beseech His Majesty to lay aside

his displeasure and resume the peace and friendship which

had been maintained with the Company for so many years.

2. That, in proof of the sincere affection of the Hon.

Company for His Majesty, their Excellencies offer to cede

absolutely the Province of Pannoewe and the Five and

Three Corles occupied by the Company since 1665, after the

receipt of His Majesty’s olas, and to comply with all reasonable

demands.

d. That in return it was hoped that His Majesty would

abstain from further enmity, release the Netherlanders held

captive, and conclude a settled peace.

It was decided in case of His Majesty refusing these

generous proposals, and continuing his hostilities, to protest

in friendly but decided terms: should this also have no

effect, to gradually retire with the native forces from the

mountains to Sitavaque and the lowlands: and if even this

failed to pacify the King, as a final effort, to defend the

fortress of Sitavaque and the Kolona and Happittigam Corles

by every means in our power, they being the necessary

frontiers of Colombo, Mature, and Nigombo.

The Courtiers were now advised of the receipt of the

aforesaid letter from their Excellencies, and requested to send

one or more persons to the frontier to receive it. Where-

upon some messengers arrived, to whom it was delivered

by Captain van der Poel, who had gone to Sitavaque for that

purpose.

These same messengers hinted to Captain van der Poel

that it would give His Majesty much pleasure, and might

favourably incline him to release the Netherland prisoners,

if we presented him with some Sourat, Persian, or Arabian

horses. It was therefore resolved to send the two best Persian

horses in stock, with handsome trappings, and a letter, to

prove our friendship and incline His Majesty to peace.

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 13

While the horses were being prepared for departure, a

rumour reached us that most of the Dessaves were assembling

their forces. Not knowing their intentions, Captain van

der Poel was sent in the following year, 1678, with asufficient

escort of soldiers and Lascoreens, to repel any attack that

might be made by the King’s people; but on arriving at

Sitavaque he found no one to receive either the horses or the

letter. On the contrary, having remained there some time,

he was informed that the mountaineers were continuing their

ravages, to the ruin of the poor people in the Saffregam

districts, who requested permission to come down to the

Hewagam Corle with their wives and children. The Korala

(Coraal) of the Hegampelle Corle told him that a certain

Pannipetti Rale had, on behalf of the Dessawe of the Three

Corles, issued a manifesto tothe inhabitants of the Hegampelle

Corle, prohibiting them from providing the Netherlanders

with provisions or from approaching their fortresses, but

summoning all the Lascoreens of that Corle in the King’s

name to join his forces.

Captain van der Poel afterwards reported that many of his

soldiers were suffering from the prevalent fever, and said it

was necessary to send them away. He was therefore directed

to at once despatch the invalids, and, if no better news

arrived from the mountains, to follow with the remainder of

the soldiers, leaving only the required garrison at Sitavaque ;

but to inform the King of this previously, as well as of the

violence and murders perpetrated by the mountaineers, and

that it was out of respect for His Majesty and for the

furtherance of peace that we did not retaliate.

On March 28, 1679, to give them full scope an ola was

written to the chiefs in the name of the Council of Colombo

drawing attention to their conduct. Notwithstanding this no

answer was received to any of the letters, and the presents

still remained at Sitavaque, all to no purpose.

Soon after this Heer Ryckloff van Goens, junior,

returned to Batavia, and on November 3, 1679, transferred

the Government to the Commandeur of Jaffanapatnam, Heer

714 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou XI.

Laurens Pyl, who in the year 1680 was appointed Councillor:

Extraordinary and Governor of Ceilon. Things remained

in this uncertain and unsatisfactory state between the Com-

pany and the Candian Court until the arrival from Persia

of a lion, some horses, tigers, and falcons ordered by their:

Excellencies. Governor Pyl, in Council, resolved on

May 14, 1861, to despatch them to the Candian Court

by the Sergeant Mierop, who was to take with him at the

same time the presents still remaining at Sitavaque, and

strive to induce His Majesty to grant a favourable peace (his.

reluctance in accepting the former presents being ascribed to:

our not sending Kuropean Ambassadors with them), and at

the same time to obtain the release of the Netherlanders

detained prisoners.

Meanwhile, the king’s people committed great violence and

maltreated the Chalias at Caymelle, chased them away and

burned the peeled cinnamon. They continued to act in this

manner elsewhere, for some time the King continuing

to profess friendliness to the Dutch and ignorance of any

hostilities.

In the following year, 1682, as Governor Pyl and his Council

received good accounts about the undisturbed work of the

peelers, it was resolved, in order to prevent any interruption,

to despatch a special present to the Candian monarch, accom-

panied by a friendly and flattering letter. This seemed to

have a favourable result, as the peelers were not harassed,

and the cinnamon was peaceably gathered.

Private information was, however, occasionally received

from Candia showing a bad state of affairs, as the King

continued to tyrannise over the people, and executed several

subjects whom he deemed too powerful. These cruelties he

was driven to on grounds of policy, as he thought milder

treatment on his part might jeopardise his crown.

All this was communicated to their Excellencies by

Governor Pyl by a letter of July 3, adding that upon

His Majesty’s decease, and the succession of his son, the

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. = 75

Company would have more trouble from the young King than

his father could give them in his old age.

Heer Py] also said he could, after the experience of many

years, affirm that the Singalese were in general bad and

treacherous by nature, and only remained honest until oppor-

tunity offered for perpetrating their rascalities; that the

present King was very easily offended when thwarted, and

the Company flattered him to the utmost to conciliate him

and facilitate the gathering of the cinnamon; also that the

lowlanders are a simple and inoffensive people, but the

mountaineers are much more determined, so much so that

5,000 of them could easily disperse 12,000 of the lowlanders,

if unassisted by Europeans—the rumour of the approach

of the mountaineers being sufficient to make them take to

their heels. It would therefore be seen that these poltroons

could not very well be exchanged for European soldiers, as

they were only to be depended upon so long as our soldiers

were in the field.

In January, 1683, Governor Pyl had the satisfaction of a

peaceful in-gathering of the cinnamon, which amounted to

8,400 bales; but he had the vexation of hearing that the

_ Ambassador Mierop still remained at Ampe with the presents,

having no opportunity of advancing nearer to the Court,

which was chiefly attributable to the King’s indulgence in

strong drink and opium, and consequent loss of memory.

In consequence, the chiefs had things all their own way, and

prevented the Ambassador from approaching the Court, their

only wish being to prevent a genuine peace with the

Company, although dissimulating to the Ambassador and

professing their desire for peace. He was not slow to pay

them off in the same coin.

About this time their Excellencies despatched two volun-

teers, named Anthony van Lamswaarde and Michiel Ram,

from Batavia with a letter for the King, in order to use every

effort towards inducing His Majesty to promote the desired

peace. These messengers, however, fared no better than the

former one, being compelled to remain at Ampe Attaly.

76 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. XI.

In the month of June the Chiefs presumed to enter the

Company’s gravets* and erect some poles decorated with

green leaves, to claim jurisdiction there, declaring that they

did this under orders, but had no intention of making war,

having on purpose laid aside muskets and knives. This was,

however, considered by Governor Pyl an incitement to the

Company to declare war, thereby causing a breach between

the Company and the King. It was therefore considered

advisable to take no notice of the matter, but to bring it to

the knowledge of the King by a friendly letter, saying it

was our conviction that this had been done without His

Majesty’s knowledge, and that the instigators were as much

the enemies of the King as of the Company, that they will be

gently told to depart in the King’s name, and if they do not

obey will be forcibly driven away.

The chiefs also sent some soldiers to several Corles, and

demanded possession of them from those in command.

In consequence of which the Governor and Council, fearing

the Singalese intended an attack, resolved to concentrate

the Netherland forces in the other Corles, in order to be ina

position to repel them,and to call away the Netherland forces

at Dunaga, and replace them with Toepasses only.

Shortly after this Governor Pyl received a letter from

the Ambassador Mierop from:.Candia, announcing that he had

been admitted to an audience with the King, and had a

friendly reception, and sending an ola from the courtiers to

the chiefs at Attaly asking for the presents for the King got

in readiness here and lying at Sitavaque. It was thereupon

decided to send them up to His Majesty by the pl.t Captain

Adam Slegt, with a letter, the most important portion of

which ran :—

“The Governor offers his thanks to the King for the

“favour and honour shown to the Ambassador Mierop and

* Gravets or resthouses : soit appears ina chartof Ceylon. [Mr. Donald

Ferguson writes:—‘This is hardly a correct explanation. The

kadawatas were watch-posts on the boundary of the Kandyan Kingdom.”

F. H. de Vos. |

+ pl.—=plaatselyke: thus still not appointed to that rank.

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 7

“his suite, also for a black tiger received by the Governor

“as a present from His Majesty.”

Meanwhile tidings came that the King’s people were forti-

fying themselves at Ampe, and were daily bringing many

pingos with arms and ammunition, also that the Dessave of

Ouwe (Oeva) had joined his forces with the others under pre-

tence of carrying away the presents with the greatest honour.

As our previous experience had shown how little depen-

dence could be placed in this fickle and treacherous nation, it

was resolved to increase the ordinary escort of the Embassy —

to 378 soldiers with 500 Lascoreens, and for further security

to despatch two large boats, each with two field pieces, to

Ruanelle, to protect the ford by the river; pretending on our

side, as they had done on theirs, that these important pre-

parations and this immense procession were intended to do

_ honour in conveying the presents. The orders were that if the

King’s people delayed in receiving the presents and detained

the Ambassador, they were to be asked to respectfully offer

them to His Majesty, and if he refused to accept them, the

Embassy was to return, leaving the presents behind. This

was accordingly done.

The only important event that occurred this year was that

the Chalias, having ventured too far up from Nigombo,

where cinnamon was more abundant, it was confiscated, and

the Chalias were reprimanded by the King’s chiefs: they

were, however, not injured.

The King was supposed to have said upon hearing of this

occurrence, that if the Company were in want of cinnamon,

they had only to mention it to His Majesty and he would send

a sufficient quantity to Colombo; but that they would give him

ereat offence if they gathered it beyond their frontier without

his permission. Governor Pyl thereupon asked the King’s

pardon, and also requested the return of the detained cinna-

mon, which His Majesty granted after long Opposition on the

part of the courtiers, the quantity amounting to 14,105 Ibs.*

* The symbol Ib., rendered lbs. by the translator, generally stands for

three noug hts or ciphers.—F. H. de Vos.

18 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

In the following year, 1684, there was peace and quietness.

A present was therefore sent from Colombo to the Court with

an Ambassador, who was politely received at Attaly, but had

to remain at Ampe, whilst there was a report that the

Ambassador Mierop was unwell and mad at Kandy.

The peelers uninterruptedly continued their occupation,

and Governor Pyl assured their Excellencies at Batavia by

letter of July 3 of the same year, that he would find no

difficulty in delivering annually 8,400 packages, as the King

put no obstacles in the way.

In the month of June four courtiers arrived from Candia,

merely to communicate the perfect health of His Majesty

and inquire after that of the Governor and his Council,

assuring them of His Majesty’s goodwill and affection,

whereof he shortly intended to give a proof.

The King’s people meanwhile surprised and occupied the

districts of Pannue, Attekalan, and Karrewitte, Koekele

Corles, also the salt pans in the Lewais ; but as they did no

harm to the Company’s people they were not interfered with,

the lands being comprised in those occupied by the Com-

pany since 1665, and generously offered back again to His

Majesty by their Excellencies in 1677.

In September the messenger Mierop, being ill, returned

from Candia by desire of the Governor, having been

presented whilst there with an elephant, a gold chain, some

silver trinkets, silk stuffs, &c. Their Excellencies’ ambassa-

dors sent from Batavia, Lamdswaarde and Ram, also returned,

but nothing was mentioned about the release of the other

Netherland prisoners.

Things remained quiet during the following year, 1685.

His Majesty continued to flatter the Company with the hope

of shortly concluding a peace, while the courtiers tried to

deceive and circumvent the Netherlanders.

Meanwhile the small port of Hangwelle was being recon-

structed, and when finished Sitavaque was to be evacuated.

It was also intended to fortify Nigombo to enable it to repel

a Kuropean force. Caliture was also put in a state of defence

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 79

—that fortress and Nigombo being considered the two

principal avenues of Colombo, and the best and most

important of the cinnamon lands.

Meanwhile Ragia Singa’s state of health caused great

anxiety, as, upon the King’s demise, great enue and

revolutions might be expected.

At the commencement of the following year, 1686, the

High Priest or Gannebandaar of Candia arrived on a

visit to the Governor, and was received with great honour

and ceremony, being by his own people treated with royal

respect.

The Governor had several conferences with him about

the King’s health, his feeling towards the Company, the

release of the prisoners, and as to who will succeed him, &c.

The Gannebandaar was at first very reticent, even as to

whether the King was dead or alive, but became more

communicative later, and departed on the eighth day with

great pomp and ceremony, promising his good will towards a

satisfactory settlement. Shortly afterwards information was

received that preparations were being made at the Court for

the release of the prisoners. This did not take place, how-

ever, as the King and his courtiers were instigated by

French and Portuguese persons.

The attempt was made to propitiate the King by presents

of dogs, large cocks, and many other things, but the peelers

were driven away from the desolate Pittigal Corle, where they

had hitherto remained unmolested. This was attributed to

the machinations of some evil disposed people, and was so

reported to the Court. In August of the same year it was

stated that the King had decapitated some of the highland

chiefs and Dessaves, on account of their tyrannical rule.

This prevented the flight of many other subjects, who

would otherwise have come down to place themselves under

the Company’s jurisdiction.

In November disturbances took place A ORDET some of

the King’s people on the borders of the Matara district, but

‘were suppressed by native soldiers sent against them.

80 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

At the commencement of 1687 a falcon was sent to the

King, which caused a great interchange of compliments, the

courtiers writing of it to the Basnaike of Colombo as a

magnificent present ; and in May we hadat last the long-wished-

for pleasure of the release of the [ Dutch] prisoners, amongst

them being Lieutenant Moliere and Ensign Steenbeek,

besides eleven Toepasses and some natives.

Meanwhile Governor Pyl, without informing the Court of

it, had gone to Nagapatnam to confer with His Honour the

Commissary Hendrik Adriaen van Rheede, who had

arrived there from the Ganges: this caused great suspicion

and uneasiness.

The feeling was so strong that a trustworthy person

named Mattamagoddy Chitty was sent from Candia to |

Jaffanapatnam to the Governor, with orders not to return

without him, while the chief Adigaar at the Court also

besought him to return to Colombo as soon as possible,

the state of affairs rendering his presence there highly

desirable. This induced the Governor to hasten his

departure, the more so as tidings also came from Candia

that some forces were stationed at the frontiers to defend

the country against foreign powers. This seemed to be mere

speculation, and the meaning of it could not easily be

gathered.

During the presence of the Governor Pyl at Nagapatnam,

he handed to His Honour the Commissary some considera-

tions concerning the treaty of peace with the Candian court.

His Honour promised to communicate his opinions to him

later, which were received at Colombo on June 18. His

Honour, treating of the Company’s interest in Ceilon,

remarked :—

That the monopoly of the cinnamon demanded their first.

attention, but that the experience of many years proved that

the Singalese policy was opposed to this monoply of ours, and

that they were determined to possess themselves of Ceilon

and to drive away all the Europeans, or at least force them

to be dependent upon their pleasure.

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 81

The Company therefore had secured to themselves the sea-

board and several useful persons, following in this the

example set by the Portuguese, being determined not to

remain there only in defiance of the King, but to gather the

cinnamon whether the King liked it or not. This had

caused the angry feelings of the Singalese, as proved by their

frequent disregard of the articles of peace.

The Company having thus come to the conclusion that they

could not agree with the Singalese, considered the contract as

broken, and taking into consideration the consequences, had

taken some of the fortresses and strongholds, and had con-

structed others, as they were in truth needed.

This led to a renewal of proposals for a treaty with the King

extending over many years, but resulted in no definite

arrangement.

The conduct of the Governor Pyl made His Majesty feel

well disposed towards him, and His Majesty forbade war,

and seemed to desire friendship, in consequence perhaps of

old age, infirmities, and the state of his country; but taking

into consideration the difficulty of sounding the minds of

the Singalese, there remained the fear of ever ascertaining

their true intentions. Should they be really inclined for

peace, we ought not to insist upon every point in the contract

of Adam Westerwold; as for various reasons we could not

trust the Singalese, especially with regard tothe surrender

or demolition of the castles and fortresses on the seaboard,

which would be of serious disadvantage to us and give

facility to the French and English, to gain a footing in Ceilon,

both those nations not being considered when the contract

was made in India.

The trade with the Indians might be granted, if insisted

upon, as the Company could easily put difficulties in the

way by levying tolls upon it.

The lands, provinces, and peoples conquered during the

war should not be claimed under the contract, but by virtue

of the right of war, they having been taken from the Portu-

guese by force of arms. We also founded our claim upon

86—90 | G

82 : JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

our long possession, and the castles and fortresses would be

useless without lands, neither could the garrisons be fed

without them.

There were some other occupied lands and provinces

however, of importance in other respects, and to which

different considerations apply, namely, those of Batticaloa,

which are indeed very convenient, but too difficult to keep,.

as 100 or 150 Singalese or Weddasse could easily disperse

the inhabitants of that place or take them to the mountains..

Although the trade there was of little value, the situation

was of great importance to the Europeans, as if once settled

upon the island Poeliandivoe, they could with the connivance

of the Singalese procure elephants, cinnamon, arecanuts,*

timber, or rice, and also establish a factory there for all

goods required by the Singalese ; and thus reap a greater

benefit from that place alone than the Company derived

from the whole of Ceilon.

Trinconamale, being a dependency of Jaffanapatnam, there

was no necessity to negotiate with the King about it, as it did

not concern His Majesty ; while on the west side of the Island

it would be sufficient for the Company to keep the lands of

Colombo, from Gourbewille to Angoeroetotte, &c., as well as

those of Gale, Mature, and Nigombo, as they had been pos-

sessed till the year 1664, but were entered on in the years

1670 and 1672. Ifthe Singalese insist upon these lands being

returned, [it were better] to assent upon the condition of the

free gathering of the cinnamon in the wild Pittigal Corle

and the lands thus surrendered.

We might also allow the King to participate in the profits.

of the elephants and other advantages, such as levying of

taxes, &c. These concessions should all be granted, provided

His Majesty is sincerely inclined to peace.

Although the war in Ceilon had caused great loss io the

* What has often in these pages been called arreck (arecanuts) is

nut much in use in the Indies; the Malays call it pinang. The use

made of it is the following :—They take a betel leaf, rub a little wet

lime on it, add a piece of arecanut, roll it together, and put it in the.

mouth. The Malays call this a sirth quid,

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 83

Company, their weakness must not be allowed, merely for the

sake of obtaining peace, to be availed of by the people to

drive out the Company in process of time. We should

therefore be very circumspect in our negotiations concerning

the surrender of forts and lands; also touching the terms of

peace, we should not, in the hope of peace, give them any

advantage which might injure us, otherwise the Company

would be only courting their ruin, knowing their powers of

dissimulation and treachery.

Governor Pyl wished to act upon these opinions at once

upon the arrival in August, 1686, of an embassy from Candia,

but in vain, for the courtiers would not listen to him, and

spent their time principally in empty compliments, and ex-

pressing [their sense of ] His Excellency’s favour and affection.

In accordance with the orders received from Batavia,

the Governor on this occasion made them the offer of all

the Corles taken by the Company in 1665; but they were

refused by the courtiers, who pretended no authority had been

received from His Majesty the King to accept them.

Tidings were received in December, 1687, of the death of

His Majesty Raja Singa Rajoe, King of Candia. Whereupon

it was decided to go into mourning,and retain it until the Am-

bassadors (who had come to Colombo to notify the succession

of the young prince Mahastane to the throne) had fulfilled

their mission. The Ambassadors acted as if they knew

nothing of the late King’s death, but they were paid back in

the same coin for their dissimulation. The Gannebandaar

privately requested the Governor not to sorrow over the

death of the old King.

The Governor caused a general rejoicing in honour of

‘the ascension of the new King to the throne, and ordered,

amongst other things, three discharges of musketry by the

military ; and it was resolved to celebrate the obsequies of

the old King in the usual manner.

-The Secretary of State afterwards arrived at Colombo

from Candia, and notified the death and cremation of the

old King. a

| G 2

84 | JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XI.

He was informed of the manner in which that event

had been celebrated here, and that an Ambassador would be

sent to congratulate the young King, &c.

Some time after:some Candian courtiers arrived at Colombo

as Ambassadors from the Court, and being admitted toaudience

delivered two olas from the young King. The first contained

nothing of importance; but in the second His Majesty

mentioned that he had presented the large village of Belli-

gam (a seaport between Gale and Mature) to the Basnaike.

In reply to this the Governor informed the King that whoever

had advised him to this action must surely be one of the

greatest enemies of the Company, as His Majesty ought

to be aware of the great offence thus given to their Excel-

lencies; therefore this grant must be null and void. His

Majesty had besides by his act renounced some of his

privileges, as one of his titles was Count of Belligam. The

question was also asked whether His Majesty had also

conferred that title upon the Basnaike ; whereupon the

courtiers made no answer, but looked at one another.

The Governor referred to the respect shown by him during

the past eight years to the late King, and said that His

Majesty had promised to bestow many favours upon him

as his loyal and affectionate Governor. Whilst his (the

Governor’s) predecessors had given much displeasure to

the deceased King (which was now at an end) they yet

peaceably gathered the cinnamon in the Pittigal Corle, while

he, wishing to do the same again, was prohibited. He

therefore protested in respectful terms, and requested to be

allowed the same facilities. The promise was given, but not

carried out.

It appeared that by reason of the death of the old King,

and the young King not having so much experience of

affairs, the enemies of the Company, knowing that we could

not assent to the afore-mentioned grant, had thereby found

the means of exasperating the King againsi the Company.

His Excellency asked the courtiers whether they knew

who we and our masters were according to the treaty, at

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 85

the same time showing it to them: he added they could now

perceive that the Company was recognised by the King

not as subjects, but as friends and protectors of his kingdom,

and that His Majesty was bound to reimburse all that the

Company as a true confederate had contributed, such as

money, goods, and men in order to repulse the Portuguese ;

but up to the present time this had not been done: he had

relied on their frequent promises to discharge that debt, but

it appeared that the Company’s enemies had employed

their influence in causing the greatest offence to the Com-

pany by the above-named grant, instead of rewarding her

for her loyal assistance. It was therefore completely out of

the question to agree to that ola, and the Ambassadors were

requested so to inform His Majesty.

At the expiration of two days the Ambassadors requested a

private interview, which being granted, they remarked that

. the late King had always been so favourably inclined towards

the Governor, that during his illness and shortly before his

death he had earnestly requested the young prince to keep

his trusty Governor in the Island, to show him much favour,

and, after His Majesty’s death, to fulfil all promises made

to him. |

The Governor upon this asked whether the promises

referred only to the elephants which had been brought away.

They replied in the negative, but that they referred to many

other things, which had been delayed through the inter-

ference of others, but which would be sent to Colombo

later on.

His Excellency remarked that it appeared very strange

that the rest of the things were sought to be kept back

contrary to the King’s order, thereby casting a slur on the

honour both of the late King and his successor. He also

asked at the same time, whether the Pittigal Corle was

included amongst these, as reported at Colombo, and whether

the village of Belligam had been given by the late King to

the Basnaike. In answer the Courtiers said that they were

not sure about the first question, although it was probably

S6r JOURNAL, R.A.8. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

the case, but with regard to the other, the late King had

given orders that a village in the Four Corles should be

given to the Basnaike, but that Belligam had afterwards

been substituted for it.

The Governor continued to demonstrate to them the

impossibility of giving effect to the above ola; but that it

was intended to please His Majesty in every other respect.

The Ambassadors now inquired whether that ola could

not be delivered to the Basnaike with due honours: on

which the Governor desired them not to make such an

unreasonable request, but to request His Majesty to substitute

the village of Kendamgamme for that of Belligam. »

The officials then wished to know what was to be done

with the ola, and were informed, that out of respect to

His Majesty it would be deposited with other secret State

papers.

They again asked whether it might not be delivered to the

Basnaike in Council. This was finally granted in order to

get rid of them; but the Basnaike was secretly ordered to

return it to the Secretary after their departure, which he

did.

The Governor in a subsequent interview with the Courtiers

reiterated his displeasure at the protracted execution of the

promises, and especially about the peeling of the cinnamon

in the Pittigal Corle.

The Courtiers requested us to have patience until a

fortnight after their departure, when not only would the

Pitigal Corle be put into our possession, but permission

would be given to peel cinnamon uninterruptedly in all the

other Corles, and some more elephants would also be

sent.

In return for which the Company promised on its

side to despatch a vessel to Arrakan to convey from there a

chief priest (een Bisschop), to consecrate their temples and

pagodas, provided the promises made to the Company were

executed, and the Company remained masters of the

seaboard.

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 87

The Courtiers made a further proposition, namely, that if

the Company were granted a monopoly of the arecanuts, they

would allow the King to transport his nuts (amounting to

about 3,000 amunams) from his villages by vessels from

Putulang ; also that His Majesty should be allowed to ship

yearly on his own account about 400 or 500 packages of

cinnamon to the Nettherlands in the Company’s vessels, and

receive other goods in return.

They were told that this could not quite be allowed, but

that it would be better for His Majesty to deliver the

arecanuts to them, and receive payment on the coast; also

for His Majesty to use our ships, or for money to be paid to

His Majesty’s servants, thereby preventing the sale of the

nuts at a lower price, to the manifest prejudice of the Com-

pany; and that it would also be more advantageous for His

Majesty to dispose of his cinnamon to us at a certain valuation,

in payment of which he could either choose Netherlands or

Indian goods, and thus save the expenses and risks of the sea.

This answer seemed to satisfy the Ambassadors.

It now became evident that the Courtiers had far more

influence with the young King than they had had with the

late one: and the most powerful party being against the

‘Company everything took a different turn, so that the

permission of the King (given by ola) for peeling the

cinnamon could not be depended upon ; because by all

appearances the King and his courtiers would not be satisfied

until the ports of Calpetty, Batticaloa, and Coetjaar were

opened to all Indians as in the year 1664.

This became more evident when in May of the same

year, 1688, the Chief Secretary of State came down quite

unexpectedly by water, accompanied by a large suite, in

unusual state, and after the usual superstitious ceremonies, -

delivered a message to the effect that the young King was

about to be elevated to the rank and title of Emperor. This

caused instant rejoicings on the part of the Company, and

three volleys of musketry and thirty-one discharges of cannon

were fired as a token of satisfaction.

88 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou.. XT.

The Ambassador took his departure the same evening,

as hastily as he had arrived, only remaining a sufficient time

for Governor Pyl to have a secret interview with him.

The Secretary stated that if the Company earnestly

desired peace, it must first evacuate all the lands taken

since the insurrection of 1665, and the ports must be declared

free as formerly, as the closing of them made the King more

a prisoner than a free sovereign prince, besides causing the

complaints of the common people to the effect that the

Company grasped at everything and gave no one else a

chance. He exaggerated the convenience and advantages to

the Singalese, if the ports were free not only with respect to

arecanut and cloth trade, but also with respect to the King’s

taxes, &c. He added that the King and the Court were

very much offended at the closing of the ports, declaring

that the Portuguese had never committed that outrage.

Wherefore the Court demanded that all this should be

done, as they were sure that it was so ordered from Batavia,

appealing to the letter from their Excellencies at Batavia to:

the late King, recommending the evacuation in favour of

His Majesty of all lands and strongholds taken possession

of since 1665, and that in it was also included the opening

of the ports to every one as they were formerly.

Whereupon this Ambassador was publicly and in presence

of the Council informed that the lands claimed had been

offered to His Majesty long since, but that no one had appeared

from the Court to take them over, much less had orders been

given from that quarter for their transfe?f ; and that it would

have been rather disparaging to the Company had they

abandoned them so quietly ; whilst it was clear that the letter

from their Excellencies alluded only to the lands seized.

Governor Pyl afterwards had a private conference with

the Ambassador, who hinted that the lands should be quietly

evacuated, while the Governor gave many weighty reasons

against the opening of the ports, the principal reason being

that this could not be accorded without special orders from

Batavia ; also that the Moors would be the chief frequenters

No. 38.—1889.] | THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 89

there and reap the greatest advantage; any one unbiased

could see the justice of that objection, and in consideration

of the service rendered to the King by money, men, and

other things by the Company, which had not been repaid,

that they were entitled to the preference, the more so as the

Moors had never rendered the King any service, neither

could they ever do so.

This argument silenced the Ambassador completely.

On July 12, 1688, it was agreed in the Council to

draw out a draft contract, and to send it afterwards by a

messenger to Candia. The Secretary Alebos was temporarily

appointed to compliment the King on his accession to the

throne: he departed for Candia on the 23rd following, with

costly presents.

Governor Pyl communicated the fact of this embassy and

his interview with the Candian Ambassador to His Honour

Commissary van Rheede, who thereupon wrote some

remarks to Colombo, contending that it was very unjust and

unreasonable on the part of the Singalese to expect a peace,

the conditions of which had neither been discussed nor

agreed upon, particularly as in consequence of the death of

the old King the new monarch was not bound by the treaty

made with Adam Westerwold ; for which reason opportunity

should be given him to confirm that contract, or to make a

new one, with regard to the surrender of the lands and

strongholds occupied by the Company since 1665: this

would satisfy international rights, truth, reason, and custom,

as it would be unreasonable to compel the Company to fulfil

conditions to which the King would not consider himself

bound. :

It would also be absurd for the Singalese to appeal to the

letter from their Excellencies at Batavia, wherein the name of

the old, but not of the young, King was mentioned, particularly

as the young prince had not divulged his opinions, and the

Netherland servants of the Company were no sorcerers, or

fortune-tellers, to guess the thoughts of the Singalese, who

were only pretending to be offended about the abandoned

90 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

lands, as they had never made any demand for their restitu-

tion. It was quite necessary that all these facts should be

clearly represented to the King, so as to make it understood

that the Netherland people were not his subjects but his friends

and allies, and that the term of servants referred to them only

to the extent of the actual service they performed in the Island

as administrators, to preserve and cultivate the friendship

between the King and their Excellencies.

The Commissary further maintained that the small fort of

Poeliandivoe, in the district of Batticaloa, the fort of Trinco-

namale, and in fact none of the forts situated near the sea,

including Calpetty, should be abandoned, as the Singalese

might afterwards contrive to drive the Company from the

Island altogether, and reinstate their enemies.

Concerning the free navigation of these ports, the King’s

own vessels (if he wishes to despatch any of them) must be

provided with the Company’s passports; for the greatest

King of all the lands between Arakan and Persia, the Great

Mogul, was glad to obtain these for his vessels. Provided with

these, the King would be allowed to transport all kinds of

products of this Island of Ceilon, to all quarters of the

globe, and import such curiosities and merchandise as he

desires to purchase from abroad.

With regard to cinnamon and arecanuts, an understanding

should be entered into with the King in order to silence the

complaints of various Singalese chiefs that we were keeping

the King like a slave in the interior. But as regards the

permission to all Singalese subjects to sail from the said ports

when provided with the Company’s passports, this could not

bind the Governor of Cormandel and other places, they

being separate Governments, and having their own rules and

regulations. It must therefore be left to the Company’s

discretion, whether to give them passports or not; also con-

cerning the free navigation of foreign vessels to the ports as

mentioned before, that free traffic should be allowed to the

Company’s subjects.

But that these three distinct conditions should not be

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 91

granted before the King’s intentions with regard to the Com-

pany were ascertained, and whether dependence might be

placed in him. They also wished to remind His Majesty of

the enormous compensation they were entitled to for all

they had spent in driving the King’s enemies away from

the Island, which debt the new King ought to liquidate.

But above all, we must positively ascertain whether His

Majesty intends to continue the old treaty made with his

father, or whether he prefers to make a new one with the

Company. This must regulate our further action, as

without a decided declaration no trust could be placed in His

Majesty’s words and promises, nay, even in his written

treaties, so long as His Majesty and his chiefs lend an ear to

the Company’s declared enemies, a certain Pedige Rale and a

flattering Frenchman, both private persons.

The Company’s ministers must show a bold and decided

front during the negotiations, as the Singalese remarking

any timidity on our part would become conceited and try to

take as much advantage as possible ; and if we were to make

concessions or yield to them, fearing they might declare

war, whether rightfully or not, the Company’s prospects in

Ceilon would be irretrievably ruined ; because once the ports

and the forts are abandoned and dismantled, the Singalese

would not be satisfied, but would try to get hold of the

remainder. It were thus better to show great firmness,

and declare our determination to keep the seaboard at

any cost. ,

His Honour the Commissary was further of opinion

that it would be a great advantage to the Company to obtain

tranquillity and security by a favourable peace, which should

contain the elements of mutual confidence; and that the

lands and forts occupied by the Company since 1662 should

remain in their possession until the King had repaid his

debt to them; or in default, that the aforesaid lands, cities,

and forts should belong to the Company absolutely, and go to

extinguish the debt, the most important item included in

the lands being the cinnamon.

92 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou XI.

Meanwhile the Ambassador Alebos returned from Candia

without bringing any preliminaries of peace or having effected

the liberation of the Netherland and other prisoners.

But in June the Dewekare Mahamohotiaar arrived in

Colombo with nine Netherland prisoners, and announced the

crowning of the King as Emperor ; also that His Majesty had

granted absolute permission to the Company to gather

cinnamon in all the upper Corles, provided His Majesty was

informed of it previous to their going into the woods.

The coronation was celebrated by the Dutch with much

solemnity and pomp, whites and blacks shouting “ Long live

the King!” the usual declaration of sovereignty and allegiance.

Shortly afterwards the Ambassador Alebos was sent again

to Candia, to congratulate the young King, and to offer some

presents from the Company, with full powers and instructions

to negotiate a peace based upon the following :—

lst.—There shall be a sincere, firm, and indissoluble peace

between His Imperial Majesty the King of Ceilon and

Candia and the Most Serene Company and their respective

subjects from this day ; and that His Imperial Majesty and

his subjects shall acknowledge us and treat us as their nearest

friends, allies, and protectors of His Imperial Majesty’s

dominions, against his and our enemies, be they Europeans,

Indians, or others; and that the one shall help the other.

2nd.—In case any of His Imperial Majesty’s, enemies

shall attempt any harm to his lands, the nearest force at hand,

whether His Imperial Majesty’s or the most Serene Com-

pany’s, shall at once march ayainst them and inform the

other, when they shall consult together as to the best manner

to resist and disperse them.

drd.——His Imperial Majesty shall consent and agree to

leave in the peaceful possession of the Company (according

to article 8 of the contract made in 1638 between the late

Emperor Raja Singa and the Admiral Adam Westerwold),

as compensation for the expenses incurred and advanced by

them in driving away the Portuguese from this far-famed

Empire, the lands and ports at present occupied by them,

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 93

until the time the said debt is reimbursed by His Imperial

Majesty, or to cede them in fee simple as annulment of the

said debt the lands mentioned, consisting, besides the towns

and forts, of the following, namely, those between the rivers

Waluwe and Chilaw, viz., the Roene Wania on this side of

the river Dolasdas, Morrua, Belligam, Gale, Walalewitte,

Pasdum, Reygam, Salpete, Hewegam, Hina, Alutkor, Happi-

tigam, and the Pittigal Corles, besides the island Poelian-

divoe, the point and inner bay of Trinconomale, and the islets

within it.

4th.—His Imperial Majesty also agrees, according to article

‘9 of the said treaty, to allow free trade and commerce with

his subjects in all cities, villages, and hamlets, and to accord

free and unmolested intercourse in trade, buying and selling,

exchange, &c., also trade with His Imperial Majesty and

his subjects, as customary between friends and allies, without

paying taxes, tribute, excises, or any charges whatever, either

to His Imperial Majesty or to any of his subjects, for mer-

“chandise or ware of any description ; but to let them pass

free out of His Imperial Majesty’s dominions, and to declare

that none of His Imperial Majesty’s subjects, high or low, of

whatever degree or quality, be permitted to dispose of

cinnamon, pepper, wax, or elephant tusks except to the

Company.

_ 5th.—His Imperial Majesty, his Nobles, and Chiefs agree

hereby, in conformity to article 10 of the said contract of

1638, that henceforth they will not allow, but on the contrary

prevent, every one of his subjects, without exception, from

trading or dealing, buying, selling, or exchanging any mer-

chandise or goods in His Imperial Majesty’s dominions of

Ceilon with any Europeans, such as English, French, Danes,

Germans, or Orientals, nor allow their ships or yachts access

to the coasts of Ceilon, but order them away, and that they

shall be obliged to sell, traffic, and deal only with the

United East India Company in the products of His Imperial

Majesty’s dominions. The neighbouring subjects of the

Nayk of Tansjouwer shall, however, be allowed to enter

94 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

their vessels and depart with provisions, necessaries, and

trifles, without hindrance.

6th.—The Company shall be allowed to gather cinnamon

according to article 3, not only in the Corles, but His Impe-

rial Majesty shall grant them free permission to gather it

anywhere that it may be found, and that no other nation

shall be allowed to acquire any, nor anyone but the Company

be allowed to export it. In consideration of this monopoly

they engage to send a considerable royal present yearly to

His Imperial Majesty.

7th.—His Imperial Majesty shall in conformity with

article 12 of the aforesaid contract made at Batticaloa, grant to

our factors and traders full liberty to travel unmolested in his

lands, to deal and negotiate with the inhabitants, and having

brought any merchandise into the interior, the inhabitants

shall be obliged to procure and provide our traders, at their

own expense, with beasts of burden to transport to the shore,

towns, or forts, any goods bought by our traders ; it shall also

be declared that the Hollanders shall be under our own

jurisdiction, even as the subjects of Ceilon shall remain

under that of His Imperial Majesty.

8th.—According to article 13, none shall be allowed to

dispose of any goods contracted for by us to anyone else

without having first satisfied our demands: any one trans-

gressing to be apprehended and imprisoned. We should thus

get our Own.

We shall also be allowed to act in the same way if any one

becomes indebted to us to any large amount; but we shall in

either case be bound to inform His Imperial Majesty or his

Governors of it.

9th.—Article 14 of the Batticaloa contract prohibits any one

of whatever degree, caste, or condition from minting or

making any money other than that allowed by His Imperial

Majesty or the Hollanders; still less from coining false

money.

Should any one be detected in contravening these articles,

be they Hollanders, His Imperial Majesty’s subjects, or

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 95

foreigners, they shall receive corporal punishment, and their

goods be confiscated in favour of His Imperial Majesty.

10th.—In case any Hollander is guilty of bad conduct

and takes refuge in His Imperial Majesty’s dominions, His

Imperial Majesty or his subjects shall be bound according

to article 13 to deliver them up intoour hands, His Imperial

Majesty’s subjects fleeing to our side under similar circum-

stances to be delivered up to His Majesty. This also to refer

to fugitive slaves.

11th.—His Imperial Majesty shall promise, according to

article 16 of the contract, to prohibit his subjects from entering

into correspondence, either secretly or publicly, or from

making any contracts with our enemies for merchandise or

anything, but on the contrary to consider them as enemies.

Should they in spite of this sell any merchandise to a foreign ©

nation, they shall receive corporal punishment as an example

to others ; but if found disposing of the cinnamon shall incur

the penalty of death.

12th.—That by article 17 of the Batticaloa contract

His Majesty shall agree not to allow Roman Catholic monks,

priests, and other ecclesiastics to domicile themselves in his

dominions, they being the cause of disturbances and discord

wherever they go, but to extirpate them, as their principal

object is to set the subjects against the King, and by these

means get hold of the lands.

13th.—In the event of any of the Company’s vessels be-

coming wrecked or stranded in His Imperial Majesty’s ports

through stress of weather or any other cause, His Imperial

Majesty or his subjects shall have no further claim on the

stranded vessel and recovered goods than for salvage, in the

same way as is practised by the Company.

The object of this draft was to make these things intel-

ligible to His Imperial Majesty in default of his presence or

that of his Ambassadors here, and to sound him as to the way

he is inclined to treat with the Company, and to manage so

that we may finally arrive at the wished for understanding

and an unalterable treaty of peace and friendship.

96 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

During the presence of the Dewekare Mahamohotiaar at

Colombo, Heer Pyl had several private conferences with him

concerning peace, but without making any impression on him.

He had, on the contrary, the presumption to declare in the

absence of the Governor, but in the presence of the Coun-

cillors, that the King, his master, was not indebted to the

Company for anything, &c.

Meanwhile many of the Company’s subjects, including

coolies (Koelys), went to the mountains to receive titles of

honour from the King, without the knowledge of the

Governor. Some of the Chiefs went also, with the Company’s

permission, for the same purpose; thereby showing their

preference of the King to the Company; but pretending

that this was done to promote the success of the negotiations

for the treaty.

In the month of September the Ambassador Alebos again

returned from Candia without any success, although he had

been received and entertained in a very friendly manner.

He had submitted the above-mentioned conditions to His

Imperial Majesty, who, after having looked into them,

appointed the Gannebandar and some other chiefs to confer

with our Ambassador on the matter. This they did the first

thing on their visit to the Ambassador’s residence, where he

presented these articles of peace for their consideration,

requesting them seriously to remember the heavy expenses

incurred by the Company, besides the great loss of Holland

blood shed in His Majesty’s service in driving away and

extirpating the Portuguese from these Islands, and also that

they could still be of the same service to His Imperial

Majesty.

Whereupon the officials, having read the document with

much attention, asked the Ambassador whether these articles

were construed in conformity with the old contract. He

replied in the affirmative, and said that it had been followed

to the extent to which it was applicable at the time, as could

be ascertained by perusing every article separately. He was

then asked whether the third article was also the same as in

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 97

the, old contract. He answered that it was so far ag it

treated about the expenses, as His Majesty had promised and

undertaken to reimburse them, and it was desired as

compensation that they might continue in possession of the

towns, lands, and forts now occupied by them, as would

appear further from the aforesaid article.

The Chiefs objected to this, saying that the Company or its

malicious rulers (as.they called them) in the Island were

the first to break the contract ; neither did they keep their

promises to surrender Colombo to His Majesty or to divide

the spoil; further, that they had treacherously attacked His

_ Imperial Majesty at Raygamwatte and defeated and robbed

him of incalculable treasures, of far more value than the

expenses the Company laid claim to.

Whereupon the Ambassador tried to prove to them that

the breaking of the contract was not to be ascribed to the

‘Company but to the King, and demonstrated, that to prevent

our perishing from hunger at Colombo we were obliged to

attack some rebels of His Imperial Majesty, who carried away

some of the inhabitants near the gates, stripped, robbed, and

burned them, and interrupted our supplies.

The Chiefs replied that there were probably causes for

complaint on both sides, and it were better not to discuss

them, asit led to no result and caused greater estrangement ;

but as their instructions were limited to the hearing of the

Company’s proposals, and to reporting upon them to His

Majesty, they could not decide finally upon anything ; thatthe

Ambassador would receive further communications as soon

as His Imperial Majesty had made himself acquainted with

the points submitted to him.

These articles being to the interest of the Company, His

Imperial Majesty on his part intended to propose some

clauses to his own advantage.

The Ambassador observed that the proposed articles were

as much to the advantage of His Imperial Majesty and his

subjects as to the Company; but he was nevertheless very

anxious to learn His Majesty’s pleasure, and if it was not in

86—90_ H

98 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vor. XI.

his power to consent to His Imperial Majesty’s wishes, he

would report the matter to the Governor.

The conference being ended, the courtiers left to report to

His Majesty.

A few days after the Ambassador was invited to another

conference with the aforesaid courtiers at the Court, and the

Gannebandar being the spokesman, said that His Imperial

Majesty having been informed of the deliberations of the last

meeting, had, after perusing the documents handed to him,.

remarked that two articles did not meet with his approval.

But before giving any further explanation, he entered upon

a long resumé about the first landing of the Portuguese upon

these shores, their engagements entered into with the Kings.

of Cotta, Sitavaca, and Candia, without, however, their acquir-

ing any lands from them—except on their first arrival, getting

from the King of Cotta as much land as would be covered by

a cow’s hide; adding that the Portuguese continually broke

their contracts, and caused His Majesty much trouble, for

which they were frequently punished; that at last His

Majesty, considering the Holland nation the truest and most

estimable of all, had invited them to his dominions and had

made a contract with them, which several of their Governors

had broken, against the good intentions of the Company,

until Governor Pyl assumed the Government, and by his

upright conduct gave such satisfaction to the late and also to,

the present King.

After this, the Gannebandaar coming to the point, said first

that in article 3 mention was made of some debt due from

His Imperial Majesty to the Company for expelling the

Portuguese from the kingdom on behalf of His Imperial

Majesty; he must maintain that His Imperial Majesty was.

not indebted to the Company for the following reasons :—

Ist.—That the Company had been the first to break the

contract.

2nd.—That they had appropriated to themselves the spoil

obtained from the Portuguese by the conquest of the towns.

and forts, while the King was entitled to two-thirds of it.

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 99

ord.—That His Majesty being driven away from Raygam-

watte had been despoiled of inestimable treasures, &c.

Ath and last.—That the Company, since their possession of

the lands, had enjoyed all the income and profits from them,

and His Majesty could not consent to grant them the lands

mentioned.

The second objection of His Imperial Majesty was the

prohibition against trading with other nations, as requested by

the article 5, and the closing of his ports. His Imperial

Majesty remarked that even when the Portuguese were still

enemies upon these shores this had never been done, and

he considered the claim very unjust and to the prejudice of

the people.

The Ambassador, who had listened with patience and atten-

tion, said that he had expected this answer in writing that

he might reply to it in the same manner; also to enable him

to proceed in better order and obviate all misunderstanding,

and to submit a correct report of their views and his

answer to the Governor.

The courtiers replied that not being so ready with the pen

as the Netherlanders, thev desired him to inform the

Governor in the usual way.

The Ambassador also said that he would in a few words

answer them, so far as he was able to do at that time. Com-

mencing with their first topic, he said that the Netherlanders

had no concern with the doings of the Portuguese ; they had

not sent for them, but His Imperial Majesty had invited the

former with many promises to expel the Portuguese and

free him from their annoyances and vexations ; which, under

God’s blessing, they succeeded in doing at great cost and

much bloodshed.

That His Majesty had promised by the contract made with

Admiral Westerwold, at Batticaloa, in 1638, to accept the

Netherlanders as friends, allies, and protectors of his king-

dom, and to repay the yearly expenses incurred by the

Company in manning and equipping of ships, yachts, and |

smaller vessels, and for sailors, soldiers, officers, and

H 2

100 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL XI.

ammunition, &c., used on behalf of His Imperial Majesty, by

cinnamon, pepper, cardamoms, indigo, wax, rice, and other

valuable goods and merchandise, the products of His Imperial

Majesty’s dominions.

The Ist, 2nd, 3rd, 4th, and 8th articles of this contract,

translated in the Portuguese, he caused to be read to the

-officials, and translated into Singalese by the interpreter,

saying that the Company had never reaped that benefit, as

His Imperial Majesty had not acted up to this promise, but

had on the contrary after the conquest of Gale and Nigombo

in 1646, called in the assistance of the Portuguese, with men

and arms, against the Netherlanders, to wrest Nigombo from

them, and slaying their people; thus proving that not they,

but His Imperial Majesty, was the first to break the contract.

It were best to pass over this unpleasant matter, as his

mission was not to rake up past misdeeds, but to request His

Majesty to enter into another bond of peace, friendship, and

alliance, and to this end he would, in the name of his

superiors, lend all his powers to give His Imperial Majesty

every possible and reasonable satisfaction.

As to His Majesty’s objection to the two points in articles

3rd and Sth, it was generally known that the Company went

to great expense in expelling the Portuguese from His Impe-

rial Majesty’s dominions, and were still spending yearly in

the maintenance of garrisons required for the protection of

His Majesty’s towns and forts against invasion and attack

from foreign enemies.

To prove that the allegation that His Majesty was not

indebted to them was untrue, [the Ambassador replied] upon

the first point, that he had already shown that His Imperial

Majesty was the first to violate the treaty, and not the

Company.

Upon the second point, [he said] that the spoil of Gale,

with the exception of some cinnamon and arecanuts already

placed to His Imperial Majesty’s credit, and some cannon

and ammunition left for the protection of the fortress, had

been equally divided between the Modliaars of His Imperial

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 101

Majesty and the Company, to which arrangement His Impe-

rial Majesty had declared his satisfaction. That by article

2 of the old contract, as explained to His Imperial Majesty,

he was not entitled to two-thirds, but only to a half share.

3. That the Company did not profit by the treasures said

to have been left at Raygamwatte.

4, That, lastly, the revenues and taxes of the lands

were of so little value that they would not compensate the

Company a thousandth part for the expenses to which they

had been put: that the Ambassador had no present power

to come to a definite arrangement with regard to the absolute

grant of some towns and forts, but must report further to the

Governor. He requested His Imperial Majesty to write to the

Governor at the same time about it.

With regard to the second point, about excluding other

nations from participation in the traffic, and the closing of

His Majesty’s ports, that His Majesty had by article 10 of

the contract of the year 1638 promised that no other nation

should be allowed to deal or barter, but that the Company

should be sole purchasers of all articles.

That in opening the ports indiscriminately, none would

benefit more than a pack of villainous and wicked Chalias or

Straits Moors. They were a rabble, who insinuated them-

selves everywhere to oust the Company, and who had never

done any service to the kingdom, as the Company had done

and could still do. Should the Company be deprived of the

arecanut and cloth trade (as would certainly be the case if

the ports were opened), they would not be able to maintain

the trusty Hollanders for His Majesty’s service, nor find them

their monthly pay. Besides which His Majesty’s subjects

would lose great advantages, as then the free navigation from

Mallabaar must be left open ; while at present the exporta-

tion of arecanuts from there was prevented at great expense,

thereby causing the price of Ceilon nuts to remain high,

which the opening of free navigation from Mallabaar would

again cause it to decline in value, and cause great loss to the

people of thiscountry. And considering the great advantage

102° JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XT.

to the community by the Company providing them with

cloth and other goods (which they could do at more reason-

able prices than others), they could not with justice, if their

friendship is real, deprive the Company of a benefit and give

it to another.

The Company had undertaken by article 6 of the contract,

in consideration of having the undisturbed gathering of the

cinnamon in all His Imperial Majesty’s lands, and posses-

sing the entire monopoly, to send a considerable yearly

present to His Majesty. Besides, if they thought that the

people could not live from the present price of arecanuts

being too low, we would gladly meet their wishes to some

extent, provided the nuts were only sold to the Company.

Further, should His Imperial Majesty wish to despatch

annually one or two vessels to collect curiosities and provide

for the wants of the Court, every facility will be given,

provided notice is given beforehand: these vessels will

be saluted with the usual honours and provided with pags-

ports, not only to depart and return free and unmolested ;

every assistance will also be rendered to them in the

countries under the Company’s rule. The Governor sub-

mitted all this for His Imperial Majesty’s consideration, and

requested the favourable assistance of the chiefs.

The only answer the Ambassador received at the conclusion

of this interview, after some interruption by the courtiers, was

that a report would be made to His Imperial Majesty, and a

favourable conclusion arrived at; then the Governor would

receive marks of great favour, and the Ambassador be allowed

to depart well satisfied in three or four days’ time.

The conference ended after the exchange of mutual com-

pliments and the usual ceremonies.

The Ambassador came to the conclusion that neither the

treaty of 1638 nor the new one of 1649 was in the possession

of the Court, but had been lost or mislaid at Raygamwatte

or at the insurrection of Nigombo, as the chiefs, although talk-

ing about sharing in the booty, either did not allude toa single

article or mentioned it incorrectly ; for they claimed two-thirds

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 103

for His Imperial Majesty, and listened with surprise when

the Ambassador had the articles read overtothem. Neither

«lid they seem to have any knowledge of the letters of 1640

‘and those of a later date written by His Imperial Majesty to

Colombo. It was therefore useless to argue with them,

being full of pride and under the impression that everything

‘depended on their favour.

A few days afterwards the Gannebandaar sent private

information to the Ambassador, that he would be allowed

to depart the next day, and that His Imperial Majesty had

consented to all the points with the exception of yielding up

the full possession of the lands; that the Governor will be

honoured with a gold ola, conferring on him a title of

honour and having engraved on it the grant of a province.

But everything turned out quite differently, when the

Ambassador four or five days subsequently appeared before

His Imperial Majesty requesting his dismissal.

He understood with great surprise that the King, after

mature consideration, could not as yet come toa decision, but

His Majesty intended shortly to visit the lowlands in order

to havea personal interview with his well-beloved and trusty

Governor, and His Imperial Majesty intended on _ that

occasion to satisfy him and show him great honour and

favour. Meanwhile everything could remain as though the

present had already been made and the treaty already con-

cluded, both parties living in peace with one another.

Whereupon the Ambassador complained of his want of

success, and particularly that he could not get a written

answer.

He was told that he might consider himself the most

fortunate individual, ashe had been shown the same honour

as would have been rendered to the Governor, had he been

present personally, and that everything would be done to the

satisfaction of the Governor as promised.

After receiving some presents, he was allowed to depart.

The cause of this sudden change was ascribed to the

receipt of a private ola from Colombo, the writer and

104 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). . [VOL. XI.

contents of which could not be discovered. All that the

Ambassador could ascertain was that the Basnaike was.

carrying on a frequent correspondence in Colombo with the

Chiefs in the mountains, and that nothing happened in the

Company’s lands without being divulged to them ; which

proved how little the Company could depend on her own

_ servants.

Even after the return of the Ambassador to Colombo,

Governor Pyl received an ola from the Chiefs at Candia on

behalf of the King, repeating the tyranny and iniquities

committed by the Portuguese, and the reasons why the

Hollanders had been invited in preference to other nations:

and a special Ambassador sent to Batavia for that pur-

pose. His Imperial Majesty had to complain about the

conduct of some officers, the injustice done by the taking

of the ports, the insult to Rampot Rale sent as Ambassador

to Mature, the appropriating to themselves of the spoil of

Colombo, the pretended harm done to His Majesty at Ray-.

samwatte, &c.

Permission was given for the gathering of the cinnamon,

and [it was stated that] as soon as His Imperial Majesty comes.

down for a meeting with the Governor, a peace will be made.

and concluded to the effect that it may last for ever.

With this ola a separate note was received, containing

the following :—

“The Ambassador, Mr. Claas Alebos, brought here a draft

contract of peace, which contained several contradictory

clauses. It is hereby returned to His Imperial Majesty’s

well-beloved and trusty Governor, for his perusal and

consideration.”

This cleary proved that the relations between the Empire

of Candia and the Company were totally changed by the

death of the late King. During his lifetime we had treated

with a strong-minded King acting upon his own convictions:

and governing his kingdom, without allowing any inter-

ference from his subjects; who had moreover himself

concluded the original contract with the Company and

No. 38.—1889.] . THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 105

retained it in his own possession, appealed to it and pre-

tended to keep it.

All this was an infallible argument to prove that the

Company’s claim against that King was not false, but free

from design and deceit: thus as regards the old King they

certainly had a chance of determining any differences

between them and of effecting a peaceful issue.

But as the young King was only acting upon the advice of

his Councillors, things were getting into a bad state, and gave

promise of serious trouble tothe Company ; for the courtiers

tried by every means to cause disorder, disputed the true

meaning of the treaty, denied its authenticity, and strove to

upset it.

- It was considered better, for all these reasons, to main-

tain our rights and pretensions against all Europeans by

right of conquest, should any of them attempt to disturb us

in time of peace, rather than to insist on the treaty and our

right of hypothec, which would be the cause of endless

quarrels and disputes.

It was meanwhile resolved at Colombo to quietly evacuate

the mountain Corles, which was done at once: they

were taken possession of by the King’s people, who elected

Chiefs in all of them, with the exception of the Three

Corles, which were not yet inhabited.

The Company’s people still continued to go to the Court

to obtain titles of honour; which had such a demoralising

effect that the people of Tamblegam and Coetjaar renounced

their fealty to the Company, and absolutely refused to pay

any taxes.

_ At the end of the year 1688 a few courtiers came to

Colombo from Candia with two olas, the first notifying His

Majesty’s intended departure for the lowlands to confer

personally with the Governor. It was replied, that according

to orders, as a Governor was not permitted to leave his post

unless an officer of higher or at least the same rank was sent

to replace him, he could not have the high honour of

receiving His Majesty, or conferring with him. In the

106 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). VoL, XI.

second ola His Majesty expressed his desire that the Singa-

lese should have the free exercise of their religion, and

sought the restitution to His Majesty of the pagodas situated

about the coasts, as well as the opening of the ports.

These requests gave ample evidence of the King’s senti-

ments and purpose. In reply, delay and patience were soli-

cited until their Excellencies could be communicated with.

At the same time news arrived from Calpetty that a vessel

flying a white flag charged with a red lion, and loaded with

arecanuts, was about to leave for Putulang : whereupon the

officers at Calpetty were instructed to prevent its departure,

as otherwise the rapacious Singalese and others would.

presume to navigate under the flag of the King, and would

use that opportunity to export, besides the arecanuts, as much

cinnamon and other prohibited goods as they desired.

It thus appeared that every effort was being made to compel

the opening of the ports without making a contract, under

the presumption that the Company was their vassal, notwith-

standing the frequent evidence to the contrary.

As this made it clear to the Governor Pyl and his Council

that these malicious Chiefs were not to be propitiated, they

resolved to ask for assistance from their Excellencies.

Governor Pyl reported in greater detail to His Honour the

Commissary van Rheede all that had happened before and

after the mission of Alebos, on which His Honour made the

following observations :—

That the evident purpose of the present Candian Court

was the determination to make the Company submit them-

selves to their wishes, as was testified at Trinconomale and

Batticaloa, and as was evident from the summoning and

granting of honours to various Singalese Chiefs, the granting

of the village and port of Belligam to the Basnaike, the claim

to have the port of Putulang open, the export of the Calpetty

arecanuts, and finally the disquieting of the whole Mature

Dessavony, the unceremonious congé of the Ambassador

Alebos, besides the little gratitude shown for the surrender

of some lands and provinces.

No..38.—1889.] . THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 107

Any further condescension on our part would only lead

that vain people to treat our friendly overtures with contempt,

and it would be preferable to make them believe that we felt

quite indifferent, as to whether the King made peace or not.

We must, however, continue to treat them with civility, but

peremptorily refuse any unreasonable demand on their part,

whether proposed in an indirect way or by menaces; while

some soldiers should be sent from Madure and Tansjour for

the protection of the cinnamon bushes and peelers under the

pretext of the war declared in the Fatherland. We would not

be caught asleep, but would keep strict watch upon those

belonging to high families, who were treacherously inclined.

In the following year, 1689, Governor Pyl received another

offensive ola from the Chiefs, reproaching the Company for

their importunity for peace, insisting upon the opening of

the ports, and the free exercise of religion, as well asthe giving

back of all their people and lands, leaving to the Company

only the strongholds on the seashores.

All these endeavours of the Chiefs pointed only to one

conclusion, namely, that they considered the Company asa

mere vassal and subject, treacherously endeavouring to

hoodwink it; nevertheless repeating their statement that they

wished to keep all Europeans who were the Company’s

enemies away from the Island; it did not therefore follow

that they would keep out Europeans who were the friends

of the Company.

The Company replied to that letter that it was their inten-

tion never to give up the lands in their possession, that

there was no prospect of peace according to article 10, unless

all Europeans were excluded, whether friends or foes; and

that the opening of the ports of Calpetty and Coetjaar would

cause a great loss to the Company unless His Majesty could

offer an equivalent.

Meanwhile the lowlanders who had left some time ago for

the mountains returned of their own accord, having been

deceived, and having found out that the Singalese were not

so ready to assist them.

108 0— ai JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). . ~=—«[ Vou. XI.

Governor Pyl also ascertained that his own native servants

were traitors, particularly the Basnaike of Colombo, who

gave every information to the Court and was in secret.

conspiracy with the Gannebandaar and the courtiers.

For reasons of State this conduct on the part of the native

servants was passed over, but it was considered highly

necessary to dismiss the Basnaike, and to replace him either

by a Netherlander, a Mixtis, or a Toepas, provided he had a

knowledge of the language, thereby following the policy of

the wise Portuguese, Count Linhares, of filling the native

offices by Europeans.

It was quite evident to the Governor, that the Singalese, as

a brutal and self-satisfied people, considered it would tarnish

_ the glory of their King and be beneath their dignity should

they follow the dictates of reason and justice ; therefore any

concession on the part of the Company only made them

more conceited and unbearable: he could obtain far better

terms by showing a bold front, and agreeing with his

Council that no lands actually in our possession should be

surrendered on any account ; but on the contrary, it should be

negotiated to leave us the Pittigal Corle from the river of

Waluwe to that of Chilauw and the maritime lands, and

consequently the cinnamon, to the exclusion of other

Europeans, even if the opening of the ports had to be conceded.

According to His Honour the Commissary’s opinion the

Company’s right to these lands was based upon their

conquest from the Portuguese. It was also worthy of

consideration that the Candian King was not sovereign of

the lowlands, nor could he be so, as shown by the testa-

mentary disposition of the King Don Joan Perie Pandaar of |

the year 1580 (who styled himself King of Ceilon by the

Grace of God), whereby he transferred the whole kingdom

of Ceilon to the King of Portugal; which right the

Portuguese have always maintained, and have addressed the

Kings of this country as King of Candia, but not of Ceilon:

this is made manifest by a certain contract, made in

1633 between the King of Candia and the Portuguese, thus

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 109

demonstrating that the Company’s right cannot be disputed,

by virtue of their conquest of the Portuguese.

Everything remained in the same state in the following

year, 1689, without any prospect of coming to an arrangement

with the King of Candia. However, a rumour was spread that

great preparations for war were being made at Candia for

the purpose of expelling the Company from the Island

altogether. It was also stated that the French Ambassador

at the Court incited the Chiefs against us, and tried to induce

them to despatch another vessel with arecanuts under the

King’s flag. A short time previous a vessel laden with 200

ammunams of arecanuts, and bound for the coast, was

-allowed a passport at Calpetty, and the Governor of Corman-

del was instructed to afford every facility and assistance

required. This was done so as to prevent the enemies of the

Company at Court from increasing His Majesty’s ill-will

towards us.

But tidings arrived soon afterwards from the Company’s

-officers at Calpetiy, that a vessel larger than the former, flying

three white flags charged with three red lions, and loaded

with arecanuts, was about to leave Putulang for the coast.

Orders were given to the officers not to allow any vessel to

pass without the Company’s passports, and should the afore-

-gaid vessel from Putulang attempt to pass Calpetty without

-ealling there, they were to detain it in the canal with sloops

-and thonys.

This was done, and in the following year, 1690, the real

-owner of the vessel was discovered, as the Calpetty officers

wrote to Colombo to the effect that some Singalese, sent to

‘them by the Putulang Chiefs, requested them to let the

vessel with arecanuts, whose destination was Tutucoryn,

pass free. They were ordered not to comply with that

request, but to adhere strictly to the rules laid down.

Not long after a vessel arrived at Calpetty from the coast,

bringing some curiosities for the King from the coast;

but on being searched was found to contain a large

quantity of clothing, coast cloth, &c., for private persons.

110 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL, XI.

The vessel was allowed to depart after the private property

had been taken out.

The customary yearly present to the King was meanwhile

continued, our reward being the gathering of the cinnamon ;

but the Singalese made no further progress with the contract,

but kept fooling the Company and driving it to great expense.

The courtiers represented that it was His Majesty’s wish

that Governor Pyl (who asked to be relieved) should con-

tinue in his office, otherwise he would not be inclined to

make peace ; but if he consented to remain, some Ambassadors

should be sent to negotiate a treaty.

No attention was paid to this request, as it was only

considered as a trick of this treacherous people to find out

what our reply would be.

The Governor, however, consented to remain so as not to.

place any difficulties in the way of the important matter of the

treaty of peace ; but this was of no effect, as the courtiers had

sufficient influence with the young King to delay it by various

excuses, and to keep the Company waiting the whole year.

All that could be obtained in the following year, 1691, was

free permission to gather the cinnamon in the King’s

lands, although His Honour Commissary van Rheede

expressed his opinion that it would have been preferable to

have looked for it outside the Singalese territory, thus.

making them conscious that we could do without them : we

had now put them under lasting obligations to us, but

obtained nothing more than a mere license.

The present to the King also remained as before on the

road, as if to show the great honour vouchsafed to the

Company by its acceptance by the King, and also to show

their contempt for the Company.

Meanwhile some lowlanders and lascoreens having fled

to the mountains, were sent back by the King.

This was considered as a trick of the Singalese, to see

whether the Netherlanders would do anything more than

return their thanks, and whether they, through gratitude for

such conduct, would cease from making fresh requests ; when.

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 111

they would again have more opportunities for showing their

importance and ridiculing the credulity of the Hollanders.

Their disposition showed itself at the same time in the King’s

pretended displeasure that no Netherlander had accompanied

the present.

Governor Lourens Pyl wasat last relieved and returned to

Batavia. He was on January 28, 1692, succeeded by the

Extraordinary Councillor of Netherlands-India, Heer Thomas

van Rhee, Governor Pyl having first apprised the Candian

Court of his departure for Batavia.

During the five succeeding years, undertherule of Governor

van Rhee, he had the satisfaction of seeing the lands remain

quiet, the King continue in good humour, and the cinnamon

gathered in peace. Only in the year 1696, the greater part

of the Chalias having fled to the King’s lands, the courtiers

gave information to the Governor of their own accord :

adding that these people had said that they had run away in

consequence of the harsh treatment of the overseer of the

cinnamon, but that nevertheless, in consideration of the

harmony existing between the Court and the Company,

these Chalias would be sent back.

This being shortly afterwards done, the men had the

effrontery to present themselves before the Governor and

request, under various frivolous pretences, not to be again

sent into the woods : whereupon the Governor had ten of the

principal mutineers put in chains.

Heer Paulus de Roo was in the meantime elected Governor

and Director in 1695, but died the same year, while still

Commissary of Souratte.

Governor van Rhee thus continued to rule until February

22, 1697, when he was replaced by Heer Gerrit de Heere.

The change of Governors made no change in the harmoni-

ous relations between the Court and the Company, This

was further proved by the unsolicited surrender, by orders of

His Majesty, of some lascoreens who had fled to the King’s

lands. Five of the ringleaders were put in chains, and the

remainder of the rabble driven away.

112 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XT.

The Chalias gathered the cinnamon further in the King's

territory than had ever been allowed, even as far as the foot

of Balane hill close to Candia. But the year was not allowed

to come to an end without the courtiers again giving proof

of their unfriendly and deceitful subterfuges, by writing two

very disrespectful olas to the Governor asking for the draft

treaty ; remarking concerning it that it was of noimportance, as

the treaty of peace would only be concluded at His Majesty’s

pleasure. A severe reply was sent that we would not part with

the draft, so that the Chiefs might understand beforehand that

we did not desire to be treated as subjects, but must be con-

sidered as allies.

In the following year, 1700, a false report was spread by

some evil disposed persons, that the Company intended to

commence war against the King.

This made a great sensation at the Court and in the moun-

tains, and caused the retention of acertain Modliaar, 3 Appee-

hamies, and a European soldier, who had been sent with

a present of four horses to His Majesty: finding this

report was without foundation, they were released a year

after with many protestations of His Majesty’s friendship.

Some escaped mutineers from the Happitigam Corle were at

the same time returned by the King, but pardon was asked

for them for this time.

In the year 1701 the King also delivered up at the Com-

pany’s request 123 Chalias, with their six ringleaders, who

had escaped at different times.

It gave general surprise that during the month of August

of the same year there was no further supply of arecanuts,

poultry, &c., from the King’s country, neither was there any

demand at Colombo for salt, cotton goods, &c., for the moun-

tains. The report was circulated that it was the King’s order

for them to go and trade at Putulang, as that port belonged’

to His Majesty. This report was strengthened shortly

afterwards, when a pointed stake was erected at each gravet,

by which every one transgressing these commands was to be

impaled alive. |

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 113

- Some merchants from Colombo having gone to Sitavaca

and purchased 500 or 600 amunams of arecanuts for their

town, were not only prevented from transporting them, but

were not allowed even to pass the gravets.

Notwithstanding that some presents were sent to the Court

by an Ambassador, the gravets remained closed, thereby

producing a great scarcity of provisions and reducing the

value of the Company’s areca and salt trade.

Although the mountaineers came to the Company’s lands in

June, 1702, they brought nothing for sale ; thereby revealing

that the object of the courtiers was to draw the whole of the

trade in arecanut and cotton goods to Putulang and Coetjaar.

The Ambassador who had gone to Candia the previous year

still remained there.

In August of the same year a Modliaar in command of —

eleven files of lascoreens in the District of Mature went

over to Candia taking his family with him; and four of the

King’s chiefs, with about 300 lascoreens, many of whom

were armed, came within two hours’ distance of Mature,

in the Company’s lands, in order to escort him safely to the

mountains. There was little doubt of the connivance of the

King and his officials,

Our Ambassador at last returned from Candia, relating the

civil treatment he had continually experienced while there.

The courtiers at the same time sent an ola in His Majesty’s

name to Colombo, containing many expressions of friendship;

and everything had the outward appearance of our being on

friendly terms with the Court.

On November 26, Governor Gerrit de Heere died, and

the Political Council assumed the Government.

In the following month of December the Court Adigaar and

four other chiefs arrived expressly from Candia, their specirl

mission being to offer His Majesty’s condolence to the

Council on the death of Governor Gerrit de Heere.

At the commencement of the following year, 1703, the

gravets were again opened, and the mountaineers brought

a fair quantity of provisions for sale; but Putulang still

86—90 I

114 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XT.

remained the chief place for the trade in arecanuts, and not

the least change could be perceived in this particular.

On the 11th May Heer Johannes Simons arrived as.

Governor at Colombo, and took thereins of Government from

the Political Council.

On August 11 of the same year it was resolved to bring

into operation the orders given by their Excellencies at

Batavia regarding the free navigation of some of the ports..

For which purpose these instructions were sent to Cormandel

and Mallabaar, with orders that no passport should be granted

except to Colombo, Gale, and Jaffanapatnam: the adminis-

trator on the Madure coast also made similar orders.

This was communicated by letter to His Majesty’s courtiers.

in the most becoming and inoffensive way ; pretending that

this had not been done to cause the King any displeasure,

but was considered highly necessary as their High Mightinesses

the States-General of the Netherlands, being at war with the

King of France, the French might attempt to surprise the

ports.

From the reply to this ola it appeared that the Court

did not attach much importance to the closing of the ports ;

for in the following year, 1704, the Court also remained

quiet and did not show the least displeasure.

At the end of the year an Ambassador was sent from

Colombo to Candia to inform His Majesty that a new Governor-.

Genera] of India had been elected in Holland.

Meanwhile the arecanut trade was not yet restored to the

Company, not one amunam having arrived from the moun-

tains at Calpetty, which had until now been the chief place

for that trade.

In the following year, 1705, the Ambassador of the past year

returned from the Court, and reported that the Court felt

quite indifferent to the closing of the ports, if they could only

get the same price for the arecanuts—three rixdollars per

amunam,—as was paid at Colombo: thus the friendly rela-

tions with the Court continued during this and the following

year, 1706.

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 115

The only thing of importance during that period was the

departure of some chiefs to the Court of Madure to fetch one

of the Princesses of the so-called “Sun race” as a bride for

the King ; for whose conveyance the Company was requested

to place a vessel at His Majesty’s disposal. This was furnished;

as also a similar one to convey two Ambassadors to that Court

to arrange the betrothal between that Princess and His

Majesty.

In August of the same year three Ambassadors arrived at

Colombo on behalf of the King, announcing the illness of

His Majesty and the election of a Crown Prince. Before the

end of the month another Ambassador arrived, announcing

His Majesty’s death.

Thereupon an Ambassador was sent to the Court with

some valuable presents: his mission was to offer the

Company’s condolence upon the death of the late King,

and their congratulations to his successor.

The Ambassador upon his return reported the very flatier-

ing reception he had met with from the new King.

On November 8 following it was definitely decided to

execute the orders issued by their Excellencies in 1703

concerning the closing of the ports. The measures taken

in 1704 and 1705 having cleared the way, in order to carry

them out more effectually regulations were drawn up and

confirmed by the Council of Ceilon on the same date.

In the same month (November) the Governor Cornelis

Joannes Simons transferred the Government to Heer Hendrik

Bekker, Extraordinary Councillor of Netherlands-India, and

everything remained in a peaceable state. The Company

anticipated much good from the new King.

At the commencement of the following year, 1708, some

courtiers came to Colombo with tidings that some of the

courtiers had conspired against the life of the new King,

but that their plans had not succeeded, and that the guilty

had been discovered and put to death.

In July His Majesty sent information to the Governor

and the Council of the day on which he intended to

116 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

assume his imperial title and be publicly crowned in the

capital.

An important embassy was therefore dispatched to con-

gratulate the King on behalf of the Company.

This peaceful state of affairs continued in the years 1709,

1710, and 1711, and there was every reason to feel perfectly

satisfied with the friendly behaviour of the young King;

while the respective Ambassadors exchanged expressions and

assurances of friendship and good feeling.

But in the following year, 1712, the courtiers recommenced

their underhand practices to effect the opening of the ports.

The Governor, however, watched their proceedings closely,

and ascertained the fact that the Dessawe and Modliaar of the

Gate were the instigators.

The Governor at the same time intercepted an ola written

by some of the principal inhabitants of Cormandel,

and directed to the chiefs of the cinnamon peelers, proving

that these people of the coast tried to incite these chiefs to

nefarious practices highly detrimental to the most important

profit and interest of the Company.

To prevent this or any further attempts, all the faithless

servants in any way connected with this perfidy were

immediately dismissed : thus everything was restored to its

former state,and the following year, 1713, passed off quietly.

Atthe commencement of the year 1714 an Ambassador was

sent to the Court with the yearly presents, and met with a

friendly reception, but he behaved himself in an unseemly

manner, giving great offence to the Court. This caused great

consternation at Colombo, the more so as, to our surprise, he

and his suite were neither punished nor interfered with in

Candia. 'To counteract the effect of his unbecoming conduct,

an ola was sent to the Court with our apologies and a promise

to punish him severely.

The Court having accepted our apology, the foes year,

1715, also ended peacefully.

But in 1716 the gravets were again closed, without our

being aware of any reason for it. This, however, did not

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 117

prevent us from sending to His Majesty an Ambassador with

costly presents, who was received with great cordiality.

His Majesty professed ignorance of the closing of the

eravets, but promised that they should be opened again, and

the arecanuts and provisions be carried down to Colombo as

usual.

At the end of the year 1716 Governor Hendrik Bekker

was relieved of the administration by Heer Isaac Augustin

Rumpf, Councillor Extraordinary of Netherlands-India.

Although the gravets remained closed during the next year,

1717, the Candians brought provisions, but no arecanuts.

In 1718 the King desired that free navigation should be

granted at Putulang.

In 1719 the gravets were once more opened, and free per-

mission given to his subjects to travel to and fro between the

mountains and the lowlands.

In 1720 some chiefs arrived at Colombo from Candia,

strongly urging on the part of the King the opening of the

portof Putulang. During the conference they were given to

understand that Calpetty was the Company’s seaport, whilst

Putulang was the King’s inner port (the former was separated

by a lake); and strict orders were given by the authorities

at home not to open either that or any other of the Com-

pany’s ports, it being contrary to all rules of the State.

In the following year, 1721, the Governor was informed by

the officers at Calpetty that the Moors of Kilkare were look-

ing for a trading place somewhere between Koedre Male and

Moddergamme, thinking by that means to be enabled to

introduce cotton goods free into the King’s dominions ; also

that they had detained the Company’s letters, and threatened

to impale alive the Kangaan at Palangande, should he or

his people aid in transporting any more of the Company’s

letters. Whereupon these servants at Calpetty were ordered

to despatch another Kangaan and a corporal with six

or more good soldiers well armed, to Palangande ; and at the

Same time to send at least sixteen men (amongst them some

well acquainted with the country and perfectly trustworthy),

118 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). rVoL. XI.

under the command of one of the best sergeants and two

corporals, to Moddergamme, in order not only to unite

with the lascoreen post stationed there, and thus prevent

further interference with the Company’s letters, but to find

out also what were the further intentions of the Moors or

Wannias.

It was also decided to have a sloop cruising near Modder-

gamme, to reinforce Arripo with six men and a corporal,

and to send a lieutenant with thirty-four grenadiers to

Calpetty. These combined measures put an end to any further

interference.

In the year 1722 nothing of consequence happened except

that the Candians sent some boats to the banks of Chilaw

to dive for pearl oysters. This was prevented by a sloop

cruising in the vicinity.

In the following year, 1723, some courtiers with a large

retinue arrived at Maanboel Corle, and as they created a

great disturbance a company of soldiers was stationed at

Moddergamme to observe their movements and to prevent

any rebellion. This precaution had such a good effect that

they at once retired to Putulang, having only advanced as far

as Jagerboom to view a certain pagoda without attempting

anything else.

The Court remained neutral on the occasion of a mutiny

that arose among the cinnamon-peelers against the native

chiefs in that year.

At the end of the year Heer Isaac Augustin Rumpf died.

The administration then fell into the hands of the Comman-

deur of Galle, Arnold Mol, and the Political Council of

Colombo, until January 12, 1724, when Heer Johannes Herten-

berg became Governor until his death. This took place on

October 19, 1725, and the Commandeur of Galle, Heer Jan

Paul Schagen, and the Political Council of Colombo, provi-

sionally exercised authority until September 16, 1726,

when ‘Heer Petrus Vuyst undertook the administration till

August 27,1729, and then transferred it to Heer Stephanus

Versluys.

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 119

During all these years nothing of moment occurred at the

‘Candian Court, until at the end of the year 1729 our

Ambassador was sent on a mission to the King.

On his arrival not only was he treated with scant courtesy,

but he was only admitted once to audience by the King,

while the Candians between Trinconomale and Batticaloa

detained the Company’s letters, drove away the lascoreens,

and finally prevented the purchase of paddy. Complaint of

all this being made by ola to the Court Adigar, he denied the

detention of the letters, and ascribed the short supply of

paddy to the exceptionally dry weather experienced in the

last few years, adding,that there would be no more scarcity,

as the crops looked very promising.

The following years, 1730 and 1731, were again passed in

peace, and the Court was in a most friendly mood.

On August 25, 1732, Heer Stephanus Versluys departed to

Bataviaand surrendered the Governmentto the Jaffanapatnam

Commandeur Gualterus Woutersz, and the Political Council

‘of Colombo, who carried it on until the arrival as Commis-

sioner of Ceilon of His Honour Heer Jacob Christiaan Pielat,

Councillor Extraordinary of the Netherlands-India, on

December 2 of the same year. |

Before the end of December the gravets were again closed,

and all communication with and descent of the Singalese

into the Company’s land prevented. Some of the rebels at the

three passes of Mabol, Pasbetaal, and Naklegam went to the

length of erecting stakes, covered with leaves and cloth, to

‘denote that the roads and passes were closed. The stakes

were pulled down and thrown away, and the bystanders

informed that it was an insult to the Company, but that

we did not believe that these insults had been perpetrated

with the knowledge of the Court.

Atthe commencement of the year 1733 some courtiers came

down with an ola containing, besides many expressions of

goodwill,some complaints aboutthe great damage His Majesty

had suffered since the time of the closing of the ports, and that

the yearly presents to His Majesty had become of less value, &¢,

120. JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. XI.

‘That ola was replied to in the most courteous manner,

and a request made for the opening of the gravets.

The only reply to this was that the Appoehamies who had

taken the aforesaid ola to the Court related that the Court

Adigaar had declared that none of the gravets should be

opened until the port of Putulang was declared free.

To propitiate the Court, another ola was written offering

an apology, and stating that the opening of the Putulang port

could not be granted, but that we were willing to receive

His Majesty’s arecanuts at Calpetty, and to purchase them at

an advanced rate of half a rixdollar.

This offer was accepted by the Court, and the King’s areca-

nuts were accordingly purchased, but the gravets still

remained closed.

The Company was requested by the Court to send up some

handsome horses as a present. In the meantime the

inhabitants of the Hina Corle, who had rebelled, were

subdued by force of arms, after some difficulty.

On January 21, 1734, His Honour the Commissary Jacob

Christiaan Pielat left for Batavia, and gave up the Govern-

ment to Heer Dideric van Domburg.

In September of the same year two Candian Ambassadors

came down to the limits of Mature, bringing with them some

escaped lascoreen rebels from the Morrua Corle, for whom

they craved pardon.

This being quite an unusual proceeding, created great

suspicion, as all communications with the Company were

made to Colombo, and never to Mature, They also pretended

to have brought a letter from the King, which they were

requested to despatch, as also the persons for whom they

interceded, through the Governor of Mature, to Colombo ;

but if unwilling to do so, they could return andaddress

themselves as usual to Colombo.

The Mature officials were at the same time ordered not to

treat them with extraordinary ceremonies, or to fire any guns

in their honour, and to give them no presents, it not being

the custom at Mature.

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 121

This resolution having been communicated to the aforesaid

Ambassadors, they nevertheless insisted on being introduced

to the Dessawe of Mature in order to deliver the letter and the

rebels to him personally. But the former resolution was

persisted on, and the Dessawe of Mature sent them a message

in polite terms, to the effect that they might leave the ola

and the men with him, but that he could not grant them a

personal interview ; should they object to this, they were to

be told plainly that it was unusual to receive messengers at

Mature, and that they must return and address themselves in

the usual manner by way of Sitavaca to Colombo. A letter

was at the same time sent to the Court notifying the irregular

procedure attempted in the King’s name.

The Ambassadors then left Mature at once, but no answer

was received to the ola sent to the Court.

However, at the end of the year some Ambassadors arrived

at Colombo, who, without alluding at all to the foregoing

incident, said that the King had determined to open the

gravets again. As this was done at the commencement of

the following year, 1735, the Singalese offered a quantity of

arecanuts at the usual price.

Shortly afterwards a large number of peelers, who had

received their usual presents and pay, assembled at Kirimet-

jawe and in the Seven Corles in the King’s territory, erected

some huts and remained idle, under pretence of having

received much unjust treatment.

The Dessawe of Nigombo was delegated to summon

them before him to state their grievances. They, however,

paid no attention to this; but wrote an ola to the Dessawe

complaining of their Vidaan, and insisting on his removal,

after which they promised to return to the Company’s

service. They also sent a letter, bearing no signature, to

the Council, with a series of complaints about the heavy

charges and taxes to which they were subjected, amongst

them the performance of Doererobe and Hoekandiren

services, and complained against the Dessawe and his

Modliaar and Mohandiram.

122 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

The peelers of the Three Corles had meanwhile joined the

rebels of the Seven Corles. As the rebels had declared

their determination not to do any work unless ordered by

the Court, a letter wasimmediately despatched to the courtiers

informing them of the state of affairs, and requesting that

His Majesty would compel these unruly subjects to return

to their duties. :

In reply to this the courtiers stated that His Majesty having

had previous knowledge of this, had already twice ordered

them to return to their work, that they pretended to have

received such unjust treatment that they preferred to starve

rather than obey that order, but that His Majesty would

through affection for the Hollanders try once more to use his

influence with them.

The rebels, however, sent an ola signed by 214 marks to

the Modliaar of the Gate, saying that unless they were relieved

from the cinnamon money and three bundles by way of Doere-

robe and Hoekandiren services, and the superintendent and

his interpreter were dismissed, and further, that unless those

put in authority over them, including the lowest officer, were

chosen from the Bellale caste, the Company must not expect

any services from them.

In confirmation of this, they sent an ola to the Dessawe

with 70 signatures. Some time after news was received

that the rebels were making a costly robe for presentation

to the King, and intended at the same time to bring their

grievances once more under His Majesty’s notice. :

It was strongly suspected that their continued obstinacy was

due to encouragement by the King, or at least by his courtiers.

In order to bring these rebels to their senses, it was

determined to dismiss the superintendent for the time being,

and to put the interpreter in prison under close arrest,

although both those persons had for some years performed

their duties satisfactorily. They were replaced by men of the

Bellale caste, in order to see what effect this alteration might

produce.

A mandatory ola was also sent to the rebels in the Seven

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 123

Corles and in the Company’s lands insisting on their return, -

but great suprise was felt by the Chalias denying that they

had ever written the olas signed by marks; whilst these

presumptuous people returned the aforesaid mandatory

ola enclosed in another ola containing the above explanation.

Meanwhile the rebel peelers tried to induce others who were

still occupied in the woods of the Company’s territories to

join them. |

The peelers of Gale and Mature took up the same cry of

unjust treatment by some of the chiefs, and refused to work

any longer, so that we could not satisfy the demands from

the Fatherland and Batavia. But later on some gangs of

peelers came to the Governor soliciting the reinstatement of

their former superintendent and his interpreter, denying

that they had ever been maltreated by them. Their

request having been granted, they promised to make good at

the later harvest that which had been lost on the principal

one.

The inhabitants of Salpitty Corle now also commenced

to agitate, for which the chiefs could assign no apparent

cause : tidings also came of disturbances in the Raygam

Corle. The rebels of the Salpitty Corle threatened those

who remained faithful, that they would burn their houses

and destroy their gardens if they refused to join them.

In the Hewegam Corle the rebels commenced to rob the

peaceful inhabitants, plunder the wayfarers, make the

roads unsafe, and commit other depredations ; while an ola

without signature was received from them enumerating their

grievances, such as the burdens of the cinnamon service, ill-

treatment, school fines, the sale of their gardens for the half,

the conditions of the garden rents (Wattebadoe), and various

other things. Whereupon the Governor despatched the

Modliaar of the Attepattoe to them, to advise them to desist

from further disturbance, and lay their complaints either

before the Governor or the Dessawe. But the rebels, who

already numbered some thousands, replied that if they are

allowed to fell timber in the chenas, were freed from having

124 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

their calves seized and being obliged todeliver them up, and

upon condition of the abolition of school fines, the Watte-

baddoe, and the sale of their gardens for the half, they would

be ready and willing to resume their duties as even more

loyal subjects to the Company than hitherto.

To prevent the spread of the insurrection, it was therefore

decided to abolish the Wattebaddoe, and to send an ola

to that effect tothem by two Appoehamies, as well as to the

people of the Hina and Pasdum Corles, who had also begun

to revolt. They were seriously exhorted to appreciate the

favours granted to them, and to desist from further disorderly

conduct, to return to their villages, and to resume their

occupations peacefully : they also received a further promise

that their other grievances would be redressed after careful

investigation.

Notwithstanding these liberal concessions, the rebels would

not submit, but plainly declared to the Appoehamies that they

insisted upon their fulldemands. They further showed their

rebellious spirit by going in great numbers across the river

to the Pas Naklegam and the village Pellegore, where, after

plundering several gardens, they attacked the coffee planta-

tion “ Het Hof Altydzomer,” broke the fences, assaulted the

Company’s servants, drove away the cattle, and killed two

calves, took out the spirit from the stores, and emptied it upon

the ground, broke the vats, stole the iron work from them,

and finally carried away as prisoners the lascoreens stationed

there as guards.

A detachment of 28 soldiers under their officers was sent

after them. The plunderers then retreated further into

the hills about Malwane; where, being closely pursued,

about 100 of them armed with sticks and knives took upa

position upon a plain; and upon the soldiers attempting to

surround them, they defended themselves with sticks, forcing

the military to fire, when ten or eleven of them were killed.

Although this stopped the robberies and other crimes, they

still persevered in their obstinacy, and refused to return to

the Company’s service unless all their demands were satisfied.

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 125

After this some mountaineers came down on purpose to

make inquiries about the rebellion; and two olas were

received from the rebels, in which they not only repeated

their former requests, but also brought a series of charges,

and requested that the Head Administrator should be sent to

them to listen to their grievances and redress them, pro-

mising to remain peaceably and quietly in their villages in

the meantime, without however serving the Company.

In order to meet the demands of these stubborn people,

and to stop the rebellion from spreading, the Council in

Ceilon resolved on [August 26 of the same year that the

collection of the moneys on account of gardens sold should

be delayed owing to the poverty of the people, and that

no Wattebaddoe or garden rents should be again demanded.

That the fines should be collected once a year only.

That the calves, &c., required for the Governor should not

be taken against the will of the owner, and anyone taking

them by force should be punished as an example to others.

That they should also be allowed to cut chenas for their own

maintenance, provided they apply to the Dessawe, who would

grant such permission after due inspection.

That none but fit men should in future be put over them.

That they would have to perform their duties to the Com-

pany properly in future; the cinnamon-peelers would be

ordered to do them no harm and the lascoreens would be

properly cared for.

These favourable conclusions were proclaimed by a

mandatory ola to all the Corles, but the rebels remained

obstinate, with the exception of those of the Raygam, Pasdum,

Wallawite, Alutkoer, and Happitigam Corles and the outposts

of Caliture and Nigombo. But they were at last induced to

become quiet, and most of them returned to the Company’s

service, and the greatest number of those belonging to the

two posts aforesaid actually performed their services to the

Company.

The people of the Hina, Hewegam, and Salpitty Corles,

however, kept up the agitation and refused to return to their

126 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

duties. The Council resolved to be no longer importuned

by misleading and impertinent olas; they therefore ordered

that all missives of that nature should be burnt by the

hangman.

The Governor wrote to the Chiefs informing them of the

revolt of the Company’s subjects, and of their declaration not

to resume work without a special order from the King, and that

it had been apparent that since the arrival of some messengers

from the mountains, the inhabitants had absolutely refused

to be pacified or to render obedience, &c. Whereupon some

courtiers arrived with an ola from His Majesty to the

Governor stating that the King having made inquiries as to

the cause of the revolt, had been informed that it had been

occasioned by some Chiefs who had been guilty of many

malpractices.

It being now evident that the only chance of crushing the

revolt would be to use force, it was resolved to ask their

Excellencies at Batavia for the assistance of three hundred

capable Baly and Boeginese [soldiers] to curb the evil-

disposed people, and those malcontents who were still

gathered together on the King’s frontier.

In the following year, 1736, things went from bad to worse.

The inhabitants of the Corles, especially those of Hina and

Salpity, hardened themselves against the Company from the:

time they learnt that the Chalias in the villages of Bellitota,

Kosgodde,and Madampe had become dissatisfied and unruly,

even going the length of pompously issuing an ola to the

effect that the King of Candia had taken these Corles under

his own protection, and they were thereby absolved from

their engagements with the Company.

The revolt spread to Gale Corle and the Gangebadde and

Kandebadde Pattues: the Belligam Corles in the Mature

district revolted also, and the inhabitants committed many

depredations.

It was necessary that some efficient measures should be

taken, and the Dessawe with two officers of police, accom-

panied by a company of grenadiers under their officers, and

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 127

some trustworthy native servants, were sent to Hangwelle

to make a strict investigation and try to induce the inhabi-

tants by gentle measures to return to their duty, when

their complaints would be listened to and redressed ; but

should they reject our friendly overtures, they were to be

brought to subjection by force.

Some Commissioners, with a force of 50 soldiers under

their officers, were also sent to the villages of the Chalias

to curb the rebellion, and the necessary orders were

despatched to Gale to bring the disturbances in the Gale

and Mature districts to an end.

Upon the report that the rebels of the Hina Corle, to

the number of 400, armed with weapons, had with great

parade planted some stakes, and declared by ola as

well as by word of mouth that the people of the Hina,

Alutkoer, and Happitigam Corles were absolved from their

services to the Company, some Commissioners, under an

escort of 48 soldiers, were despatched to Calane, to pull the

stakes out of the ground and to throw them into the woods,

and to station themselves at Malwane and Attenegale, the

principal strongholds of the marauders, to show that the

Hina and other revolted Corles were not under the King’s

rule.

This decision being acted upon, the detachment of 82

men who had posted themselves at Attenegale were

surprised by a large number of Candians and Singalese, and

were driven away, leaving behind them two pieces of cannon

besides ammunition and baggage, and were obliged to retire

to Malwane.

This expedition was undertaken by the Dessawe of the Four

and Seven Corles, who came down with some thousands of men

to attack the small fort at Malwane, which was razed to the

eround, and the guardhouse of the lascoreensburnt. This was

the cause of a formal war with the Candian King and his

subjects.

It was considered advisable to send a letter with a small

present to the courtiers, to solicit their goodwill with His

128 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

Majesty and to pacify him with regard to the building of the

forts of Attenegale and Malwane, and to obtain an audience

for the Company’s Ambassador, and permission to him to

return, as his stay in Candia had been greatly prolonged.

Governor Dideric van Domburg having died in the mean-

time, the administration was carried on by Commandeur

of Gale, Jan Macaré, and the Political Council.

The Dessawe of Mature and the Council there reported that

the cause of the displeasure of the Candian Court was now

ascertained, namely, the non-admittance into the Mature

district and refusal of the usual ceremonies to two highlanders,

by order of the late Governor Heer van Domburg, these

messengers having been sent by the King with a letter

concerning the complaints of the people.

In consequence of the return of the messengers without

accomplishing anything, it resulted that His Majesty, having

received more complaints from the inhabitants of the Hina

Corle and the Chalias of Wellitotte and Kosgodde, is reported

to have said that it would be better to provide against

further complaints by guarding the shores.

It was also reported that two Singalese heathen priests

were roaming the country, stirring up the people, and en-

couraging them to further mutiny and resistance. One of

these priests had actually issued an ola to the inhabitants

in the King’s name containing the following :—

1. That the inhabitants of the Mature districts need not

obey, or render services to, the Hollanders.

2. That they must put their signatures to a declaration

acknowledging the King of Candia as their lawful sovereign.

d. <A serious caution was given to those who wish to side

with the Hollanders.

4. That they should collect provisions and hold themselves

in readiness.

The confederates also presented an ola, signed by them,

to the priests, and had done their best to force the rest of the

Aracchies, Kangaans, and Lascoreens, &c., who had refused

their signature, to sign it.

]

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 129

It was clearly apparent that the abandonment of the fort

of Malwane and the retreat of the Company’s forces to Colombo

had much emboldened the Candians, and they ventured

to come to the Pellegore garden, within an hour’s distance of

the Castle.

The Court, or rather the Dessawe of the Four and Seven

Corles, contended that the Hina Corle having been taken posses-

sion of on behalf of the King, the garden also belonged to

him as being a dependency of that Corle.

The inhabitants of the Happitigam and Alutkoer Corles

claimed to be under the King’s protection, and prevented the

publication of a proclamation of an amnesty: they also hin-

dered the people of Mallimande and the Baygam and Belligam

Corles and the Company’s servants in their occupations,

especially in the loading of rice in the boats, &c.

The troubles at last grew to such a height that it became

necessary to make an appeal to Batavia for the assistance of

troops, as the rebels were countenanced by the King’s people,

who lorded it completely in the Hina, Hapitigam, and

Alutkoer Corles.

Butupon the arrival at Colombo, on July 23 of the same year,

of Baron Gustaaf Willem van Imhoff, Councillor Extraordi-

naryiof Netherlands-India, and his assumption of the Govern-

ment, everything seemed to calm down and remain quiet.

He informed the courtiers of his arrival by letter, but

refrained from mentioning other matters, only requesting

the speedy return of the Company’s Ambassador.

He also issued a proclamation throughout the country

with great ceremony, announcing his arrival and advising the

people to abandon their rebellious and unruly practices, to

return peaceably to their villages, and resume their lawful

occupations. In order to satisfy their complaints, the farming

of the fisheries of Bamberen, Koddegodde, Tengale, Dikwelle,

| Nielwelle, Inmoedere, and Oekewelle, and the lakes of

_ Naklegam and Kannoekellie, was abolished, as well as the

_ farming of chewing-tobaccos. In consequence the peelers

| returned to their work.

86-90 uk

130 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. XI.

Tidings also came from Nigombo that permission to gather

[cinnamon ] in the King’s territory had reached the gravets.

Notwithstanding these favourable appearances, deceitful

conspiracies were still set on foot by the chief ministers at

Court, and their creatures continued to incite the people,

This caused the Governor to write to the King requesting

that the four chief conspirators should be given up to him, and

that satisfaction should be given for the conduct of the rebel

Alangakon, and for the damage caused to the Company by the

evacuation of Attenegale, and the carrying away of the

Koerwe Modliaar, and other abuses, asking at the same time

for permission to gather cinnamon and transport elephants.

No answer was received to that letter, but the Ambassadors

returned the following year, 1737, and reported that His

Imperial Majesty emphatically declared his ignorance of the

occurrences in the lowlands, and that neither the King nor his

courtiers were at all mixed up in them.

It was considered to be to the advantage of the Company to

proclaim this official declaration publicly, so as to warn the

people not to give any credence to the false tales circulated

by the rebels.

The inhabitants of the Hina, Happitigam, and Alutkoer

Corles, however, prevented the publication of the proclama-

tion, alleging that they first required an intimation from the

Court that those three Corles would be restored to the

Company. :

In order to quell this small remnant of the malcontents,

some troops were sent in to the Alutkoer Corle, with the result

that the chiefs of the rebels sought safety in the King’s

territory, and the rest remained quiet, the said chiefs

being outlawed.

At the end of the year everything assumed a quiet

appearance, the Court also showed a friendly disposition; and

in the following year, 1738, when an Ambassador was

despatched with a valuable present to Candia, he met witha

cordial reception, and was admitted to an audience, notwith-

standing the King’s illness.

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$96 < pt ee i

Oe ig te Se fa ee nee ee

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No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 131

But Governor van Imhoff did not put much faith in these

outwardly friendly appearances, He had thoroughly grasped

the principles of the Court, and the dangerous means

they were in the habit of taking to molest the Company in

their Ceilon possessions. He considered the late incident

of the closing of the ports in 1707 as being the third revolu-

tion of importance so far as regards the interests of the

Company, and from which its then decadence could be

inferred ; to it could be ascribed the behaviour of the

Candian Court during the rule of Governor van Domburg.

This might prove even more disastrous in the future,

as the Court, taking advantage of the discontent of the in-

habitants at the heavy taxes and extortion of the native chiefs,

and being thus ever inclined to revolt, was not only ready

to protect them, but also to incite a general insurrection,

and thus attain its own object. No matter how well the

natives of the lowlands were treated, the Court could

always find means to incite them to revolt, considering the

great reverence the people naturally felt for the Candian King

as their paramount lord, although they were at present sub-

jects of the Company. This feeling could easily be worked

upon by the courtierg or their subordinates in favour of the

King by diverting the people from their duty. Therefore

the displeasure of the Court was of the greatest inconvenience,

being the principal cause of all disturbances, the source of

the people’s disobedience, the wheel by which all the chiefs

of the Company’s Corles could be moved, the support of the

evil disposed, and the root of the ill condition of Ceilon,

which must be eradicated and doneaway with. The friendly

relations between the Court and the Company must therefore

be re-established if they expected to derive any benefit from

their presence in these Islands.

At the commencement of the year 1739 the courtiers com-

municated to the Governor and Council the death of the

King and the succession of another, without mentioning the

name or nationality of the new King.

It was decided that the Governor and Council should go

K 2

132 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VOL. XI.

into mourning during the time the messengers remained

in Colombo, according to the usual custom.

On the 12th of March, 1740, Governor Gustaaf Willem

Baron van Imhoff left for Batavia, being succeeded in the

administration by Governor Willem Maurits Bruyninck.

In that year the King and some of his evil-disposed

courtiers refused permission for the transport of cinnamon

to the Three Corles and the Saffregam Corle; and notwith-

standing repeated requests no answer was received to them.

The consequence of this was that it was resolved that the

ships returning [home] should leave without cinnamon.

In the following year, 1741, an Ambassador having been

sent to the Court as usual, he was received with apparent

civility, and expeditiously sent back with some small}

presents, but the chief purpose of his mission was a failure,

as in both audiences he was strictly forbidden to submit any

complaints.

Meanwhile two Candian Araachies and two Vidaans of some

villages, assisted by 100 inhabitants from the Four Corles,

came to Attenegale (it was presumed at the instigation

of their Dissawe) and destroyed all the materials collected

there for the repair of adam, and prohibited the people from

continuing the work without special permission from the

King.

Some people from the Three and Four Corles also came

down and plundered three houses in the village called

Gallepitty Mandeme, destroyed the roofs and raided the

gardens, and upon their departure robbed the Company’s

Vidaan at Awisawelle of all he possessed.

The inhabitants of Koerewitty Corle also, not satisfied

with appropriating to themselves some lands in the Com-

pany’s territories, compelled the poor natives to deliver up

the money of the taxes of Ande and Ottoe belonging to the

Company.

The Company’s Ambassador having violently protested

against this at Court, the courtiers replied that it was the

King’s command that the works at Attenegale should remain

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 133

as they were ; and that the violence committed at Gallepitty

Mandeme and Awisawelle was the fault of the Company’s

people, who were in the habit of clandestinely purchasing

precious stones, and committing other misdemeanours,

As some people of the Happitigam Corle had in the same

year received permission to erect a church and school in the

village of Moergampelle, the Dessawe of the Three and Four

Corles sent four Candians to the Koraal of that Province,

and to the Kangaan, for the express purpose of stopping

the building, saying that during the Company’s occupation

of that place there had never been a church there, and that

no church should be built now.

However unreasonable these interferences were, it was

considered advisable, for various reasons, to show that we did

not feel offended, and to suspend the works for the present.

In January of the year 1742 Governor Willem Maurits

Bruyninck left for Batavia, and was succeeded by Governor

Daniel Overbeek, Extraordinary Councillor of Netherlands-

India.

During that year the Court was very friendly, and nothing

of any consequence occurred. But Governor Overbeek received

an impertinent letter from the Dessawe of the Three and Four

Corles requesting that two documents—the one to the courtiers

at Arrakan and the other to Siam—should be sent to those

places by the Company’s own servants, and the answers

received be communicated to him.

In order to please the Court this demand was so far

complied with thatthe Dessawe wasinformed of the Company’s

inclination to forward the documents as far as Nagapattnam,

but that they could not send them to their final destination by

the Company’s servants.

On May 11,1743, Mr. Julius Valentijn Stein van Gollonesse,

Extraordinary Councillor of Netherlands-India, arrived at

Colombo, and took over the government from Mr. Daniel

Overbeek, who left for Batavia.

In July of the same year the Candians had the presump-

tion to again alter the frontier lines of the Hina Corle, and

134 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

to appropriate nine villages belonging to the Company by

putting up a stake and a piece of cloth bound to it.

Some native officers were sent to investigate the affair.

The messengers stated on their return that it was true that

the King’s people had taken possession of seven villages and a

large extent of the rice fields, to the extent altogether of 110:

amunams, as well as chenas and owittes, in the King’s name.

Whereupon the Governor and Council resolved, whilst waiting

for orders thereon from Batavia, to try and settle the matter

amicably by a letter to the Chiefs; but in case no satisfaction

was given, to wash their hands of any serious consequences

the refusal might involve. No immediate answer was.

obtained, but soon after an Ambassador arrived from Candia.

Remonstrances were made to him concerning the doings in

the Hina Corle, and the wish was expressed to have the matter

settled through his mediation.

The result was that these disturbances and unjust actions

were discontinued, but not without many disputes on the

part of the Candians. Meanwhile they continued their

anderhand work of smuggling, to the prejudice of the Company,

and th. Court took but slight notice of the many remon-

strances and complaints addressed to it.

In the beginning of the following year, 1744, when the

Company expostulated regarding the extensive smuggling

carried on by the Coast Moors between Calpetty and Nigombo,,

the chief Court Adigaar contemptuously replied that when

the Company opened the port of Putulang the smuggling

would cease of itself, as the King’s subjects were obliged to

find an outlet for the disposal of their goods to the greatest

advantage, and that the Company was continually complain-

ing of losses, but they would possibly suffer still more if

that port was not opened, as the smuggling was of much

benefit to the King.

The people of Putulang also felt aggrieved that the chief

at Calpetty had refused to allow the departure of fifteen boats

with arecanuts and other goods from that place to Kilkare.

A certain Naiker, calling himself the King’s father-in-law,.

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 135

also had the presumption to arrest at Wattekandel in the

King’s name the Jaffanapatnam master of the horse and a

Koraool with five horses, besides the Mantot Vidaan of the

elephants, with the tame animals he had with him.

All this was done for the purpose of compelling the

Governor and Council to allow the said Naiker to take his

vessel to the coast. The Company’s servants at Calpetty

were instructed to lodge a protest before the Chiefs at

Putulang against these actions, to patiently await the result,

but to cruise meanwhile all along the coast to prevent the

smugeling.

The Naiker had further the audacity to stop the Mature

superintendent of elephants (Gagenaik) with his beasts at

the river Wiletjeoje on his way to Wattekandel. This being

reported to Colombo, the officers at Calpetty were ordered to —

refuse the Naiker passage to the coast until he released the

elephants, &c.

Meanwhile two Appoehamies were sent with an ola to the

Court complaining of the detention of the elephants at

Wattekandel. Upon their return they reported that His

Majesty condemned that action, and had given orders for the

immediate release of the animals, but [considered] that the

Company had also committed a great fault in detaining the

Naiker, as the Court understood that the Company’s Ambassa-

dor had promised him a free passage without any hindrance.

Another ola was sent to the Chiefs, worded in the

strongest terms, requesting the exemplary punishment of all

those implicated in the detention of the elephants.

The Governor maintained that if we were satisfied with

mere restitution for such an insult, we might daily expect

fresh offence from this unreasonable Court.

The Candian Court seeing that we were putting down all

disturbances and preventing smuggling by cruising

everywhere, moved heaven and earth, as it were, to continue

it; but being unsuccessful, they pushed things to extremity,

as the Naiker threatened that if his two vessels were not

allowed to depart he would prevent the transmission of the

126 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

Company’s letters to and from Jaffnapatnam, as he had

already done with regard to provisions. Whereupon the

Company’s officers at Calpetty were directed to inform him

that he must leave within eight days for Manaar, permission

having been asked from the Court. But he would not listen

to reason, and continued his evil designs against the Company,

presuming to tell the messengers sent to him, that being

father-in-law to the King he would be a firebrand to the

Company so long as he remained there, and that he would

never allow any one to search his vessels, but would rather

burn the arecanuts. He also drove away the messengers,

the Kangaan and lascoreens who had the vegsels in charge,

and the washers.

As nothing could be done with this turbulent man, a com-

pany of soldiers was sent by sea to prevent him from molesting

the inhabitants: should he use force, they were to resist

him with force and search his vessels.

Meanwhile the King’s people had driven away the outposts

stationed to prevent the escape of the peelers, and broken

down the guardhouses, although they were erected upon the

Company’s grounds far away from the King’s territory, stating

that His Majesty would not allow any guardhouses to be erec-

ted on the roads. Although the Governor and Council tried

every means in their power, by sending presents, &c., to

obtain permission to gather cinnamon in the King’s country,

it was not obtained. Some of the fugitive peelers, however,

came back, and about 200 able men, mostly Jagereros,

offered to join in the work of peeling cinnamon, and were

at once sent to the woods.

At the same time a report came that the Naiker intended

to return to the Court instead of going to Cormandel, on

account of the death of the Queen of Kandy. As this.

removed the uncertainty the Company had been labouring

under with regard to his relationship to the King, it was

decided to conceal somewhat the displeasure reasonably

felt by the Company, and to let him choose his own time of

departure, to make him some presents, and to release his two

a a

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 137

boats laden with arecanuts, trusting by these concessions to

obtain, through his influence, the repeal of the King’s

commands against the gathering of cinnamon in his lands.

The Chalias once more became unruly, on account of five

scoundrels having been deservedly punished for disobedience

by the Mahavidaan, and the discontent roseto such a height

that it became necessary to despatch three companies of

European soldiers, besides ten of lascoreens, to the villages

Kosgodde, Wellitotte, and Madampe to subdue them: this

brought them back to their duty.

In the following year, 1745, also the Court showed signs of

renewed discontent by retarding the progress of our Ambas-

sador and delaying him two months on his way to Candia.

The Dessawe of the Three and Four Corles made many

unreasonable demands, and finally sent 400 men to destroy

the houses and plantations of the inhabitants of the villages

of the Hina Corle, pretending to the Governor the whole

time that after much trouble and many presents he had

persuaded the Court to remain in sincere friendship with

the Company, and that he was coming down with a consider-

able retinue, by His Majesty’s permission, to arrange for the

gathering of cinnamon and the transport of elephants, and

to arrange all differences. He also requested that a vessel

might be got ready to convey to Pegu some courtiers who

were coming with him, to fetch thencesome priests of Boedoe.

The aforesaid Dessawe and other courtiers came soon after

to Colombo bearing an ola, which, however, contained

nothing but a request for suitable vessels to convey some

messengers to Pegu.

As this was not granted by the Governor and Council, the

Court, out of revenge, redoubled their aggressions in the year

1746, and seemed to use great endeavours to obtain priests

of Boedoe with the help of the Company, robbed the people

who came from the Mature Dessavony and Gale Corle to

purchase, as usual, cardamoms from the King’s lands, of their

money and cloths.

The courtiers also laid claimto seven villages in the Hina

138 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

Corle, besides the nine already mentioned, and the King’s

Wanias at Mannaar robbed the Company’s subjects and com-

pelled them to leave its service.

The Governor and Council resolved again to send a friendly

but firm letter to the Court, requesting immediate redress,

and stating that should their reasonable demands not be

complied with, they would repel force by force without

further words.

Although no proper satisfaction was given the depredations

ceased, and the Company’s Ambassador returned with the

King’s permission to gather cinnamon on his lands as

formerly, and to transport elephants by the usual route to

Jaffanapatnam.

In the following year, 1747, some Ambassadors came from

Candia to Colombo requesting that certain chiefs might be:

conveyed to Batavia and from thence to Siam, to fetch the

aforesaid priests.

The granting of this request put the Court in the best

possible humour, so much so that the King presented the

Governor with a pike embossed with silver, a ring with six

sapphires, and a knife inlaid with gold and a silver scabbard

of the value of 100 rixdollars, and it seemed that the Court

occupied itself with nothing but in counting the ‘time when

the aforesaid priests might be expected to arrive from Siam.

In January, 1748, the reigning King of Candia died,

having nominated as his successor the eldest brother of his

last consort, who ascended the throne, although Mee fourteen

years of age.

Meanwhile the inland chiefs refused to pay the rents of

their lands, and commenced to agitate; but that movement

was nipped in the bud by short and sharp measures.

During the following year, 1749, the Court continued well

disposed, and our Ambassador met with a very friendly

reception.

But some time afterwards the courtiers made a demand for

some large-sized pearls and three mares.

This demand the Company was unable to comply with, and

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 139

as after this many of the cinnamon peelers escaped to the

King’s country, our frequent requests to have them delivered

into our hands were not complied with, it appearing as if

they sought by this means to obtain the pearls they desired.

At the commencement of 1750 some Candian Ambassa-

dors arrived at Colombo with the following protestations :—

1. That certain elephants lately captured near Nigombo,

and belonging to them, were not delivered to them.

2. That threats were used in a letter from the Governor

to the courtiers that unless the peelers were given up their

Excellencies at Batavia might not interest themselves further

with regard to sending the Siamese priests.

3. That no previous Governor had had the temerity to

address the great Court in such terms.

4, That the Court had been informed that it was intended

to open a pearl fishery between Chilauw and Caymelle ;

whereupon the courtiers had replied, that His Majesty was

going to send some boats and people thither, but that enter-

prise as yet remained in abeyance.

To this the following replies were made :—

1. That although the claims of the Court with regard to

these elephants were quite without precedent and founda-

tion, still the Company’s elephant-keeper (Koerwerale) had

two months ago been instructed to deliver them up, but no

one had made a demand for them, and their detention was

not the fault of the Company.

2. That their Excellencies had sufficiently proved their

goodwill to His Majesty by the pains they had taken and

the expenses they had incurred in conveying the priests, as

they had ordered the Governor to despatch His Majesty’s

Ambassadors in a good ship by way of Malacca to Siam

for that purpose.

3. That previous Governors had never perhaps ex-

perienced similar unreasonable treatment from the Court to

that the present Governor had met with.

4, That the reefs between Chilauw and Caymelle had been

surveyed, but that no pearl oysters were discovered.

140 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XI.

The Candian Court now became more and more unreason-

able, and tried under various pretences to pick a quarrel.

The cause of this was apparently the question of the pearl

fishery. ,

This became clearer, when on our Ambassador’s arrival at

the Court, two Mohandirams came to him and informed

him in the King’s name that His Majesty intended to have

the reefs of Chilauw and Caymelle surveyed.

This project was actually carried out : two principal chiefs

came down with a number of armed men and twenty-one

boats,and were diving at Chilauw for two or three days, but not

finding a single oyster they departed greatly disappointed.

Shortly after this the Dessawe of the Three and Four Corles

informed the Governor by ola that His Majesty had thought

fit to send down with him a sick chief priest, who wished

to put himself under the treatment of the Dutch doctors at

Colombo. The said chief priest shortly after came down

quite unexpectedly through the Hina Corle, accompanied

by 382 inferior priests and a considerable escort of

lascoreens, standard bearers, and drummers, with music and

flags, and took up his abode with the Ambassadors present

at that time at Colombo. He requested that suitable

accommodation might be provided for him and his retinue

at Calanie, as he had chosen that place for his residence.

This request was, however, refused, under the pretence that

the inhabitants of that place might perhaps treat this priest

with disrespect. He was given instead a convenient

residence on the road to the Pas, as we apprehended diffi-

culties in getting him away when once settled at Calanie ; for

at that place there was a heathen Pagoda, and the Holland

doctors had given their unanimous opinion that the chief

priest was in perfect health, and was only simulating illness.

The Chiefs continued their unfavourable attitude towards

the Company, with the exception of the Dessawe of the

Three and Four Corles, who in a very civil letter to the

Governor promised to assist in amicably settling the differ-

ences with the Court ; in consequence of which a favourable

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 141

turn took place, and the Court seemed most friendly disposed

during the close of the aforesaid year and the following,

1751.

Governor Julius Vallentijn Stein van Gollenesse being

promoted to Batavia as Director-General of Netherlands-

India, departed on March 6 of the same year, and was

succeeded in the Government by the Councillor Extra-

ordinary of Netherlands-India Gerard Joan Vreelant.

Hverything remained in a perfectly satisfactory state

during that and the following year, 1752; but in the month

of February of the latter Governor Vreelant died. The

administration was then carried on by the Jaffanapatnam

Commandeur Jacob de Jong and the Political Council, until

the arrival at Colombo, on September 10, of the Councillor

Extraordinary of Netherlands: India, Joan Gideon Loten, who

then assumed the Government.

In the following year, 1753, the Candians showed some

displeasure. They protested that the survey of the pearl banks

of Chilauw and Caymelle had been extended too far into the

King’s dominions. To this the Company replied that the

precedent of former years had only been followed ; but that

no fishing should take place without permission from His

Majesty.

The Dessawe of the Three and Four Corles came down as

Ambassador from the Candian court in December, and tried

his utmost to gain for His Majesty participation in the

elephant trade.

He was informed by Governor Loten that this had been

submitted to Batavia, but that no reply had as yet been

received. This seemed not to satisfy the Ambassador, who

kept on urging the point. He was then told it would imme-

diately be referred again to Batavia; this apparently satisfied

him somewhat.

The Governor wrote at once to their Excellencies at

Batavia on the subject, and asked the Dessawe of the Three

and Four Corles to solicit His Majesty’s patience until a

reply was received.

142 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. XI.

Tidings came in the year 1754 that some Candians had

been put to death by order of His Majesty, and that some

chiefs and their suites had come down to the village of

Helele on the frontier for the purpose of execution.

The Company’s officers at Galeand Mature were directed to

get some information secretly about this incident, They did

so later : it was stated that four Candians, having with them

a peeler who had conducted them to Mature, appeared before

the Dessawe to claim some of His Majesty’s people who had

escaped to the Company’s lands, and to deal with other

matters,

The aforesaid officers were told that these men, who,

without doubt, fled to the Company’s territory to save their

lives, could not be handed over on the bare statement of four

Candians, but that this would readily be done after further

investigation by the highest chiefs. The officers were then

told to punish the peeler who had shown the way, according

to his deserts ; whereupon nothing further took place.

At the commencement of 1755 Captain Castelijn, who

had gone up as Ambassador to the Court, was asked

by the Dessawe of the Three and Four Corles whether no

answer had as yet been received concerning participation in

the elephant trade, He seemed to doubt whether the

Governor had referred the matter to Batavia, and tried to

convince the Ambassador of the reasonableness of the request,

stating that the Company would reap greater benefit if

they assented to His Majesty’s proposals; the Ambassador

was later admitted to an audience at the Court,

The Dessawe of the Three and Four Corles wrote an ola

a short time afterwards to the Maha Modliaar of the

Governor’s Gate, that the Interpreter and Mohotiaar Leander

de Saram, who had accompanied the Ambassador to Candia

as interpreter, had been presented witha gold chain and the

title of Moediance bestowed on him on account of his being

held to be an honourable man by them.

He was soon after appointed Maha Modliaar of the

Governor’s Gate, and furnished with some secret instructions

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 143

to impartto the Dessawe of the Three and Four Corles ; also

to tell him that an answer had lately been received from

Batavia concerning the proposal of the Candian Court with

regard to the elephant trade, to the effect that their Excel-

lencies felt themselves (for various important reasons, fully

set out in the letter of instructions) compelled to refuse the

application.

But the aforesaid Maha Modliaar wrote later on that

having had no opportunity of conferring with the Dessawe

of the Three and Four Corles on the subject, he had

employed the royal letter-carrier and Koraal of Hewagam

‘Corle, Don Louis Rasnaike, to communicate to the Dessawe

the contents of the letter of instructions, but that the Dessawe

still insisted on the fulfilment of his desires.

Although their Excellencies had indicated in their letter

the means by which the elephants could be transported at

moderate expense by native vessels, without being obliged

to ask permission from the Court for a free passage or expose

ourselves to a refusal, it was not considered advisable to

make use of that suggestion at present as the Court was

friendly, and the innovation might disturb the present peace-

ful state of affairs.

In the month of May of the aforesaid year, the Tamble-

gammers, close to Trinconomale, committed all sorts of depre-

dations, but on complaint thereof to the Court they were

put a stop to. The cinnamon-peelers and chiefs of the

Mahabadde jointly complained against the Vidaans of An-

ganmonne and Caltura; but on a careful investigation their

complaints were found to be groundless. The aforesaid.

chiefs were therefore severely reprimanded, and ordered

never again to make such unreasonable complaints.

In October of the same year the Lieutenant-Dessawe

Keller received a letter of complaint written by a number

of the inhabitants of the Hina Corle, containing amongst

other charges the following :—

That during the administration of Governor van Imhoff,

Modliaar de Saram was banished to ‘Tutucoryn on

144 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von Sy

account of having caused great damage to the Company,

with the assistance of the inhabitants of the Corles, upon

the advice of his father the Basnaike; that he and his

father the Basnaike were again intriguing at the Candian

Court, advising them of the means by which they might

attain commercial benefits and a free port, and inciting the

inhabitants of the Corles to revolt for that purpose, erecting

magazines all through the country, throwing up some dams

in the rivers, and distributing arms and ammunition

amongst the people, &c.

In the following year, 1756, the Candian Ambassadors once

more demanded, in the King’s name, a share in the profits of

the elephant trade, if only once in two or three years.

This unpleasant demand was again politely refused by the

Governor, according to his instructions from their Excellen-

cies at Batavia.

Notwithstanding this refusal, [the demand ] was repeated

again in May and refused as before; but the Governor pro-

mised to again communicate with their Excellencies. This

he did, adding for the information of their Excellencies that

the Dessawe of the Threeand Four Corles had, after the last

audience, declared through the Modliaar of the Gate that

the last requests had been made at the instigation of

insinuating Malabars, Naikers, or relations of His Majesty

at the Court, who were always intent upon their own interests

and on depriving the Company of its prerogatives and

benefits.

At the same time a Naiker at Jaffanapatnam made himself

conspicuous by his arrogant behaviour, and refused to go back

to the Court, although he was often urged. He even arrested

the Modliaar, Aratchies, and lascoreens who brought him

paddy, and maltreatedthem. The Commandeur was obliged

to send asergeant with twelve soldiers to obtain their release.

The Dessawe of the Three and Four Corles was advised of

this, and requested to institute inquiries, and to prevent a

repetition of acts so much to the prejudice of the Company ;

but no answer was received to this message.

No. 38.—1889.] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 145

In the month of July of the same year, the peelers, not-

withstanding the permission given by the King for free

peeling, were not only molested in their work, but cruelly

beaten and illtreated, particularly in the Oedepalle Corle and

Kadoetoewane, and the gathered cinnamon was destroyed

or carried away.

The Dessawe of the Three and Four Corles and the Court

_ Adigaar having been remonstrated with about these pro-

ceedings, the Dessawe replied that the Adigaar had issued

the order that the cinnamon gathering should not be

interfered with, and he did not know why that command

had not been obeyed, as it had been before.

At last, in the month of August, a letter was received from

their Excellencies at Batavia with instructions to try and

dissuade the Court from insisting on their demands, and

if they still persisted in them, to give a decided refusal.

At the same time orders came that Governor Loten was

to leave for Batavia, and was to be succeeded by the Councillor

Extraordinary Heer Jan Schreuder, who arrived at Colombo

on September 27 following.

At the commencement of 1757 the Dessawe of the Threeand

Four Corles, accompanied by two other chiefs, came down to

Colombo as Ambassadors from the Court, and repeated in

the first and second audience their troublesome demands

concerning the elephant trade, and the transport of arecanuts

to Putulang. Whereupon the two Governors expressed their

regret at being obliged to refuse, as they had received the

positive commands of their Excellencies to make no altera-

tion in the arrangements, and to keep to the old privileges

and conditions which the Company had enjoyed for more

than one hundred years. ‘

The two Governors reported the result of the conference

to their Excellencies in all its details on January 27.

On March 17 following, Governor Loten left for Batavia,

and surrendered the administration to Governor Schreuder,

under whose rule, in consequence of the last and positive

refusal to the two-fold demand of the Candians, an insurrec-

86—90 L

146 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). _[ Vou, XI.

tion broke out in the year 1760 in the Dissavonies of Colombo

and Mature, as also in the Gale district, which was continued

in the most desperate and violent manner, as will be found

in greater detail in the separate history relating to it compiled

by order of the Governor.

This is a compilation made by me from the printed and

written papers deposited at the office of the Political Secre-

tariat at Colombo.

(Signed) W. VAN DAMAST LIMBERGER

(Sworn Clerk).

No. 38.—1889,] THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 147

NOTES.

Abbreviated explanations of some titles, offices, &c., men-

tioned in the text (from Valentijn’s “Old and New Kast

India,” vol. V., part I.).

Adassing, Adassyn

Basnaike

Gagenaike

Apohami, Apoehamy

Mohotirale, Mohotiaar, Maha-

. Of royal blood

... Chief interpreter

. Chief ofthe elephants’ stall at Matara

.. Gentleman

motiaar .. Secretary of the Court

Dessawe «»» Governor, chief of a district

Adigaar . Second in command next to the

Coraal, Koraal

Vidaan, Maha Vidaan

Majoraal

Corle a

’ Modeljaar, Modliaar, Maha

Modliaar 505

Mohemdirem, Mohandiram ...

Araatje

Cangane, Kangaan

Lascaryns, Laskoryns

Nantje, Rantje

Chittys

Bellalis

Chaliassen, Chialiassen

Tyffedoors

Jagereros ve

Tamblinjeros be

Coelies, Koelis Res

Nely Se

. Garden rents

... Tithes of agricultural produce

- Half of the produce of the land

. A measure for arecanuts, 24,000

Wattebadoe

Ande

Ottoe

Ammunam

Bhaar

Dessawe

.. Superior headman of a corle

. Village headman

... Minor headman of a village

. District _

Captain, head of three or four

bands of soldiers

Head of two bands of soldiers

. Sergeant, head of one band of

soldiers

. Corporal

. Native soldiers

. Squad of twenty-four soldiers

. A class of traders

... A class of peasants

. Cinnamon peelers

. Men who earn their bread by

tapping trees [toddy drawers]

Those who tap palms for sugar

(jagery)

Players on the tamelyn, a kind

of musical instrument

Porters

Rice in the husk

to 28,000 = 232 Ib. to 240 lb.

. A bhaar of cinnamon = 510 Ib.

148 JOURNAL, R.A,S. (CEYLON). [Vou, XI.

APPENDIX.

(a.)

There is still in existence in the Ryksarchief the Journal containing

the Daily Register of everything that happened with the fleet while

under the command of Heer Hulft, written by his Secretary, Cornelis

Valckenburg ; but it ends with Heer Hulft’s death.

There is also a Daily Register, from the time His Honour started

to go to the King of Candia, written by his Chamberlain Jan Volckertsz.,

from which the following extract is taken :—

“On April 11, 1656, Jurgen Bloem (Interpreter) left the camp

to go to Candia and announce the death of his Honour to His Majesty.

This news so affected His Majesty, that he had all the silver drapery

taken down throughout his palace, and replaced by black cloth.

‘He threw himself down on his face and wept bitterly ; he did not

make his appearance or see anyone for three or four days, and

directed the Dessawes not to let anyone come near him, unless

dressed in mourning. His Majesty also sent two Dessawes to the camp

to view the body, and they shed bitter tears at the sight.

“TJ, Jan Volckertsz., stood by the body the whole time to cover it,

according to the usual custom when people die young, with all kinds

of fruits and flowers.

“On the 12th of April the body was taken, under the escort of

Lieutenant Johannes Hartman, Jan Volckertsz., and 21 soldiers,

to St. Cruz de Gale ; where it was received on the 15th with great

honour by the citizens, and brought to the Governor of the place,

Heer Adriaen van der Meyden. But the body being a stout one,

and decomposition beginning to set in, Sr. Croon had the coffin

enclosed in a thick and air-tight outer one. On the 17th it was

deposited in a small chapel near the church and built up with

masonry.

On the 20th I left Gale for the camp, full of sorrow and affliction

for the one I had left behind.”

Besides some verses* in praise of Hulft composed by H. G. Schenk,

there is the following acrostic :—

Pulchrumque Mori Succurrit In armis.

Epithaphia.

* The first letters of the lines in the original poem spell the ee

“Gerrard Hulft.”—J. H. de Vos, :

No. 38.—1889.] “THE DUTCH IN CEYLON, 1602-1757. 149

‘¢ Upon the unfortunate and fatal shot fired at 7 o'clock in the evening

of the 10th of April, 1656, against the Honourable and valiant Heer

Gerard Hulft, Ordinary Councillor, Director, Captain-General, and

Admiral over the whole army and fleet before Colombo. In most

honourable memory.

The Lord hath plucked a fair young flower,

The friend of all, a whole world’s dower,

Rests a sainted hero, bitter tears bestow,

Curse to the cruel curse that laid him low—

Grant Heaven prove gracious in the future days—

A beacon light his memory, our everlasting praise :

A hero good at need, full ready to command,

To us for ever lost—a corse beneath the sand :

His body in the dust—but what boots earthly clay,

The soul soars free to realms of endless day!

Come one, come all, upon him look your last,

His worth your hearts to strengthen and hold in memory fast.

Dum Spiro Spero.

The loss of Hulft was a great blow to the Company.

The Governor-General and Council of India gave vent to their

feelings in a Despatch to the Directors in Holland :—

‘Returning on the 9th to the Netherlanders’ camp before Colombo,

His Honour went on the following day as usual to examine the works,

and having reached a place under the bastion called St. Jan, it appeared

that he exposed himself rather carelessly, and was hit in the breast

bya musket ball, and so fatally injured that he sank down and expired

immediately, the surgeon being of opinion that a vein of the heart

was severed.

“This was sad news, as the Company by that fatal accident lost a

loyal, zealous, and able officer and servant, who without doubt but

for that misfortune might have done the Company much more good

service.

“The body was brought by land to Gale by day, accompanied by

some of the principal officers, and temporarily placed in the church

to be afterwards buried after the siege is over, with all the ceremonies

becoming his rank. To the salvation of his soul at the day of

resurrection.”’

} Letter, 18th July, 1656.

(0.)

It appears from the under-mentioned documents that the soldier

Henricus van Bystervelt volunteered his services and actually

departed for the Court on the 22nd of February, 1671. See the

details of his adventures in the Journals, vol. V., part I., page 3.

Probably the copy which was at the Secretary’s Office at Colombo

has been lost. The original was sent to Batavia,

150 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou, XI.

There is still a copy in existence among the papers of the “ Hast

India Co.” in the State archives.

The Governor-General and Council of India wrote to the Directors

in their letter of the 19th December, 1671, about this Bystervelt :—

“Of Raja Singa and his Court the reports are seldom to be relied

on, as the news which reached Colombo was of such a nature that but

little dependence could be placed on it. However, upon the return on

the 28th October of the soldier Bystervelt, who volunteered to go to

Candia, we were able to ascertain the true state of affairs ; but being

too elated with his safe return to give a verbal report, he undertook

to furnish a written one comprising all his adventures, which we

expect to receive shortly.

‘Mr. van Goens mentions in his journal of correspondence dated

October 29th, that that individual was handsomely dressed in the

Singalese style with two gold chains, a silver hilted sword on the left

side anda knife with a golden hilt on the right, and that he was escorted

to Gourbeville by 40 highland lascoreens, &c.”

Van Goens was much pleased with his conduct, as appears from

his letter of the 19th of December, 1671, when sending Bystervelt’s

promised report. He says :—

‘We announced in our last to your Excellencies the return of our

soldier Bysterveldt, and his promise to send in a written report, which

we hereby enclose.

“Your Excellencies will perceive therefrom that we have not

mistaken Raja’s disposition, and it has never been made so clear to us

as it is now what we may expect from him.

‘The soldier, who was promised an ensignship if he could procure

the release of our prisoners, seemed to have been made of better stuff

than any other messenger we had sent previously to Candia. He

courageously and boldly told the King and his false courtiers the truth;

and managed at the peril of his life to obtain his liberty and return to

us in spite of the machinations of the courtiers to ensnare him into

some offence, an example of which your Excellencies will find in his

report.”

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and former Inhabitants of the Island, with its Geology and Mineralogy,

its Climate and Meteorology, its Botany and Zoology.

Price to Members, Re. 1; to Non-Members, Rs. 2.

GEORGE J. A. SKEEN, GOVERNMENT PRINTER, CEYLCN.

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JOURNAL

CEYLON BRANCH

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,

1889.

EDITED BY THE HONORARY SECRETARY.

The design of the Society is to institute and promote inquiries into the History,

Religions, Languages, Literature, Arts, and Social Condition of the present

- and former Inhabitants of the Island, with its Geology and Mineralogy,

its Climate and Meteorology, its Botany and Zoology.

Price to Members, Re. 1; to Non-Members, Rs. 2.

COLOMBO :

GEORGE J. A, SKEEN, GOVERNMENT PRINTER, CEYLON.

1892.

CONTENTS.

A Visit to Ritigala, in the North-Central Province. By A. P.

GREEN, Hsq,, F.E.S.

Note on the Botany of Ritigala, By Henry TRIMEN, Esq.,

M.B., F.R.S., &C.

EKtymological and Historical Notes on Ritigala. By D. M. DE

ZILVA WICKREMASINGHE, Esq.

Paddy Cultivation Ceremonies in the Four Kéralés, Kégalla

District. By H.C. P. BELL, Esq., ©.c.8.

Essay on the Construction of Zoological Tables, witha Tabular

Diagnosis of the Snakes of Ceylon. By A. Hany, Esq.,

Director, Colombo Museum

Johann Jacob Saar’s Account of Ceylon, 1647-1657. Trans-

lated by Pu. FREUDENBERG, Esq., Imperial German Consul

PAGE

#151

2156

#160

167

“172

233

* Wrongly printed in the text as pages 1, 6, 10, 17, and 22, respectively.

The first 32 pages of this Journal should read 151 to 182,

ERRATA.

The first 32 pages have been wrongly numbered. They should

read 151 to 182.

Page 186, line 33, omit “‘and N,”

Plate facing page 186, for type “‘O” read “N,”

Page 204, line 29, for “ labial margin” read “‘ orbital margin,”

Page 209, line 20, for ‘‘1.—Visible” read “ 1.—Distinct.”

Page 209, line 21, for “ 2.—Visible” read ‘‘ 2.—Indistinct.”’

Page 230, headline, for “ Vol. X.” read “ Vol. XI.”

In the alternate headlines of pages 263-277, for “ No. 39.—1891”

read * No. 39.—1889.”’

JOURNAL

OF THE

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,

CEYLON BRANCH.

A VISIT TO RITIGALA, IN THE NORTH-CENTRAL

PROVINCE.

By A. P. GREEN, Esgq., F.E.S.

(Read December 28, 1888.)

ra\HIS isolated mountain is a conspicuous object

x from many of the tanks and bunds of the

North-Central Province; and is _ especially

pean =

noticeable from the great embankment of

Kalawewa, forming a fine background to the

beautiful view eastward over the tanks and forest. Its

position is between the two main roads which diverge near

Dambulla to Trincomalee and Anuradhapura respectively,

and it may be reached from either of them by minor roads

from Habarenna and Kekirawa.

Our visit was made in July last year, and we found the

country suffering from the effects of a long spell of dry

weather, which considerably diminished our hopes of making

a good collection of plants and insects. We left Kekirawa

in the afternoon, the little-used road taking us northward

for some four miles, with the mountain well in front all the

way. We then turned eastward, skirting its southern side

16—91 B

2 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

for about four miles more, arriving at the village of Gala-

pitigala at nightfall after a very hot walk.

Some preparations had been made for our reception, the

Arachchi, at the head of most of the inhabitants, turning out

to meet us, and we found a house lined with white cloths

set apart for our use. The village seems an interesting one,

and is prettily situated,* standing about a hundred and fifty

yards from the road, whence it is approached by a small

jungle path, and about the same distance on the other side

from a large but nearly empty tank, which serves to irrigate

a few small paddy fields. Cotton is grown by the villagers,

and rough cloths made from it by the women, who were

good-looking, and appeared much more intelligent than the

men.

Early the next morning we started for Ritigala, and after

skirting the tank we passed for some two miles through the

usual low scrubby jungle below the eastern side of the

mountain. We then turned westward so as to reach the

northern side, from which point alone it can be ascended ;

and after about a mile through higher forest we arrived at

the foot.

Extensive ruins are here met with, of which we first

became aware by crossing the bund of a large pokuna, now

breached and nearly empty. This is faced throughout with

large chiselled stones arranged stepwise, and much of it is

in good preservation. Ascending from this, on an elevation

immediately above, are the remains of several buildings.

One which stands in a compound with a wall of hewn stone

round it is 65 ft. long by 48 ft. in breadth. The work of

this and the other buildings is quite plain and entirely

without ornamentation.

From this group of buildings there runs up the hill for

nearly a quarter of a mile a straight causeway, 5 ft. wide,

well paved, with large flags, and bordered by kerbstones, at

* These measurements are from a report by Mr. D. G. Mantell, made in

August, 1878.

No. 39.—1889.] A VISIT TO RITIGALA. 3

the top of which one comes upon a second group of build-

ings called by the natives the “maligawa.” The highest of

these ruins is the smallest and in the best preservation ; it

is 28 ft. square, and built to face the points of the compass.

The stones of which it is constructed are very massive :

we measured one, and found it to be 17 ft. long by 33 ft.

broad and 2 ft. in thickness. A very strong water-course

(at the time of our visit nearly dry) conducts a stream to

the pokuna at the foot of the hill. |

We found that huts had been prepared for us among the

lower groups of ruins, and after a breakfast here and a rest

we started for the summit. The villagers were evidently

much surprised at our going further, and it was difficult to

persuade them to accompany us, the hill having a bad

reputation for both bears and evil demons. Buta guide was

necessary, as the path is very slightly defined; and we

eventually succeeded in obtaining a few of the bolder sort

to venture among these dangers.

For nearly half-way up the ascent, mainly through a valley

covered with huge boulders and under high forest, was not

difficult ; the latter half, however, is very steep, though no-

where dangerous ; and we found ourselves at the summit in

the evening after about two hours of pretty stiff climbing.

On a small level space just below the actual top, on the east

side, and well protected from the south-west wind, which

blew furiously, we found a few sticks, the remains of the

surveyor’s hut, which we repaired and soon converted into

a comfortable shelter with the aid of some talipots.

The temperature was delightfully cool,and the view from

the trigonometrical pile magnificent in every direction, the

large tanks of Minériya, Kalawewa, and the Nuwarawewa at

Anuradhapura being plainly made out; but the wind, which

was felt here with terrific force, soon made us beat a retreat

to the more pleasant shelter of our camp. The height of the

pile is given as 2,506 ft. Round the rock on which it stands

are the remains of a solid stone platform. The mountain

ferms two masses with a valley between, and we found that

B 2

4 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XT.

we were on the southern portion. The sides are everywhere

covered with dense forest, and the way we came is said to

be the only access to the top. A drawback to our position

was soon found to be the fact that the only water obtainable

was 900 ft. lower down, where the Déwa-ela takes its rise.

The villagers reported that the place was guarded by bears,

and our coolies in consequence evinced great reluctance

to visit such dangerous quarters, and would only venture

accompanied by an armed escort. Of course no bears were

found, though the tracks of a recent visitor were pointed out

by our guide. The water lay in a small muddy-looking pool

overhung by rocks and bushes. Lighted by the blaze of

several large fires, with the dark forest in the background,

our little camp looked quite picturesque, and if any sleepy

inhabitants of the villages in the plains below noticed the

glare on the summit, they probably thought the demons of

the hills were making a night of it.

A cool night, and a refreshing sleep in spite of the hard-

ness of the ground, determined us to stay another day in

this delightful climate, and we spent it most agreeably in

collecting plants and insects. Coolies were sent down for

provisions, and many of the villagers finding no harm had

come to us, joined the party, so that by nightfall there was

quite a gathering on our little piece of ground. The fires

were again lighted and rice cooked, and there was much

singing and talking far into the night.

A fair collection of the smaller kinds of insects, principally

beetles, was made, some of which have not yet been identi-

fied, but most of them are identical with species belonging

to the lower hill country of the Matalé and Kandy Districts,

though not found in the intervening plains. Three species

of Cicada were taken, two of which have been sent to

Calcutta for identification.

The next morning all went down leisurely, and the foot

of the hill was reached before midday. The afternoon

was spent in examining the ruins and in chasing the large

and beautiful butterflies, which flew in numbers up and

No. 39.—1889.] A VISIT TO RITIGALA. i)

down the bed of the stream at the bottom of the pokuna,

many of which, extremely rare elsewhere, appeared quite

common in this spot. Especially were we delighted to see

the lovely Killima philarchus joining in this gay crowd,

at times spreading wings to the sun on a stone or large leaf—

a blaze of glorious blue—and anon alighting with closed

wings on some twig in the position so closely resembling a

dead leaf as almost certain to deceive the eye even when

gazing full upon it.

it is a weird and melancholy spot to pass a night in. The

lofty forest trees overspreading the ruins make the place

dark and gloomy, and the night, though hot, was very rough,

with high and gusty winds, which treated our frail hut of

sticks and dry leaves with scant respect. |

The little pool remaining at one corner of the pokuna was

visited by elephants during the night.

A. good dinner somewhat relieved the feeling of oppression

in the place, but we slept but little, and were glad to leave

early the next morning and make our way back to Galapita-

gala and Kekirawa.

6 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XE.

NOTE ON THE BOTANY OF RITIGALA.

By HENRY TRIMEN, Esq., M.B., F.R.S., &c.

(Read December 28, 1888.)

vq) HE main object of my ascent of Ritigala was to

/ > Al investigate its vegetation and collect specimens

ofits plants. I had often, during my journeys

along the North road, looked with interest at

the striking outline of this fine hill, and

determined to take the first opportunity that offered of

examining its flora, which I knew had never yet been seen

by botanically trained eyes, and at length I availed myself

of some leisure in July, 1887, and of Mr. Green’s companion-

ship. Unfortunately, owing to the prolonged drought for

several previous months, vegetation was then in a very

torpid state. Many trees and shrubs were dried up and

nearly bare of leaves, and very few were in flower or seed ;

thus some were undeterminable, and the present notes give

doubtless but an imperfect account of the flora. Another

visit is needed soon after rains to complete our knowledge

of the botany of this hill, but so far as it goes the following

may be considered to convey an accurate idea of the subject.

Though actually itself of no great altitude, Ritigala is the

highest ground intervening between the central mass of the

Ceylon mountain system and the very similar hills of Southern

India. From its complete isolation and abrupt rise on all

sides, directly from the low-country, it presents a more

imposing appearance than would be expected from its real

height (2,506 ft.); and this is always over-estimated by those

endeavouring to fix its altitude by the eye alone.

The nearest ground of equal height is to the south, about

40 miles, in the foot-hills of North Matalé, where, however..

No. 39.—1889.] BOTANY OF RITIGALA. af

the hilis run up to over 4,000 ft. and thus enter our real

mountain zone. None of the numerous other hills which

stand up out of the great forest-covered plain of central

Ceylon attain so great a height as Ritigala; the peak called

“ Friar’s Hood,” in the Eastern Province (2,147 ft.), being the

nearest approach. The hills known as “‘ Westminster Abbey ”’

(1,829 ft.) and “ Gunner’s Quoin,” in Tamankaduwa (1,736 ft.)

come next; and the better known ones, Dambulla, Sigiri,

and Mihintale, are all much below this last elevation.

Now, though the botany of these lower rocky hills is often

very interesting, and they are the home of many curious,

rare, or very local species, the general character of their

vegetation does not differ in type from that of the great dry

forest tract spread out around their bases ; and it was one

of the principal points of the ascent of Ritigala to find out

whether, as reported, there occurred any vegetation of a

different character at its summit. It was the confirmation

of the rumour, that the cap of Ritigala really does. present a

characteristic little oasis of vegetation distinct from the dry-

country type surrounding it, that has made it worth while to

write this botanical addendum to Mr. Green’s Paper.

The interest of this remarkable little flora lies in its very

small extent. It all occurs, I suppose, within 100 ft. of the

summit, and though I am unable to give its actual area, it

cannot be many acres, as the ascent is steep. In this small

space are found a number of species belonging to the flora

of the wetter districts of Ceylon, and it is obvious that their

existence here must depend on an atmosphere often heavily

charged with moisture. The complete isolation of this

summit causes it to be frequently surrounded with and

bathed in mist, especially during the south-west monsoon,

which is a time of drought over the country below. It is

indeed striking evidence of this to observe that, at this

comparatively low elevation, the branches of the stunted

trees are draped with pendent masses of Meteoriwm moss

and lichens, like those on our high mountains.

It would scarcely be expected that at 2,500 ft. the trees

8 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XI.

themselves would be actually montane species, and accord-

ingly we find that the components of the forest round the tri-

gonometrical pile on the summit are representatives rather

of the flora of the upper zone of the moist low-country tract—

é.g., of the hills in the neighbourhood of Kandy—than of the

higher hills ; still they are, for the most part, different from

those of the low-country round. An euphorbiaceous tree,

Cleistanthus pallidus, and a myrtaceous one, an Hugenia,

apparently a variety of H. amana, are especially abundant,

both also occurring in the North Matalé hills. Another

eugenia, H. zeylanica, is also common, along with Walsura

Gardnert, Erythroxylon obtusifolium, and Pittosporum

zeylanicum.

But if the trees are those to be expected at the elevation

where they grow, the smaller plants associated with them are

of a type one is accustomed to find usually at greater heights

in the hill districts. This is particularly the case with the

orchids, which are plentiful on the branches of the trees. Of

these I noted Dendrobium Macroi, Hria Lindleyt and

HH. muscicola, Saccolabium nivewm and another species, a

variety of Cirrhopetalum Macrei, Sarcochilus serreformis,

and of ground orchids Disperis zeylanica and the ‘“ Wana-

raja,” Ancctochilus regalis. Several low-country species

were also observed. The humidity of the spot is further

evidenced by numerous ferns, but among them is nothing of

much interest. Two filmy-ferns, however, were collected :

one, Hymenophyllum Neesii, occurring in large sheets ;

Lastrea Blumer seemed the most abundant fern.

Though several of the plants collected presented certain

local peculiarities, | met with one only which appears to be

certainly new to the Ceylon flora. This was a species of

Coleus, which grew straggling over some steep rocks near the

summit. It presents no great beauty, but is, I believe,

hitherto unknown to science, and I propose describing it

under the name of Coleus elongatus.* A remarkably small-

* Described in Journ. Bot., XXVII., p. 165. (London, 1889.)

No. 39.—1889.]. BOTANY OF RITIGALA. 9

flowered variety of Thunbergia fragrans also occurred in

several places on the summit, which I have not met with

elsewhere, and have named var. parviflora.”

The general vegetation of the forest-covered sides of the

mountain presents no features of special interest. There are

some magnificent specimens of wild mango (Mangifera

zeylanica) at the lower part, and some fine trees of Micus

infectoria and other figs. Aralu (Terminalia Chebula),

Wewarane (Alseodaphne semecarpifolia), Hampirila (Mal-

lotus philippinensis), Galkaranda (Canthiwm didymum ), and

Diplospora Dalzellii were some other trees noticed; and,

by the ruins at the foot, Balsamodendruin caudatum. A

remarkable feature in the undergrowth for the greater part

of the ascent was the vast abundance of the rubiaceous

shrub Lasianthus strigosus, not an unfrequent plant in our

forest land and with a general tendency to occur gregari-

ously, but never before seen in such quantity. Other plants

worth notice on the ascent were “ Binkohomba”’ (Munronia

pumila), Hxcecaria crenulata, Rhipsalis Cassytha, and a

“Nilu” (Strobilanthes) with an ill-smelling leaf, but not in

flower and thus not to be determined.

At the very summit of the hill, among the stones at the

base of the trigonometrical pile, I collected a plant, not in

flower, of the Acanthacee Order, which I am not at present able

to determine. Plants were however successfully brought to

Pérddeniya, and are growing vigorously here; they may be

expected to flower in due time, and may prove to be another

addition to our flora.T

* Described in Journ. Bot., XXVIL, p. 165. (London, 1889.)

+ These have not yet (November, 1891) flowered in the Gardens, though

they have attained a large size.

10 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

ETYMOLOGICAL AND HISTORICAL NOTES ON

RITIGALA.

By D. M. DE ZILVA WICKREMASINGHE, Esq.

(Read June 19, 1889.)

Fase Lis established on the authority of the “ Mahd-

wansa”’ and of other histories of Ceylon that

the locality known under the name of Ritigala

was one of the principal places of abode of the

4 aborigines of Ceylon, the Yakku ; and that it

is of equal antiquity with other stations, Lag-gala, Log-gala,

Dumrak-gala, &c¢., traditionally connected with them. But

whether the locality was known as Riti-gala at the time of

the Wijayan settlement, or whether it was so named by the

Aryan immigrants, is a question for determination.

If we suppose that the mountain and its neighbourhood

were known as Ritigala at the date of Wijayo’s landing,

it follows that Ritigala was a word belonging to the language

of the aborigines, not to the invaders.

T am not aware of the existence of any writing to prove this

supposition, though in old Sinhalese works, such as the

“Kuvéni Asna,” the name of the mountain is given as

Ritigala. Wad we the Sinhalese Atuwd, from which the

authors of the “ Mahawansa” and “ Dipawansa” took their

historical materials, we could probably arrive at the truth.

The name, as it is written at present, admits of three

derivations, all of which tend to show that it is a compound

of two words—one traceable to an Aryan origin, the other

either to a Dravidian or an Aryan source.

The first derivation is as follows :—The Sinhalese word

ritt, some suppose to be a tat-bawa (derivative) from the Pali

aritta : others suppose it to be a native nipan word. In

No. 39.—1889. ] NOTES ON RITIGALA. 11

either case it means “long pole.” Gal is said to be taken

from the Tamil kal, “rock,” It seems, however, to be

cognate to the Aryan word gir, “rock.” The name would

mean then “the rock (as steep and erect as a) long pole.”

The steep aspect of the insulated rock rising out of the flat

country makes it probable that the ancients gave this locality.

the simple rustic name of Ritigala. Thus Kurunégala was

called Hasti-saila-pura (“ elephant-rock-town ”’) from a rock

resembling an elephant which overlooks the town.

The second derivation suggested is, that the rock received

its appellation from /7fi trees (Antiaris innoxia) then

growing upon it. As an instance of similar formations of

names, a recent example may be given. The Sinhalese com-

monly call a museum Katu-gé. Why? Not because the gé,

“house,” is made of katu, “bones,” nor because it is as white

as bones, but because it contains bones. This may be

taken as a fair example, showing clearly the natural

tendency of the mind of the uneducated to give obvious

names to things.

The third derivation to be considered is this: —The Sin-

halese word v/ti may be derived from, or be kindred to, the

Pali arittha, “dreadful,” gala coming from the Tamil ka/

or Sanskrit giri, “rock.” In this connection we have the

authority of Mahanamo, the compiler of the first part of the

““Mahawansa,” who calls this mountain Arittha-pabbata,

“dreadful rock” (chap. X., 63), and of the author of the

“Samantakuta Varnanda,” who gives it the name of Arittha-

séla, “dreadful rock.”

Whence then did Mahaniamo get this name? It is admitted

that he derived almost all the materials for his ““ Mahawansa”’

from the more ancient records, such as the Sinhalese Atuwa.

Hence, considering that he speaks at length of Panduka-

bhaya’s encampment on the mountain, it must be presumed

that the writings from which he collected his information

alluded to the mountain by name. It seems, therefore,

possible, not to say probable, that the name of the mountain

was then, as it is now, Aiti joined to some word meaning

12 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

“rock” or “hill”, and that Mahanamo translated it by the

Pali word Avittha, meaning “dreadful” joined to pabbata,

the Pali word for “rock,” arittha being the word in the Pali

most nearly approaching the original in sound and possibly

in Meaning.

All this tends to show that Ritigala is one of the oldest

historical words in the Sinhalese language, and hence of

great importance from a philological point of view,

I do not know enough of the Dravidian languages to enable

me to say whether or not the word 7vti is derived from a

Dravidian source. But in the absence of proof of such a

derivation I would adhere to the opinion that the word fzti-

gala has an Aryan origin. And, if so, asthe word seems to

be of pre-Wijayan date, it follows that the so-called Yakku

of Lanka had an Aryan element in their language.

In describing the position of places in Ceylon, a “ Kadaim-

pota” and a newly-discovered “ Rajawaliya” (lately added

to the Colombo Museum Library) call this place Ritigal-

danawuwa, and class it as an ancient and important town

in the Ruhuna (?) division of the Island.

That the ancients knew of the botanical and mineral wealth

of the place may be inferred from the superstitious account

given of it in the above-mentioned “ Kadaimpota,” as quoted

below :—

SSaG DOD cMnoam. Aeomomdcomaama ea. 33 ga

DD QHwodald d6sIds} DQdsiasa. DOD S5aEG acted EH

SEOs 1. DESODSO MDOO CABS F2BS ODD GED

at BDEOM SBQIHDEdada.

Ritigal nam parwatayeka. Kalukohowila pokunak eta. Ehi pura

tana pliddwek ratran vamdrannéya. Ema Ritigala sat ruwan

unapaiidurak eta. Tudus maha rata kada imata lakshayak akshara

kett silastambhayan siwdiga pihituwanaladdéya.

[There is] a rock by name Rétigal, wherein is a pond containing

kalu-kohowila [a species of aracwe ?].

A leech in it formerly disgorged gold. In the same Ritigala there is

a bush of golden bamboo. At the four quarters are planted monoliths,

which are inscribed with a lac of characters, for the purpose of marking

the boundaries of the fourteen great territories.

No. 39.—1889. | NOTES ON RITIGALA. 13

AsI said at the beginning that Ritigala was one of the

principal seats of the aborigines previous to the arrival of

Wijeyo, I cite the following passage from the “ Samantaktta

Varnana,” which describes some places (amongst them

fiitigala) where the original inhabitants, called Yakkus,

resided at the time of the first visit of Gautama Buddha to

Ceylon in the ninth year after his attainment of Buddhahood

[circa 569 B.C. ].

SOQ®D HE, CONHEGDSOSB Ck

ORIIDIBVOQII 59 AGG) ME) ANS zDD) EG, Oe5

WDEWOS HONDDOID HQOC ons

OHOCH OSHS Gas MSA OO.

OSOeES BN Bdan DNGOVAMax

Dame SBSQen Ba NE

DD DBH 6MH1H6169 BSic6,

Sr<mBae Can srdzpOas.

Rammé tada Ratanadipa waramhi Lanka

Lo6kabhidhana Harikhandaka Yakkha dasé

Odumbaré Sumanakttaka Tafiduleyyé

Sélésu Maragiri Missaka Rittha namé

Yefiiépisanti giray6 wanardma neyya

Ganga Nadi giriguha Sikata talaca

Tattha wasanti rabhasé phar usé-tirudda

Panatipata niratd sathakita yakkha.

At that time the Yakkus, who were wicked, abusive, very cruel, and

cunning, and who were continually engaged in taking away animal life,

haunted the mountains Lanka [Lag-gala], L6ka [Log-gala], Harikha-

ndaka [Hirikada], Yakkhadasé [Yakdessa], Odumbaré [Dimbula],

Sumana-kuta [Samanalakanda!, Tanduleyya, Maragiri [Maragala],

Missaka, Arittha-séla [Riti-gala], and such other rocks which grace

the woods ; and [they also haunted] rivers and streams, caves and

sandy plains, of the delightful Islandeof Gems [Ceylon].

Besides these notices of the antiquity, the mineral and

botanical wealth, and the situation of Ritigala, we have

in the “ Mahawansa” (chapter X.) a graphic description of a

battle which took place on it between Pandukabhaya and

his, uncles about 437 B.c. The following is Turnour’s

translation of the passage referred to :—

14 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. XI.

Conducting her [Chétiya, the widow of Jutindharo, a Yakkho,

who was killed in a battle fought at Siriwatthipura] to the Dhuma-

rakkho mountain, he [Pandukabhaya] obtained a great accession of

warlike power, by making her his battle steed. There, at the Dhiuma-

rakkho mountain, he maintained his position for four years. Depart-

ing from thence with his forces, he repaired to the mountain Arittho

[Ritigala]. There preparing for the impending war, he remained

seven years.

Leaving two uncles (Abhaya and Girikandaka), the other eight

uncles, uniting in hostility against him, approached that mountain

Arittho. Throwing up a fortification at Nagaraka, and conferring

the command (on the person selected), they surrounded the Arittho

mountain on all sides.

The prince having consulted with the Yakkhini, in conformity with

her advice he sent forward a strong party (in the character of a

deputation), placing in their charge his insignia of royalty, as well as

the usual offerings made as tribute, and his martial accoutrements ;

and enjoined them to deliver this message (from him): “ Take all these

things : I will come to ask your forgiveness.”

When this party had reached its destination, shouting “I will capture

them, forcing their camp,’ mounting his yakkha mare, and surrounded

by his whole army, he (the prince) [Pandukabhaya] threw himself

into the midst of the fight. The Yakkhini set upa loud shout. His

(the prince’s) army without, as well as (the deputation) within (the

enemy’s camp) answered with a tremendous roar. The whole of the

prince’s army having slaughtered many of the enemy’s men, as well as

the eight uncles, they made a heap of their (decapitated) heads. ‘The

commander (of the enemy’s army) having fled, and concealed himself

in a forest, from that circumstance that forest is called the Sénapati

(commander’s) forest.

Observing the skulls of his eight uncles surmounting the heap of

heads, he remarked: “It is like a heap of Labu (fruit).” From this

circumstance (that place) was (from Nagaraka) called Labugama.

“ Thus this Pandukabhaya, the victorious warrior, from thence pro-

ceeded to the capital of his maternal great uncle Anurédho.”’

The Yakku of Ritigala were afterwards much favoured by

the king for the assistance they rendered him in his wars.

He conferred high offices on the Yakku chiefs, and treated

them respecifully. With his death the Yakku seem to have

lost their influence and to have been gradually driven even

from their habitations by the increasing Sinhalese popula-

tion. Thus, in later days, when Buddhism was firmly

established in Ceylon, Ritigala, from which the Yakku had

No. 39.—1889. | NOTES ON RITIGALA. 15

already been ousted, was selected as a suitable eer to build

viharas on.

The king Suratissa, who reigned between 247-237 B.c.,

erected the “Lanka Viharé” at the foot of the Arittha

mountain (‘“‘ Mahawansa,” chap. XX1I.).

The following century, it is recorded that the king Lajji-

tissa (109-119 B.c.) built another, and called it the “ Avittha

Vihare” (Lbid., chap. XX XIIT.).

Nearly a thousand years later Sena (838-58 A.D.) added to

the Ritigala sacred buildings :—

And the king Silamégha (Séna) built, as it were by a miracle, a

great vihare at Arrittha pubbatta, and endowed it with great possessions,

and dedicated it to the Pansukulika™ brethren. And he gave to it also

royal villages and honours, and a great number of keepers for the

garden, and servants and artificers. (Chap. L., 63, 64.)

Even at the present day the ignorant villagers in the

neighbourhood of Ritigala believe that the mountain is

inhabited by Yakku, and hence they dare not take anything

away from the place through fear of incurring the wrath of

the Yakku.

It is said that one day a man from a village close by lost

his way, and was benighted in the jungle just below the

mountain. Seated under a tree he was surprised to hear the

barking of dogs, the crying of children, and all the bustle

of a busy village. A little while after a Yaka, in the form

of a man, came to him with a chulu light in hand and

offered him a large quantity of rice and curry with

plantains, oranges, &¢. The Yaka then told the man to eat

his fill, but enjoined him, rather fiercely, to depart before

dawn of day in the southern direction, and take nothing

away from the spot. The man, through sheer fright, could

not then eat the ample repast laid before him, but after-

wards, when he was left alone and his fear had subsided,

he ate as much of the food as he could. Before daybreak

he got up and, as was directed, took a southern direction,

* An order of bhikkus who strictly follow the theory regarding the

dress of Buddhist monks, that it should be made of dirty rags taken from

a dust or refuse heap or from a cemetery, and pieced together,

16 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

which brought him back to his village. He related all that

had happened to him the previous night to villagers, and

there was much alarm that day in the village lest some evil

might befall them.

The following interesting account, by Mr. C. A. Murray

(when acting as Government Agent, North-Central Province),

of a trip to Ritigala, as given in his Diary for October, 1889,

is inserted by permission :—

October 29, Tuesday.—Made an early start, riding for the top of

Ritigala. We were able to take our horses for three miles to the ruins

of the large pokuna. This pokuna is situated at the base of the hill,

and is made out of a natural hollow formed by three hills. The open

side is banked up. It covers almost four or five acres, and must have

been 30 ft. deep when full ; the sides are stopped with long dressed

stone, almost all in position, but the lines are uneven. A fine clear

stream flows through it. At one entrance to the pokuna there isa

large platform all covered with trees. From the pokuna there is a

fine paved footway, 3 ft. broad, about quarter of a mile long, leading

to the site of a palace, the ground plan of which is still plainly visible

in the large slabs of stone. Broad slabs raised 2 ft. from the ground

mark where the verandah was, with a flight of seve stone eps ans

down, in a good state of Peccention

On the slope of the hill above the pokuna isa large “Galge” with a broken

image of Buddha, and close by is a pit containing a quantity of old

flat tiles kept as a neared stock to be drawn on when required.

From the pokuna to the top of the hill is a mile and a half, and the

new path has been made within half a mile of the top. The new path,

from the commencement where it branches off from the village road,

is three miles long. It was easy climbing up to where the path was

finished, but after that 1t was a case of swarming up the face of rocks

and climbing over huge boulders. We reached the flat surface where

the bungalow is to be erected, commanding a fine view of the country.

No. 39.—1889.] PADDY CULTIVATION CEREMONIES. 17

PADDY CULTIVATION CGEREMONIES

IN THE FOUR KORALES,

KEGALLA DISTRIOT.*

By H.C. P. BELL, Esq., 0.C.S., Honorary Secretary.

THRESHING AND MEASURING PADDY.

Ayz5u HEN the paddy crop is ripe and is ready for the

sickle, a lucky hour is named, and the culti-

vator (goyiya ; andakarayd), after bathing and

putting on a clean cloth and eating kivibat,

enters the field, and at the set time cuts three

ripe ears of paddy.

These, with a scrap of iron,are wrapped in three divikaduru

leaves and are carried on his head to the threshing-floor

(kamata).

A hole is there dug in the centre of the kamata, about three

orfour inches in depth, and the three ears and iron are buried

in it. Over the hole is placed a round stone (called mutia) or

a “king cocoanut” (ran tembiliya), and the kamata cleared

of grass with a mamoty.

The crop is then reaped and stacked on the dam of the field

(ketakandu-godakaranawda). If the corn cannot be threshed

* The subject has been so fully dealt with in previous Papers printed in

the Society’s Journal that this Note may appear superfluous. It is

inserted merely to supplement the information contained in Mr. R.W. levers’

Paper in the Journal for 1880, covering ground not touched therein. The

Papers already written for this Society on “‘ Paddy Cultivation Ceremonies,”

Sinhalese and Tamil, will be found in Journal R. A. S., C. B., Vol. VI.,

No. 21, 1880 (Ievers) ; Vol. VIII., No. 26, 1883 (Bell), and No. 29. 1884

(Lewis). See also a Paper in the Journal of the R. A. S. of Great

Britain, Vol. XVII., new series, p. 366 (Le Mesurier), and the ‘‘ Orientalist,”’

Vol. 3, pp. 99-103 (Beil).

16—91 C

18 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vous Xu.

the same day for want of alucky hour, a small dam (liyadda)

in the field which is not damp is selected, the cocks (keta-

kandu) are removed there, and heaped into ricks or stacks

(wata-malu),

At the lucky hour for threshing (which always occurs in

the evening) the paddy is taken from the wata-malu and tied

into small bundles, and carried on the head to the kamata.

Sometimes the paddy is put on the kamata in semi-circular

shape, or, as the natives say, ‘like a rainbow or half-moon ”

(réna-kanda-ekatukaranawa) ; and sometimes heaped in the

centre (koléta-ekatukaranawd) after a diagram has been

drawn with ashes on the threshing-floor.*

The paddy is then tossed and mixed together with hands

(kola-wadanawa). Bui if it isa large stack two “teams” of

buffaloes (dekerella) are yoked together to thresh the paddy :

otherwise one team suffices. The boys who are employed to

drive the buffaloes over the paddy (kola-madawanawa,

goyan-madawanawa) are first fed. Should the animals void

their dung whilst being driven the boys are taught to take a

little straw and hold it on both the upturned palms of the

hands tothe sterns of the buffaloes (to prevent the dung falling

on the straw and fouling the paddy), and to throw it over the

other side of the wariya-kanda. They are very particular in

this respect until the whole threshing is over.

Two or three pé after first driving the buffaloes over the

paddy, what has worked to the edge of the threshing-floor is

tossed with the deti-goyiyd, or flail, on to the heap in the centre

(wata-kadanawa), and the buffaloes again driven over it.

After threshing for some time several men (according to

the number of men employed), picking up a little straw on

their flails, and placing them on their shoulders, walk round

repeating the kalawiti-kima or threshing-floor refrain (“ Deti

deti kumana deti,” &c.), whilst the buffaloes are moving.

* Plate I—This diagram differs from that given by Mr. Ievers chiefly in

having only three concentric circles instead of seven. Three seem so

universally the number drawn that itis possible Mr. levers may have

been misled in making his diagram contain more circles.

Journal Royal Asiatic Society (Ceylon Branch) Vol: X1. N°39_ 1889.

FOUR KORALES, KEGALLA DISTRICT

a a SZ

. Dwtkaduviv kola (3) Geyankaral (3\ Vakadakeli{1).un arakwala

. Kohomba lélla at the centre!

Mutta

. Wavaguna-gathawa

Laha or Goyuga

Goyv-lella

. Manatta

2 Uknunudetta alias Detigoyiga

10 Bolaatta

Il. Déketta er Ligannaw ea.

12. First letter of each of the 7 planet names.

hot Bo

NOY

0. Saldin. Lith: H.C. P.Bell del.

Journal Royal Asiatic Society (Ceylon Branch) Val: X!. N° 39. 1883.

ING 2s

A A OSTREAM CAME WR AE EL URL pL OA A EO SO ELS CRS RIS EE

‘LOLS wr wd aor

ie ia Se

Boos

SIIVIOU wWhed

C.P.Bell det

Leb

0. Saldin Lith:

No. 39.—1889.] PADDY CULTIVATION CEREMONIES. 19

When this is over the paddy on the borders of the threshing-

floor is tossed again on to the centre heap with flails, and

the buffaloes a second time driven over it (anbaruwan-

dakkanawda), so that the corn may be threshed well. When

the corn is sufficiently threshed, straw is tossed with flails

(meduwan-halabanawa) on to the bank round the threshing-

floor (wariya-kanda /.

The unthreshed corn which still remains in the centre is

then finally threshed (goyikama-lanava), and the straw

thrown on to the wariya-kanda, If it is a large stack there

are three meduwan or preliminary tossings of the straw

before the goyikama or threshing; if an ordinary stack two

meduwan; if a very small stack one madun only.

After the goyikama the buffaloes are untied and driven

away, and the paddy fanned with a katupilla branch to

remove the chaff and other rubbish.

Next with the poro-lélla the paddy is heaped up in the

‘centre of the threshing-floor (rahi-karanawa), and a twisted

rope made of straw is put round the heap of paddy (rahiya)

A small quantity of ashes, small chips from the 0d0/-atta,

from the deti-goyiya,and from the goyi-lélla or poruwa, and a

small quantity of hair from the tails of the buffaloes (anba-

ruwo), are taken and wrapped in a little straw called andiya

and kept on the top of the heap of paddy (adndiya-tiyanawa ),

and the heapof paddy covered with straw. The same day (if

there is no r7kta or unlucky hour), or the next day, the

yahiya is uncovered and the paddy grains spread on the

kamata to dry, and again heaped up.

At the lucky hour the cultivator takes the winnow (yatura )

‘into his hand, bows down six times before the heap of paddy,

kneeling on two sides of it, and at each bowing three times

(nawamudun-wandinawa). After taking paddy from -the

rahiya into the winnow he then spreads it on the kamata

(beta-garanawa) in a line, called beta-kanda,* “in the shape

of a rainbow or half-moon” (beta-kanda-bandinawa ), and

Pwelatev il

20 JOURNAL, R.A.S, (CEYLON). [Vou, XT.

two other persons, one on each side, pass backwards and for-

wards down the line of paddy thus spread and winnow off chaff.

and dirt. Each time fresh paddy is brought and spread by the

goytya on the line the fanning is repeated by the two men.

When the rahiya is exhausted, with the poruwa the paddy.

on the edges of the beta-kanda is heaped up to the top of it

(beta-mudun-karanawa), and other good paddy scattered.

about near gathered with the porwwa and put on it (beta-

kanda bolatiyanawa), the rubbish and chaff being gathered

and heaped separately (ahakata bol-tiyanawa) on the kamata..

After that, upon the first end of the beta-kanda the shape

of anduwa (pair of pincers) is drawn on the paddy with the

corner of the winnow, and at the other end a trident (stilama ;.

tri-silama) is drawn with the same corner of the winnow.

Then taking the measure (laha goyiya) into his hands, the

cultivator goes to the place where the rahiya, or heap of.

paddy, was and bows three times, and from there to the first

end of the beta-kanda, where he again bows three times, and

thence to the other end, bowing three times finally.

When this is over, holding the measure with one hand so.

ag to just touch the paddy in the beta-kanda, and taking a

handful of paddy in the other hand, he drops a few grains

upon the /aha measure whilst carrying it round the beta-kanda

from the first end (beta-yallanawa ; andun-nawanawa ).

When this is finished he cuts a passage with the goyi-lélla

through the centre of the beta-kanda and through it throws.

bol-atia, man-atta, portilélla, katu-atta, ukunu-detta, ashes,

and water, from the outside ; then passing through, he bows

three times on either side of the passage through the beta-.

kanda,and further three times at each end of it, and commences:

to measure the paddy. Going to the first end of the beta-

kanda a laha of paddy is measured and covered up with the

winnow so that its broad part may touch the beta-kanda,

Leaving it there he again sweeps the kamata. After that

the daha measure of paddy is uncovered and set apart for

the gods (deyiyanta-tiyanawa) and the remaining paddy is.

measured and heaped up.

No. 39.—1889.] PADDY CULTIVATION CEREMONIES. 21

From this heap the ‘seed-paddy” is measured at first.

Thus, if one péla extent was sown, twelve lahas of paddy

will be measured and set apart as “seed paddy.” Next

the Government tithe is measured: the remaining paddy

is then divided between the landowner and the cultivator.

From the cultivator’s share another three lahas of paddy

have to be measured and added to the twelve /ahas of “ seed

paddy,” making in all fifteen /ahas. The laha measure of

paddy set apart in the commencement is given over to the

man who charmed (ken-kara-sora) the paddy field.

If the land was cultivated in anda—.e., for half-share—

the cultivator must do all the work, including transplanting.

If cultivated jointly with the landowner, the landowner

should do half of the work, including half of the transplant-

mg. If the cultivator alone transplants the paddy of the

whole land he is entitled to get from the landowner half

of the “seed paddy” sown on the land.

Thus, if the extent of the land is one péla, the cultivator,

for transplanting the whole, would get five /ahas of paddy,

besides vegetables, curry-stuffs, &c.

These charges are usually paid to the cultivator by the

jandowner whilst the transplanting is going on, though

occasionally kept back to be given after the crop is threshed.

The chaff heaped up in the kamata goes to the cultivator.

The straw is entirely at the disposal of the landowner.

22 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

ESSAY ON THE CONSTRUCTION

OF ZOOLOGICAL TABLES, WITH A TABULAR.

DIAGNOSIS OF THE SNAKES OF CEYLON.

By AMYRALD HALY, Esq.,

Director, Colombo Museum,

(Read January 26, 1888.)

“The only possible check I can see to the progress of Science is, that the-

works on it are becoming too voluminous ; it is becoming scholastic ; life

will be too short to learn it, and no time will be left for discoveries.’”—

Mr. JUSTICE GROVE, Speech at the Royal Academy Dinner, 1881.

ON COMBINATIONS OF STRUCTURES.

ese: N the mountains north of the Cape there is an

~— animal known asthe brindled gnu, thus des-:

cribed by Cuvier in the “Régne Animal ”’:—

“‘A monster composed of different animals. It

has the body and crupper of a small horse,

covered with brown fur; the tail is furnished with long

white hairs like that of a horse, and on the neck is a hand-

some straight mane, white at the bottom and black at the

end of the hairs. The horns, approximated and enlarged

at the base like those of the buffalo of the Cape, descend

outwardly and turn up at the point. The muzzle is large,

flat, and surrounded with a circle of projecting hairs; under

the throat and dewlap is a second black mane. The feet

have all the lightness of those of the stag.”

This combination of the head of the ox, the tail of the

horse, and feet of the stag, can scarcely fail to strike any one

on seeing a good figure of this animal ora mounted speci-

men in a museum. I believe, however, this impression of

No. 39.—1889.] ZOOLOGICAL TABLES. 23;

monstrosity, as Cuvier terms it, in this particular instance

arises solely from the fact that we are all familiar from

childhood with horses, oxen, and deer. The brindled gnu

is by no means an inharmonious combination, and if we

were not so familiar with the above-named animals it would

strike no one as being a monster; in fact, it is no more so

than any other species. All animals are combinations of

structures ; indeed, if they were not so,a zoological diagnosis

would be an impossibility.

Take the case of a species made up, so to speak, of other

species, with which people in general are not so familiar;

say, any species of the genus Brotula amongst fish. Many

would probably think the fish an ugly one, but would

neither regard it as a harmonious or inharmonious combi-

nation. Show one of this genus, however, to an Ichthyolo-

gist, and he would at once recognise the union of the body,

vertical fins, and scales of the sole, with the head and barbels

of a catfish and the jugular ventrals of the cod.

These combinations are frequently dwelt upon by John

Hunter. It is thus he describes the capybara :—“ This ani-

mal is about the bigness of a half-grown sheep; the hair

is thin and strong, like that of the agouti or of the hog; the

head is like the head of the guinea-pig; the ears are those of

the same animal ; the toes are strong and broad like those of

a stork ; the spleen is very near the shape and situation of

the human ; the pancreas is more like that of the human

than in most animals.”

Cuvier and Valenciennes, speaking of the barbel, say :—

“Le genre des barbeaux va également nous montrer la méme

puissance dans les combinaisons diverses avec lesquelles la

nature a su travailler les étres nombreux qu’elle a placés

sur notre planete.” (“C. et V.,” vol. XVI., p. 90.)

In classifying flies, Latreille adopted various plans of

arrangement, varying according to the different weight that

may be attached to the different characters. At one time he

is chiefly guided by the antenne, at another by the mouth

parts, at another by the nature of the metamorphoses, and

24 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

with each different arrangement different families are at one

time brought into close connection and at another widely

separated.

Alexander Agassiz, in speaking of the sea-urchins, says :-—

“The sum of possible combinations is so great that it would

take no less than twenty years, at the rate of one new

combination a minute, for ten hours a day, to pass them in

review. We have not more than 2,300 species actually

representing for the Echini the results of these endless

combinations.”

CONCERNING THE PRINCIPLES ON WHICH THE

FOLLOWING TABLES ARE CONSTRUCTED.

Linneus chose an easily-seized character on which to found

his main divisions. Thus, in classifying fish he arranged

them in orders according to the presence or absence and the

position of the ventral fins. When the ventrals were placed

forward on the throat, as in the cod, they were said to be

jugular; when on the breast, as in the perch and great

Majority of spinny-finned fishes, thoracic; and when on the

belly, as in the carp, abdominal. In the eels they are

wanting,

Cuvier, following Artedi, divided the bony fish into two

orders : the spiny (Acanthopterygit) and the soft-finned (Ma-

lacopterygit), according to the character of the vertical fins.

Agassiz proposed another character, that of the scales, and

in this way divided the bony fish into two groups: those

with scales having a serrated edge and those with scales

having a smooth edge, Ctenoid and Cycloid. Now it is

evident that if the bony fish are arranged on any one of

these systems, the student, on consulting a list of them,

would at once have a definite piece of information ; if they

were arranged on the Linnean system he would see at a

glance what fish had the ventrals in the same position ; if

on either of the other systems he would be equally able to

see in what fish the fins are spiny or soft, or the scales

ctenoid or cycloid.

No. 39.—1889.] | ZOOLOGICAL TABLES. 25

Let us suppose the thoracic ventrals to be represented by

the letter a, the abdominal by 0, the jugular by c; the spiny

vertical fins by a, the soft by 0; the ctenoid scales by a, the

eycloid by 6; then we could see the relationships of all

known bony fish to each other, with regard to these particular

characters, by constructing a table like the following :—

Ventrals. Vertical Fins. Scales.

Perch Aas a wigs a au a

Wrasse ane a a b

Gray Mullet... b 608 a b

Carp va b 50 b b

Cod Cc b b

The letter @ might, however, represent far more than the

mere position of the ventrals: it might stand for those in

which the membrane is supported by one spine and five

branched rays placed on the thorax ; } for those which have

the same character but which are placed on the abdomen,

and so on. And the same principle can be applied to all the

other parts, external or internal, of fish or any other animals.

This is the application of the “Natural Method” to the

parts of animals considered separately. The “ Natural

Method” is thus defined by Cuvier :—“‘There is but one

perfect method, which is the natural method. We thus call

an arrangement in which beings of the same genus will be

closer together than those of all other genera, genera of the

‘same order than those of all other orders, and so on.”

The theory of the construction of such tables is perfectly

simple. The student, having provided himself with a collec-

tion of some group of animals, either from all parts of the

world where they are found or from some particular locality,

studies first one part, such as the wing in birds or ventral

fin in fish, and groups those species together which agree in

having those parts of the same character; he then proceeds

to the consideration of the other parts, one by one, until he

has exhausted all the characters employed in the diagnosis

of the particular group he is describing. Then, as in the

little table above, each different type of wing or fin, or any

26 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XI.

other part, is expressed by a suitable formula, and these-

formule are arranged in vertical columns,

ON THE UTILITY OF ZOOLOGICAL TABLES.

“ T believe,” says Professor Babbage, “ my early perception

of the immense power of signs in aiding the reasoning

faculty contributed much to whatever success I may have

had.” Such is the testimony of one of the greatest of

mathematicians to the power of signs. Professor Owen

long ago pointed out the need in which the anatomist stands

of using formule :—“ The entomologist has long found the

advantage of such signs as 6 ?, signifying male and female,

and the like, and it is time that the anatomist should avail

himself of these powerful instruments of thought, instruc-

tion, and discovery, from which the chemist, the astronomer,

and the mathematician have obtained such powerful results.”

Formule are used by Zoologists to a certain extent. As:

Professor Owen has said, it would be almost impossible to

compare the descriptions of the teeth of mammalia without

them. Of late years attempts have been made by various.

authors to extend their use, more especially by the late

Professor Garrod.

My object in the following table is four-fold :—(1) To:

reduce the size of our zoological treatises ; (2) To show at a

glance the range of any particular structure in any given

group; (3) To show what combinations of these structures

are found in nature, and the relationship of these combina-.

tions to the food, habits, and geographical distribution of the

species which exhibit them; (4) To place a powerful weapon

in the hands of the Taxonomist for the determination of

species.

With regard to the first point it is unnecessary to dwell

on the great size and expense of our zoological works,

which the traveller cannot carry or the poor student afford.

In such works as Nicholson’s “Indian Snakes” and

Beaven’s ‘Freshwater Fishes of India,” laudable attempts.

have been made to furnish students with cheap and handy

No. 39.—1889.] ZOOLOGICAL TABLES. 27

text books, but in these it. is by the omission of details to a

large extent that the reduction in bulk is gained. |

‘With regard to the second point, characters that serve at

one time to characterise a family, in another family are

merely generic, in some genera merely specific, and in some

species they vary in individuals. Their range cannot be

learnt, therefore, from ordinary diagnostic treatises without

much research.

My third aim can of course be only carried out by some

sort of table, and I suppose no one would deny its utility, if

it is only possible to accomplish it.

The fourth point to many may seem to be of little moment,

but the science of Zoology depends upon the correct deter-

mination of specific names. As Linneeus pointed out in his

preface to the “Systema Nature ”:—“Methodus anima

scientice, indigitat primo intuito, quaodgunque corpus naturale,

et hoc corpus dicat proprium suum nomen et hoc nomen

queecurique de nominato corpore beneficio seculi innotuere

ut sic in summa confusione rerum apparenti summas Ccos-

piciatur nature ordo.”’*

ON NUMERICAL COLUMNS.

Before considering what formule to employ and what

signification to attach to them, it will be well to see how

much can be expressed by simple numbers. These can be

understood at once by all, however ignorant they may be

of the technicalities employed in describing the species of

the group they may be desirous of studying.

Upper labials :— 5%, shows that there are eight upper

labials, the third, fourth, and fifth of which enter the eye.

PO4shows that there is one pre-ocular and two post--

oculars.

* Method, the soul of nature, points out at first sight any natural body

whatsoever, so that the body may be called by its own proper name, and

this name tells us whatsoever things have become known concerning the

body named, for the benefit of future generations, so that amidst the

utmost apparent confusion the perfect order of nature may appear.

28 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (VoL. XI.

Vv — shows that there are from one hundred and

twenty-five to one hundred and sixty-one ventral shields,

and from fifty to seventy-nine sub-caudals, in the

‘Species.

Dr. Gunther uses the formula 142, 2+2, &c., to express

the arrangement of the temporal shields, meaning that

there is one temporal behind the eye, followed by two

others, &c.

The number of transverse rows of scales is shown in

another column, and the average length attained by an adult

in the last.

By placing all that can be expressed by simple numbers

in vertical columns in this way, great condensation is gained,

as well as facility of comparison. Expressed in words, as they

are at present, these numerical characters in the rat-snake (24)

run as follows:—There are 17 transverse rows of scales, and

from 190: to 208 ventrals, and 95 to 135 sub-caudals. Two

pre-oculars and two post-oculars; eight upper labials, the

fourth and fifth entering the orbit. Two temporals immedi-

ately behind the orbit, succeeded by a second pair.

It is frequently possible to determine a species of a genus

by means of these numerical columns only; thus, in the

case of the four species of Tropidonotus found in Ceylon

the following points can be seen at a glance by referring

to the table:—One pre-ocular and nine upper labials,

the fourth and fifth of which enter the eye, and nineteen

transverse series of scales serve to indentify 7. asper-

rIMuUs,

T. stolatus has only eight upper labials, the third, fourth,

and fifth of which enter the eye.

T. ceylonensis has two pre-oculars and eight labials, of

which only the fourth and fifth enter the eye. |

T. plumbicolor has also two pre-oculars, but only seven

upper labials. It is also at once distinguished from the

preceding by having twenty-three to twenty-seven transverse

Series of scales.

No. 39.—1889.] ZOOLOGICAL TABLES. 29

ON THE FORMULA TO BE ADOPTED, AND THEIR

MEANING.

No sooner is an attempt made to classify a series of natural

objects than two great difficulties are encountered : the

subtlety of nature and the difference of opinion amongst

different observers as to the degrees of likenessand unlikeness.

between different species or groups of species. The first is

well expressed by Cuvier. Speaking of his division Denti-

rostres in the Passerine birds, he says :—‘“‘ The genera are

distinguished by the general form of the bill, strong and

compressed in the shrikes and in the thrushes, depressed in

the fly-catchers, fine and pointed in the warblers; but the

passage from one to another is so graduated that it is difficult

to fix the limits of the genera.”

Here we have an attempt to classify bills only, and he

divides them into four types: the Shrike, the Thrush, the

Fly-catcher, and the Warbler type, but finds gradations.

between them all. And it is almost always the same with

every part in every group of the animal kingdom, the diffi-

culty increasing with the length of the series chosen. This

was well understood by Linneus, and expressed in his cele-

brated maxim.”

This difficulty might be lessened if naturalists could be

brought to agree as to degrees of likeness and unlikeness

between different forms: but birds have been united into

one and divided into thirty-two orders. The classification

of every part, and of the whole animal kingdom, is inces-

santly changing according to the views of different great

authorities, and the new lights thrown on the subject by

fresh discoveries in every department of Zoology. Nor isthe

individual mind free from this difficulty. The bill that

appears to the student on one day to be most like the

thrush’s he will be more inclined to class with the fly-catcher

series on another, and even with the shrikes on a third, and

* «“ Natura non facit saltum.”

30 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). = [VoL. XI.

still he is unable to separate it from them clearly and

satisfactorily, and form it into a new type.

Only the individual, as Agassiz pointed out, really exists

ina material form. Species, genera, orders, classes, and other |

divisions used by Zoologists are but groupings together of

certain series of facts by the human mind,* and the same

observation applies to the parts of animals considered sepa-

rately. It would be no doubt desirable, if it were possible,

in constructing zoological tables to take a definite series

of types: for instance, the eagle’s wing, the swallow’s wing,

and the plover’s wing, and call them respectively a, b, and c.

Then the student, having become thoroughly acquainted with

their respective characters, would, on seeing a, b, ¢ in the

wing column, be provided with a mental picture of the kind

of wing the species possessed opposite whose name the letter

stands. But this aim is too high; the idea of a type at first

sight so precise and clear is really of the most evanescent

kind when a long series of animals is studied. Take the

case of the head shields in snakes.

In No. 24, Zamenis mucosus, the head is entirely shielded

above. There area pair of internasalsand a pair of frontals ;

the nasals are small and lateral, and there is a mental groove

with chin shields. Al] these characters are of wide generality

and easy to determine, being points that make astrong impres-

sion ontheeye. Thetwo genera Simotesand Oligodon, species

20 to 23, agree with Zamenis perfectly in these characters ;

butthe rostral shield ismuch larger,and the internasals greatly

reduced in size. When first taking up the study of Ophiology

the student will not be struck with these differences ; but

when he learns how alike are the head shields of all those

species that I have arranged under letter a, although belong-

ing to such widely different groups,—ground-snakes, tree-

snakes, water-snakes, snakes diurnal and nocturnal, poisonous

and non-poisonous,—he will not fail to be struck by the strong

* Introduction to ‘“ The Natural History of the United States.”

No. 39.—1889.] ZOOLOGICAL TABLES. al

alterations in the proportions of the shields in this little group

(the old family Oligodontide), although there is no structural

difference.

In No. 33, Helicops schistosus, there is only a single

internasal. This strikes the attention at once,and isa strong

‘structural character deserving undoubtedly strong expression ;

but the question is, are the proportional changes in the head

shields of the Oligodons of equal value ? Whilst some minds

would be more inclined to dwell on the points of likeness

between Simotes and Oligodon and Zamenis, others would be

more inclined to dwell on the peculiarities that characterise

the head shields of the two former genera. There is also the

subject of convenience to be considered, which depends much

‘on the formule employed. These formule should be as

simple as possible. Complicated formule, such as aal, aad,

abi, abs, are neither easy to compare, to read, or to remem-

ber. In the following table the formule consist of a single

letter and an index figure.

For many years I have attempted to make the letters

expressions of absolute types that should at once appeal to

the eye and also agree in their structural characters, and

hoped that the index figures would serve to complete the

‘descriptions of the sub-divisions, so that all parts may be

referred to by the same letter and figure ; that is to say, all head

shields under a shall be really exactly alike. But there is no

likeness in nature. Not only do individuals differ, and the

same individual at different ages, but the same individual in

itself. In many snakes, especially in sea-snakes, the shields

‘differ on the two sides of the head.

Moreover, different authorities do not take the same views.

‘The characters used by Dr. Gunther in the “Snakes of India”

‘are not those used by Dr. Boulenger in his “ Reptiles of

India and Ceylon.” |

The letters and figures therefore merely serve to combine

‘characters together that | trust may prove useful to the

‘student : the letters the more important elnieakanueres and the

figures the minor characters,

32 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

The head shields of species Nos. 16, 25, 26, 29, 30, and 31

all carry the formula a’, but I do not mean to say that

there are no differences between them: far from it, there

may be, and indeed are, many, but I look upon them as too

small to be of service in helping the student to identify the

several species.

But although I cannot always carry out my original hopes,.

I by no means abandon aiming at them as much as possible,

Thus, I do consider that the head shields included under a@

are really of the Zamenis type, that all the species

agree closely with the rat-snake in this particular

character. ei ae

On the contrary, 1 do not pretend that in the column

headed “ Form” that all forms under a belong to the rat-snake-

type. I can find no satisfactory classification of this group

of forms, and have therefore contented myself with uniting

them under some easily understood characters.

The way in which I have attempted to treat the subject

will be best understood by a short analysis of my classifica-

tion of each of the parts.

FORM.

The cobra (No. 45) is undoubtedly the best known snake in

Ceylon, and one of the commonest, but as it is rather of an

abnormal form I shall take the rat-snake, No. 24, as my type.

Now, as regards the form of this species (No. 24, Zamenis

mucosus) there is nothing remarkable about it. The body

is not very elongate, and the head and tail are not distin-.

guished by any peculiarities in their form or proportions.

A general description of its form would read thus :—Body of

moderate length, rather slender, sides somewhat compressed,,.

belly flat; head distinct, with a flat crown and somewhat

depressed muzzle ; tail long, cylindrical, tapering to a point..

Passing on to more or less closely allied species the differ-

ences in these points are endless, and the combinations also.

The body may be more cylindrical or more compressed than

in the type, the belly flatter, the head more or less distinct,

No. 39.—1889. ] ZOOLOGICAL TABLES. 183

the tail long, moderate, short, or very short; and it is

frequently ditficult, especially with specimens preserved in

spirits, to decide how this or that particular should be

described. There is thus an endless gradation of forms all

blending into one another. However, there are some groups

that stand out in bold relief. There is the cobra itself with

its expansible hood, otherwise quite a normal snake form;

then the little Calamaride (Nos. 10 to 14), in which the

head with its pointed snout is quite continuous with the

perfectly cylindrical body. These lead to the perfectly worm-

like forms, such as Typhlops (Nos. 1 and 2), and a near

relation of the cobra, Callophis trimaculatus (No. 42). In the

tree-snakes, Dendrophis and Chrysopelea (Nos. 27, 28, and 39),

we find very slender bodies with keeled bellies. In the

whip-snakes (Nos. 37 and 38) the bodies are extraordinarily

slender, with round bellies. In yet another form of tree-

snake, Dipsas (Nos. 35 and 36), the body is equally elongate

but strongly compressed. By another series of transitions

through such forms as No. 40 (Cerberus rhyncops, type d) and

No. 34 (Chersydrus granulatus, type 1) we are led to the sea-

snakes with their oar-shaped tails (Nos, 46 to 56, type m).

All these forms are easily distinguishable, and form quite

distinct types; but in all important respects, or, rather, in

such characters as can be easily expressed, there is nothing to

separate No. 23 (Oligodon subgriseus) and No. 3 (Python

molurus) from type a, No. 24 (Zamenis mucosus). Yet no one

could say that there is any likeness between these three forms.

But if an attempt is made to define these forms by the com-

parative length of the snout or tail, or distinctness of the

head, it will be found that all these characters fail, as other

species show every gradation in these respects.

It is probable that if all the animal forms, past, present, and

to come, were to pass before a Zoologist in a vision, that he

would find that the animal kingdom is like the French

Republic, one and indivisible; and that there would be no

lines of absolute demarcation to be found anywhere from the

jelly fish to man, And the same of course would apply to

16—91 D

184 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL XI.

the parts of animals considered separately : in fact, the grada-

tions in form would be perfect from any known snake to

any other, from the little worm-like burrower to the oar-tailed

sea-snake. There isa J'ropidonotus (Nos. 29 to 32) that shows

such an inclination to develop the hood of the cobra that

it suffers largely by its resemblance.* But these tables are

only concerned with facts as they exist : when a type can be

defined it is represented by a letter; when it cannot, the

letter stands for a combination of useful characters.

VENTRALS AND SUB-CAUDALS.

Besides the form, the other characters used in the diagnosis

of snakes are the scales, mouth, nostrils, eyes, teeth, and

colour. In normal snakes, however, the scales can be

treated of under three distinct heads: the shields on the

belly, the scales on the back and sides, and the shields of

the head. The ventral shields are of great importance, as

they are the organs of locomotion in snakes, taking the place

of limbs in other animals. A reference to the explanatory

part of the following table will show in how small a space,

and with what clearness, a full description of these shields

can be given for all Ceylon species.

In the rat-snake (No. 24) the sub-caudals are two-rowed,

in the poisonous Bungarus (Nos. 43 and 44) simple. This

is a distinction that at once strikes the eye; but striking and

important as this character generally is, the great snake-eating

snake of India (Ophiophagus) has them sometimes partly

two-rowed and partly simple. Another character that does

not immediately strike the observer, but which is very easily

seized and very important, is the character of the last ventral

or anal shield, whether itis simple or bifid.

The ventrals may also be either smooth or keeled, and

when the keels are strongly pee we have another well-

marked type.

These important characters give for Ceylon snakes five

* See Gunther’s “ Reptiles of British India,” p. 262, pl. XXIL., fig. C.

No. 39.—1889.] ZOOLOGICAL TABLES. 185

well-characterised types: a (No. 24), the rat-snake type;

(No. 45), the cobra type; c (No. 27), the tree-snake type;

d (No. 43), the Bungarus type; and e (No. 16), a union of

types c and d in Lycodon carinatus.

In this little table I consider my ideal as nearly as possible

attained; I know of nothing more, or at least of nothing

useful, that can be said of the ventrals of the cobra than is

‘said under 01, 7.¢., well-developed, broad, smooth, sub-caudals

two-rowed, anal entire ; and the other six species have their

ventrals and sub-caudals exactly the same. Here the letters

and figures express, as they should always express if possible,

exact identity in all particulars that cannot be expressed by

numbers ; and at the same time refer to full descriptions.

SCALES.

In the rat-snake (No. 24) the scales are confined to the back

and sides; they are imbricate, polished, and but partially

or feebly keeled, and the form may be characterised as

lanceolate. Most of the species grouped under a have

the scales quite smooth. In others there are apical pits

on the scales, and some or all of the scales may be feebly

keeled, minute particulars, generally requiring a lens to make

them out.

Many snakes have the scales more or less keeled. These

form section b, and in Tropidonotus asperrimus the scales are

very strongly keeled; but there is every gradation between

this form and that of the rat-snake, in which some of the scales

-are very slightly keeled. In Bungarus (No. 43) the scales

are smooth, but there is a larger vetebral series. In the

‘whip-snake (No. 37) the scales are very imbricate and narrow.

This character is combined with a larger vertebral series in

the tree-snakes, such as No. 35 and 36, Dipsas. Inthe remain-

ing snakes there are no true ventrals ; in all the burrowing

snakes the scales are highly polished ; in the Uropeltide

(Nos. 5 to 9) there is a rough disc at the end of the tail ; in the

sea-snakes the scales are always unpolished, sometimes

D 2

186 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XE.

imbricate and sometimes tesselated, with every gradation

between the two extremes; in the curious Chersydrus (No.

34) the scales are merely rough warts thickly set over the

head and body.

THE HEAD SHIELDS.

The description of the head shields of Zamenis mucosus

under letter a is a very full one: all the most important

characters are given, and when a snake differs from this

species in any of these characters I consider that these

differences ought to be expressed by a new letter. There

appear to me to be thirteen quite distinct types of head

shields in Ceylon snakes, expressed by the letters a to 7.

By means of the index figures it would be possible to extend

these descriptions to any length. Following Dr. Gunther,

No. 24, Z. mucosus, a, might read thus : “ Rostral broader than

high ; two nasals; three loreals - upper labials all reaching the

labial margin; internasals more vuhan half the size of anterior

frontals, pointed in front; one pre-ocular reaching to the

upper surface of the head ; frontal five-sided ; basal margin

shorter than lateral, which are slightly concave ; posterior

margins converging to a point; supra-ocular projecting :.

Explanation of the Plate.

A = HEAD SHIELDS OF THE @ TYPE.

R. = rostral. Pst OC.= post-oculars.

IN. = internasal. a = temporals.

Prk. = pre-frontals. UL. = upper labials.

105 == frontal. LL. = lower labials.

$8.0. = supra-ocular. C. = chin shields.

Pp: = parietal. EK. = ventral and caudal

N. = nasals. : shields of the a! type.

L. = loreal. AM, =ventral and caudal

OC. = pre-oculars. shields of the d type. -

Types L, M, and N are not given, as they can be easily understood

from the description. Type G is much like F, but the front margin

of the orbit is formed by the pre-frontals.

ee ey =

DPE Lied side PLL

Pea

A e OF (se : Fs. oF

; Sac eee Oe

No. 39.—1889. ] ZOOLOGICAL TABLES. 187

parietals not much longer than frontal, in contact with post-

oculars; temporals regular, elongate ; posterior chin shields

longer than anterior.

Then, No. 30, Tvropidonotus stolatus, might stand as @?.

Repeating no characters that are the same as in d@!, the full

description would run thus: One loreal, large, square ; inter-

nasals less than half the size of posterior frontals; supra-

ocular not projecting, parietals rounded behind; superior

pre-ocular reaching upper surface of head. — :

| Or, following Dr. Boulenger, the three following species

would read thus :—

a, Z. mucosus.—Rostral a little broader than deep, visible

from above ; internasals about as broad as long, the suture

between them shorter than that between the pre-frontals ;

frontal as long as its distance from the end of the snout, as

long as the parietals, or slightly shorter ; usually three loreals ;

five lower labials in contact with the anterior chin shields,

which are shorter than the. posterior; the latter in contact

anteriorly. ;

a?, T. stolatus.—Rostral just visible from above ; internasals

much narrowed anteriorly, sub-triangular, with the anterior

angle truncated, the suture between’ them nearly as long as

that between the pre-frontals; frontal longer than _ its

distance from the end of the snout, as long as the parietals ;

a single loreal as long as deep, or deeper than long ; five to

six lower labials,

a®, T. asperriumus.—As in a’, but the rostral is visible from

above ; frontal sometimes a little shorter than the parietals ;

loreal nearly as long as deep ; five lower labials.

And so the descriptions might be carried on through all

the snakes of Ceylon or of the world that have head shields

of the type a. But are these minute details of any use to

the student, or of any real interest ?

In the great ‘ Historie Naturelle des Poissons’

and Valenciennes the description of the common perch is

given with the most precise minuteness, even to the curves

of the profile; but the system is only fitfully carried out.

of Cuvier

188 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Wore

It would be impossible to compare the upper profile of the

perch with all other fish of the same family or of the same

type of form, nor is it easy to see what use there would be

in doing so. In point of fact the greater number of the

descriptions in this work are as short as those given in the

“British Museum Catalogue of Fishes,” although by no

means so precise.

There are only sixty species in the following table. In

treating of the birds of Ceylon (320 species), or of the fish

(between 800 and 900 species), even giving separate tables

for such groups as may be characterised as Orders, the omis-

sion of minor details would be an absolute necessity if the

requisite compression of space is to be obtained.

The index figures, therefore, under head shields are only

used to point out the more striking characters, and those most

useful for the purpose of identification. There are many

differences between Nos. 16, 25, 26, 29, 30, and 31, but as in

all the nasal is completely divided into two, the loreal single

and squarish in form, and all the labials reach the labial

margin, and the supra-ocular does not project, they are

arranged under @?.

In the case of No. 32, T'’ropidonotus plumbicolor (head

shields a?), the index figure only points to a tendency to

vary, not to any absolute character always diagnostic of that

species. Such licenses must be allowed if an attempt is to

be made to follow the endless variations, gradations, and

combinations to be found in any long series of animals.

EYES, NOSTRILS, MouTH, TEETH.

The eyes, nostrils, and mouths of snakes vary little ; when

they do they give the student easily-seized points for finding

out what is before him. The visibility or invisibility of the

rudimentary eye in the little species of Typhlops will furnish

him with important aid in the most difficult task the Ceylon

Ophiologist has to encounter, viz., name these little worm-

like snakes. Finally, he has to examine the teeth. This is

best done by carefully cutting out the jaws and palatine

No. 39.—1889. | ZOOLOGICAL TABLES. 189

bones of one side, or, if not a rare species, cutting off the

head of a spirit specimen and skinning it, then drying it

hard in the hot sun. Prepared in this way the gums will

shrivel and the teeth protrude, and none will be lost. It

will be seen that the gums are crowded with teeth, the more

advanced ready to take the place of those in use. Thus, the

cobra seems at first sight to have several fangs, but only

one on each side is united with the bone, and in actual

use.

The teeth in No. 27 (Dendrophis pictus) and No. 39 (Chry-

sopelea ornata) are identical, or almost so to the eye; but in

No. 39 some of the last teeth in the upper jaw (posterior

maxillary) are grooved. This is a very slight character, and

difficult to demonstrate. Schlegel took no uotice of this

distinction, and united Nos. 27 and 39 in the same genus,

Dendrophis. Boie places D. ornata in another genus, Chry-

sopelea, in which Dr. Gunther follows him, keeping Den-

drophis and Chrysopelea in the same family, Dendrophide.

Professer Huxley, in his “ Anatomy of Vertebrates,” divides

the order Ophidia into sub-orders according to their dentition.

In the Aglyphodontia none of the maxillary teeth are

grooved, in the Ophisthoglyphia some of them are; hence

the genera Dendrophis and Chrysopelea are at once widely

separated. Dr. Boulenger does not consider the Ophidia as

an order, but only a sub-order, and three of Professor

Huxley’s sub-orders are merely sections of the family

Colubride. This, however, makes no change in the relative

positions of the above-named genera: they belong to

different sections,

‘Whether this difference really separates these two very

closely allied species so widely is not a subject for con-

sideration here. I have only to consider how the teeth are

to be treated, considered apart from their other characters ;

and I think there can be no doubt that they do belong to

different types.

We find a series of types a to # including all the species

from 1 to 34, in which grooved teeth never occur: and another

£907 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. XI.

including the species from 35 to 41, in which one or more of

the last teeth in the upper jaw are grooved, Both series

include types of different appearance to the eye. We may

therefore look upon type 7 as an imitation of type a, but differ-

ing in a fundamental point of structure. The same order of

relation is of constant occurrence in the animal kingdom.

Thus, many marsupial mammals are externally, in some cases

exactly, like species belonging to orders very far removed

by their anatomical characters. All such cases of difference

of structure disguised by similarity of appearance should be

expressed by a letter.

HABITS AND GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION,

These subjects have been so little worked out that the

student must consider the tables as mere sketches to show

that they are susceptible of the same treatment as the actual

material facts expressed in the animals themselves. The

anatomical characters can of course be tabulated in the same

manner; but in order to do this a complete collection of

skeletons and specimens showing the myology, splanchnology,

and neurology of Ceylon snakes would be required.

COLOUR.

Colour, in the limited number of snakes found in Ceylon,

is scarcely susceptible of a natural classification. 1 think,

however, that in all cases—even if treating of the birds of

the world, for instance—that the plan adopted in the

following table would be an advantage. An artificial key is

given by arranging the species according to the colour of the

belly, which is either white or yellow, immaculate, or more

or less spotted with black, or of much the same tint as the

rest of the body, or, in a few cases, darker. 'Then the general

ground colour and the position of each tint is given, com-

mencing with the black and going through to the white in

the order of their intensity. This plan admits of great

condensation of the descriptions, and by observing the

black marks alone many species can be identified with

NO. 39.—1889.] | ZOOLOGICAL TABLES. 191

certainty. In the case of birds this system would, I believe,

be invaluable. The great “British Museum Catalogue of

Birds” now extends to eleven volumes, and is not nearly

finished, and there are no descriptions given of either orders,

families, or genera: the work is almost entirely occupied

with descriptions of colour and with the synonomy. Now

I find that it is possible to shorten descriptions of 250 words

to 80 or 90, and no particulars omitted; but if minute

differences of tint are omitted, and brown made to include

blackish-brown, pale-brown, and rich-brown, for instance, a

still further compression could be effected; and if closely

allied birds are compared, and their differences from the

first in the list only expressed, in many instances very few

words would suffice. The section under which the colour is

described is given in the colour column. The tyro should

try this character first and learn the rest afterwards.

CLASSIFICATION.

With the classification of snakes this table has nothing to

do; the student can adopt any classification he likes from

that of Linnzeus to the present day. The arrangement

followed is that of the latest authority, Dr. Boulenger, in the

“Fauna of British India.” Whatever may be the merits or

demerits of this classification, it is far too advanced for the

beginner. I will therefore give the synopsis of it, and then

give a modification of it founded on that in Dr. Gunther’s

*“* Reptiles of British India,” which will be much more easily

understood :—

‘Order III.—Squamata. Quadrate bone free distally; no

lower temporal arch; ribs single-headed; no plastron ;

teeth not implanted in alveoli; anal opening transverse ;

copulatory organ present, paired.

Sub-Order III.—Ophidia. Nasal bones bounding nasal

apertures ; vomers distinct; mandibular rami connected

by ligament; no trace of pectoral arch; tongue flattened

and bifid at the end, and sheathed at the base.

192 JOURNAL, BR.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XT.

A= No transpalatine; pterygoids not extending to quadrate

or mandible ; no supra-temporal ; pre-frontal forming a

suture with nasals; coronoid present ; vestiges of pelvic

arch.

a Maxillary vertical, loosely attached, toothed; mandible.

edentulous; a single pelvic bone. Family Typhlopide,.

Nos. 1 and 2. The Glauconiide are not found in

Ceylon.

B = Transpalatine present ; both jaws toothed.

a Coronoid present; pre-frontals forming a suture with

the nasals.

a Vestiges of hind limbs; supra-temporal present.

a Supra-temporal large, suspending the quadrate.

Boide, No.3.

(7 Supra-temporal small, intercalated in the cranial

wall. Ilysiidce, No. 4.

b1 No vestiges of hind limbs; supra-temporal absent..

Uropeltide, Nos. 5 to 9.

6 Coronoid absent ; supra-temporal present, suspending the

quadrate.

a' Maxillary horizontal; pterygoids reaching quadrate or

mandible.

a? The Xenopeltide are not represented in Ceylon.

6? Pre-frontals not forming a suture with nasals..

Colubride.

Series A.—Aglyphia. All the teeth are solid, not

grooved ; harmless.

Sub-Family I.—Colubrine. Post-frontal bone

not produced over supra-temporal region ;

scales imbricate; head shields and ventrals

large. Nos. 10 to 33.

Sub-Family Il.—Acrochordine. Post-frontal:

bone produced over the supra-orbital region ;

scales not imbricate. No. 34.

No. 39.—1889. | ZOCLOGICAL TABLES. 193

Series B.—Ophisthoglypha. One or more of the

posterior maxillary teeth grooved. Suspected

as poisonous to a slight degree.

Sub-Family IlI.—Dipsadine. Nostrils lateral.

Nos. 36 to 39.

Sub-Family IV.—Homalopsine. Nostrils on

upper surface of head. Nos. 40 and 41.

Series C.—Proteroglypha. Anterior or maxillary

teeth grooved or perforated ; poisonous.

Sub-family V.—Hlapine. Tail round, caudal ;

hypapophyses short. Nos. 42 to 45.

Sub-Family VI1.—Hydrophinw. Tail compressed,

caudal; hypapophyses long. Nos. 46 to 56.

6 The Amblycephalide are not represented in Ceylon.

¢} Maxillary vertically erectile; perpendicular to trans-

palatine ; pterygoids reaching quadrate or mandible.

Family Viperide. Nos. 57 to 60.

In Dr. Gunther’s work the Ophidia are considered as an

order ; by Lankester, in the “Encyclopedia Britannica,” as

a sub-class with four orders (1888). In 1887 Dr. Boulenger

uses the term Squamata in the Zoological Record to include

the Lacertilia and Ophidia, without, however, stating the rank

of these divisions. I think that there can be little doubt

this is the natural statement of the facts. The lizards and

snakes are too closely allied to be looked upon as equivalents

of the turtles and the crocodiles. The student then will do

well to consider the snakes as a sub-order of the order

Squamata, equivalent to the old orders of the Lacertilia and

Ophidia.

Sub-Order Ophidia.—In cases where the lizards are

limbless they can be distinguished from snakes by

their flat unsheathed tongue; the true snake tongue is

found in the Ceylon monitor and iguana (Varanus

bengalensis and salvator), but these lizards have powerful

limbs.

194 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VOL. Xi.

Family Typhlopide (Nos. 1 and 2).—Agrees with Dr.

Gunther’s family of the same name. They are worm-like

snakes without mental groove or ventral shields.

Family Boide (No. 3).—Dr. Gunther’s Pythonide, but

placed in a very different position, being removed from after

the Oolubride to a place in front of them. They possess

vestiges of hind limbs.

“In the Typhlopide rudiments of hind limbs are hidden

beneath the skin.” (Gunther.) “A single pelvic bone.”

(Boulenger.) And in the Yortricide (Gunther), Ilysiide

(Boulenger), ‘rudiments of hind limbs are hidden ina groove

each side of the vent.” (Gunther.) “Vestiges of pelvis formed

of three or four elements as in the Borde, and terminating in |

a Claw-like spur usually distinguishable on each side of the

vent.” (Boulenger.) The python is well known to everybody.

It has teeth on the pre-maxillary bones, and its tail is

prehensile.

Family Ilysiide (No. 4).—The Tortricide of Dr. Gunther.

Worm-likesnakes with a mental groove, but no ventrals and

rudiments of hind limbs.

Family Uropeltide.—The sameas Dr. Gunther’s family of

the same name. Worm-like snakes with truncated tails,

generally terminating in a rough naked dise (Nos. 5 to 9).

Family Calamaride (Nos. 10 to 14).—As far as this, with

the exception of the displacement of the Borde or Pythonide,

Dr. Gunther’s and Dr. Boulenger’s families agree, and the

termination z7d@ is used for groups that almost all Zoologists

recognise by the name of families; this name expressing

anatomical identity, together with outward likeness. Thus,

as Agassiz says, any child can tell at sight a skipjack, a

devil’s coach-horse, a bombardier, a Scarabawid, or a weevil

amongst beetles, and they are scientifically known as

Hlateride, Staphylinide, Carabide, Scarabeide, Curcu-

lHionide,and so on. If, however, we are to follow Dr. Boulenger

and consider the termination 7d@ as defining an anatomical

group, founded, as in his Colubride, entirely on the characters

of the skull, under which the most heterogeneous forms to

No. 39.—1889. | ZOOLOGICAL TABLES. 195

the eye may be grouped, such as rat-snakes, tree-snakes, wart-

snakes, and sea-snakes, then all previous zoological arrange-

ments and nomenclatures will have to be abandoned

throughout the animal kingdom. Nor is it possible to see

the reason for this course. Family VII., Colubride, might

just as well have been called a series, or cohort, or legion, or

received a simple letter or number, and the old family names

as far as he considered them natural, retained.

There can be no doubt that the Calamaride@ area thoroughly

natural family, forming a transition between the burrowing,

snakes and the ordinary forms. Their muzzles are pointed,

and the head forms quite a part of the body. The tail, how-

ever, tapers, and ventrals are present ; there are two parietals.

Lycodontide, Nos. 15 and 16.—As in ordinary snakes, the

body is flexible throughout, which, with the exception of the

python, is not the case in the previous families. Ventral

shields are developed, there is a mental groove, and no

rudiments of hind limbs; but they have a fang-like tooth

in front of the maxillary, and there is no elongate posterior

tooth. No. 16, LZ. carinatus, seems to me to belong to quite

a distinct genus to No. 15, LZ. aulicus. As the table shows it

is a very peculiar form. Dr. Gunther placed it in the genus

Cercaspis.

Colubride, Nos. 17, 18, 19, 24 to 26, 29 to 33.—Ordinary

snakes, with no fang-like teeth in front or middle of upper jaw.

The dentition of No. 19, A. calamaria, is very peculiar, and

may possibly make it necessary to found another family for it :

but [ do not know to what extent this dentition extends

amongst snakes. No. 33, H. schistosus, has a single internasal,

but it is so obviously and closely related to Nos. 30 and 31,

T. stolatus and T. asperrumus, that it cannot be separated

from them. It is a link between the Colubridw and the

Homalopside.

Oligodontide, Nos. 20 to 23.—Small colubrids, rather rigid,

in which the rostral is very large and produced backwards.

A perfectly natural family, and easily recognisable.

Dendrophide, Nos. 27 and 28.—Very slender, long-headed

196 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

snakes, with round pupils and no fang-like teeth. Tree-

snakes. No.17isatransitional form between this family and

the Colubride.

Acrochordide, No. 34.—Wart-snakes, instantly recogni-

sable. Forms so peculiar that they may be placed almost

anywhere. Most nearly allied perhaps to the sea-snakes.

Boulenger’s Acrochordine.

Dipsadide, Nos. 35 and 36.—Very elongate, compressed

snakes, with short triangular heads. They are tree-snakes,

generally with viperine heads, and are probably more or less

poisonous.

Dryophide, Nos. 37 and 38.—The well-known whip-

snakes ; body excessively slender, with long heads and

tapering snouts ; pupil horizontal.

Chrysopelide, No. 39.—For C. ornata, placed by Gunther

with Dendrophis, to which it is most closely allied, see section

“Teeth.” This is a case of imitative resemblance, in which

one of the Ophisthoglypha series imitates one of the Aglypha.

Homaltlopside, Nos. 40 and 41.—The same as Dr. Boulen-

ger’s Homalopsine. 'They have their nostrils on the top of

the snout.

Hilapide, Nos. 42 to 45.—The same as Dr. Boulenger’s

EHlapine. Includes the cobra and itsallies. The loreal shield

is always absent ; the venom fang is grooved along its front.

Hydrophide, Nos. 46 to 56.—Sea-snakes with oar-shaped

tails. Itis curious that not one of the three common and

widely spread species of Platurus included in this family

has yet been recorded from Ceylon. They are not true sea-

snakes, but simply cobras modified for an aquatic life, and

are found sometimes a long way from the water.

The Viperide and their sub-divisions agree with Dr.

Gunther’s classification :—

a Snakes with a long perforated erectile fang on the maxil-

lary, which is extremely short; without other teeth.

Loreal region flat, without pit. Viperide.

a? Loreal region with a pit between eye and nostril.

Crotalide.

No. 39.—1889.] ZOOLOGICAL TABLES. 19%

ON SNAKES RECORDED FROM CEYLON EITHER

NOT INCLUDED IN THIS PAPER OR IN

DR. BOULENGER’S WORK.

There is no specimen of Rhinophis punctatus (Boulenger,

No. 293) in the Colombo Museum, nor can I find one of

No. 298, Silybura melanogaster. No. 393, Oligodon ellioti,

was accidentally given as Ceylon. The only specimen known

in the British Museum is from Madras.

No. 419, Dendrophis bifrenalis, is not represented in the

‘Colombo Museum collection. I maintain that Dendrophis

gregorit (Haly, Taprobanian, vol. III., p. 51, 1888) is a

perfectly good species. It is however now too late to insert

it in the table. No. 445, Dipsas barnesii, is wanting in the

Museum collection. No. 471, Gerardia prevostiana, is an

undoubted Ceylon snake, a specimen having been capturéd

by Mr. H. F. Fernando in the Kelani. No. 474, Callophis

trimaculatus, has been found at Hambantota and Trincomalee.

Any of the sea-snakes mentioned in Dr. Boulenger’s work

may be found off Ceylon. I have only described Museum

specimens. No. 522, Echis carinata, has as yet only been

obtained from Mullaittivu.

The old Tropidonotus quincunciatus of Schlegel and

Gunther, the 7. piscator of Dr. Boulenger, No. 435, has since

been re-described in the “Annals and Magazine of Natural

History’’* as “ 7’. asperrimus, Boulenger, Ceylon.” I cannot

accept this separation of our Ceylon specimens as forming a

distinct species. I do not see that the characters given by Dr.

Boulenger make at the most more than an Island variety, if

even that. There isa very fine specimen in the Museum with

the quincuncial spots as in Indian specimens, I therefore

advise the student to alter No. 31, 7. asperrimus, to—

“ 7. piscator, Boie. India, Ceylon, Burma, 8. China to the

Malay Peninsula and Archipelago.”

* Annals and Magazine of Nat. Hist., March, 1891, p. 281.

198 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

FO # ™.

A = 24 ZAMENIS MUCOSUS.

Body of moderate length, more or less cylindrical ; belly

flat, more or less rounded; head rarely very distinct

from neck, witha flat crown, and more or less depressed

muzzle ; tail cylindrical, tapering to a point.

1.—Head elongate, distinct from neck; snout obtuse,

slightly projecting. 24 Z. mucosus.

2,.—As in a!; snout curved and prominent. 25 Z. fas-

ciolatus. |

3.—As in a!; snout not projecting. 26 C. helena; 29 T.

ceylonensis ; 30 T. stolatus; 31 T. asperrimus.

4,—Head very distinct from neck; body stout, viperine

aspect. 32 T. plumbicolor.

5.—Head slightly distinct from neck ; body rather stout..

33 H. schistosus.

6.—Head short, not distinct from neck; tail very short.

20S.arnenis ; 21 O. templetonii ; 22 O. sublineatus ;

A3 B. ceylonicus; 44 B. ceruleus.

7.—As in a®, but tail longer. 23 O. subgriseus.

8.—Head short, scarcely distinct from neck ; tail moderate.

18 P. subpunctatus; 19 A. calamaria; 41 G. pre-

vostiana.

9,.—Head scarcely distinct from neck ; snout much depres--.

sed, with swollen lips, spatulate in the adult. 15 L.

aulicus.

10.—Head long and broad, very distinct ; snout long ; tail

very short, prehensile. 3 P. molurus.

B = 45 NAIA TRIPUDIANS.

As in a, but the neck is extensible, forming a hood

when spread out,

C = 10 ASPIDURA BRACHYHORROS,

Body cylindrical ; head not distinct from neck, sub-

conical ; snout pointed.

No. 39.—1889. ] ZOOLOGICAL TABLES. Le)

1.—Body stout; tail rather short. 10 to 13, Aspidura,

all species.

2.—Body slender. 14 H. ceylonensis.

ID = 40 CERBERUS RHYNCOPS.

Head with elevated crown; snout high; body stout;

tail rather compressed at root.

‘E — 27 DENDROPHIS PICTUS.

Body elongate, somewhat compressed ; head elongate,

distinct ; belly keeled ; tail long.

1.—Body very elongate and slender. 27 D. pictus; 28 D.

caudolineatus.

2.—As in e!, but the snout is depressed, truncated. 39 C.

ornata.

3.—As in e!, but the body is moderately elongate. 17 H.

nympha.

F = 37 DRYOPHIS MYCTERIZANS.

Body and tail exceedingly elongate ; body compressed ;

head long, very distinct from neck ; snout produced into

an elongate flexible appendage ; sides of muzzle deeply

grooved. 37 D. mycterizans; 38 D. pulverulentus.

iG = 35 DIPSAS CEYLONENSIS.

Body and tail exceedingly elongate ; body compressed ;

head very distinct, with a short blunt snout. 35 D.

ceylonensis; 36 D. forstenii.

{= 57 VIPERA RUSSELLII.

Body robust; head very distinct from neck; snout

triangular.

1.—Snout obtuse ; tail short. 57 V. russellii.

2.—As in h}, but snout slightly turned up, with a sharp

canthus rostralis. 59 A. hypnale.

Snout very short; tail moderate, prehensile. 60 T.

_ trigonocephalus.

16—91 E

200 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). FV Ole Xa

Jj —58 EcHIS CARINATA.

Body robust; head scarcely distinct from neck, thick

and high, with a very short snout; tail short. 58 E.

carinata.

K — 16 LYCODON CARINATUS.

Body much compressed posteriorly; belly keeled ;

head with short and blunt snout; tail compressed. 15 L.

aulicus.

|. — 34 CHERSYDRUS GRANULATUS.

Body much compressed ; belly compressed to a central

keel; head scarcely distinct, with high square snout ;.

tail strongly compressed, tapering to a point, 34 C.

eranulatus.

i — 47 HYDRUS PLATURUS.,

Tail strongly compressed ; oar-shaped.

1.—Body short. 47 H. platurus.

2.—Body short and stout. 46 EH. curtus.

3.—Head moderate; body stout. 52 D. stokesii.

4.—Head rather small; body moderately elongate, 48 H.

spiralis. |

).—Head short with a declivous pointed snout; body

moderately elongate. 53 D. jerdonii.

6.—Head moderate; body moderately elongate. 54 D.

robusta ; 56 D. ornata.

(.—Head moderate ; body elongate. 55 D. cyanocincta.

8.—Head very small] ; body long, with an extremely slender

neck. 49 H. fasciatus; 50 H. gracilis; 51 H.

cantoris.

N = 42 CALLOPHIS TRIMACULATUS.

Body worm-like, being cylindrical, of nearly equal

thickness throughout; very slender; tail not distinct.

ending in a blunt point.

No. 39.—1889. ] ZOOLOGICAL TABLES. 20L

O =— 4 CYLINDROPHIS MACULATUS.

Asin n, but the body is stout. 4 C. maculatus.

P — 1 TYPHLOPS BRAMINUS.

Asin 7, but the head is quite undistinguishable from

the body ; the snout is slightly depressed and rounded.

1.—Snout moderate, projecting ; diameter of the body 35 to

55) times in the total length. 1 T. braminus.

2.—Asin p!; diameter of body 43 to 60 times in the total

length. 2 'T. mirus.

Q — 6 RHINOPHIS OXYRHYNCUS.

Body cylindrical ; head conical ; snout pointed ; tail not

distinct, more or less truncated.

1.—Snout acutely pointed; diameter of body 37 to 39

times in the total length. 6 R. oxyrhyncus.

2.—As in g!; diameter 24 to 34. 7 R. planiceps.

3.—As in g!; diameter 26 to 30. 8 R. trevelyanus.

4. —As in q!; diameter 22 to 32. 9 R. blythii.

).—Tail obliquely truncated as if cut with a knife; snout

acutely pointed ; diameter 20 5 -U. grandis.

VENTRAILS.

A = 24 ZAMENIS MUCOSUS.

Ventrals well developed, smooth, or slightly keeled ;

sub-caudals two-rowed ; anal bifid.

- 1.—Ventrals broad, smooth. 15,18 to 25, 29 to 33, 37 to 42.

B = 45 NAIA TRIPUDIANS.

Asin a ; anal entire.

1.—Venirals broad, smooth. 26, 35, 36, 45, 57, 59.

2.—Ventrals very narrow. 3.

3.—Ventral preceding anal deeply notched. 60.

C = 27 DENDROPHIS PICTUS.

As ina; ventral keeled. 17, 27, 28, 39.

H 2

202 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. XI.

D — 43 BUNGARUS CEYLONICUS.

As in @; sub-caudals simple; anal entire. 10 to 14, 43,

44, 58.

E — 16 LYCODON CARINATUS.

Ventrals keeled ; sub-caudals simple; anal entire. 16.

SCALES.

A = 24 ZAMENIS MUCOSUS.

Scales confined to the back and _ sides, imbricate,

polished smooth, or but partially or feebly keeled.

1.—Scales moderate, with apical pits, feebly keeled in the

posterior part of the back. 24.

2.—With apical pits. 17, 25, 39.

3.—Feebly keeled on the posterior part of the body and

Wau, 2.

4.—Smooth. 10 to 13, 15,18 to 23, 41, 42, 45, 60 (or feebly

keeled).

5.—Smooth, very small. 3.

B = 31 TROPIDONOTUS ASPERRIMUS.

As in a, but the scales are distinctly keeled.

1.—No serrated keels. 14, 16, 29 to 33, 40, 57, 59.

2.—Keels on lateral scales serrated. 58.

C = 43 BUNGARUS CEYLONICUS.

As in @, but with a larger series of polygonal vertebral

scales. 43, 44.

D = 37 DRYOPHIS MYCTERIZANS.

Seales very imbricate, quadrilateral (rhombic on the

anterior part of the body). 37, 38.

E — 35 DIPSAS CEYLONENSIS.

As in d, but with a larger series of polygonal vertebral

scales. 27, 28, 35 to 39.

No. 39.—1889.] ZOOLOGICAL TABLES. 203

F — 4 CYLINDROPHIS MACULATUS.

Scales surrounding the whole body (7.e., there are no true

ventrals), smooth, highly polished, slightly imbricate.

1.—A series of ventral scales slightly larger than the

adjoining ones. 4.

2.—No large ventral series. 1, 2.

G= 6 RHINOPHIS OXYRHYNCUS.

As in f, but there is a rough naked disc on the end

of the tail.

1.—Caudal shield as long as the shielded part of the head,

extending to lower surface of tail ; obtusely rounded

caudal scales, smooth. 6, 7, 8.

2.—Caudal shield less than half the size of the head ; as-

perous, scarcely ridged in the centre ; faint traces of

keels on some of the final caudal scales, and some-

times onterminal upper. 9.

3.—Caudal shield forms a large flat rough disc ; very faint

traces of keels on terininal sub-caudal scales. 5.

| — 47 HYDRUS PLATURUS.*

Scales unpolished, surrounding the whole body; the

ventral series as a rule distinguished in some way from the

rest ; never strongly imbricate and frequently tessellated.

1.—All the scales more or less hexagonal, tessellated ;

smooth in the females and young, with one to three

tubercles in the male; no larger ventral series. 47

H. platurus.

2.—Asin h!. Scales feebly tubercled or keeled ; those on

the lower surface in the male with a strong spinose

tubercle ; ventrals larger anteriorly, with two spinose

tubercles in the male. 46 E. curtus.

}.—All the scales imbricate, smooth in the young, with a

central tubercle in the adult ; ventral series feebly

enlarged. 48 H. spiralis.

* The scales of sea snakes are counted round the neck ; they are more

numerous round the middle of the body.

204 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). EViome SXale

4.—As in h3. Scales of neck smooth, those on the body

with a tubercle or short keel. 49 H. fasciatus.

).—Scales imbricate anteriorly, elsewhere hexagonal, tessel-

lated, each withtwo or more tubercles; feeble in the

female; ventrals hardly enlarged. 50 H. gracilis :

1 H. cantoris.

6.—All the scales imbricate, keeled, or tubercled ; ventrals

enlarged anteriorly, further back in pairs. 52D.

stokesii.

(.—Scales slightly imbricate, strongly keeled ; ventrals

feebly enlarged ; bituberculate. 53 D. jerdonii.

S.—Much as in h’, but the scales may be smooth or have

a tubercle or short keel. 54 D. robusta.

9. —Much as in h’; the keel may be broken up into tuber-

cles, and the ventrals maybe smooth. 55 D. cyano-

cincta.

10.—Much as in f°; scales in the young smooth, in the

adult with a tubercle or keel. 56 D. ornata.

J — 34 CHERSYDRUS GRANULATUS.

Seales very small; rough, round warts, each with a

small tubercle Those occupying the medium ventral

fold have a very short keel ending in aminute point. 34.

HEAD SHEREDS.

A = 24 ZAMENIS MUCOSUS. )

Head entirely shielded above ; rostral not produced or

enlarged ; a pair of internasals and pree-frontals; the

internasals never much reduced in size; anterior

frontals neither in contact with the labials nor forming

part of the labial margin, which is formed by many

shields; nasals small, lateral; a mental groove; chin

shields symmetrically arranged.

1.—Two nasals ; two or three loreals (three generally) ;

all the upper labials reach labial margin; supra-

ocular projecting. 24 Z. mucosus.

No. 39.—1889. | ZOOLOGICAL TABLES. 205

2.—Two nasals; one loreal, which is never much longer

than broad; all the upper labials reach labial

margin. 16 L. carinatus; 25 Z. fasciolatus; 26 C.

helena; 29 T. ceylonensis; 30 T. stolatus; 31 T.

asperrimus.

3.—As in a’, but the loreal is liable to become fused with

the lower pre-ocular. 32 T. plumbicolor.

4,—As in @, but the loreal is elongate. 27 D. pictus;

28 D. caudolineatus ; 39 C. ornata.

5,—As in a’; nasal subdivided ; loreal fused with lower

pre-ocular. 17 H. nympha.

6.—As in a; a single nasal fused with the loreal. 19

A. calamaria.

4.—As in @; seventh and ninth upper labials exclude

the eighth from the labial margin; the eighth looks

like a temporal. 18 P. subpunctatus.

8.—As in a’; the posterior nasal more or less deeply

concave. 3) D. ceylonensis ; 36 D. forstenii.

9.—As in @; loreal very large, twice as broad as long,

received into a notch between the internasal and

anterior frontals. 15 L. aulicus.

10.—As in a, but the loreal is entirely wanting. 42 C.

trimaculatus; 43 B. ceylonicus; 44 B. ceruleus ;

45 N. tripudians.

B = 20 SIMOTES ARNENSIS.

As in a, but the rostral is large and produced backwards,

reducing the internasals to narrow transverse shields.

_1.—AIl the labials reach labial margin; two nasals; the

loreal liable to be fused with pre-frontal. 20 8.

arnensis.

2—Asin 0!; loreal sometimes absent. 22 0. sublineatus.

3.—As in b'; loreal present. 23 O. subgriseus.

4—Asin 0'; loreal longer than deep, entering the eye

(fused with lower pre-ocular ?); fifth and seventh

labials excluding sixth from labial margin. 21 O.

templetonii.

206 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XT.

C = 33 HELICOPS SCHISTOSUS.

As in a, but only a small single internasal.

1.—Frontal of the usual form. 33 H. schistosus.

2.— Frontal elongate, with concave sides. 41 G. prevostiana..

D — 10 ASPIDURA BRACHYHORROS.

A single internasal ; anterior frontals in contact with

the labials ; nasals placed on front margin of snout.

1.—Two nasals, no loreal; pre-frontals separated from

the eye by a pre-ocular. 10A. brachyhorros; 14 H.

ceylonensis.

2.—As in d!; no pre-ocular; pre-frontal enters the eye.

11 A. copii.

3.—As in d!; pre-ocular very small; pre-frontal enters

the eye. 12 A. guentheri; 13 A. trachyprocta.

FE — 37 DRYOPHIS MYCTERIZANS.

As ina; rostral produced into a flexible nasal appen-

dage ; anterior frontals in contact with the labials. 37

D. mycterizans ; 38 D. pulverulentus.

F — 47 HYDRUS PLATURUS.

A pair of very large contiguous nasals cover the snout ;

no internasals.

1.—Chin shields absent, or merely larger scales ; temporals

small, numerous. 47 H. platurus.

Z.—Chin shields indistinct or very small; two or three

superimposed temporals; parietals broken up into

small shields generally, although sometimes only

divided in two (in one specimen parietal on one

side isonly notched). 46 E. curtus.

3.—A single anterior temporal ; frontal as long as its dis-

tance from rostral; two pairs of subequal chin

shields in contact. 48 H. spiralis; 49 H. fasciatus.

4.—As in f'; frontal very small, hardly as long as

distance from rostral. 50 H. gracilis; 51 H.

cantoris.

No. 39.—1889.] ZOOLOGICAL TABLES. 207

_9.—Two superimposed anterior temporals ; frontal as long

as its distance from the rostral: no chin shields:

rostral as deep as broad. 952 D. stokesii.

6.—A single large anterior temporal descending to the

labial margin ; frontal nearly as long as its distance

from the end of snout; chin shields, two pairs in

contact. 53 D. jerdonii.

7.—As in f%; rostral broader than deep. 54 D. robusta.

8.—Asin /”’; two superimposed anterior temporals. 55

D. cyanocincta.

9—As in f’; two or three superimposed anterior tem-

porals ; posterior chin shields, if distinct, separated

by scales. 956 D. ornata.

G = 4 CYLINDROPHIS MACULATUS.

A pair of very large contiguous nasals cover the snout,

succeeded by a pair of anterior frontals, which are in

contact with the labials and form anterior margin of

orbit. 4 C. maculatus.

-] — 6 RHINOPHIS OXYRHYNCUS.

Head shields scale-like or slightly imbricate ; rostral

very large, produced backwards; a pair of anterior

frontals; a single ocular shield; no mental groove or

chin shields.

1.—Rostral strongly keeled, half as long as shielded part

of the head. 6 R. oxyrhyncus.

2.—Rostral obtusely keeled, not half as long as shielded

; part of the head. 7 R. planiceps; 8 R. trevylanus ;

9 R. blythii.’

3.—Rostral convex. 5 U. grandis.

J — 40 CERBERUS RHYNCOPS.

Occiput scaly; internasals small; nasals anterior,

superior, contiguous; lower margin of orbit formed

by an infra-ocular shield. 40 C. rhyncops.

208 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). - [VoL XI.

-K —3 PYTHON MOLURUS.

Occiput scaly; snout with irregular shields; rostral

and some of the labials deeply pitted ; no chin shields.

3 P. molurus.

L. = 59 ANCISTRODON HYPNALE.

Large frontal and parietal shields, but the snout is

scaly. 59 A. hypnale.

Mj — 97 VIPERA RUSSELLII.

Head almost entirely scaly.

1.—A narrow supraciliary shield; three nasals. 57 V.

russellii.

2) ay pair of very small frontals; nasal subdivided. 585

K. carinata.

3.—Two front scales on snout large; nasal single. 60 T.

trigonocephalus.

Ni — 1 TYPHLOPS BRAMINUS.

A large rostral projecting backwards, flanked by large

nasals, covers the snout; there is a pree-ocular shield

and an ocular and a few labials; the other shields are

scarcely larger than the scales.

1.—No sub-ocular; ocular in contact with third or fourth

labials ; nasal completely divided ; anterior nasal in

contact with pree-ocular. 1 T. braminus. :

2.—A sub-ocular separating ocular from third labial ; nasal

completely divided; ocular in contact with fourth

labial. 23. mirws:

oes

EWES.

A = 24 ZAMENIS MUCOSUS.

Pupil round.

1.—kLarge. 24. 25, 27, 28.

2.—Rather large. 29, 39.

No. 39.—1889. | ZOOLOGICAL TABLES. 209

3.—Moderate. 26, 30, 32, 33.

4.—Rather small. 18 to 23, 31, 42 to 56.

\.—Small. 10 to 14.

6.—Very small. 5 to 9.

7.—Small, placed towards the upper surface of the head. 4.

B= 35 DIPSAS CEYLONENSIS.

Pupil vertically elliptical.

1.—Large. 35, 36.

2.—Moderate. 15 to 17.

d.—Small. 40, 41.

4.—Very small. 34.

C = 3 PYTHON MOLURUS.

Pupil vertical.

1.—Small. 3.

2.—Moderate. 957 to 60.

D = 37 DRYOPHIS MYCTERIZANS.

Pupil horizontal ; eye rather large. 37, 38.

E = 1 TYPHLOPS BRAMINUS.

Rudimentary ; under the shield.

Visible. 1.

2.—Visible. 2.

NOSTRILS.

A = 24 ZAMENIS MUCOSUS.

‘Simple.

1.—Lateral. 1, 5 to 32, 35 to 39, 41 to 45, 58.

2,—Latero-frontal. 1, 2.

d.—Directed upwards. 4, 33.

4.—On upper surface of snout. 3, 40.

).—As in a, but very large, 57.

6.—As in a, but there is a deep pit between the nostril

and the eye. 59, 60.

210 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

B — 47 HYDRUS PLATURUS.

Nostrils provided with a valve placed on the upper

surface of the snout. 46 to 56.

C = 34 CHERSYDRUS GRANULATUS.

Nostrils placed close together high on the snout,

opening forward ; provided with a valve.

MOUTH.

A = 24 ZAMENIS MUCOSUS.

Terminal ; cleft in accordance with length of head ;

jaws very dilatable; labial margins simple. 3 to 33,

a0 to 45, 57 to 60.

B = 47 HYDRUS PLATURUS.

Asin a; labial margin with a lobule in the middle of

the rostral shield, and with a notch each side, through

which the forks of the tongue can be protruded. 46 t0 56.

C = 34 CHERSYDRUS GRANULATUS.

As in @; labial margin with a lobule in thecentre of

lower lip, fitting into a notch in the rostral. 34.

[1 — 1 TYPHLOPS BRAMINUS.

Mouth inferior, very short and narrow; jaws scarcely

dilatable. 1, 2.

TEET i.

A = 24 ZAMENIS MUCOSUS.

All the teeth solid, none grooved, placed on the maxil-

laries, palate, and mandibles ; conical, sharp, recurved.

1.—Maxillary teeth increasing in size posteriorly ; the last

not so long as some of the preceding. 24 Z. mucosus ;

25 Z, fasciolatus ; 29 T. ceylonensis ; 33 H. schistosus.

No. 39.—1889. | ZOOLOGICAL TABLES. 211

2.—-Maxillary teeth sub-equal. 19 A. calamaria; 26 C.

helena; 34 C. granulatus.

3.—As in a; anterior mandibulary teeth longest. 27 D.

pictus ; 28 D. caudolineatus.

4.—Maxillary teeth equal; anterior mandibulary teeth a

little the longest. 10 to 14, A. brachyhorros.

5.—As in @; anterior mandibulary teeth a little the

longest. 17 H.nympha.

B = 30 TROPIDONOTUS STOLATUS.

Asina, but the last maxillary tooth forms a distinct fang.

1.—Maxillary teeth gradually increasing in length poster-

iorly ; fang moderate, separate from the preceding

teeth by a distinct interval and enclosed in a separate

membranaceous pouch; mandibulary and palatine

teeth all of about equal size. 30 T. stolatus; 31 T.

asperrimus.

2—As in }!; fang very large, separated from the pre-

ceding teeth by a wide interval. 32 T. plumbicolor.

C = 3 PYTHON MOLURUS.

As in a, but there are also teeth on the inter-maxillaries.

D = 15 LYCODON AULICUS.

As in a, but the anterior maxillary teeth are enlarged

and fang-like, followed by a toothless space; anterior

mandibulary teeth enlarged. 15 L. aulicus; 16 L.

carinatus.

E = 20 SIMOTES ARNENSIS.

As in a, but the teeth in the jaws few, the hinder

maxillary fang-like.

1.—Teeth on the pterygoids. 20S. arnensis.

2.—No teeth on the pterygoids. 21 to 23, Oligodon, all

species.

F — 18 PoLYODONTOPHIS SUBPUNCTATUS,

As in a, but the form of the teeth is very peculiar:

212 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XI.

they are very small, numerous, of equal size, cylindrical

at the base, but transversely compressed towards the

tip, which forms a recurved cutting edge.

G — 6 RHINOPHIS OXYRHYNCUS.

As in a, but the teeth are few, and none are fang-like.

1.—No palatine teeth. 5 to 9, Uropeltide.

2.—Palatine teeth. 4 C. maculatus.

ki — 1 TYPHLOPS BRAMINUS.

A few feeble teeth in the maxillaries only. 1, 2.

J — 39 CHRYSOPELEA ORNATA.

As in a, but the posterior maxillary teeth are grooved.

1.—Maxillaries sub-equal, the last three longest and

erooved; anterior mandibulary tooth longest. 35.

D. ceylonensis ; 36 D. forstenii; 39 C. ornata.

2—As in 7}; the last two maxillaries grooved. 40 C.

rhyncops; 41 G, prevostiana.

K = 37 DRYOPHIS MYCTERIZANS.

As in 7, but one or two of the central maxillary teeth

are much enlarged, forming fangs, and followed by an

interspace ; the posterior grooved ; the third and fourth

mandibulary teeth largest, fang-like. 37 D. mycterizans:

38 D. pulverulentus.

|. — 45 NAIA TRIPUDIANS,

Maxillary teeth few, the first grooved in front forming

a fang in connection with a poison gland, the poison

canal terminating in a short slit.

1.—Fang followed by one to three small solid teeth. 43.

B. ceylonicus ; 44 B. ceruleus ; 45 N. tripudians.

2. No tooth behind fang. 42 C. trimaculatus.

Vi — 46 ENHYDRIS CURTUS.

Maxillary with a pair of large grooved fangs, followed

after a considerable interval by small solid teeth.

No. 39.—1889. ] ZOOLOGICAL TABLES. 213.

1.—Solid maxillary teeth, two to five. 46 HK. curtus.

2.—Solid maxillary teeth, seven to eight. 47 H. platurus.

3.—Solid maxillary teeth, seven to eighteen. 48 to 45],

Hy drophis, all species.

N = 952 DISTIRA STOKESII.

As in m, but solid maxillary teeth, four to ten in

number, are grooved anteriorly. 52 to 56, Distira, all

species.

O = 97 VIPERA RUSSELLIL.

The anterior maxillary tooth forms a _ powerful

caniculated but ungrooved poison fang terminating in a

slit ; the maxillary is a short rounded bone, and being

movable, the fang is carried lying back on the roof of

the mouth, being erected when the viper strikes. The

anterior mandibulary teeth are large; the pterygoids

small,equal. 57 to 60, Viperide.

COLO KR.

Section J.

Belly white or yellowish, immaculate. (Sometimes 30 T.

stolatus has no spots on belly, and would then belong to this

section. )

3 PYTHON MOLURUS.

Light gray witha golden sheen. Deep brown, lance-shaped

spots on head and nape, streak from nostrils through eye to

mouth, confluent with band along lower jaw, sub-triangular

spot below eye, a vertebral series of large triangular spots with

oblong spots either side, a lateral series of rather irregular

spots with light centres.

10 ASPIDURA BRACHYHORROS.

Yellowish olive. Darker, four longitudinal streaks.

Brown, freckles on tail. Black, an oblique band on each

side of the neck, a vertebral series of dots.

214 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). | VoL. XI.

14 HAPLOCERCUS CEYLONENSIS.

Light brown or blackish, at times dull red. Black, a ver-

tebral line, a lateral series of small black spots, edge of nuchal

band. Yellowish, an oblique nuchal band.

15 LYCODON AULICUS.

Brownish gray.

15 and 17 LYCODON AULICUS AND HYDROPHOBUS

NYMPHA.

Rounded broad brown bands alternate with narrow white

ones on the anterior part of the body. In some specimens

of 15, and in all of 17, they are reticulated with brown.

19 ABLABES CALAMARIA.

Brownish gray. Black, edges of scales each side of back,

forming small irregular spots, more or less confluent poster-

iorly. Brown, two minute streaks at base of each scale.

23 OLIGODON SUBGRISEUS.

Light brown. Black, edges of head bands and numerous

irregular cross-streaks formed by the edges of some of the

scales. Brown, pre-ocular, occipital, and nuchal bands.

White, a vertebral and two lateral lines.

24 ZAMENIS MUCOSUS.

Belly at times brilliant yellow. Light brownish olive,

darker on margins of scales. Black, margins of scales pos-

teriorly, forming reticulations. Blackish, margins of head

shields.

25 ZAMENIS FASCIOLATUS.

Brownish olive. Mixed black, brown, and white, cross

bars on anterior half of body.

No. 39.—1889. | ZOOLOGICAL TABLES. 215

: 26 COLUBER HELENA.

Reddish olive. Black, numerous reticulated transverse

bands, enclosing ocelli; two parallel longitudinal bands above

an oblique band each side of neck, a line along occipital

suture, an oblique band from eye along edge of ninth labial.

Brown, a broad lateral posterior band running to tip of tail.

White or yellow, a double row of lateral ocelli.

27 DENDROPHIS PICTUS. |

Bronze. Black,a band commencing behind eye and forming

an edge to lateral band, sometimes an edge below. Yellow,

broad lateral bands and a vertebral line anteriorly.

28 DENDROPHIS CAUDOLINEATUS.

Belly pale yellow. Bronze. Black, two bands froma little

behind head to root of tail, four narrow lines from posterior

half of back to root of tail, a vertebral and abdominal band

on tail.

29 TROPIDONOTUS CEYLONENSIS.

Belly becomes grayish posteriorly. Brownish olive. Black

edges of ocelli dilated into cross bands, band from eye along

neck. White or yellow, a single row of large lateral ocelli.

d2 TROPIDONOTUS PLUMBICOLOR (adult).

Belly dirty white. Dirty green. Black, blotches here and

_ there, the remains of markings in the young.

33 HELICOPS SCHISTOSUS.

Blackish olive as far as the lower labials and one or two

lower rows of scales, which are the same as belly.

44 BUNGARUS CHRULEUS.

-a.—Blackish. \

6.—Blackish. White, dorsal streaks in pairs.

c.—Blackish. White, a vertebral series of spots from which

narrow transverse streaks proceed.

, Section B.

Belly white or yellow, with a greater or lesser number of

black spots laterally. |

16—91 »

216 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

18 POLYODONTOPHIS SUBPUNCTATUS.

Each ventral with a pair of black dots. Reddish olive

above, pearly gray laterally, the two tints separated by a

distinct punctated line. Black, a series of vertebral dots and

edges of collar. Brown,upper parts of head. Yellow, a broad

collar and edges of vertebral dots.

30 TROPIDONOTUS STOLATUS.

Anterior ventrals with a pair of dots (sometimes wanting,

see Section A). Black, numerous reticulated crossbars,

edges of head shields, anterior margins of sub-oculars,

sutures of fifth, sixth, and seventh upper labials. White or

yellow, two bright longitudinal lines and lateral ocelli, pre-

oculars, and post-oculars.

39 CHRYSOPELEA ORNATA.

a.—Belly bright yellow, each ventral with a pair of lateral

black dots. Bright yellow. Black, broad bands on the head,

short dorsal transverse bands and _ lateral reticulations.

Crimson, a series of vertebral rosettes (adult).

b.—Pearly gray. Black, numerous narrow bands reticu-

lated with yellow (half-grown).

¢—Pearly gray, alternate bands of black and yellow

(young).

Section C,

Each scale on belly with a black central spot (no ventrals).

8 RHINOPHIS TREVELYANUS.

Blackish brown. Yellow, a series of triangular spots along

each side of the body.

Section D,

Belly strongly marked with square black spots.

21 OLIGODON TEMPLETONIIL.

Brown. Blackish brown, a blotch on each side of neck,

indistinct ocular bands, eighteen narrow short transverse

bands. Light brown, a vertebral band.

No. 39.—1889. | ZOOLOGICAL TABLES. 217

Section E,

Belly with three punctated streaks, tail with two.

22 OLIGODON SUBLINEATUS.

Brownish olive. Brown, spots below eye, nuchal blotches,

numerous pairs of slightiy alternating, transverse, light-

edged spots on back.

Section F,

Belly with blackish anterior margins to ventrals.

31 TROPIDONOTUS ASPERRIMUS.

The most variable snake in Ceylon, but has almost always

two oblique streaks behind eye; when these are absent the

beginner will probably be puzzled to identify his specimens.

a.—Grayish or brownish olive. Black, square spots arran-

ged quincuncially in 3, 5, 6, or 7 series; two oblique streaks

behind eye. Scarlet, a lateral series of spots during life only.

b.—The spots are dissolved into a network of black lines

intermixed with white dots.

¢.—Broad rhombic or brownish bands with darker edges.

d.—Almost uniform; a few scales have a black or white

dot at the base.

Section G,

Belly white or yellow, more or less marked with brown.

57 VIPERA RUSSELLII,

Belly yellow, more or less marked with brown semi-

circular spots on hind margins of ventrals. Grayish brown.

Black, three longitudinal series of rings: the middle ovate, the

outer circular, edge of ocular spots. Brown, margins of

rostrals, lateral shields, prae-ocular spots. Yellow, a line on

each side of upper surface of head, two convergent lines on

snout, rostral, and labial shields.

98 ECHIS CARINATA.

Belly whitish, with more or less numerous round brown

specks. Brown or brownish gray. Blackish brown, edges of

dorsal spots. Brown, a pair of oblong spots each side of

head, converging anteriorly ; pra-ocular spot; post-ocular

F 2

218 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

streak ; spots on dorsal bands. White, aseries of ovate dorsal —

spots, and a wavy band each side of them.

Section 4,

Belly white, marbled with black.

11 ASPIDURA COPII.

Brownish, stippled with black. Black, a series of paired

lateral spots, transverse spot behind angle of mouth, margin of

each labial. Reddish, anterior and posterior margins of spots.

13 ASPIDURA TRACHYPROCTA.*

Brown. Darker brown, four or five series of spots or lines,

which may be entirely absent ; a band along each side of tail.

4() CERBERUS RHYNCOPS.

Belly with numerous confluent black blotches. Blackish.

Ash, darker cross bars. Yellowish, two or three outer series

of scales forming bands.

| Section J, 3

Belly with black bands anteriorly, becoming darker

posteriorly.

45 NAIA TRIPUDIANS.

Very variable; black, brown, or dirty white. Thespectacle

marks on hood appear always to be present in Ceylon

specimens.

Section K,

Belly of a dark tint different from the rest of the body.

12 ASPIDURA GUENTHERI.

Belly slate colour. Shining metallic olive brown. Darker,

three rows of indistinct spots. White, some irregular spots,

spots behind eye, sometimes a collar.

32 TROPIDONOTUS PLUMBICOLOR (young). For adult

see Section A,

Belly dusky. Pearly gray. Black, transverse bands.

White, a collar.

* Some varieties almost uniform blackish, the marbling on the belly

covering the whole surface. Very like 12, section K.

No. 39.—1889. ] ZOOLOGICAL TABLES. 219

41 GERARDIA PREVOSTIANA.

Belly pale muddy. Olive, each ventral with a darker

edge; back darker, the two tints divided bya pale lateral

band 24 scales broad.

Section L,

- Belly white, back brown, the whole body encircled with

a deep black network.

4 CYLINDROPHIS MACULATUS.

As in section.

Section MI,

Dull coloured above and below, more or less uniform.

1 TYPHLOPS BRAMINUS.

Brownish, belly paler, upper shields of head with a faint

crenulated paler margin.

2 TYPHLOPS MIRUS.

- Asin No. 1; snout yellow.

5 UROPELTIS GRANDIS.,

Brown; margins of lateral and ventral scales lighter.

(With or without yellow spots; yellow beneath with or

without dark brown spots.—Boulenger’s ‘‘ Fauna of British

India,” p. 254.)

6 RHINOPHIS OXYRHYNCOUS.

Uniform brownish, each scale with a lighter margin.

White, anal shield.

7 RHINOPHIS PLANICEPS.

Asin No. 6; sometimes a yellowish blotch near head or

vent.

9 RHINOPHIS BLYTHII.

Dark brown ; sides with vertical yellow spots or festooned

zigzag band along the anterior half of the body; a yellow

ring round base of tail.

220 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou XI.

Section N.

Stippled above and below with various dull shades.

38 DRYOPHIS PULVERULENTUS.

Belly pinkish, with three brown bands stippled with black.

Brown, upper head shields and rostral band running through

eye. Yellowish, broad edges of the head shields (skin

between scales on anterior part of body black and white, so that

when the snake expands that portion transverse bars appear).

3d). DIPSAS CEYLONENSIS.

Belly yellowish. Brownish olive. Whole body much

stippled with gray and black; markings exceedingly variable ;

generally there are black blotches on occiput and a streak from

the eye to angle of mouth. Brown, a series of vertebral spots.

36 DIPSAS FORSTENII.

As in 35. Black bases of some of the scales uniting to:

form irregular transverse bands, which are frequently broken

up to form lateral spots ; bands along occiput and neck ; short

band each side of neck; broad band from eye toangle of mouth.

(Extraordinarily variable; one specimen in the Museum has.

no markings, being uniform gray with a reddish tinge.)

39 ANCISTRODON HYPNALE.

Very variable, ranging from flesh colour to black ; generally

stippled, spotted, or blotched with various shades. The most

constant markings are a dark temporal line, a series of spots,

and a pair of whitish spots each side of throat.

Section O,

Body with black and white rings.

16 and 43 LYCODON CARINATUS AND BUNGARUS

CEYLONICUS.

Black bands, fainter on the belly; in some specimens

the white rings are mere streaks on the back widening

downwards. In the young of Bungarusceylonicus there is a

white collar, and in the very young the belly is white and

the collar interrupted by a black longitudinal line.

No. 39.—1889. | ZOOLOGICAL TABLES. 221

Section P,

Blackish.

d4 CHERSYDRUS GRANULATUS (adult).

AS in section.

Section Q,

Black and white bands, the black pointed downwards,

forming a backgammon board pattern.

d4 CHERSYDRUS GRANULATUS (young).

As in section.

Section R,

Yellow, or whitish, or greenish, more or less banded or

encircled with black, or half black and yellow, or pure yellow.

46 ENHYDRIS CURTUS. !

Yellow. Black, transverse bands on back (in some old

specimens rather indistinct) and end of tail.

47 HYDRUS PLATURUS.

a.—Yellow. Black, head and back, spots on tail. Brown,

sides and belly. Yellow, band between the two colours.

6.—As in variety a, but black band below the yellow one.

c.—The black of the back becomes sinuous posteriorly and

finally broken up into more or less confluent spots. Brown,

irregular spots. Yellow, sides and belly.

d.—Yellow. Black, edges of bands, variegations on head.

Brown, about fifty narrow bands extending nearly to belly,

and streaks crossing belly alternating with band.

ée.—Uniform pale primrose yellow.

48 HYDROPHIS SPIRALIS.

Olive above, yellowish beneath. Black, rings round body

(ventral band in young), dorsal spots between rings, head

above. Yellow, a horseshoe mark on head.

49 HYDROPHIS FASCIATUS.

Yellowish. Black, head and neck, cross bands or rings,

which are broadest on back. Yellowish, cross bands on neck.

222 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VOL. XI.

50 HYDROPHIS GRACILIS.

Bluish black or grayish olive. Lighter, more or less distinct

cross bandsanteriorly. (Young: black, head and neck ; rhom-

bic cross bands on body continued on belly, or sub-interrupted

or entirely black, with a series of elliptical vertical whitish

spots on each side.—Boulenger.)

21 HYDROPHIS CANTORIS.

Dark olive or blackish anteriorly ; olive above ; posteriorly

yellowish on the sides. Blackish, a streak along the belly.

Olive, vertical bars on tail.

52 DISTIRA STOKESII.

. Yellowish. Black, broad dorsal cross bands or complete

rings.

\3 DISTIRA JERDONIL,

Olive above, yellow below. Black, cross bands or rings,

sometimes spots between them.

o4 DISTIRA ROBUSTA.

Gresnisl yellow above, yellowbelow. Black, cross bands or

rings, which are narrower than the interspaces between them ;

end of tail.

55 DISTIRA CYANOCINCTA.

Greenish olive above, yellow below. Black, cross bands

or annuli, broadest on back; sometimes a band running

along belly.

96 DISTIRA ORNATA.

Olive above, white below. Blackish, cross bars tapering on

sides, one or more lateral series of roundish spots. The bands

may become confluent, when the specimen will be uniformly

a blackish olive.

Section S,

Green above and below.

} 37 DRYOPHIS MYCTERIZANS.

Bright grass green, belly paler. Bronze, shade on back.

Yellow, stripe each side of abdomen. :

No. 39.—1889. ] ZOOLOGICAL TABLES. 223

60 TRIMERESURUS TRIGONOCEPHALUS.

Green, belly paler. Black, network on head, band from

eye toangle of mouth, vertebral band emitting lateral streaks.

Yellow, border of vertebral band, spots on lateral streaks,

tinge on lateral scales, broad margins to ventrals.

Section T,

Belly brilliantly coloured.

42 CALLOPHIS TRIMACULATUS.

Belly rich mauve graduating to pale yellow, increasing to

orange crimson just before vent ; behind deep velvety black,

then pearly gray to tip of tail. Golden gray. Black, head, a

spot on apex of each scale, two rings on tail. Yellow, two

spots on head, a few faint markings on body, variegations of

caudal rings.

HABITS.

A = 24 ZAMENIS MUCOSUS.

Non-poisonous, diurnal, terrestrial or subarboreal, feed-

ing principally on mammals and birds. Oviparous. 3,

Se 19) 24,25, 26.

i — 30 TROPIDONOTUS STOLATUS.

As in a, but freely entering water. Prey, frogs and

nish, 00, d1, 33.

C = 15 LYCODON AULICUS.

-Ground-snakes, feeding almost exclusively on skinks.

15, 16.

D = 27 DENDROPHIS PICTUS.

Diurnal tree-snakes. Prey, small lizards and frogs. I

imagine 37 Dryophis mycterizans differs but little in

habits. Both species may be seen in bushes and creepers

in bright sunshine. D. pulverulentus is a rare snake,

and nothing is known of its habits. 27, 28, 37, 39.

224 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

FE —3 PYTHON MOLURUS.

Sub-arboreal, feeding on mammals, which are crushed

in its coils before being swallowed.

F — 35 DIPSAS CEYLONENSIS.

Nocturnal tree-snakes. Prey, mammals, birds, and

lizards. 395, 36.

G = 10 ASPIDURA BRACHYHORROS.

Ground-snakes, living under stones, trees, and turf.

Prey, insects and earthworms. 4.

KH — 1 TYPHLOPS BRAMINUS. +

Burrowing snakes. Prey, insects and earthworms.

Oviparous. 1, 2, 10 to 14.

J = 6 RHINOPHIS OXYRHYNCUS.

As in h, but viviparous. 5 to 9.

K — 40 CERBERUS RHYNCOPS.

Fresh water-snakes, at times entering the sea. Prey,

fish. Oviparous. 40, 41.

L — 34 CHERSYDRUS GRANULATUS.

Non-poisonous sea-snakes.

Ni = 45 NAIA TRIPUDIANS.

Poisonous land-snakes. Oviparous. 45, 46, 47.

N = 97 VIPERA RUSSELLILI.

Poisonous land-snakes. Viviparous. 57 to 60.

O = 47 HYDRUS PLATURUS.

Sea-snakes. Viviparous. 46 to 56.

No. 39.—1889. | ZOOLOGICAL TABLES. 225

GEOGRAPHICAL DISTRIBUTION.

A = 24 ZAMENIS MUCOSUS.

Generally over the Oriental region. 45.

B —1 TYPHLOPS BRAMINUS.

From Southern China to Arabia, all over India, Africa

south of the Kquator, Madagascar, and the islands of the

Indian Ocean.

C = 3 PYTHON MOLURUS.

India, Ceylon, rare in the Malay Peninsula, and Java.

D —15 LycoDON AULICUS.

India, Ceylon, Burma, Siam, Malay Peninsula, Java,

Phillipines, Timor, Maldives.

E — 17 HYDROPHOBUS NYMPHA.

Southern India, Ceylon. 29, 38.

F — 18 POLYODONTOPHIS SUBPUNCTATUS.

India, Ceylon. 20, 23, 26, 36 (35 Western Himalayas

and Western India).

G = 19 ABLABES CALAMARIA.

Bombay to Ceylon. 32, 59.

Ki = 25 ZAMENIS FASCIOLATUS.

Bengal to Ceylon, Province Wellesley (Malay Peninsula).

= 27 DENDROPHIS PICTUS.

India; Ceyion, Malay Peninsula, and Archipelago. 39.

K = 30 TROPIDONOTUS STOLATUS.

India, Ceylon, Burmah, Malay Peninsula, Southern

China.

L = 33 HELICOPS SCHISTOSUS.

Bengal to Ceylon, Burma, Malay Peninsula, Yunnan.

226 . JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

Nj = 34 CHERSYDRUS GRANULATUS.

Mouths of rivers and coasts of Southern India,

Ceylon, Burma, Malay Peninsula and Archipelago, and

New Guinea.

N = 37 DRYOPHIS MYCTERIZANS.

From Burma through Bengal to Southern India and

Ceylon.

O = 40 CERBERUS RHYNCOPS.

Rivers, estuaries,’ and coasts from the Indus to north

coast of Australia.

P — 41 GERARDIA PREVOSTIANA.

Ceylon, Pegu.

Q= 42 CALLOPHIS TRIMACULATUS.

Bombay to Ceylon, Tennasserim, Bengal ?

RR = 43 BUNGARUS CHRULEUS.

India, Ceylon, rare in Burma.

S = 46 ENHYDRIS CURTUS.

Sea-snakes : may be found anywhere between the Red

Sea and northern coasts of Australia. Their range is

not yet known. 46, 48 to 56.

T — 47 HYDRUS PLATURUS. |

From the Cape to Guayaquil and all through the

Chinese, Malayan, and Indian Seas to the Persian Gulf.

U = 57 VIPERA RUSSELLII.

India, Ceylon, Burma, Siam.

V = 98 ECHIS CARINATA.

Deserts of North Africa, South-Western Asia, and India.

W = 2 TYPHLOPS MIRUS.

Peculiar toCeylon. 4to14, 16, 21, 22, 23, 28, 31, 43, 60.

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No. 39.—1889. ] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 233

JOHANN JACOB SAAR’S ACCOUNT OF CEYLON,

1647-1657,

TRANSLATED BY PH. FREUDENBERG, ESQ., Consul

in Ceylon for the German Empire.

(Read January 28, 1885.* )

INTRODUCTION.

PIOHANN JACOB SAAR was in his nineteenth year

when he left home, on Easterday, 1644, his father

~ sending him to Hamburg to find asituation. After

_ spending two months at Hamburg in unsuccessful

search of employment, he went on to Amsterdam. His

quitting Nuremberg—then one of the foremost commercial

towns on the Continent—for Hamburg, where the “ Hansa”

still existed, and his pushing on to Amsterdam, which, since

the destruction of Antwerp, had risen to commercial

eminence, suggests that it was commercial employment he

desired. Saar’s statement that he did not find a condition at

Amsterdam tends to confirm this supposition, conditionieren

being to the present day in Southern Germany an expres-

sion for holding a mercantile post.

Failing to secure an appointment after six months’ fruitless

effort, even at Amsterdam, Saar enlisted as Adelpursch—his

own translation of the Dutch word Adelborst, “cadet.” As

a matter of fact, he enlisted as a common soldier, whose rise

in the ranks depended solely upon military qualifications.

* An apology is due to the translator for the great delay in passing this

Paper through the press. It obviously demanded careful editing: the

translator expressed his inability to annotate the text: leisure to carry to

completion the requisite notes has never come to the Hditing Secretary. For

the greater part of the editing the Society is indebted to the erudition and

ungrudging labour of Mr. D. W, Ferguson, without whose generous aid the

Paper might never have seen the light.—B., Hon. See.

234 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. Xi.

His social position, however (having once been admitted

as Adelborst), entitled him to an officer’s commission even-

tually, but he never rose beyond the rank of corporal.

The following particulars regarding the conditions of

enlistment under the Dutch East India Company, and the

discipline, &c., on board their fleets, are worth reproducing.

The Company sent three fleets every year to the Hast, one in

May, anotherin August, and the last about the end of December.

Two months’ pay was given in advance, and for every day

between enlistment and sailing an additional Dutch shilling.

After the fleet had been at sea for two or three days, every one

received five Dutch cheeses as a present from the Company.

Full pay for soldiers only commenced from the time of pass-

ing the buoys, about a mile (Dutch) out at sea; but, should

the ships have had to put back owing to unfavourable

winds, the two months’ advance pay was forfeited. Some-

times in winter, ships were laid up altogether, and the soldiers

discharged to save further expense. The pay was fixed at

ten Dutch florins a month ; the loss of the right eye, hand,

arm, or foot, to be compensated by the payment of 600 Dutch

florins ; the left eye, &c., being valued at 500 florins only ;

whilst the loss of a finger or toe was computed at 30 florins.

On board, crew and soldiers were told off to watches, three

in all, and each lasting four hours. The first watch was

then called Prinsen quariier,—t. e., “Prince’s quarter,’—

the second Count Moritz, the third Count Ernst, the names

referring to Princes of the House of Orange of the time.

Discipline on board was very strict. Of the detail Saars

gives, a few may be mentioned.

When any one was wilfully injured by knife, gun, or other

weapon, the aggressor had to place his hand against the mast ;

a knife (if possible the one with which the wound was

inflicted) was then driven between two fingers into the mast,

and the culprit was compelled to draw his hand down, thus

completely severing it in two. For striking an officer or

the captain of the ship, the penalty was “keel-hauling”—

7. @ being drawn three times underneath the vessel. If the

No. 39.—1889. | ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. © 235

culprit should not sink deep enough, he ran great risk of

having his head smashed against the keel. This occurred in

one instance in Galle Harbour during 1647. Gambling, drunk-

enness, smoking between decks, were also punished severely.

Saar sailed, with his father’s consent, in the December fleet

of 1644. He had enlisted on the 25th of November, in pre-

sence of the seventeen principal officers of the East India

Company. On the 30th of November he was sent to Middel-

burg, and embarked on board a ship of that name, of

550 lasts of 30 cwt. each, carrying 36 guns and about 450

men, crew and soldiers all told. This vessel set sail on

the 8th of January, 1645.

After fifteen years’ of the roughest military experience in —

the Hast, and many a wound received in the Company’s

behalf, Saar at length turned his thoughts homeward. He

seems to have left Ceylon in September, 1658, and after

another year’s service in the Hastern Archipelago returned

to Batavia for the last time on the 15th November, 1659.

The next day the stout German soldier got his discharge.

It is signed by “Burchard Koch,”* a fellow-countryman

and captain in the army of the Staaten-General of the

United Netherlands and the Dutch East India Company.

The Governor-General of Dutch India at the time was

Joan Maetsuycker. On the 14th December Saar sailed

from Batavia in the ship “Prine [sic /] Wilhelm” }—one of a

fleet of nine; on the 6th of July, 1660, he arrived at

Flushing ; and on the 11th of August reached Nuremberg.

His fervent wish to see his father again was not, however, to

be realised, for he had died eight months previously.

Saar, it appears, had kept a regular diary fora number of

years, but unfortunately lost it at sea, and had to re-write his

experiences from memory. He offered to give further verbal

information to any reader of his travels who desired it ;

adding to this offer “that he heartily wished every one of

his readers more fortune at home than he had.”

* Burchart Cockx. { Prins Willem.

236 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

From this remark it may be gathered that Saar’s health after

his return to Europe was not good,—a natural consequence

of his wounds and hard service of many years in the tropics.

He died young ; his portrait of 1661 gives his age as 36, and

in 1672 he had been dead for some time.

Saar’s work was published at Nuremberg in 1662 under

the title of “Johann Jacob Saars Ost-Indianische Funfzehen-

Jihrige Kriegs-Dienst,” &. It isan oblong volume of 12,

20, 170, 20, and 12 pages; with portrait of the author, by

V. Sommer, frontispiece, and 15 plates. The work seems to

have been edited by Daniel Wiilffer, a clergyman in Nurem-

berg,* who took the opportunity to prefix a laboured and

learned disquisition on the question whether it was right for

Christians to engage in the conquest and subjugation of

heathen nations, This edition is dedicated to the Burgomaster

and Council of Nuremberg; and in an appendix the author

gives additional information from memory, and quotations

from other writers.

In 1671 a somewhat abbreviated Dutch translation of Saar’s.

work (by J. H. Glazemaker) appeared at Amsterdam, the

additional matter in the original being embodied in the text

of this translation, which is illustrated by four plates, different

from those in the German edition. The translator has also

re-arranged the chapters (making 23 against 17 in the

original), to which he has put sub-headings, and has omitted

the prefatory matter and the index.

In 1672 a new and revised edition of the German original

was published in Nuremberg in folio form, 46, 168, 16 pages.

This edition was also edited by Wiilffer, who substituted for

Saar’s dedication another, addressed to Georg Fierer, a

banker in Nuremberg. Fierer, as appears from the preface,

had travelled a good deal in foreign countries, had read much,

and was able to suggest many of the foot-notes to the second

edition. This support was the more welcome to Wiilffer,

as it helped to silence the mistrust of Saar’s statements on

* Born 1617, died 1683.

No. 39.—1889. ] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 237

many points, which had been expressed upon the appearance

of the first edition. In this edition the additional matter

of the first edition has been incorporated in the text, notes

containing additional information are given insmaller type

throughout the text, and the index has been amplified. The

illustrations are the same as in the first edition, the portrait

and the frontispiece, however, being re-engraved by J. A. Boner.

The very numerous foot-notes in the second edition (which,

according to the editor who made them, doubled ihe size of

the book) were principally culled from the narratives of

Johann Albrecht von Mandelslo, a Mecklenburg nobleman,

and Johann von der Behr* (in India, 1644 to 1649); Jiirgen

Andersen of Sleswick (1644 to 1650); Volquart Iversen.

(1655 to 1668) ; Albrecht Herport (1659 to 1668) ; and Johann

Jacob Merklein (1646 to 1653), an intimate friend of Saar’s.

It is from this second edition that the following translation

has been made.

Although Beckmann (Litteratur der alteren Reisebeschrei-

bungen, II., pp. 324-7) speaks in disparaging terms of Saar’s

narrative, it is an interesting and valuable one, giving details

not furnished by other writers. The dates given by him,

however, are not reliable: this fault being due, probably, to

the fact that his diary was lost at sea, as mentioned above.

ANNO 1647.

AFTER again having spent about three months at Batavia,

Iwas ordered in September to sail, with three hundred men,

for the Island of Ceilon, which is distant some four hundred

miles. So, trusting in God, we shook out our sails on the 4th

of September : our ships were three,—the Banda, with the

Admiral on board, and two yachts, Lello and Aggersiot.t......

On the 4th of October, after a good voyage, we arrived at

* This writer has embodied in his book, without the slightest acknow-

ledgment, whole passages from Saar’s narrative. (See translation of his

journal in Ceylon Literary Register, vol. VI., p. 82 et seq.) This prac-

tice was only too common among travel writers of the period.

+ Lillo ; Akersloot (Dutch ed., 1671).

238 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Von. XI.

the harbour of Punte de Galle,* at that time the capital of

Ceilon : now, however, Columbo* is the capital.

It is, in truth, a beautiful harbour : ships may lie there all

the year round,—come in with the sea breeze and go out

with the land wind ; but there are dangerous hidden rocks.

Therefore, when ships arrive for the first time they have to

fire three guns,—those that have been there before, fire one

gun,—and after being answered in like manner must wait

until a pilot comes on board to show the right passage. A

pilot is always on the lookout with his crew upon a high

rock in the sea, an hour and a half from the shore, where he

has to hoist a big flag to a mast erected there as soon as

he sees ships, to warn them to stand off until he meets

them.t{

During the night the entrance should not be attempted,

the danger is too great.

Overlooking the harbour isa fort, called the “ Black Fort’’§

originally erected by the Portuguese, under a false pretext

to the king of Candt,|| of which we shall speak hereafter ;

but it is now well strengthened with additional bastions

by the Hollanders, who took it by storm from the Portu-

guese in 1640.

To the left, as one approaches, is now the hospital, on the

spot where formerly the Portuguese had their mint. Still

nearer the town is the bastion “ Aggerslot,” mounting eight

guns, which command the whole harbour. Further up, on

* Punto deGallo; Kolumbo (Dutch ed., 1671).

+ Johann von der Behr says (p. 92) :—‘‘ On 9th Nov. [1647] 3 ships with

200 soldiers from Galle came into the roadstead off Negombo, and after

anchoring, the soldiers came on shore, . . . the ships were these, the

ship Bantam, the yacht Lello, and the yacht Ackersloth. On the 12th the

aforementioned ships left under sail for Persia.”

{ This can only be “Pigeon Island,” which is close off Lighthouse

Point, and contained a cocoanut tree at least as recently as 1860.

§ Dutch Zwart Fort. Heydt says that it may have derived its name from

the fact that it had become blackened by the smoke and charcoal of the

smiths who worked there. (See Ceylon Literary Register, vol. II.,

pp. 333, 340.)

|| Kandé (Dutch ed., 1671).

\ supe

(From Valeytyns Oud en Nreuw Oost -Indien, 1726.)

N XY

7, Surgeons House

| 1. Water Bastion.

2 Black Fort

3 Storehouse

THE TOWN OF PUNTO GALE

- Lith: 0. Satdin. Colombo.

No. 39.—1889.] | ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 239

the shore is the above-mentioned “ Black Fort,” rising high;

within is the arsenal, and here live all artisans and slaves.

Beneath the “ Black Fort,” and considerably lower, is the

“ Water Bulwark,’’* directly facing the space where all ships

must anchor. This was erected only in 1653 by the Governor

of the time, Jacob von Kiittenstein,} a native of Delft, and is

armed with six pieces, each carrying a twelve-pound shot.

On the inner side of this is a small port, called the “ Water

Port,” through which people can be let in and out during

the night. Here also are the Governor’s house and the

main guard (always sixty to seventy men strong) ; from

this a kind of gallery, on posts, boarded and covered with a

root, called the ‘“ Wooden Doublet,’t is carried forty paces

into the harbour.

To the right of this, on the land side, where the town is

surrounded by strong high walls, a deep moat is dug,

eighteen feet wide, and crossed by a drawbridge. ‘Towering

above is seen the central bastion,§ carrying nine or ten guns,

commanding partly the main guard and partly the landward

walls; and below it, moreover, a lunette. The sea-bastion|

is the last on the land side. Here the greatest number of

guns are placed, and here a corporal and six men have to be

on guard every night. This place is never called otherwise

than the “ Crab’s Hole.”

Between the sea-fort and another new work near the

Government store a spring of good fresh water flows out of

arock, and a step away from it the sea plays up to the rocks,

so that you can stand with one foot in fresh water and the

other in salt.

* Dutch Waterpas.

_+ Jakob van Kettenstein (Dutch ed., 1671).

t Dutch Houte Wambas. (See Ceylon Literary Register, vol. II.,

i cane Middel Punt or Moon Bastion.

|| Or Star Bastion.

q Valentyn has appropriated the above description of Galle, with slight

modifications. (See translation in Ceylon Literary Register, vol. II., p. 333.)

He also gives a plan of the fort drawn in 1663, of which a facsimile will be

found on the opposite page.

240 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. XI.

The island itself is exceeding large, and has a ruler of its.

own, who is styled Emperor of Ceilon and King of Candi,*

a town where he resides, mighty rich in precious stones and

the fairest jewels. There is likewise an open pearl bank in

Ceilon, at a place called Manara.t The country is very

thickly populated, I passed some eight years in it, having

always been ordered back there after occasional service to:

other places. I shall now relate the different things I heard,

saw, and experienced in the island.

The Portuguese are said to have been in the island about

two hundred years. When they first discovered it, they

asked the Emperor to grant them as much land as could be

comprised within the limits of a cow’s or bullock’s hide ; for

they had many sick on board their vessels, whom they were

anxious to put on shore for their recovery. But when the

Emperor granted the request, they cut up a bullock’s hide

into narrow strips, and fastening them together, enclosed a

space large enough to build a fort, which they called the

“ Black Fort.’

Afterwards they built the town of S. [stc] Galle, and, having

once established themselves, added other towns and forts, such

as the large town of Columbo,—Jaffanapatan, with strong

intrenchments near it,—the fort of Manara, where, as men-

tioned before, the pearl bank is,—the fortress of Nebumbo,§

* For the full string of titles assumed by Raja Sinha II. (1632-1687),

see Wouter Schouten’s Oost-Indische Voyagie, Tweede Boek, 311 (3rd

ed., 1745).

ft Mannavr.

{ The above story, which has no basis in fact, is doubtless founded on

Dido’s traditional subterfuge in the foundation of Carthage by Virgil,.

Aeneid I., 335-371 :—

Devenere locos, ubi nunc ingentia cernes,

Meenia, surgentemque novae Carthaginis arcem ;

Mercatique solum, facti de nomine Byrsam,

Taurino quantum possent circumdare tergo.

§ Negumbo in ed. of 1662.

No. 39.—1889.] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 241

Geis* four miles from Jaffanapatan, to which it is in a

manner the key, in mid stream, where you cross it on the

way to Patan.

As regards the inhabitants, some of them are naked all

but the private parts, round which they throw a white cotton

eloth. Those who belong to the higher classes, holding the

position of gentry, wear besides, on the upper part of the

body, a kind of fine white shirt of cotton, with narrow sleeves,

trimmed before and behind with stripes of a finger’s breadth.

Their feet are bare ; on them they often have their fontanels.

well covered with some tin and a leather strap; others have

their fontanel on the neck, and keep it open with a small

silver ball.{ On their heads they wear a red cap, especially

those that are soldiers.

They generally have long black hair and full beards, which

they do not trim over much, and mighty long ear-flaps, in

which are inserted rings of silver and lead.

* Kayts or Hammenhiel. This tiny fort stands on a solitary rock in

the sea about half a mile from Karaittivu Island, and one-and-a-half mile

from Kayts on the mainland. It was built by Antonio do Amaral de

Menezes, the Portuguese Governor of Jafina, a few years before the arrival

of the Dutch, and considered “ the key of Jaffna.” Baldaeus gives a short

account of its siege in April, 1658: want of water forced the Portuguese

to capitulate after a fortnight. (See Ceylon Literary Register, vol. V.,

p. 204.) At present the fort is in a half-ruinous state, overgrown with

thorny scrub, and infested with snakes: itis octagonal, the side facing Kayts

being longer than the others ; walls, fifteen feet in height and not very

thick ; on the ramparts some small rooms (formerly serving for a quaran-

tine hospital), and under them a row of vaults, containing rusted cannon,

(Ceylon Literary Register, vol. I., p. 24.)

+ Dr. W. G. Van Dort kindly supplies the following information :—

“ Fontanel, an issue for the discharge of humours from the body. The

practice of establishing artificial issues or sores by means of the knife,

red-hot iron, or caustic medicines, and maintaining such issues by means

of an irritant, such as a glass bead or silver ball inserted into the sore, was

well known in ancient medicine. It would be interesting to know the

nature of the disease or diseases for which such issues were resorted to as.

a means of cure so extensively as to attract the author’s attention.

Elephantiasis and goitre are the only two endemic affections, so far as I

know, in which issues are used by native practitioners to this day.” It is

possible, however, that Saar may have mistaken the straps, &c., of sandals

for coverings of fontanels ; and that the silver ball on the neck may be

capable of some similar explanation.

{ Cf. Knox, Cetlon, 1681, p. 63.

242 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

When we wanted the natives specially to carry the

officers’ wives in palanquins through the country, we used

to put strings through their ear-flaps and hold on to them, —

so as to prevent them from bolting, if they saw a chance, and,

as indeed they often did, upsetting the ladies in the open

country and leaving them to their fate, whilst they them-

selves hid in the jungle.

The women of Cezlon are as well formed as any I have seen

in the Indies. They dance very well to the music of bells,

which they are skilled in playing; they can walk on a tight

rope, or dance on it with swords tied to their feet ; they whirl

round and round with such rapidity as to dazzle one’s sight,

and you cannot see their heads, so fast do they turn : they

are so quick, too, with a hoop that it baffles description.*

The children, boys and girls, especially those of social

position, have, like their parents, silver rings below the calves.

The girls have a filigree silver girdle round their naked

waists, and in front hangs a piece of silver, heart-shaped.

As regards boys, it is provided that none shall learn or

carry on any other calling but that which the father has

known and practised. For instance, if the father has

been a tailor,a waggoner,a turner, or the like, the sons

must follow that occupation, and no other, as long as they

live.

They are clever people, and intelligent ; they can make

beautiful muskets, and powder, besides all sorts of cunning

gold and silver work,—in particular, pretty sword-hilts,

with figures of all kinds, and curiously carved buttons for

clothes and mantles, albeit their tools are few and inferior.

Yet, what is extraordinary but true is, that a peasant

is considered of better birth and higher grade than

a worker in gold and silver. An executioner is held in

* He probably refers to women of the Oliya caste—one of the lowest

among the Sinhalese. By resolution of Council, December 20, 1659, the

Dutch Government decided to expel all “‘ dancing women and other useless

people by which the Company suffered a loss,” from the sixty villages they

inhabited in the Weligama and Galle Kéralés. (Journal, R. A.S., C. B., 1874,

p. 70.)

No. 39.—1889. ] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 243)

such esteem that he may approach the king and speak

to him, and associate with him just as do the nobility

of the island.

There is in the island a tribe so despised and outcast

that everyone is afraid to speak to them, or to have any-

thing to do with them. They must have special washermen

to wash for them, who are not allowed to come near other

washermen, especially those that wash for the nobility, who

are very jealous of their privileges. Next to the penalty

of death, it is considered the greatest punishment if the king

degrades a man to live with these outcasts. We ourselves

were reproved by him, because, being very thirsty, in exceed-

ingly hot weather, we accepted a little water from them.

They are only allowed half a roof for their houses, and must

always sleep on the floor with their head in a winnower,

such as is used to clean rice. In truth, it must be confessed,

they stink so greatly that it is impossible to remain near

them. Their trade is to make ropes of the skins of elk and

deer to tie elephants with.* Despised as they are, they do

not allow you, if you ask them for some water, to put the jar

or the pot to your mouth ; on the contrary, you must hold it

high up, that the water may fall into your mouth from

a certain distance. The Moors, Persians, and the Javanese

have similar customs.

The inhabitants have a queer way of killing fowls: they

seize them by the head, and twist it so quickly between two

fingers that the head remains in their hands, whilst the body

is thrown off, and runs about for a while until it bleeds to

death and falls down. When they want to kill oxen, cows,

or other quadrupeds, they first cut the sinews of the hind

legs, and after the animal has fallen in the way desired,

they tie it up and cut the throat. They do not eat the

flesh of animals killed by men of another nation. The

women cook, boil, and bake dishes very nicely and cleanly ;

70, 71 ; Tennent “ Ceylon,” vol. II., p. 187.

244 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VOL. XI.

rixdollar), eggs, good soups, many and various, deer, hogs,

ducks, and the lechaban,* which they consider a particular

good dish. This is an animal of the shape of a small

crocodile ; it runs up and down the trees very quickly, and

when shot hangs on until it has bled to death; it is as

dangerous for poultry as the pole-cat; the belly greenish,

feet with four claws, and the fat very good. (They eat,)

too, peacocks, which are roasted and dressed with cloves. At

one time, as we had nothing else, we were compelled to eat

them during a whole month, so that at last they were quite

distasteful. They were often found in the rice fields, but

are otherwise seldom met with on the flat ground: on the

trees, however, one frequently sees them in large numbers.

The Ceilonese put the tail feathers round the hands and feet

if they have sores, or have been hurt; they also consider

them very useful against infection, should one happen to

meet a woman with her courses.f

Bread is exceedingly scarce, and many a year I have not

tasted it more than three times.{ They use rice instead, well

cleaned in water, then boiled, dried over coals, and dished

up in crystal or china cup; and they eat a small handful

along with a bit of another dish; the taste is good and

* Cf. Schweitzer’s Account of Ceylon (English translation, London,

1700, p. 290): ‘‘Here is another sort of beast, much like the crocodile,

which is called a Caprigoy [Sin. kabara-goya]; but it hath neither shells

nor scales on it, and its tongue is very long and pointed. Another, not

much unlike this, but less yet, called a Leguwan, the flesh of which many

people eat.” Nieuhoff’s Voyages (Churchill, L., p. 358, ed. 1704): “A kind

-of crocodile, called Jegoan by the Indians......... the meat is white, like that

of our rabbits, and very well tasted.” It is the iguana (Monitor dracena,

Linn.) talagoya of the Sinhalese, who, according to Knox (J.c., p. 31), set

great store by its flesh.

+ Peacocks’ feathers (Sin. monara pili), reduced to ashes, form an ingre-

dient in Sinhalese prescriptions for dysentery. See Yégaratnakara,

VYoyadaranée, Bhaisajyakalpaya, Balaqrahasantiya.

{ Jobann von der Behr says (p. 58) :—* Instead of bread, which is seldom

to be found among the common people, they use a root called uffa, which

they first cook, then peel, and cut into pieces ; it is not bad in flavour.”

There seems to be some confusion here, uffa being apparently cpus

(Anglice “ hopper ’’).

No. 39.—1889. ] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 245

pleasant. When taking their meals, they sit with legs crossed

upon the floor on a mat, and eat with their hands in a some-

what swinish fashion, using no spoons. Their ordinary

drink is only water, and, as I said before, all dislike that we

should drink out of their cups or basins, unless we do not

touch them with our lips, but let the water run into the

mouth from a height.* They are afraid lest we have eaten

either pork or meat of a tame buffalo, which they consider

objectionable.

They hold the buffalo in high esteem, and say that it does

more for them than father or mother: viz., it ploughs for

them, it threshes for them, they have butter and milk from

it; wherefore they call it abba,f and they will not allow

it to be harmed, or fall into our hands. Once, one of our

lieutenants in a station four miles (Dutch) from Columbo

inland, called Malevanna,t wanted to buy two tame buffaloes

at the request of our preacher, but nobody would sell them.

A week afterwards it appeared that a tiger§$ had killed a

bullock, and (for it only sucks the blood) left the carcass.

As the natives had a great respect for us, the lieutenant made

use of this opportunity to point out that this was a special

retribution, because they had refused to let our Pater Grande,

our preacher, have some for money, and that if they con-

tinued to be so disobliging the tiger would come more often

* See Knox, /.c., p. 87 ; and Pyrard ( Voyages, 1619, p. 401) of the Malabars.

+ Perhaps the Sin. appa, “father.”

{ Malwana, twelve miles from Colombo, in the Gangabada pattu, Siyané

koralé—an outpost of considerable importance in the eyes of both Portu-

guese and Dutch. Ribeirosays, the King of Portugal styled his Governor-

General in Ceylon “ King of Malvana” (Rei da Malvana), to please the

Sinhalese (Cap. X.), but that it was rightly speaking a sanitarium, not

a fort, and had a church and resident chaplain. Schweitzer, in 1678,

found “the place very strong by a river. It hath pallisados, parapets,

and a ditch, and field pieces, and other necessaries, and 60 men to Keep it.

It was very unhealthy by reason of the thick fogs; and therefore the

garrison is often relieved from Columbo.” (See also C. A. S. Journal,

1887, p. 168.)

§ Felis pardus, or panther, usually called ‘‘ cheetah” in Ceylon, though

neither that animal nor the tiger are found in the Island.

246 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

and do similar damage. When they heard this they soon

returned and brought two buffaloes, to free themselves of

the fear of further mishap.

Of drinks they have not only that called siere,* which

is taken from the cocoanut trees, and of which I am going

to speak presently, but others too. There is first the

massack,} which is prepared in the following way:—Accord-

ing to the number of those who wish to partake, they take

four, five, or six gallons of szeve, warm them, add two or

three gallons of arack{ or brandy, break twenty, thirty, or

forty eggs into a tureen, mix them well, and then add

gradually some of the warm svere, stirring it well the while,

together with two or three pieces of cinnamon and nutmeg

finely ground. When taken warm it not only has a delicious

taste, but is very satiating and nutritious. Then they have

vinperle, half water half arack boiled together; two or

three eggs are added, citrons pressed into it, and adding

sugar, cinnamon, and mace, an agreeable beverage is made.

Thirdly, they have palebunze,§ half water half brandy, thirty

to forty lemons (the seeds of which are spit out), and alittle

sugar; the taste is not very pleasant, and the drink not very

wholesome.

Their religion, as is the case with most of the heathens, is

principally Muhammadan. Their idol is Jackal made of

clay, of the size of a man, black in the face, ugly, as if he

had a mask, and sometimes with horns; they keep him

standing in a corner, or under the roof, and when they want

* Skt. swra, “toddy,” the sap, whether fermented or unfermented, of

the palm. (Yule’s Hobson-Jobson, 663.) Sin. ra, “fermented toddy ;”

mira, “ sweet toddy.”

+ Massack ; cf. Schweitzer, /. c., p. 266. (See also C. A. S. Journal, 1887,

p. 168.)

{ Arack or arrack (from Arabic, barak, “sweat’’), ‘which sort of drink

is distilled out of the suri that comes off from the cocoa-trees, and they call

it Arack.”—Schweitzer, /. ¢., p. 253.

§ So, too, spelt by Struys ; Mandelslo (Dutch ed., 1658,p. 24), Palepunzen.

See Hobson—Jobson, s. v. “Punch.”

|| Sin. Yaksaya, Yakka. See C. A. S. Journal, 1865, pp. 13-43.

‘No. 39.—1889.1 ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 247

to worship him carry him under a peschar* tree (which is

dike a lime tree with thick leaves),f and pray, in case they are

ill themselves, that he may restore them to health; or if

their cows, sheep, or other animals are about to bring forth,

that he would give them strength and help. They are in

the habit of not carrying water from a well without first

spilling a handful on the ground, and saying “This be

offered to Jacka.” For what the Chinese say of their joss,

the Ceilonese likewise say of Jacka, viz., ‘‘God is a good

man, who has created everything and hurts nobody: but,

Jacka is malicious; to him we must make offerings that he

may do us no harm.” They have special priests, called

Bramanes, who can tell, if something has been stolen, who _

has taken it, and can force the thief to pass a certain spot,

whence he cannot move, and must either bring the stolen

things back or die.{ They also firmly believe that on a

mountain which they call Adam’s Mountain, Adam’s foot-

prints are visible, and covered by a little temple in which

cocoanut-oil lamps made of yellow copper burn day and

night, and whither people come every year, a distance of

seven to eight miles (Dutch), bringing a little cocoanut-oil as

an offering. When they want to swear to a thing, the form

of affirmation is that they are made to put their hands into

hot melted butter.§ If they have perjured themselves they

will be scorched; if their statement is true God will not

allow that even a finger should be hurt in the boiling fat.

*Skt. Pisdcha, the demons or spirits of the dead, has worshipped in

S. India and Ceylon.

+ See note *, p. 252.

{ Cf. Knox, p. 112. This is still a genuine belief among the Sinhalese;

the following mantra witness :—‘‘ Take some sand from a footprint of the

thief, and placing it on a mal-tatuva (flower-offering altar) charm it 108

times at the three ydmas (divisions) of the night; then mix it with

daluk-kiri (sap of the Huphorbia antiquorum), cover it up and hang it

over the hearth. In three varuvas (1} day) one side of the thief will

become lifeless, in 13 day more his body will crack and split (in different

parts), and in seven days he will die.” The Maldivians have very similar

charms against thieves.

§ Sin. telen gomen divirwma.

16—91 H

248 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

Whenever we suspected them of theft, we insisted upon this

proof, and very often got the lost things back, because they

were afraid of being burnt if they withheld the goods.

against their better knowledge.*

Marriage is a matter which they take very easy. When.

they get married (everybody has the right to take as many

wives as he can support) they give each other a cloth, or

plant a tree, and when that is torn, or this bears fruits no

longer, they separate. It is not uncommon for a man to

cohabit with his brother’s wives, or to commit incest; and

in fact marriage is liked the better the more brothers the

bridegroom has. The wedding feast and the confirmation

of the marriage contract consist in the bride and bridegroom

eating a dish of rice together, boiled in cocoanut milk, and

ealled kiribath.{ This is the whole festivity, and it com-

pletes everything.

As there are high mountains and extensive forests, so there:

are many animals and vermin in them. The natives havea

queer way of calculating distances and of hunting. A mileis.

counted in this fashion : they take a leaf from the spot where

they start for the journey ; as soon as this leaf has withered,,

they think they have gone.a mile; as long as the leaf is.

fresh, they are satisfied that they have not yet travelled a

mile. The hunting is done in this wise: three or four men

go into the forest at night ; the first carries on his head a rice:

winnower, with an earthen pot inside; in this pot are wood

embers that glow well, but burn slowly, and herewith they

drive the elephants out of the way. The second man has in

his hand a bunch of small bells, which he jangles the whole

time to attract the attention of the animals, but not to drive

them away, for they do not fear them to such an extent. If

they meet an animal, be it deer, wild pig, elk, or wild

buffaloes (for, as said before, they would not hurt a tame

* See Knox. p. 103; C. A. S. Journal, 1873, p. 12.

+ Sin. #éri-bat, a kind of rice pudding made with cocoanut milk and a

ittle salt. (C. A. S. Journal, No. 26, 1883, p. 48.)

No. 39.—1889.] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 249

one), the third man takes his gun and shoots it at close

quarters. When they set out they will not allow any one to

go with them, and keep everything as secret as possible.*

Every year they catch about twenty wild elephants, tame

them, and sell them to Persians and Moors, principally from

Mecca.t I myself had to go three years consecutively into

the jungle to see elephants caught,—at one time I saw as

many as two hundred together ; and because at the beginning

I was anxious myself to see how these huge brutes could be

caught, which one describes in one way, and another in

‘another way, I was the more pleased to go.

I will now tell how I have seen them caught by the Dutch,

in this same island of Cezlon.

There are two places where they are caught, the one called

Kattumma, the other Flasmeulla.t A special master of the

hunt is appointed, who has to furnish a given number of

elephants every year. In my time he had to provide three

with tusks, and fifteen without : the latter being of consider-

ably less value than the former. He has for the purpose

thirty-six villages under his command, out of which he can

take five hundred nativesto help him. The best time to catch

elephants is in the three months of June, July, and August,

because, on account of want of water, they leave the high

mountains and go into the plains towards the sea, where it

rains more frequently.

Now, when the hunter wants to catch them, he orders wood

to be brought, or his subordinates must fetch it in the jungle

*See Knox, p. 26, and C. A. S. Journal, No. 26, 1883, p. 16, of the

Panikkans, or Elephant-catchers.

+ Ribeiro says, twenty or thirty were procured annually for the Mogul.

The trade was important to the Dutch, realising from 100,000 to 130,000

guilders yearly. Colombo and Matara furnished fifty elephants, the

Wanni fifty, Mantota and Vilankulam twenty to twenty-five—a net total

of one hundred available for the sale at Jaffna, whence all were taken over-

land to find a readier market. Two kraals were held each year, that in

the Matara district being the larger. (hee’s Rebetro, App., pp. 170-197.)

t Katuwdna ; Walasmulla ; both in the Hambantota District of the

Southern Province.

H 2

250 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

themselves : this must be wood which does not burn quickly

like other kinds, but, on the contrary, smoulders and glows

a long while. Knowing already whence the elephants are

coming, they place it down for a distance of four, five, or

six miles, as they want to drive them, and set fire to it.

The animals are very much afraid of the fire, and certainly

would not step over it (this was also our safeguard during

the night, and we protected ourselves in making a huge

fire around us), and a Aral is put at the end, that is to say,

they put on both sides strong, big trees, close together, like

pallisades, and strongly supported. Here the elephants

stand, wedged in, and must submit to have those picked out

which are to be driven into a kind of passage at a quarter of

an hour’s distance, This passage is much narrower, so that

an elephant once in it can neither turn round nor get out,

because the end is closed with four strong bars. As soon

as the one wanted is inside, it will go straight on, in the

hope of getting through, but as soon as it reaches the end,

the natives, who are at hand, run up with small spears,

and put likewise four bars behind it, so that it can neither

go forward nor backward. When eight (that is the number

that can be accommodated in the passage at one time)

have been driven in, the elephant-catcher reports to the

commander. Then the tame elephants, which have been

broken to it, are brought up by a native with the help of a

goad, one on each side of the passage, with a thick rope wound

four times round itsneck. A similar rope is thrown round

the wild elephant; but this is very difficult to manage, and it

often takes half a day before a small rope is got round it,

to which the big rope is attached. As soon as it is tied in

this way, a rope is fastened to one of the hind legs, and

held by two hundred natives, until at the outlet the bars have

been withdrawn. Then the elephant imagines that it can

quickly escape, because it is free in front, but it remains

firmly tied to the tame elephants. After it is thus well

secured, the hind leg is set free again, and it must walk on

No. 39.—1889.] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 251

between the two tame elephants, just as in our country a

wild bull is led between oxen.”

‘We now hurry to the place where it is to be tamed, and

have the privilege (provided he is a tusker, otherwise it

is not allowed) to claim from the peasants in all the villages

passed through enough to eat and drink. Should they

refuse, the natives who ride on the tame elephants take the

wild one into the rice fields and thoroughly lay them waste.

Therefore, if the natives know that we are out elephant-

catching, they keep in all the villages some one to watch and

to look out for us twice a day, near some tall tree, such as

are in the villages, surrounded by stones, so that one can sit

under it : they call it “ peschart tree,” and offer to the demons

under it.

When a peasant takes rice from the field, before carrying

it home and eating any of it, he boils a chattyful and offers

it to the demon, that he may again allow a good crop the

following year.t{

As soon as the elephant reaches the place where it is to be

tamed, the drivers stop at the peschar tree, with all three

elephants, until the billaher§ arrive. These are two dancers

in fancy dress with masks, and quite covered with bells.

They dance and caper about in front of the wild elephant, and

at last stand still and speak to it in their language, bidding it

not to try and make believe that it was wild ; instead of being

forced, as hitherto, to stay in the jungle in rain and wind, it

was now to stand in a house, and under a roof; instead of

being compelled to go several miles for water to drink, it

would now be taken twice a day to the river to drink:

instead of not always finding food as heretofore, or not

enough, it would now have plenty to eat every day. The

* For full particulars regarding the present mode of kraaling elephants

in Ceylon, see Tennent, The Wild Hlephant, 1867. It may be noted that

elephants are now noosed in the ordinary kraal enclosure without resorting

to the narrow cul de sac.

7? Tamil, pisdsu, demon.

t Sin., akyala, or deviyanné-vi (C. A. S. Journal, No. 26, 1883, p. 55).

§ ? Port. batihador, dancer.

252 JOURNAL, R.A.S, (CEYLON). [VoL. XI.

elephant stands confused by the strange sounds and the

jumping, and quietly submits, as if it was bewitched. Then

they bring a big bucket full of water, pour it over the body,

and christen it therewith, giving it the name of the lord of

the land, or of any other noble, and take it to its stable:

after that it takes six months, sometimes even a year, to

become quite tame, so that it can be trusted and let free.*

* The following interesting particulars have been communicated by

C. J. Hulugala, Ratémahatmey4 of Wanni-hatpattu, North-Western

Province :—

From the day a herd has been surrounded, and the drive started, the

elephants are invariably subjected to charms, either in the way of enforcing

their march, or whenever they attempt to charge at the beaters, or break

through the line of watchers. Certain charms used on these occasions are

supposed to have dangerous or even fatal effects on the particular

elephants to which they are applied, unless these effects are dispelled by

counter charms employed in different prescribed forms. The form generally

known and adopted by the people of this District (Kurunégala) is to charm

a potful of clear fresh water, and sprinkle some of it on every one of the

captured elephants, either before they are taken out of the kraal, or at the

stable (pantiya ).

The “christening” spoken of by the writer is performed occasionally

even at the present day, but at no particular stage, or in any set form.

Originally the christening appears to have accompanied the sprinkling

of the charmed water. The person who undertakes the ceremony inquires

what name the elephant’s owner desires it called by, and, addressing the

animal by the name thus assigned, sprinkles some of the water, repeating

certain appropriate incantations; but, so far as can be gathered, there

would seem to be no particular phraseology used.

The elephant is supposed after this to be not only secure from the effects

of the original charms, but also to be free for the future from influence on

the part of the déwatdwa, or guardian-spirit, who is supposed to have

possessed it in its wild state—there being a strong belief among the natives

that every wild elephant has a déwatdwa to protect it, so much go, that

there are special charms directed to be used only at such hours that the

déwatawa is believed to have supreme control over the elephant. These

hours are midday, and evening between 5.30 P.M. and 6.30 P.M., and then

the ordinary charms are considered to be powerless.

Every village has a prominent tree, held sacred next only to the 00, in

some conspicuous spot, either on a bund of a tank or elsewhere, which the

people believe to be occupied by the déwatdwa, or guardian-spirit, of the

village, and at the foot of which they make different kinds of offerings in

the way of milk, rice, &e. There isa “ peschar” tree of this kind in every

village, and it is possible that it was formerly the habit to take the captured

elephants before such trees out of respect to the déwatawa, as also to

secure his protection for the elephant, and in order to exercise the devil

No. 39.—1889.] | ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 253

The Hollanders sell fifteen to twenty elephants every year

to the Moors who come from Persia or Mecca. They are first

measured with a long stick like a measuring rod. From a

man’s elbow to the hand (that is in our measure as much

as three-fourths of an ell) is called a gobdel,* and the price

for one is three to four hundred thalers. I have often seen

elephants that were seven, eight, nine, or ten gobdels high ;

the biggest that came to my notice was even eleven gobdels

in height.

As I have said, that, when out to catch elephants, we had

to protect ourselves with large fires, which they are afraid of,

I will now also describe an adventure I had on such an

occasion with a big snake. ‘There are many of them in the

island of Ceilon. Some are very poisonous, and he who gets”

bitten must die, unless he applies remedies immediately.

‘They are called Cupre Capelle :— some of them have a stone

in the head, and he who has such astone is in no danger even

though bitten; for if the stone be held to the wound, it

sticks to it, and draws the poison out, and when taken off,

and put into water, the water turns a bluish colour. The

stone gives up all the poison, and one can safely use it again

as before.

‘which is supposed to have had charge and care of the elephant in its

‘wild state.

After the ceremony of sprinkling water has been gone through, and the

elephant named, or ‘‘ christened,” it is removed to the hilinguwa. This is

a sort of narrow enclosure constructed in the stable, wherein the elephant

is confined to enable the tamer to approach and fondle it in the process

-of taming. a

The dancing may have formed part of the ceremony peculiar to the

Matara District (where the writer probably witnessed it), but is not now

resorted to in the Kandyan districts.

*Cubit (Port. covado). ‘An elephant is sold according to his height.

The largest elephant is about 9 cubits (codos) high from the point of the

foot to the shoulder, and being sold at the rate of 1,000 pardaos the cubit,

he fetches about 8,000 pardaos ; but a very large one, which has good dis-

tinguishing marks, fetches 12,000 or even 15,000 pardaos.” (lee, Ribeiro,

| Kobra de kabelo (Dutch ed.); Port. Cobra do capello; Sin. naya ;

Naja tripudians (Merv.).

ft See Tennent, Nat. Hist., pp. 312, 313.

Q54 - JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von Xt.

Now, the following happened to me with a snake, One

day, when out catching elephants, two of my comrades—

Vallentin Pollac,* a Pole by -birth, and Henrich von:

Kampen$—and myself were ordered to cross the river and

fetch wood to increase the fire on account of the elephants..

One of the three had to hold his gun and keep guard soas to.

fire a shot should an elephant approach, whilst the other

two collected wood and put it into the boat. My comrade

Henrich von Kampen went a little too far into the forest

and began to shout at the top of his voice, that I—and

especially Vallentin Pollac with his gun—should come up

and load with a crossbar shot, because there was a large

snake that could not escape. After he had fired and killed

it, we noticed that it had swallowed a young deer, all save

one of the hind legs, which was still protruding. We

measured the snake, and found it to be sixteen feet long,

and as thick as a tree of twelve thumbs. We tried

in vain to drag it into our boat. When we cut it open

we found the young deer inside, and on placing it on

the cinnamon scales ascertained that it weighed forty

pounds. The natives wanted to eat it, but we thought

that if it would not hurt them it would not hurt us,.

as the snake was not a poisonous one.t We took it to the

river, washed it well, took the skin off, and divided the

flesh ; then cooked it and asked our comrades to eat with

us. Some of them thought it repulsive diet, but I felt no

qualms of that kind. I made four good meals of it, and

asked my good friend Michael Danckwert, of Sweden, to

join me. We thanked our Lord who had given it, and were

well content. The fat of the snake was melted away. We

took the carcass and put it upon an ant-hill, as we knew to,

be the way of the heathens, who adorn themselves with the

bones that remain, which are made beautifully white and

shining ; they also use them for necklaces and hat laces.

* Valentyn Polak ; Heindrik van Kampen (Dutch ed.).

+ He refers to the Python molurus Cuinn.), which occasionally reaches-

twenty feet in length.

No. 39.—1889.] | ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 255:

There are also other snakes called “ rat-catchers,”* which

at times, when we slept, crept over us. But they do nobody

any harm, and therefore are not killed ; they creep under the

roofs, search for the nests of rats and mice, and eat them, as

the cats do in our country. The lizards often warned us,

as it were, against them, and we oftentimes said to each

other: “‘ Those lizards must think that the snakes wish to

harm us, or there must be a peculiar antipathy between the

snakes and the lizards.” For it often happened when we

laid us down, as our wont during the great heat at midday,

and slept, and a rat-catcher snake was near and crept towards

us, that a lizardt would run over the face or on to the neck,

and scratch and tickle us till we woke and could guard

against the snake ; thus showing the love which it, although ~

a lizard, felt towards men. Even if such a snake is only as

thick as a child’s finger it can swallow and digest a big rat.

In Banda a snake is said to have been killed twenty-eight

feet long, and on opening it, a servant girl, or slave, was.

found inside.

As I have spoken of snakes, I shall also mention other

vermin of the island. It is dangerous to walk near rivers or

morasses, on account of the crocodiles, called by the heathen

kiimmele, or keymant, which love to haunt those places,

and lay their eggs. Once our steersman Heinrich (generally

called “ Lucifer’) caught a small live crocodile, a span long,

and kept it in a jar of fresh water. I found this jar on board

at a time when I was very thirsty, and not knowing that the

reptile was inside, I took a deep draught out of it. The

draught, thank God, did me no harm, but all who heard of it

were very much alarmed ; a few days afterwards, however,

* Ptyas mucosus (Linn.).

+‘ Hemidactylus maculatus, or Peripia peronii, both geckos commonly

found in houses.

{ Sin. kimbula. (On kaiman, see Hobson-Jobson,s. v. ‘‘Cayman.”’) There

are two species in Ceylon. See Tennent, Nat. Hist., pp. 282-89.

296 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI,

the young crocodile died.* It was stuffed with straw and

kept as a memento, and I often handled it myself.

Crocodiles there are very dangerous to men, and a good

friend of mine, a painter, lost his wife by one. In 1649, one

night at Negumbo, we were ordered to the bank of a river,

and my said good friend sat in the bright moonlight, and to

while away the time drew sketches in the sand, whilst the

others slept. A crocodile crawled up, seized him from

behind, and carried him off so quickly that the sentinel upon

the Horn Bastion of the Negumbo fortress only heard him

call out twice “O God!” It was not till two months after-

wards that we found his clothes and sword half a mile from

Neguinbo, on a small island called Walchere.t I saw a

native carrying them in his hand when I went to the river

to buy fish.f

A similar fate befell our comrade Wilhelm von Helmont§

He went to bathe in this river, and as he was sitting up to

his chest in water, and intending to first wash his head with

eggs and limes, and afterwards dry it with cotton leaves, as

is the custom there, such a huge crocodile bore him away

that we never saw anything more of him.

The same thing nearly happened to the wife of one of our

captains, Marcus Cassels,] a native of Flanders, at a place ten

miles from Pinte de Galle, called Madre..§ One evening she

wanted to walk down to the river, not far from her house,

* But soon a wonder came to light,

That show’d the rogues they lied ;

The man recovered of the bite,

The dog it was that died.

(Goldsmith, Elegy on the Death of a Mad Dog.)

+ Walcheren (Dutch ed.). Probably the modern Duwa, which lies a

quarter of a mile from the mainland at the mouth of the Negombo lake,

just beyond Kuttiduwa point: here all the fish is sold by auction as it

comes in. Another island, Wunakkara, is some two hundred yards

distant from the Resthouse.

{ Johann von der Behr records a similar incident as having occurred at

Negombo in June, 1648.

§ Willem van Helmont (Dutch ed.).

|| Markus van Kassel (Dutch ed.).

@ Matara, thirty English miles south of Galle.

No. 39.—1889.] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 257

when she fortunately saw a crocodile that was waiting for

her, and began to move towards her; although very much

frightened, she just managed to escape. The captain at once

‘sent for the blacksmith, and ordered him to make a great

hook, and when it was ready he caused a dog to be shot,

fastened to the hook, and put into the river with a long

chain. Two hours afterwards the crocodile appeared again,

came to the carcass, and swallowed the hook. We saw this

and quickly ran to the place ; some of us pulled it on to the

bank, others took iron rods, such as are used to load guns,

and nearly beat it to death ; then we filled a big powder

flask, put it into its mouth, and exploded it with a train

from a distance. Next day, when we cut the animal open,

we found that it had been living for fully eight hours —

afterwards.” ..........+.

If one searches, it is easy to find where a crocodile is:

it makes a somewhat loud sound similar to that of an ill-

tempered dog; it knocks its jaws together, so that the

snapping is plainly audible at a distance.

Besides the crocodiles and snakes there are many other

vermin in Ceilon. There is a kind of worm called by the

Portuguese Un cento pée,t and by the Hollanders “thousand

legs.” They are fully a span long, have brownish, or

often white feet, and are so poisonous that when they

bite swelling sets in at once, and the great pain drives

one almost delirious. During the night they glimmer like

sulphur, and the best thing to allay the pain is to put on

‘ear-wax.t

* Wir hatten einen in der Compagnia, einen Schiffers-Knecht, der vom,

Glick zu sagen wusteti in dergleichen Gefahr. In ein Gestréus kam Er

und wolte seine Nohtdurft verrichten, meinte auch nicht anderst, Er

ruhete auf einen alten Storn. Da aber Knal, und Fall, gieng, war es ein

‘Crocodil, das tiber dem Gepluder so wohl erschrack, und durchschosz als

Hr erschrack, Sein Geraiht geschwind wieder zusamm raspelte, und mit

offnen Hosen lief, was Er lauffen kunnte, und, Gott lob! auch davon kam.

+ Centopiedo (Dutch ed.), our centipede.

{ This may be one of the many native remedies. A Sinhalese medical

work ( Yogdlankaraya, Galle, 1885) prescribes tartar scraped from the teeth.

‘Schweitzer recommends “ oil of cocos” (J.c., p. 292).

298 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

There are also many scorpions : the smaller ones are white,

the bigger ones—I have seen them as large as crabs—are

dark. 'These vermin live in old walls, and come out when it

rains. The fowls love to catch them and prey upon them.

When sailing in old ships, or felling trees on shore, especially

old trees, one must be very careful not to be poisoned by

them. I was stung once by a big scorpion, but ran quickly

to the surgeon, who put oil on, and I recovered.

There are besides thin red worms called “ suckers.” They

are put on to dropsical people to draw out the objectionable

matter ; so full do they suck themselves that they become as

thick as the thumb, and when quite round fall off just as

leeches with us. They often attach themselves to the legs,.

especially when it rains, so that to be rid of them the feet

must be rubbed well with powder and salt.* During the

night another creature, a kind of fly, plagues one greatly ;

they call them muscieten (mosquitoes) ; their sting itches very

much, and they cannot be driven from the room but by

smoke, which they appear to dislike exceedingly.

Beautiful large turtles are caught in Cetlon. We have

often found the eggs on the shore to the number of 300 to

400. Ihave seen with my own eyes turtles so big that a

couple of men had enough to do tocarry one. The fishermen

used to sell them for half, or three-fourths of a rixdollar ;

but this luxury is only within the reach of rich people. Once, .

when we were out elephant hunting, and I stood sentinel, I

saw one in the moonlight, as big as a hat ; and as at that time

I did not know yet what it was, and only saw it moving

about, I called my comrade to look. When he came, and

with his musket had turned it over and found that it wasa

turtle, he was delighted, cut it open and took off the shell ;

* Cf., too, Knox, p. 25, and Ibn Batuta (C. A.S. Journal, Extra No., 1882,

p. 46). ‘ Blood-suckers or leeches are the worst vermin on the island...

The best way to deal with them is to have some green lemons with one, or

good vinegar and salt, or saltpetre, and wet them with it, and they fall off

immediately.” Schweitzer, p. 293.

————

No. 39.—1889.] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 259

the remainder we took, cooked, and our ensign, Otto

Hermersen,”* of Emden, having invited himself as a guest, we

‘all found that in truth, the meat was of better taste and

flavour than the best chicken.

In the forests are many tigers, but as they have sufficient

prey in young buffaloes, oxen, deer, &c., men are compara-

tively safe from them. We much liked to see that they had

killed the heathens’ cattle or other animals, for it is the

tiger’s nature only to suck the blood, and as he does not eat

the flesh, and it was repugnant to the natives to eat anything

but what they slaughtered themselves, the meat came in very

handy for us, and we used to wish that the tiger would often

prepare a similar feast.........

It is likewise very amusing in the forest to watch the

monkeys, who delight in staying on cocoanut trees ; and if

anybody happens to pass, they throw the nuts down on his

head. I shot several of them. They make enormous springs

from one tree to another, and when they have young ones

they take them in their arms and jump from branch to

branch.t They are easily trained, and I have seen one

myself that could fetch wine, and would refuse to give the

money before he got the wine. When boys tried to tease it

it would put the jar down, lay hold of stones, and throw them,

so that the boys had to run away.

They are caught in a curious way. A whole cocoanut is

taken, a hole is bored into it, and the kernel loosened ; then

the monkeys come at once, scratch a bit of the kernel out

with their fingers, and when the natives rush up, the mon-

keys, rather than let the kernel go, allow themselves to be

caught. Some of them are totally black, and have partly

iong tails, partly short tails; some are grey, and these too

have both long and short tails.~| A wild monkey can be

* Otto Harmensz. (Dutch ed.). :

+ The small brown kind (Macacus pileatus ; Sin. rilavd) is probably

meant.

{ On the four species of Presbytes (Sin. vandaruva) found in Ceylon,

see Tennent, Wat. Hist., pp. 6-11.

260 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Moms 12

bought for half a rixdollar, but those that are trained and

know a few tricks cannot be had under two rixdollars.

There are in the island of Cezlon many and beautiful trees.

called cocoanut trees, from which as I said above, a beverage

is drawn called sieve. In Amboina it is called sagawehr,*

in Surat tervi.t The tree can be utilised in about seventy

ways. When the liquor gets old they make vinegar of it.

The nuts when young are green, and have water inside, very

sweet, and as clear as crystal;{ when you cut them open the

water spirts up to a certain height ; but when old, the water:

inside the nut becomes solid, and a kernel grows about as

thick as the finger, of which milk can be made ; you can also:

make oil of it. The natives cover their houses with the

branches, and also make their utensils thereof. When the:

nuts are old they are put into the ground, and a plant grows.

out of the nut, which, after five or six years, bears fruit. If

the natives had not this tree, they would be poor indeed..

But the monkeys, of whom there is a large number, as I have-

before remarked, do much damage to the trees.

There are also beautiful cannelles, or cinnamon trees; all

the cinnamon, and more than is wanted, comes solely from -

this island. In 1648, when in garrison at Negumbo, about

twenty-six miles from Punte de Galle, I was during three

months often ordered into the forest, as a rule, with twenty-

five men; of the niggers, however, or heathen, about four

hundred went to the forest. When we marched out in the

morning a drummer came with us who had to beat the drum

very loud in the forest, and we fired volleys from time to time:

on account of the elephants. In the meantime the natives had

to peel cinnamon, for cinnamon is nothing else but the bark of

the tree, which can be peeled, just as bark is peeled from trees:

* Sagaweer (Dutch ed.). See Hobson-Jobson, s. v. “ Saguire.”

+ Toddy. See Hobson-Jobson, s. v.

+ Johann von der Behr (p. 49) says, that the drinking to excess of cocganut

water was very injurious to newly arrived Europeans, causing paralysis of

the legs, which could be cured only by inserting the limbs in hot sand

several hours a day for some months.

No. 39.—1889.] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON, 261

in our country. The tree itself does not grow very high, is no-

thicker than a man’s leg above the ankle, and bears no fruit.

‘The leaves, when taken into the mouth, have a taste of cloves;.

after the tree has been peeled the bark renews within a

year and a half, and you can see how the sap oozes out

through small holes, and runs over the tree and congeals until

the bark can be peeled again. When the tree is old, and a

young one sprouts up, the old one is cut down to make room

for it, because old cinnamon is not of the same value as new..

Every one of the natives knows how much he must bring.

When they come home there is a captain who examines the:

bark, and if he finds old or thick cinnamon he rejects it, and

does not weigh it; but in Piinte de Galle they make cinnamon-.

oil of it. Any native who brings one thousand pounds weight

of good young cinnamon is free for a whole year afterwards;

if he does not bring so much he must make it up next year;

for what more he brings he gets paid.”

It costs the Hollanders very little money on the spot,—no

not a penny,—but much Christian blood : I know for certain

that during the period of eight years which I spent in the

island, it cost us six thousand of our men; and the Portu-

guese, who always wage war with the Emperor of Ceilon,.

just as we did for some time, over twenty thousand

men.

* According to Valentyn ( Oude en Nieuwe Oost Indien), each man was

required to bring in during the harvest two bahars, of 480 lb. the bahar :

for one bahar he got nothing ; for the other only 13 rixdollar. The captain

in charge of the cinnamon peelers was held responsible that the fixed

number of 515 natives entered the forest and remained there till they had

brought in the stipulated quantity, 898 dDahars = 431,040 lb. The yearly

demand was at first 1,000 bales; by 1742 it had grown to 2,100 bales for

India, besides the regular supply to Europe, 8,000 bales. There were then

two harvests a year, the first and chief in April. In such estimation was

its collection held as to give the title of Waha badda, or“ great tax,” to the:

establishment under which it was worked by the natives of the Chaliya caste,

who retain the name in spite of the abolition of the Government monopoly

since 1833. (For full particulars of the trade and its expansion, see Lee’s:

Ribeiro, App., pp. 172, 191, 192, 231-45 ; Bertolacci, pp. 239-55.)

+ Cf. Tennent, IT., 51.

262 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

Another kind of tree there is called hakra,* of which they

get black sugar, and which the Hollanders therefore call “the

sugar-tree.” The leaves are very large, and they are used

when it rains, because they keep off the water well.f

They bear apples as big as the head of a child, brown outside,

like a chestnut, and yellow inside. If one wants to open

and eat it the shell must first be pulled off with the teeth ;

the inner part is like a knot of hair; when taken into

the mouth, it has a hard, large, white kernel, very sweet and

pleasant to eat ; yet one would rather think that the inner

part ought to be thrown away and the outside eaten. We

have often had a joke with new comers over this.f

There is another kind of tree which they call sursack, a

favourite fruit with the elephants: it has leaves like a larch,

and does not bear its fruit, like other trees, on stalks away

from the trunk and on the branches, but on the trunk itself.

The fruit is long, green, thorny, very mucilaginous inside,

and with yellow seeds with a kernel, which, roasted like a

chestnut, have a very agreeable taste. §

Capital lime, orange, and pomegranate trees are also found.

The natives, as well as foreigners, Hollanders, and Portuguese,

men and women, eat one or two oranges early in the

morning, and say that in the morning oranges are like gold

to the stomach, at noon and in the evening like lead : so you

will not see any Portuguese eat this fruit save at the time

first stated. '

There is a kind of pumpkin also, called melons : they grow

like pumpkins, not round like those of our Christian soil, but

long ; they are good and pleasant to eat.|

* Te, Sin. hakuru, “jaggery,” a coarse brown sugar made in Ceylon

from the kitul (Caryota urens), cocoanut (Cocos nucifera), and palmyra

(Borassus flabelliformis) palms. Saar means the kitul.

+ The leaves of the talipot (Corypha umbraculifera) or palmyra are, of

course, referred to.

{ The fruit of the palmyra palm.

§ Sursack, the Dutch name for the Artocarpus \integrifolia, or jak-tree

(Port., jaca, from Malayalam chakka). Hobson-Jobson, s. v. “Soursop.”

|| Several species. Cf. Nieuhcff (Churchill, IT., 329), on its good qualities.

No. 39.—1891.]; | ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 263

Almost similarly so grows a fruit called water-melon,

sometimes as big as a man’s head, and sometimes smaller.

The outside is green: when you open them, they are red

inside ; some have black, some red kernels; they are very

juicy, and on that account cut into small slices, which are put

into the mouth to quench the thirst in the great heat.*

There are also big gourds, and in great quantities; they

are easily carried, and often, when we had to march and

were afraid of running short of water, we hollowed them out

and carried them well filled. Into the smaller ones we put

oil, and hung them to our bandoleers, so that in case of rain

we could clean our guns and be always ready to fire.

They have a kind of pear as big as a fist, called kujafen,

which grows on small trees of the height of a man; the

colour is yellow ; insideare black kernels, and they are eaten

with the peel on, being very soft.t

Other trees, about one and a half times the height of a

man, bear pappeyen, which are similar to our pears, and

oval: when they are ripe they are green outside, yellow

inside, very juicy and sweet, and melt in one’s mouth; in

the centre they have ash-coloured kernels, which are a

capital medicine against diarrhoea and dysentery. At times

they are cooked, and then have the taste of turnips ; they are

a very hot fruit.§

The annassen, likewise, are so hot that the lips crack, even

if cut up like limes and soaked in water for a long time ;

they nearly resemble our artichokes, and are of a reddish

colour.|

Similarly hot are the kaschauen, a fruit formed below

like a heart, but above is a chestnut which, when opened, is

*Sin. komadu ; Citrullus vulgaris, or water melon.

+ The bottle gourd, Lagenaria vulgaris (Seringe).

{ Guava ; Sin. péra ; Psidiwm guyava (Linn.).

§ Carica papaya, the papaya, or papaw. “This word seems to be from

America, like the insipid, not to say nasty. fruit which it denotes.”—

Hobson-Jobson, s. v. ‘ Papaya.”

|| Ananassa sativa, the pine apple.

16—91 1

264 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

very oily ; but when it has been well dried it exposes a

kernel inside as good as an almond: one side of the fruit

is red, the other yellow; it is very good against syphilis,

which, by reason of its heat, it drives out of the skin, so as

to be evident.*

They have still other fruits ; for instance, the mumpelbouse,

as big as the head, red inside; the peel prepared with

sugar, like the citron, is very good to allay thirst.t The

puppunen, similar to the melons, green outside, red inside,

are made hollow, filled with fat, meat, or grease, pepper and

mace. When a fleet sails, they take one or two thousand

" with them and when well boiled together their taste is good.{

The potazen, of the same form as our cheese-cakes, as long

as a finger, and oval, are peeled and cut, and when cooked

are an agreeable dish.§

The kecerey, a sort of a vegetable, reddish and white, like

lentils.| The gajan, round grains, which, when cooked, turn

quite green.{

There is also a fruit, the size of a plum, green outside,

inside of a reddish yellow, with a big kernel inside when

ripe, and very sweet. The native call them mangas, and

* The cashew-nut and apple, Anacardium occidentale.

+ Pommelo, pomplemose, or shaddock (Citrus decumana, Linn.), the

largest of the orange tribe. See Hvbson-Jobson, s. v. “ Pommelo,” for

the many vagaries the name has assumed. Dutch ed. reads pumpelmoezen.

{ Dutch ed. pepoenen ; Port. pepino, cucumber.

§ Probably sweet potatoes (Sin. buta/a). In W. Schouten spelt batattes

and patatten.

|| Dutch ed. kecerijen.. Probably the vetchling (Lathyus sativus, Linn.;

Cicercula alata, Moench). Hind. khesari, kussur, kasari, kassar-tiuri.

W. Schouten has kitzery (IL, 13) and kitsery (I1., 17; III., 15), which he

describes as ‘‘a small but nutritious seed.” (See also next note.)

4 Caujanus indicus, or pigeon pea,—‘ kadjang, as the Javaneses and

Malayans call it” (Nieuhoff, loc. cit., 336),—is the commonly used pulse,

dal or doll of India. W. Schouten (II., 17) says: ‘‘ Catyang, which are

little seeds, about the size of those of Menugrceek, and in some places

are shipped in large quantities, and are used everywhere throughout

Indiaas food, just as peas are in Holland.” Heydt (1744), writing of Java,

says (p. 69, note) :—‘‘Some sell provisions and eatables, namely rice,

catjang, kissery, beans and corn in great plenty.”

No. 39.—1891.] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 265

I liked them very much, when for the first time I tasted

them after my arrival from Banda at Batavia.”

There are whole fields full of cardamoms: they grow as

high as rice, in sheaths, in which they are shipped to other

countries.t

A kind of pepper grows also there, but it is not exported,

for it is consumed in the country.t The best quality and

the largest quantity comes to our stores from the Island

of Jamby.|| There is no saffron, instead of that they use a

root called borriborri, of the shape of ginger, and when

rubbed on a stone the colour is reddish; they like it parti-

cularly because they say that it makes the eyes clear and

bright.§

* Mangifera indica. From the Tamil man-kay the Portuguese coined

manga, whence the modern form mango.

+ Hlettaria cardamomum ; Sin. ensal, Ceylon cardamom.

{ Chillies are possibly referred to. Further on (chapter XVI.) Saar

gays :—‘‘ When I had now been six months at Batavia, I received for

my wages two months’ pay, with which money I therefore supplied myself

with victuals for the voyage ; I bought a large pot full of fruit, which are

called ricien, and must be cooked if one wishes to eat them. Some are

green, some red, some yellow; they can be used instead of pepper.

and grow on small bushes, as the bilberry does in these parts. The

Indians call them rattimires [Sin. ratamiris],and the other pepper, which

is brought to India from other places, they call Hollandes mires. The

true pepper grows exactly like the juniper berry, and is quite green,

and only when it is dried in the sun does it become black.” Langhansz

(p. 194) says :—"...... long or Spanish pepper (which they call ritzkes).”

|| Jambi was not an island, but a kingdom on the east coast of Sumatra.

now included in the Province of Palembang.

q “ The plant, the root whereof is called Borbori by the Javaneses, Saffran

di. Terra, i.e. Saffron under Ground by the Portugueses, Kurkum by the

Arabians, and bythe Latins, Radia Curcume or Curcumy-Root, has Leaves

not unlike those of the White Hellebore, viz., thick, long, and broad, smooth,

and interspersed with many Veins. The Stalk is thick, and grown up to

a considerable height: The Flower is of a Purple colour, and the Root

resembles the Gentian-Root. After the Flower comes the Fruit, like a

Chestnut, containing around Seed not unlike our Pease. The Root contains

a Saffron yellow Tincture, whence it has got the Name of Jndian Saffron.

The Malayans Boil and Eat them both with Fish and Flesh and look

upon them as the most Sovereign Remedy in the World; against all the

Obstructions of the Liver, Lungs, and Spleen ; against the Gravel and Stone.

266 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [| Vou. XI.

There are old people in the island up to ninety and one

hundred years ; and to keep themselves in good health, they

carry a root in their belt, which they chew if they do not

feel well.* I once asked one of them how he could have

grown so old, and still be so quiet. He replied that when

he had a mind to eat he had eaten, to drink he had drunk;

to sleep he had slept; when he had an opportunity to sit

down he sat down ; to cover his head he covered it; in short

he had never done anything against his nature when he

could help it.

When one of them is on his deathbed, and to all appear-

ances sinking, one of his best friends comes, puts his mouth

on his firmly and exactly, that his soul may not go into an

animal when leaving.t| When he is quite dead, they begin

to weep and to mourn, and to ask with tears why he had

died, whether he had not money enough or not enough to

eat; they go into the jungle and conjure the devil that he

should tell them what had been the matter with the deceased.

After much crying they wash him and sew him upina

cloth, and then hire several old women, who have to sit in

front of the dead man’s house for three days and nights and

to wail. They cover themselves with mud, or run into the

water up to the neck, as if they wanted to drown themselves

the Stoppage of the Monthly Flowers, and other Diseases of the Womb ; but

most especially against the Yellow Jaundice: This Root is one of the main

Ingredients in that Ointment, called Borbori by the Javaneses, wherewith

they anoint the whole Body.” (Nieuhoff, loc. cit., p. 339.) “Curcoma or

Bobori” (Valentyn, Amboina, p. 160). ‘Great Java also produces...Bor- .

borry” (Heydt, p 69,). ‘They [the Malabars ] smear themselves now and

then with Borreborry, asort of Indian saffron (W. Schouten, J. ¢., p. 275).

“Buriburri or Gurkoma (which is the Indian saffron)” (Langhansz,

Neue Ost-Indische Reise, p. 194). “The Gurkuma, which in India is

called Burburri, they use likewise for dyeing cotton” (did, p. 242).

* Probably the areka-nut (Areca catechw L.), which all natives chew,

mixing it with leaves of the betel creeper (Piper betlie) and chunam or

lime.

7 Navarette notes that the Brahmins, contra, endeavour to ensure the

soul of the man zm articulo mortis passing straight into a cow, though

not through its mouth. (Churchill, I., 308.)

No. 39.—1891.] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 267

in their distress.* At last the body is put upon a bier, and

if the man was particularly poor and of mean birth, they

carry him into the jungle or to the seabeach, where they

bury him with the face towards the east.t They generally

put upon the grave a green branch, and plant thorns around

it to protect it against the jackhals,t a kind of fox, which is

very fond of human flesh. As an outward sign of their

grief, they wear a long blue cap with no bottom to it, which

hangs far down behind, and in this dress they appear for

about a year.

In this island, as mentioned before, the Portuguese had

several settlements. The Emperor of Cetlon and King of

Cand, however, did not like them as neighbours, for they -

had drowned his brother, because he was more inclined

towards the Dutch. He therefore began a great war against

them, and sent a special Ambassador to Batavia to ask for

help against Portugal, promising all help and assistance now

‘and afterwards.

In this wise the Hollanders came to Ceilon for the first

time, Anno Christi 1640, and began by the conquest of the

town de Galle, soon followed by that of the great fortress of

Negumbo,| the latter they lost again two years afterwards,

Anno 1643, but in the subsequent year (1644) they recon-

quered it, thus twice losing and twice winning it within four

years, and always in February. Negumbo was a strong

place, and had four bastions, two facing the sea, called Horn

* Cf. Knox, p. 115.

+ Amistake. Sinhalese children are enjoined against sleeping with the

‘faces to the west—that being the posture assigned to the dead at burial.

Cf. Davy (Account of Ceylon, pp. 290, 291) :—‘ As Boodhoo came from the

east, they lie during life, with their heads in that direction ; and as they

think it is not right that the living and the dead should lie the same way,

their first duty is to turn the head of the corpse to the westward...... Low

caste people are not allowed to burn their dead; they bury the corpse

with little ceremony, in a grave 3 or 4 feet deep, with its head to the west.

+ Jakhals (Dutch ed.).

|| For the early history of Negombo, see “Old Negombo,” in Cey. Lit.

Reg. vol. IV., p. 21, et. seq.

@ Hoorn (Dutch ed.),

268 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

and Hnckhysen,* two towards the land Delft and Rotterdam,

witha high wall made of sods about twenty-two feet broad :

each bastion had eight guns. There are two ports, the Water

Port and the Land Port. Inside there isa castle, protected by

two bastions, called Middelburg and Amsterdam,built of stones.

to a certain height, and having the rampart above likewise

covered with sods. It is surrounded by a ditch, in the middle

of which long and pointed palisades are closely fixed. After

the conquest of Columbo, however, the fortifications were

demolished (saving the stone inner castle), that it should not

require such a strong garrison and so much money for its.

upkeep.

When the Hollanders appeared before this place [ Negombo ]

the second time the Portuguese might have well prevented

their landing and driven them away by cannon and match-

locks with very great loss; yet they allowed our people to land

unopposed because they were so certain of victory, and in

partaking of the holy sacrament had sworn to give no quarter

_ toany Hollander, and not to eat or drink until they had washed

their hands in Hollandish blood, and after to try to capture

our ships. But God Almighty did not permit their ire to

have its way. When we were all ashore we took up a good

position, and after prayers had been offered on the field, and

the word passed, “God with us,” we advanced towards the

Portuguese with great courage. Their password was Wadore

Des} (Mother of God). Then both sidesapproached each other,

and when we halted the Portuguese some 900 strong, fired the

first volley,which killed 30 of ourmen and wounded 50. There-

upon we, but 300 in number, fired in return, andat the command

of our officers began to use our swords (for it is usual with the

Hollanders when they go into action to carry short swords,

broad and curved). The Portuguese were attacked with

such fury, that within a short time about 700 were slain, and

the rest took to their heels. One of the Hollanders, a captain

* Enkhuizen (Dutch ed.).

7 Madre de Dies (Dutch ed.).

No. 39.—1891.]. ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 269

of the name of Sendemann,* had, together with his servant

Joan de Roes, deserted to the Portuguese, Anno Christi 1643.

When he saw that we were victorious, and that the fortress

would fall into our hands, he advised them to put a fuse to the

powder that was stored underneath the fortress of Neguwmbo,

that if we entered we should be blown up along with it.

Some of the prisoners told us about it, among them a

Capuchin father, whom cur people had taken with them into

the fortress and who wished to save his clothes and his skin,

and not to try to mount into heaven before his proper time.

Our Governor, Mr. Franciscus Charon,} offered a reward of

forty rixdollars to any one who would venture down and

remove the fuse. When the man got into the cellar, the fire was

only two thumbs’ length from the powder, so God’s grace

and power alone prevented the catastrophe. A German, who

had taken the Father prisoner, being in a great rage that he

had been silent so long, and said nothing about it until he

was in danger himself, took his gun and shot him down at

our Commander’s side, who said, “ My fine fellow, do not

come nearer; if you do not wish to give quarter, do not

carry it out on me.”’

Anno Christi 1643 a large fleet came before the town

of Goa with instructions to make peace with the Portuguese,

on condition that if they still were in possession of the

fortress of Negumbo, they should keep it, if not, and the

Portuguese wanted to risk another assault, they should be

free to do so. They, however, had not the desire, and

next year (1644) a treaty was published for a ten years’

armistice,

Now that we had peace it was resolved upon the instiga-

tion of the Portuguese, Anno Christi 1645, that war should

be made against the King of Candi for the sake of ele-

phants.

As the Hollanders had no tame elephants, the Portuguese

* Sendeman ; Jan de Roos (Dutch ed.).

+ Prangois. Charon (id.).

270 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [FVi@tiee er?

offered, at the price of half the number caught, to lend their

tame ones. The Hollanders then marched out, and to pick

a quarrel they seized upon four of the best elephants of the

King of Candi. He, as a sensible man, sent word to the

Hollanders that he had no intention to do anything against

them, and he expected them, for their part, to act likewise ;

he had called them in as friends to be his allies against the

Portuguese, and he hoped therefore that they would not

settle in his territory. But the Hollanders from the begin-

ning were bent upon war. When the King saw that it could

not be avoided, he collected by one of his generals (a Saude,*

or what we should call a Count) about 60,000 men, chiefly

natives, besides a few Portuguese whom he had formerly

made captives, and who had entered his service. He

would no longer trust the Hollanders, having been deceived

once. They had promised at first to remove people from

his country, but, under pretext of fetching them and pro-

viding victuals for their return journey, they had brought,

under a guard of 36 men, powder and ammunition in small

casks, which they had put into bigger ones, and covered

with rice and meat. A deserter from our side told him

about it.

In the following year (Anno Christi 1645) in the month

of May, Mr. von der Stalt{ received fresh orders to march

with 150 men (picked soldiers), plenty of ammunition,

powder, lead, and other materials of war, and also two field

guns. He met with the heathen Saude in a small clearing,

but as the latter had no orders to fight, because the king was

still disinclined to go to war, he withdrew into the forest.

The Hollanders opened a heavy fire from their field-guns

and fire-arms, so that 400 were killed, and many were

* In Schweitzer Saudi. Perhaps the same as Knox’s Sthattu, which

he says is a title meaning “ Honour,” applied to noblemen when not in the

King’s presence.

+ Read 1646.

} Van der Stelt (Dutch ed.).

No. 39.—1891.] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 271

wounded. Asthe Hollanders had taken the offensive, the

Saude did not care to act only on the defensive. He there-

fore came out of the forest, and closing round our people,

attacked them with such energy that he cut off the head of

Mr. von der Stalt, who had been carried in a palanquin or litter,

clad in red scarlet. Of our men, who had numbered 150,

they got 103 heads. The rest fled into the jungle and hid

themselves as best they could.*

When the King, who had been near, heard of the onslaught

he hurried to the spot, and although he was told that his men

had been forced to fight, he showed displeasure. At once

he ordered drums to be beaten and proclamation to be made

that none of the Hollanders who had fled into the jungle

were to be killed, but they were to be brought alive

before him; that he would treat them well; and that he

would swear by his God that he was innocent of the blood-

shed. He then gave directions to have the head of Mr. von

der Stalt put into a silver bowl, and covered with white cloth,

and sent it by one of the prisoners to their Captain in the

great camp, to say that this was the head of Mr. von der

Stalt, and that the King would see his body as well as the

other 103 bodies decently buried. But at the same time the

King sent word, that if after three days the Captain was still

in the field, or in his country, he would come with 100,000

men and take him with all his followers. The Captain sent

for the head, had it buried near the camp, and three volleys

fired over it: butas he had no orders from the Governor

at S. Galle to leave the place, he was unwilling to move

without instructions.

Thereupon the King of Candi, with a force of 100,000

men, besieged him, and during the night erected such works

that he could fire into the camp and none of our soldiers

could show themselves.

* For J. von der Behr’s account of this occurrence, see Ceylon Literary

fegister, vol. VI.; p. 99. Jiirgen Andersen also relates the affair. All

these accounts differ in details.

272 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XI

After the Emperor of Ceilon had besieged the camp for

eight days, our people, who numbered in all 500 men, had

neither victuals nor chance of withdrawing from the place,

and seeing that they were completely hemmed in, they at

last had to surrender to the heathen with all they had. The

Emperor was so courteous (and, notwithstanding he is a

heathen, he is an exceedingly intelligent man) that not alone

in his camp but throughout his whole empire even he had

published the order, that under penalty of death it was for-

bidden to harm any of the Hollanders. He himself did not

treat them as prisoners, but as men who belonged to his

retinue; he even had them brought before him, which is

- asigon of particular imperial grace.

Next, the King went towards the small camp, and desired

them to surrender according to custom. The Lieutenant,

however, who had 70 men with him, sent back a message that

“he had nothing for the Emperor but powder, bullets, and

the point of his sword ;” and in truth those he showed him

up to the fourteenth day, killing and wounding many, so

that the Emperor himself said they must be all very devils

inside, and not Hollanders. Then he asked one of the prisoners

of what nation the Lieutenant was, and on his answering that

he wasan Adiemand, and that most of the men with him were

Allemans, that is High Dutch, the Emperor said that if he

could get hold of him he would like him the better, and

honour him more than the Hollandish Captain. When one

of his men wanted to know the reason, he replied, “This

Captain had 500 men in his great camp, who did not want to

fight for their master and their country ; but the Allemand,

although in Hollandish service, remained true to them with

his few men, and would sooner have died than lose his

honour.”

During the night the Emperor sent a Hollandish prisoner

who knew the Lieutenant, to see him and to persuade him

to surrender. The messenger called the Lieutenant by name,

and told him that the party of Mr. von der Stalt was routed,

and he himself killed; that the Captain in the great camp

No. 39.—1891.] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 273

had surrendered with all his men; that he also should do

the same, as there was no possibility of escape. After con-

sulting his men the Lieutenant replied that, unless the

- Emperor gave them the very best conditions, he was

determined to defend himself to the last man: that if the

Emperor would promise those conditions, and keep them,

he would consult his men, and, if all agreed, surrender the

camp. The next day the Emperor sent one of his high

officials with a white flag to conclude terms with the

Lieutenant, and to tell him that he was anxious to see the

Allemand and his men, because they were such good soldiers

and had served their master so well: the official was to take

an oath in his name that he would keep the arrangement |

made. Thus highly are German courage and honesty res-

pected amongst the heathen, as. the said Lieutenant

experienced after the Emperor’s Ambassador had taken his

oath. When these heathen wish to take an oath in public

they take up a handful of sand, holdit high, say a few words,

and let it fall; they afterwards hold firmly and to the last

point what they promise.

When the garrison came out, and the Lieutenant and his

men with burning fuses, bullet in the mouth, swords

by their sides, were taken before the Emperor, they all first

fell on their knees three times. This is etiquette, and even as

man of high rank as Ambassador for the Hollanders, if he

desires to see the Emperor of Ceilon, must fall on his knee

three times. The Emperor’s own subjects, however, must

throw themselves three times with their faces to the ground.

The highest in rank, if they need to speak to their Emperor,

are not allowed to turn round as long as they can see him,

but they must march out backwards. Ordinary people are

not allowed to come near him, but must have men of rank

to speak for them. The Hollanders, however, are allowed

to stand before him, and personally to speak with him.

After the said Lieutenant with his men had fallen on their

knees three times, he took his sword to present it himself

274 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

to the Emperor. The Emperor, however, would not receive

it,and ordered him to put it to his side again ; but his men

had to give up their matchlocks. Then he gave instructions

that all the prisoners, 600 in number, should be well fed

three times a day, and whatever had been taken from them

should be restored ; that anybody whom the prisoners

should complain of was to be executed by the elephants.

To the Lieutenant, however, as a courageous German soldier,

he presented a horse, an elephant, and a thick golden chain ;

and he always made him ride by his side, which astonished

every one.

After this he sent an Ambassador to the Hollandish

Governor at S. Galle, with a message that as he had enough

elephants and enough cinnamon, if they would give back

his four elephants, and not again have a military camp in

his country, he would live in peace and friendship with

them as long as the sun shone and the moon endured, and

he would at once liberate the 600 men. But our Governor

would not accept the Emperor’s good-will; he had the

Ambassador and all those that were with him blindfolded,

and led away so far that they could no longer see the town,

and only then had the bandages removed. This displeased

the Emperor very much, and he went with his followers and

prisoners to Candi, where he had his residence and treasure

vault. Once a year he was in the habit of going there, and

likewise only once a year he used to go into his treasure

vault. On such occasions one of his body-guards has to

accompany him with a light, and after having inspected the

treasure, the Emperor goes out; as soon as the guardsman,

however, arrives at the outer court, his head is cut off, so

that nobody knows for certain where the imperial treasure

is. Other heathen have similar habits, likewise the Portu-

guese, who, when they are besieged, and are afraid that they

will have to surrender, order one of their slaves to dig a

large, deep hole, into which they put their best valuables ;

after this has been done, they immediately kill the slave,

that he may not reveal where the treasures are. I have seen

No. 39.—1891.] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 275

myself that when such a treasure was dug out human bones

lay close by, and in India this is a common occurrence.

After, as before said, the Emperor had arrived at his castle

in Candi, he at once ordered to distribute the 600 Hollandish

prisoners in his country amongst the peasants and in the town,

and that they should never be allowed to want; otherwise

the royal displeasure would be incurred. But they were to

look well after their women, cows, oxen, &c., because the

Hollanders were very fond of women and all sorts of meat.

When afterwards complaints were made about misdeeds of

this kind, the Court replied that the natives had been well

warned beforehand, and they ought to have watched more

carefully. These were the King’s Hollanders: and if a native

did not give his guest enough to eat, and refused to do so after

the latter had said to him, “ Give me to eat in the Emperor’s

name,” and the Emperor was informed of it, the native was at

once thrown to the elephants and killed, and, according to

custom, had to lie unburied. A similar occurrence happened

amongst our people in the town of Candi. One of the

prisoners, an ensign, Cornel Salvegad from Utrecht, had

struck his Captain, although the latter had dealt the first

blow, and the former had only defended himself. However,

when the Emperor, who would not hear of any disturbance

amongst our men, was informed of it, he ordered the Captain

to be asked what the custom amongst the Hollanders was if

a subaltern struck an officer of higher rank. When he received

the reply that a subaltern forfeited his life, he ordered the

ensign to be arrested. A week afterwards judgment was

given, that he should be thrown before an elephant; and

although our people, including the Captain himself, went

down on their knees to beg for mercy, the King’s order

remained unaltered, and the reply was given that, according

to their custom, their master’s order was irrevocable. 'There-

upon the poor fellow was taken away and tied toa pole.

At first he was in hopes of receiving a reprieve ; but when

he saw that there was no chance, he prayed with great

fervour, and commended himself to God’s mercy. When

276 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [V Om. 2XxI-

a native, with his short hook, told the elephant to kill the

condemned man, the wild beast refused, began to roar, swayed

his head to and fro, and would not attack the ensign. How-

ever, as the execution had to be carried out, the native had

to make the elephant angry, and to hit him behind the ears

with the hook until his temper was roused and he was forced

to run at the poor man. He ran him through with his

two tusks, then threw him into the air, and when he fell

down he quickly put his feet upon his body to shorten his

sufferings. Our people, as well as the heathen—ay, the

Emperor himself—were very much astonished, and many

thought that, after all, the poor man might have been wronged;

for if the elephant has to kill a native or heathen he is at

once ready for it, and requires no urging, but is himself

savage enough. Not all the elephants, although there are

many in the island of Ce¢lon, execute justice, but there are only

two which the King always keeps for the purpose. Our

people petitioned again to have the man buried, but the

same reply came back that an order given by the King was

for ever irrevocable ; so we had to bear it patiently.

Once the Portuguese, 1,500strong, defeated the Emperor, who

had to retreat into the mountains. They followed him up to

Candi, took the town, found rich booty, and enjoyed themselves

in shooting, eating,and drinking. The Emperor allowed them

to do what they liked, but in the meantime was bent upon his

revenge. He closed the roadsin the forest quietly, and when

he saw that ammunition and victuals were nearly at an end, he

attacked them again ; and because the passage was cut off, and

they could neither advance nor retreat, they had to suffer

from hunger and thirst. When deserters came from the

Portuguese camp the Emperor ordered them to be asked why

they had deserted ; if they complained of hunger and thirst,

they were to receive enough to eat and to drink ; and when

they at last said they had had enough, their heads were to be

cut off immediately. When most of them had died of hunger

and thirst, the Emperor took a deserter, had him well fed,

gave him victuals for a week anda convoy of forty men

No, 39.—1891.] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 204

that he should be protected against the elephants and

the natives, and sent him to Columbo, where he was to

‘tell the Viceroy what had happened to him and to his com-

rades, who were all dead. The Viceroy flew into such

a rage that he had the messenger hanged immediately,

and said that he ought to have remained where the 1,500

remained.”

This is perfectly true: in the forest the natives are like

eats. If they have a little rope which they can put round

their feet they are quickly up one of the highest trees; and

it would be difficult to beat the Emperor of Cetlon in the

forest. But in the plain they have no courage, and 300

Christians, however poor soldiers they may be, will beat 3,000

natives.

In the year of Christ 1647, on the 2nd February, the

Emperor sent an Ambassador to Negwmbo, and informed our

Commander that he was going presently to send an Ambagsa-

dor to Pinte de Galle as well to negotiate a peace, especially

as the Portuguese had already asked him for peace, with

whom, however, he could not negotiate, on account of the

murder of his brother. When our Commander learnt this

he asked whether any of the merchants would like to

volunteer to go as Ambassador to the Emperor of Candi.

The same was done amongst the soldiers, twelve of whom

were to go with a merchant of their own free will. This the

Hollanders did, so that in case of a failure they were not

bound to liberate the soldiers; for if no alliance can be

arranged the Emperor keeps the Ambassadors, perhaps ten

_ years, perhaps all their lives; butif one of them returns, the

Emperor gives to the Ambassador a golden chain, and to each

soldier a golden ring with beautiful stones ; the Hollanders,

on the other hand, give them promotion, but it is very

dangerous.

“The above refers, no doubt, to the disastrous Portuguese expedition

to Kandy under Diogo de Melo and Damiao Bottado in 1638. (See

Valentyn, Ceylon, p. 117.)

278 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. XI.

This an Ambassador from the King of Bengala experi-.

enced Anno 1643. This King sent to the Emperor of Candi a

live rhinoceros. Besides this present for the Emperor the

messenger received much gold to buy elephants from the

Emperor. Although there are many of these in Bengala he

wanted to see whether it was true that his elephants would

fall down upon their knees before those of Cezlon, as it were:

to show their subjection. Now, it is true that, clumsy and

unwieldy an animal as an elephant would appear, he is

almost as intelligent as a man, and as far as the above remarks.

are concerned I have seen it myself Anno 1639 in Batavia,

that when elephants from these two countries meet by

chance, those from Bengala at once bend their knees before

those from Cezlon, for reasons which God only knows.

When the Emperor of Ceilon had heard the Ambassador’s

message, and that he had much money from his king to

purchase elephants with, he was displeased, and said he was

no merchant, he did not sell elephants, but the Hollanders.

were trading in them, and from them he could get them.

He then arrested the Ambassador, and kept him for fifteen

years, until all the money was spent which his king had given

him. After that time the Emperor set him at liberty, made

him a present of two elephants, and ordered him to tell his.

king that in future he had better apply for his purchases to

the Hollanders, who would be glad to receive his money, and

more besides.

As we knew the danger by past occurrences, nobody

seemed inclined at the beginning to go to Candi as an

Ambassador. At last, however, a merchant and twelve

soldiers made up their minds, and started across country

from Pinte de Galle on the 1st of April. When they arrived,

they had to wait six days before they could see the Emperor.

(These heathen are very particular as to auspicious days, and

for matters of importance they prefer Sunday and Thursday.

On a Friday they would do nothing at all, and even to put on

another coat, whatever might be the occasion, would be

considered exceedingly imprudent.) On the sixth day the

No. 39.—1889.1 ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 279

Emperor requested the attendance of our Ambassador as well

as of the Portuguese Ambassador. He first inquired from

the latter whether he had sufficient soldiers to drive the

Hollanders out of the island; when he replied no, because

-at that time no soldiers could be expected from Portugal,

where the King had a big war with Spain, the Emperor

inquired from the Hollanders whether they would under-

take to chase the Portuguese out of the island. As the reply

to this was in the affirmative, the Emperor took the present

which the Portuguese had given—namely, a hat with a clasp

of gold and several stones, and with a bird of Paradise as

plumage, and in the presence of the Portuguese gave it to our

Ambassador. In return, he requested the present of a small

dog which the Ambassador had with him; and as this

exchange was not disadvantageous, our Ambassador was very

much pleased thereat. The Portuguese Ambassador had to

leave without success.

After our Ambassadors had been es by the Emperor of

Candi for eight months, during which time they were always

free to communicate by messengers with our Governor at

Piinte de Galle, it appeared that the merchant was not quite

intelligent enough to treat with the Emperor. The latter,

therefore, in December sent a special messenger to our

Governor, and requested that a soldier should be sent, and

not a merchant, to treat with him. Thereupon the old man

was recalled and allowed to depart in peace.*

ANNO 1648.

In this year, on the 5th of February, a Captain of the name

of Burckard Koch,t from Wesel (from whom I eventually

received an honourable discharge), was sent in the name of

* The merchant was Laurens Maerschalk. For details of the correspon-

dence that took place between the Dutch and the King in consequence of

the massacre of Van der Stel and his company, see C. A. S. Journal,

1889, p. 37 et seq.

+ Burchard Kok (Dutch ed.). Called Burgard Cox in the Beknupte

Historie. He does not appear to have gone to Kandy until 1649. (See

C. A. S. Journal, 1889, p. 45.)

fool K

280 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XI.

the Company, with twenty men as volunteers, to the Emperor

at Candi. There they arrived on the 15th, and when the

Court was informed of it, he was soon summoned to appear,

and was kindly received by the Emperor. After he had

shown his credentials, and delivered his message, the

Emperor said that he would think about it ; in the meantime

the Ambassador could go to his quarters. The Emperor then

sent for his sister, who was a very experienced sorceress, to

ask her with which of the two parties he was to make peace :

with the Hollanders or the Portuguese. She gave him the

‘advice to have three of the most savage fighting cocks in this

country to fight—a black one for himself, a white one for the

Hollanders, and a red one for the Portuguese ; then to get

the white one and the red one to fight together, and with the

winner he was to make his peace. When the cocks fought,

the white one got the better of the red one, and thoroughly

defeated him. The Emperor’s sister said that now he ought

to treat with the Hollanders. Thereupon the Emperor asked

whether, after the Portuguese had been driven out of the

country, the Hollanders might not become his masters. She

bade him, in reply, to let the white and black cocks fight

each other. This was done: the birds went at each other

boldly, but neither could master the other, and the fight

remained undecided. Thereupon the Emperor’s sister

declared this to mean that he would remain Emperor of

Ceilon and King of Candi, in the hill country ; but that the

Hollanders would remain masters in the plains, and near the

seaborde. Hetherefore made up his mind to make peace with

the Ambassador Captain. First, however, he assembled all his

nobles and counsellors, and those who advised to make peace

with the Portuguese he caused to be murdered in secret, but

those who advised to make peace with the Hollanders he

honoured. He instantly sent for the Captain to come and

begin the treaty, and to complete it; he then ordered all the

prisoners who had been previously distributed in the country

to be brought to Candi, made each one a present of a gold

ring, and sent them back to Pinte de Galle with much

No. 39.—1889.] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 2381

firing of guns. Those who were not well he kept until they

had fully recovered and could join the others. Amongst

them was a Nuremberger of the name of Andreas Heberlein,

- now arich man, and a miller in Batavia, as I shall describe

later on.

ANNO 1650.

In the year of Christ 1650, on the 12th of February, a letter

arrived in Persia* from Holland overland, to our merchant,

which stated that they had beheaded the King of England,

Carolus, with an axe, and that the sword or Government had

been handed over by Feurfaxt to Oliver Cromwell. There-

upon I was at once ordered with other ten men from the

ship of the Moors on to another one from Zealand called the

yacht Lello, to go to the island of Ceilon, whither she was

bound. Wearrived at Pinte de Galle on the 9th of April,

and reported what had happened to the King of England.

The ship was ordered at once to proceed to Batavia, and there

to report the news, but I remained in Cezlon, where at that

time it was advisable to stay, inasmuch as there was a constant

talk about a big fleet which was to come from Batavia to

besiege Columbo, the great and rich town in Ceilon, and

where many, like myself, expected alarge booty. This, how-

ever, was delayed until Anno Christi 1655.

On the 9th of October I was ordered to Negumbo with two

hundred men in the ship Banda, to reinforce the garrison,

of which many had completed their time of service. On

that oceasion I was in the greatest danger of death, for when

our steward with a light went to look after the brandy

casks, he incautiously allowed a spark to fall: the brandy

quickly took fire, and ran over the whole ship; and if we

_ had not speedily thrown the powder into the sea we should

all have been blown up. As it was, 1 thought that our last

_ hour had come,‘and I looked out for a piece of an old mast

* The author was at the time in Gambroon.

+ Fairfax (Dutch ed.).

K 2

282 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON).. PVon. XT.

wherewith I could save myself, and reach the land, which

was only ten miles distant. Still we continued to do our

best to put down the fire, and God in his great mercy helped

us to escape from the danger. When we arrived at Negumbo

we found that the garrison had taken a new engagement for

three years, and, as we were not required, we had to return.

ANNO 1651.

In the year 1651, on the 12th of February, a ship came

from Batavia, and brought orders that we should declare-

Orlog or war against the Portuguese, and require them to take:

their soldiers out of the island, or we should drive them out

by force.

When that happened it was very inconvenient for them ;

still they collected their men in great haste and constructed

acamp against us. One of their Captains with three hundred

niggers came over to us, and offered to give the fortress of

Calutre into our hands without the loss of a single man.

Although this was agreeable news, our Commander did not

like to risk it, as it would weaken the number of men under

his command ; but he replied that within a short time more

ships with soldiers would come from Batavia, and that the

matter could stand over till then.

On the 25th of April news came that three ships had been

seen close to the landtwelve miles from Pinte de Galle. On the

next day the shipsarrived, but there were no soldiers on board,.

and there were so few hands that only with great difficulty

had they managed to take the ships across the sea. Moreover,

they brought the bad news that England and Holland were

bitter enemies, and had begun a bloody war at sea. What

was to be done ? The enemy was in front of us; the posses-

sion of the fortress would have suited us very well if we

could only obtain it, but we had neither soldiers enough nor

any to expect. But God inspired one of us with the idea

that there was full hope to capture Calutre if only a

ruse were used before it became known that the ships were

empty. Therefore, upon each of the ships four banners

No. 39.—1889.] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 283

‘were to be shown and four drummers were to be ordered to

beat the drums very hard, whilst the ships under sail should

come near the land as soon as possible. We others who were

‘ .on shore were to march on boldly, to make the Portuguese

believe that they were attacked by sea and land. Very pro-

bably on seeing all this they would make the retirato

towards Columbo and abandon Calutre. This plan succeeded,

and because they fancied themselves attacked in front and

behind, rather than see their passage cut off they left, and

we had the immense advantage of taking possession of the

fortress. We got munch ammunition, nine guns (big and

small, all of bronze), about 500 head of cattle, cows, oxen, pigs,

and chickens. The inhabitants who at once came under our

protection were all left safe and unmolested, but those who

were gone to the Portuguese, and were made prisoners after-

wards, were sold as slaves and distributed amongst us. A

Hamburger, of the name of Wittebol, and myself got a

woman, who for some time used to wait upon us and cook

for us.. But one day when we were on guard, and were

waiting to have our meal brought by her, she did not turn up.

My comrade ran home to hurry her on, but found that she

had hanged herself in the middle of the room.

The fortress of Calutre is very strong, and cannot be taken

by water, because on one side is the sea and on the other

the river, which comes from far inland, and from which a

new outlet has been made towards the sea, so that there is

water all round. On the land side are high hills, upon

which it is difficult to get ; and moreover, on this side there

are four bastions opposite each other, and protected with

thick, double palisades with points of iron; there is only

one entrance, and round about a very high wall, so that you

can see none of the houses inside. The Portuguese garrison

* The Dutch did not however retain possession of Kalutara, as Saar

would lead one to suppose ; but abandoned it almost immediately, in order

to concentrate their forces at Negombo, which was threatened by the

Portuguese. (See Baldzeus, Eng. trans., p. 788, and Ribeiro, bk. ITL.,

chap. XVIII).

Zone JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XI].

was always three hundred men, but for the Hollanders half the

number is sufficient, and every six months they are revictual-

led from Columbo, from which it is seven miles distant. To

that place, from this very fortress of Calutre, Mr. Richlof

vonGuntz,* of Emden, then Extraordinary Councillor of India

and Commissioner of War, had a good road made, so that

where formerly only one man could hardly march now eight

men can march abreast, and can take with them small field

guns which carry a charge of four pounds iron.

ANNO 1652.

A ss nS Le NA Aj

bi 1 *- 79 *

In the month of June, a Lieutenant of the name of Fetting,

a native of Dantsic, lost his life because, when drunk, he had

killed an Ambassador of the Emperor of Ceilon, and there-

fore had to be shot two months afterwards. They put three

bullets into his hand, which he had to distribute to whom

he liked : he gave the first to me, that I should fire the first

shot; the other to a man from Olmiitz, named Andreas

Mott; the third to Christian of Cologne. He prayed fer--

vently to God, and begged of our officer that they should

have him buried decently.

When the Indians have to die at the hands of the Hol-

landers they ask who is to feed them when they come into

the other world. When new soldiers arrive, and one of

them resembles a man who died perhaps three or four years

ago, the natives believe that he died in India, was resusci-

tated in Holland, and has now come again to India. This they

betieve so firmly that it is impossible to dissuade them from

it. When they must die they take it very calmly, and think

that it has thus been ordained. When they have to face an

enemy, however, they are very much afraid of losing their

lives.

Rijklof van Gunts (Dutch ed.).

No. 39.—1889.] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 285

ANNO CHRISTI 1653.

[At the beginning of 1653 Saar had an unpleasant experience,

which he omits to record in this place, but which he refers

to parenthetically in describing his voyage from lHurope.

Speaking of a vessel that had escaped from two pirate ships

of Dunkirk, and the crew of which had resolved rather to

blow up their vessel than fall into the enemy’s hands, he

continues :—“ For that is the custom of the East Indian

ships, that they would rather suffer a short death than

remain a long time in the murderous hands of the Spanish

or Portuguese: as I myself experienced when in India at

Angerdotta [Angurutota, or Anguruwatara, on the Kalu-

ganga]|,a pass in the Island of Cetlon, I lay for thirteen

weeks a prisoner with the Portuguese, and would much

rather have been among the heathen or Moors than amongst

them. For they made us, with our feet fastened tightly to

a piece of wceod, pound saltpetre, grind in the powder-mill,

and suffer hunger besides, until we were quite blackened.

On account of this one of our number, to our exceeding great

and immirent danger, on one occasion, from a sort of

desperatior, threw, of a set purpose, a number of sparks from

the tobacco that he was smoking, with the intention of

sending the powder and all into the air, to deliver himself

and us from our misery, which, however, the compassionate

God in his fatherliness prevented. A man from Friesland

was at shat time imprisoned with us, a fine young fellow,

who, wishing to escape, risked it, wherefore he smeared

himself quite black, and went completely disguised like

a woman, and had got past the guard, when a black youth

recognised him by his feet, where the white skin showed,

and announced the fact, and for this he was so terribly

beaten that he could not move or turn himself for some

time.* However, when they fall into the like misfortune

* Ribeiro (bk. II., ch. XVII.) gives the following account of the affair

st Angurutota :—“‘The camp [Manicravaré| having been rid of the

crouble referred to, it was notified that the Hollanders had made at

286 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

they can pretend the very utmost submissiveness. For when

God had again delivered me from my prison, which took

place between Goa and Calutre,* by our ships, which fell

upon the ships in which we were as enemies, and by the

grace of God captured them, I had experience of their

cowardly hearts. For they shut us up together, as captive

Hollanders, and deliberated in the ships, we being able to

hear everything, whether they should let us live or put us

Angoratota a strong wooden stockade, which they had garrisoned with a

hundred and forty men and a company of Bandanese, ani four hundred

lascarins from the Galle districts, who had laid waste the Provinces of

Reigancorla and Salpiticorla. With remarkable promptitude Gaspar

Figueira got ready, with fifteen companies of infantry and some black

troops, who followed the Dissavas of Maturé and Sofregao the latter An-

tonio Mendes Aranha, the former Francisco Antunes ; he raised this force on

account of the enemy’s being two leagues from Calituré,a town which

they had fortified and garrisoned with a force of fifty men, Arriving at

Angoratota he found the enemy well fortified, with the necessary redoubts,

defences, flanks, and a ditch,which covered the fortification; for which reason

he did not attack them,as he had intended ; and as he could not do as he

wished he laid siege to them. On the third day, seeing that wehad suffered

some loss, and that the enemy had a supply of everything reedful for a

considerable time, he ordered to be brought from the city [Coombo] two

cannons of eight pounds each, and when they arrived, at the first shots,

they could delay no longer in calling a parley and surrendering ujon terms ;

he conceded to them that they should go out with their ams, drums

beating, banners flying, match lighted, and march to the quartws of the

Captain-Major, where they should pile their arms, and that thy should

remain in Columbo until the first monsoon for going to Goa, anl should

proceed in our ships to Portugal. In these conditions he did mt allow

the lascarins who assisted them to be included, and he sent all ofShem to

the city to serve in the powder-mill, except the Araches, seven of wiom he

ordered to be impaled, and six to be cut in two with the axe, as thy had

been ours; though indeed inhabitants and natives of the Galle disricts.

This punishment Gaspar Figueira ordered to be executed on these thrteen

Araches under the pretext that they were traitors to the Crown of Pirtu-

gal ; he did it, however, to intimidate the natives, who were helping the

Hollanders. With the prisoners he returned victorious to Columbo, wlere

he was received by all with great applause.” It will be seen from tis

that it was in the Colombo powder-mill that Saar and his comrades hid

to labour : Ribeiro’s account would lead one to suppose that it was only

the natives who were employed in this arduous work. Baldzus also givei

an account of the capture of Angurutota (English translation, p. 787) 5

but says nothing of the imprisonment in Colombo, &c. \

* Kalikuth (Dutch ed).

No. 39.—1889.] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 287

to death. Some advised that we should be thrown over-

board, in order that we might not have our revenge on them

if we related to our fellows what courtesy they had shown to

us. Others opposed this in the hope of getting all the better

quarter from us, All of which we heard very plainly, until

one of us let out with some menaces, as our flags were now

close at hand. Then one of the number tried to get at the

powder magazine with the lunt, and would certainly have

done so if one of themselves had not prevented it.* However,

I got my revenge for my thirteen weeks’ imprisonment

among the Portuguese, especially in the island of Cezlon,

where I was on five or six occasions, and we defeated them.

For although our officers called out ‘ Messieurs, or soldiers !

we have the name of compassionate Hollanders, then let us

have the deed also, and give quarter !’ yet we acted as if we

did not hear it, but shot and laid about lustily, as long as we

could stir arm or hand, so that verily some hundreds forgot

to stand up. For,as I have said, they also do not spare us,

and when they could give us a short death, with their fire-

lock and a ball through the head, they do not do it ; but stab

us and wound us with their long steggats, or swords, for a

long time, indeed even after our death they give us ten or

twenty stabs.”’ |

In November, 1653, I came again to Ceilon, and then had

the option of going to Batavia or to my fatherland. I was

out of sorts for about a year and a half, and although I was

not actually laid up, still every day at noon I was so weak

that you might have pushed me over with a finger. I and

‘others who had similar complaints felt as if not a drop of

blood was left in our bodies, and our faces were as white as

* Baldzus (J. c., p. 789) says :—“ About this time Commissary van Goens,

in his return from Persia and Suratte to Ceylon, had the good fortune

to beat the Galeons near the Cape dw Ramos, and thereby to release

twenty of our People made Prisoners at Angretotte, who were set ashore at

Puntegatle.”

288 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

sheets. They called it the sickness of the country, and he

who gets over it is safe against many other diseases of the

country. In the evening, when it is cool, one imagines one-

self to be quite well, and feels quite strong, but as soon as

the heat of the day begins one cannot walk twenty steps ;

one must sit down, and one’s heart beats like the works of a

strong clock.

ANNO 1654.

When, thanks to God’s goodness, I had recovered, and

there was no early opportunity of going to Europe, I enlisted.

again in December, 1654, for a period of three years, because

they offered me the place of a corporal with the pay of

fifteen Dutch florins a month, and I was always to remain

with the company that had firearms. Two months after-

wards I was ordered into the camp before Calutre ;* and I had

the great misfortune that, as I discharged my gun, a native

ran just in front of me. If I had aimed at him most care-

fully I could not have hit him better,and he fell down stone

dead. Nobody knew who had done it, nor did I know it

myself; but when inquiries were made who had fired a

shot, and it was heard that a corporal of the firearms under

Captain Severin had done it, I was at once put under arrest.

The court-martial acquitted me, but I had to give the Indian’s

widow some money out of my pay. Our parson, however,

was a good friend of mine; and said that an Indian was no

better than a dog, and of no consequence. If it had

happened to a Christian it would have been difficult to save

me from being shot. For when this has once happened, and

something has been passed over lightly, no further pardon

can be expected.

ANNO 1655.7

In the month of February two ships arrived at Punte de

Galle from Batavia with troops, and brought the news that

* Kaluter (Dutch ed.).

+ For fuller details of the events which occurred during this and the

two following years see Baldzeus and Ribeiro.

No. 39.—1889.] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 289

in two months a large fleet of sixteen ships would arrive

with troops under a new General from Holland; his name

was Gerhard Hulfft, a native of Amsterdam, where he had

been Secretary of the Town, and it was said that the fleet

was to sail towards Goa and watch the Portuguese, fleet.

This news was spread on purpose that the Portuguese should

not know that the fleet had arrived, and should feel safe in

Columbo, upon which the real attack was planned. The

Portuguese knew that for three or four years no troops had

been brought over from Batavia, and they were convinced

that England and Holland were still at open war; they also

bragged a good deal and made a great fuss and wanted to

besiege the fortress of Negumbo. This, however, we pre-

vented, and sent sixty men to strengthen the garrison.

On the 9th of April a fleet was seen off Negumbo, but it

was uncertain whether it was ours or the English, because

no flags were hoisted and the ships kept well out to sea.

The plan of our General, however, was, since Columbo was

only five miles distant from Negumbo, to land during the

night, and in secrecy cut off the Portuguese who besieged

Negumbo from the land side, and prevent them from getting

to Columbo. Then it was intended that the King of Candi

should come from the other side; that the enemy should be

taken between the two forces; and that thus the town of

Columbo should be conquered with all the more ease.

The plan, however, was frustrated. As soon as we were

on the way it began to rain heavily, and continued to do so

for two whole days. Our victuals and ammunition got wet ;

the newly-arrived troops, who had been two months under

sail, and had become quite stiff, because, on account of their

number and great quantity of artillery, they had hardly been

able to move about on board, could not advance, and had to

stop on the road. We had all to withdraw to Negumbo, and

to allow the Portuguese to reach Columbo with ease, and

without losing a single man. They did not, however, find

out that we had an eye upon the town, but were of opinion

that we only tried to have the upper hand in the field.

290 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VouL. XI.

On the Ist of June following a council of war was held,

and it was settled that our General should leave with a fleet

and anchor below Columbo near a fortress belonging to it,

and about seven miles distant. A few miles from this

fortress is a place where landing is easy, called Berberz. The

Portuguese held this fortress, from which an open road leads

to Columbo. I myself walked over it three times, but it is

mot easy to walk when it is high water, because one can only

march along the sea, and with bare feet : you have now sand,

now water, now stone; and shoes are very dear in India:

you have to pay two rixdollars for a pair, and they do not

last for a week.

Now, as I did not care to spend my pay in shoes and

stockings, necessity taught me to walk barefoot, and I

thought “ Different countries, different customs,” and “ When

you are amongst the wolves you must howl with them.”

Many of my comrades who had been born in wealth felt this

so much that they fell ill or even died of chagrin and vexa-

tion. But inmy case I had perforce to be patient, and I could

sooner endure this than the drinking of the water we had, and

that, too, not always in sufficient quantity. Many a whole

day, burning hot as they are in India, we had not more than

a pint; and that too so full of worms, that we had to strain it

through a cloth held before the mouth, and then the water

was such that it had to be sweetened three times before

taken. Many a time I thought of my father’s wine-cellar,

and would have gladly done without wine if I could only

have had a glass of home-brewed beer, or a slice of good beef

out of our kitchen. Hundreds of times I had to be satisfied

with a small slice of salt meat, and this we only got three

times a week, and it was so salt because it had been in salt

for five or six years. This does not leave much flesh on one’s

bones. However, when I saw that it could not be helped,

I at last learnt to bear these hardships easily. At the begin-

ning the Hollanders had given me the nickname ‘“ Young-

depraved,” because I went into war so early in life; but

after I had been a year in the country, and knew how to

No. 39.—1889.] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 291

bear good fortune and mishaps, they called me “ Light-heart.”

Tt is the custom amongst the lower classes and soldiers in

India to call hardly anybody by his right name, and if any-

body had asked for Hans Jacob Saar he would have had

more difficulty to find me out than if he had asked for Hans

Jacob Light-heart. I myself have been days and years ina

fortress, and yet could not tell what the real name of each

one of the others was.

In the meantime I had written several letters home in

1647, 1649, 1652, and 1653, of which none but the last reached

its address. This one I entrusted to a Frenchman of the

name of Carol Rubert, of Rochelle, and even this one only

reached my dear father in 1655 by way of Augsburg. As I

could get no news I gave up writing ; until in 1655, through

a countryman, Martin Sothauer, a dispenser, and the son of

an Inspector of Hospitals, I received news that my father

was still alive, and that he had spoken to him himself at

Wirzburg. All the circumstances made me believe that

this was correct. In the following year, 1657, when I wasin

Ceylon, a former servant of my dear father’s, Michael Brauti-

gam, from Sula in Thuringia, confirmed it in writing, and

stated that my brother had died, and,that my half-sister was

married. Assoonas troops were sent from Batavia to Ceylon

he would try to be sent with them, and then to speak to me

personally. He was, however, ordered to Amboina, and

died there in 1658. :

On the 3rd of July, 1655, we all went quietly on board

during the night. On the following day we set sail towards

Berbeti.* We were landed soon, asthe Portuguese did not

oppose us, and we sang and shouted “God with us, God

with us.” On the 10th of the same month we marched in

good order towards the fortress. We had two mortars and

nine cannon, some of which, of iron, shot 18 lb. We put

them in position on a hill close by, and sent many a ball

into the fortress, but without much success; and if it had

* Berberi (Dutch ed.).

292 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

been provided with victuals, we should very likely have had

to withdraw. In the following month of August, however,

the fortress capitulated ; we found much powder and ammu-

nition, and got three hundred and fifty picked men, who

were distributed amongst our sixteen ships as prisoners.

On the 17th of September we marched towards Columbo.

Four miles from it isa river called Bandre,* which we had

to eross; and that would have been difficult if we had

arrived a few hours later. The Portuguese had made many

bags full of straw and many fascines aboutas high as a man,

and intended to construct a battery,and prevent our landing ;

andif they had filled the bags with sand, and had built a small

rampart, it would have been very difficult for us to storm it.

The river is so broad, that, with an ordinary musket, you

cannot shoot across, The current is so strong, that, in cross-

ing, you must begin high up, otherwise the current takes you

into the open sea, and there would be nothing left but to

sail to the next landing-place as best one can; and as these

small boats cannot carry a large quantity of provisions, it

may happen that one has to suffer hunger and thirst for

several days.T

When on the 9tht of September we had got across the

river, we marched straight towards Columbo. After we had

been half an hour on the way, and were proceeding in

disorder, as we thought ourselves safe, our vanguard, about

one hundred and fifty men strong, came upon two hundred

men of the enemy. We skirmished so pluckily that they,

with the loss of seventeen dead and many wounded, had to

retreat towards Columbo. A Portuguese, who had fled into

the wood, and had been taken prisoner, told us that at a

distance of an hour’s march the enemy was posted with

* Panaduré.

+ The author then proceeds to give an example of this from his own

experience. When journeying by boat from Matara to Galle, he and his

companions were overtaken by a storm, and did not reach their destination

until the seventh day, having been three days without water.

{ Ste in original; but evidently a misprint for 19th, which the Dutch

translation has.

No. 39.—1889.] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON, 293

seven hundred men ; that this was the troop which had always

waged war against the King of Candia; and that it had

been ordered to prevent our passing the river. Our General

at once ordered the officers to quietly tell their soldiers to

well provide themselves with ammunition, to take up

position in five troops, each six companies strong, in échelon,

and to be very careful with our two field-guns; then to say

prayers, and in the name of God await the enemy. After

this was done, thirty men were ordered to advance half a

mile, and to report at once if they found the enemy. A

quarter of an hour had hardly passed when it was reported

that the enemy was advancing. We looked forward to the

fight with delight, as we were three thousand men, and the

enemy only seven hundred, and ignorant of the arrival of -a

fleet from Batavia, sixteen sail strong, with two thousand

three hundred men. Weclosed round them very soon, and

killed about five hundred ; so that not more thantwo hundred

got back to Columbo, and of them half died, because they

were almost all wounded. Thereupon we marched towards

Columbo.

The town is prettily situated in the plain, and is quite

open towards the sea.* Big ships cannot enter the harbour,

but must anchor at a distance of half an hour. Tothe right

is a great battery near the river called S. Croix, and on this,

when we came, were sixteen bronze guns, which commanded

the sea and the harbour. Near the beach to the right before

one reaches the town was the Elephant Gate, opposite which

stood the Viceroy’s house. Along the beach it is surrounded

by low walls, and there is a small battery of the name of

S. Vincenz ;+ not far away was a small water-gate, and close

by the bastion Allegresse. Still further along the beach was

* For a comparison of Saar’s description of the fort of Colombo with

that given by Ribeiro, see C. B. R. A. 8. Journal, No. 42, vol. XII., 1891,

p. 75 et seg. Saar’s account of the siege should also be compared with

Ribeiro’s and the narratives in Baldzus.

+ S. Vincent (Dutch ed.).

294 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

the bastion of S. Joan,* built high up with stones; and

being the last battery near the harbour, it commanded the

harbour and the land side ; near to it is a big gate leading to

the town. Towards the land was a large bastion called

S. Stephan,t{ where likewise sixteen bronze guns were

placed. Then followed a small bastion called S. Sebastian,t

and near to it a great gate called the King’s Gate, which leads.

into the town. Not far away was another bastion called

Madre Des,|| or the Mother of God. On all the bastions ©

round the town were bells to quickly make known every-

where what was going on. From the bastion Madre Des

a big brook runs past the house Hieronymus, where a battery

was erected with two guns charged with shot, and close by

was a small bastion called the Capottin, after the monastery

of Capuchins close by. Further on stood the powder maga-

zine, and close to it a great bastion, Hieronymus, and again:

a big gate called Mapan, with an arch above and guns at the

top; at last ofall the bastion S. Augustin,{ so called after the

monastery of the Augustines. At the end of the ditch was

a stone rampart, called S. Jago, about eighty feet long, rising

up to a cliff upon which, as at Pinte de Galle, a flag can be

hoisted. Outside the town were several monasteries ; the

first called Acqua di Lupo; the second S. Sebastian, with a

small chapel ; the third, at a distance of a mile, Misericordia.

Near the monastery Acqua di Lupo was a fine residence, in

which the General took up his quarters. We others were

lodged partly in the monastery S. Sebastian and the sur-

rounding buildings, at half the distance of a cannon shot

from the town. In front, towards the town, we built in one

night a good rampart, so as to be safe against the enemy’s.

guns. Hach workman was paid a rixdollar.

* §. Jan (Dutch ed.).

+ S. Steven (Dutch ed.).

t S. Sebastiaan (Dutch ed.).

|| Madre Det (Dutch ed.).

S. Augustyn (Dutch ed.).

No. 39.—1889. | ACCOUNT OF CEYLON, 295

On the 20th* of September they made a sally with several

thousand men, but they had to retreat with a loss of five

hundred men. We made many of these prisoners, kept them

for three or four days, but, after that, had to take them into

the wood and shoot them down. As we had already four

hundred prisoners on board our ships, which we had taken

at Berberi, and as our men had to come on shore every day

to bring ammunition and provisions, we could not guard a

large number of prisoners.

On the 2nd of Octoker we began to build batteries during

the night, and made four, into two of which we put from

two to three guns, and in the others from three to four guns,

all able to carry a charge of eighteen to twenty-four pound, |

iron. The Emperor of Cetlon sent us two thousand of his

-men to help to work, of whom in many a night twenty to

thirty were killed ; he promised to send even more, but we

were not to leave anything undone to get Columbo into our

power. Our head gunner proceeded without the necessary

caution. Instructions had been given to load the cannon with

shot during the night, so that, in case the enemy came out,

he could be received properly. During the day the shot was

to be taken out again, and ball put in instead, so that if the

enemy fired from the walls the fire could be returned imme-

diately. Our head gunner forgot to. take the shot out, and

when fire was opened at the enemy at a time when our

people were working between the town and our battery, the

shot spread, and killed thirteen men of our allies. The

gunner was at once arrested, and a letter was despatched to

the King of Candia to say how unfortunate that gunner had

been, and to ask what punishment he wished to be awarded.

The reply came, as it had been an accident, a ball should be

fired over his head, and if the man made another such mistake

he should be shot.

On the 17th of October we began to dig trenches from our

. * Dutch ed. has 19th.

16—91 L

296 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

battery, and the general storming of the town was decided

upon.

_ On the 2nd* November, in broad daylight, at eight o’clock

in the morning, the general assault began. Sixteen ships,

which had been lying outside of the harbour, weighed anchor,

and sailed in front of the town as near as possible, but two

of them were ordered to enter into the harbour and bombard

the water-fort as heavily as they could.

This bastion, however, was strong, armed with twelve

bronze guns ; and soon one of the ships was sunk,f whilst

the othert had the greatest difficulty in getting out of the -

harbour again. Whilst in the meantime the other ships

from the sea fired boldly into the town, two of our com-

panies, that of Captain Hartenberger§ and that of Roggen-

kam,|| to which latter I belonged, each seventy-five men

strong, mostly with firelocks and muskets, with their officers

and drummers, and each company strengthened by twenty

marines, each of whom had five hand grenades, were ordered

to try what they could do. We had to cross a big sheet of

water, and had to take our men and scaling-ladders over in nine

small boats. We protected the bows of the boats with planks

and beams, three fingers thick, to be quite safe. Wearrived

at a spot whence we could see into the town, and fancied

the Commander of the town had overlooked this. But when

we tried to land, we found that the enemy was hidden in the

houses, and opened a well-sustained fireupon us. A comrade

of mine, Georg Caspar Kindsvatter,{ from Nuremberg, who

has still friends in Wohrd, was killed, and later on buried

by us.

When I was ordered to follow, and wanted to do so, I

received from a gallery two shots in quick succession, one in

* A misprint for 12th.

+ This was the “ Maaght van Enkhuyzen.’’

{t Named the “ Workum.”

§ Hardenberger (Dutch ed.).

|| Zoskam (Dutch ed.).

{ Georg Kaspersz (Dutch ed.).

No. 39.—1889.] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 297

the right arm, the other on the left side under the shoulder-

blade, so that I fell backwards into the ship. It was a hard

fight, inasmuch as only six of us came home again, and these.

were wounded ; and altogether on that day we had eight

hundred men killed and five hundred wounded ; amongst

the latter our General. When he was taken into his quarters

he cried the whole time, “‘O my fine soldiers! O my fine

soldiers ! Would I had my soldiers back !”’ But it was too late.

If the enemy had acted up to their intentions everything

would have been lost ; for, after the attack had been beaten

off, they wanted to make a sortie with thirteen hundred

men. God, however, struck the Governor in the fortress

with blindness ; he would not allow it, under pretext that

this assault had only been a ruse, and our principal force

was lying in the trenches and in the batteries; therefore, if

they were to sally out, we in the trenches would cut off their

passage and drive them against the artillery, and it would

end in a great loss. *

The loss, however, would have been entirely on our side,

as we had been in all three thousand men, and now, as

mentioned before, had eight hundred dead and five hundred

wounded.| However, we did not withdraw from the town,

- for this is the habit of the Dutch, if once they put guns up

in front of a place they do not take them away unless they

are driven away. Our wounded were taken to a distance of

half a mile, to Matiawal,{ and twelve surgeons were ordered

from the ships to dress the wounds ; three times a day fresh

meat was given, and three times wine. A ship was despatched

at once taking the news to Batavia, and to ask for six

hundred fresh men, wherewith, according to his letter, our

General undertook to conquer Columbo. When our great

loss became known to the King of Candia, to whom our

* Ribeiro says that the Portuguese had not the forces needed for a sally.

+ Ribeiro states the Dutch loss to have been ‘‘ more than two thou-

sand.”

{ Matta Wal (Dutch ed.). 2

298 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

General had not sent previous notice that he was going to

storm, he was very angry, and wrote to him to say that,

according to the treaty, Colombo, if it had been taken, would

‘have been half his. The General ought, therefore, to have

communicated with him, and to have allowed his soldiers to

take part in the assault. This difficult undertaking ought not

to have been attempted single-handed, but jointly.

When our General noticed the King’s temper, and being

aware that he had made a mistake, he resolved to at once

send an ambassador to the King, with assurances of great

respect, and his apologies, and also with a certain promise to

take the place ; but the King must have a little patience.

ANNO 1656.

On the 25th of January Captain Johan Hartmann,* of Cassel

in Hesse, volunteered to go to the Emperor with every mark

of respect. The Emperor would not receive him until the

third day, and then he summoned him to offer his presents,

which were very graciously accepted. As the Emperor was.

very anxious about Columbo, he did not keep our Captain

very long: gave him a gold chain and an elephant, and very

soon sent him off again to our General with other presents,

in return, many jewels, and two elephants for the Company.f

On the 2nd of February the said Captain returned with a

letter to our General and the Company, stating that it would

be well not to attempt in future a hazardous undertaking

without his (the King’s) knowledge, as he was very sorry to

see so many good soldiers needlessly sacrificed by us.

On the 18th February we began again to approach the

town, as every day new soldiers turned up, who had recovered

at Mattavval, and who could be better fed in the camp,

because the Emperor sent fresh food every day, and victuals of

all kinds were cheap. When we got near the town one of

* Jan Hartman (Dutch ed.).

+ For details and copies of letters, see Baldzeus..

No. 39.—1889. | ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 299

our corporals, who had gambled away the pay which he had

received from his Company, and who had no further means

to pay them, deserted, because he did not believe that we .

should conquer the town. He told the besieged that it was

our intention to try one more general assault, and if that did

not succeed to leave the place, as there was very little

courage amongst us to attack another time after having been

driven back with such great loss.

When, however, onthe 2nd of April three ships with fresh

soldiers arrived from Batavia, our spirits rose considerably,

and we wanted to have our revenge, the more go as on the

following 3rd April we got hold of the Portuguese provision

ship, which had sailed from Goa under a Dutch flag in hopes

to pass through our fleet into the harbour of Colombo.

When the besieged learnt these two facts they, on the other

hand, became despondent, especially as they saw that every

day we got nearer to the town. Daily many deserters came

to us, and all reported that there was great want of provisions,

and that many had died of hunger. This was confirmed by

their daily driving out black people whom we could not

allow to come into our camp, and therefore had to shoot

between the trenches and the town. At last the famine

assumed such proportions that one native woman ate her own

child, while others took grass from the ground and tried to

eat it. As we had no means of driving them away from our

camp we had to strike still greater terror into them ; and

when a woman came and brought small children we forced

her to put her child into a wooden mortar and pound it to

death with the pounder, and then again to go away with the

dead child.

On the 9th of April we began to diga mine, and managed

to make a gallery from our side across the ditch. When,

however, on this side we had dug for two days, they noticed

it, made a counter-mine in the direction of ours, so that

when we became aware of ii, and heard it, we had to give

up our work.

300 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON), [Vou. XI.

On the 12th* of April our General wanted to reconnoitre

whether we could not construct a mine ina different locality.

But when he wanted to go into the last trench,a shot from

one of the bastions hit him, and killed him on the spot,

which caused a great panic amongst our soldiers.

On the 2ndf of May his body was taken to Pénte de Galle,

and there carried into the church by sergeants and buried,.

whilst the cannons upon the wall and round the town fired

a salute, and two companies of soldiers gave three volleys.

On the 6th of May, a Saturday, we were lying all through

the night in the trenches,f as the Emperor of Cetlon and our-

selves had decided to attempt again a general assault. Just

then a Portuguese, fully armed, ran over to our camp, and

then was conducted before our Governor,t who commanded.

in place of the late General. In close examination he said

that those in the town wished for nothing better, but that

another storm should be attempted. He told us that in the

town passages had been made through all the houses, whilst

all streets were provided with double palisades of palm trees ;

that the cannons had been taken down from the walls and

had been posted in the streets, charged with shot; that

below the walls which we should have to pass big boxes with -

powder had been put, and so arranged that with a running

fire through all their houses they could be exploded, and, by

thus separating the bastions from each other, make it impos-

sible for us to carry our point, because we should all be killed

either by fire or by mines. On the other hand, he gave us

splendid advice. He said that as soon as daylight appeared,

being Sunday, the citizens who had been watching during

the night would go with the soldiers to hear mass, and there

* Should be the 10th.

+ Should be the 12th of April. For an official record of Hulft’s death —

and burial, and the despatch of the Governor-General and Council of

India announcing the fact to the Directors of the Company, see C. B.

R. A. 8. Journal, No. 38, vol. XI., 1889, p. 148. Baldzus gives a portrait

of Hulft, and Valentyn quotes some lines by the Dutch poet Vondel on

the death of Hulft. .

{ Adriaan van der Meyden.

No. 39.—1889.] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 301°

would be no more than five or six men in the bastions.

Altogether there were only about one hundred real Portu-

guese soldiers,—the others were burghers and slaves. Now,

we were to make our drummers beat and our trumpeters

blow at the same time and in the usual way in the morning ;

we were to remain quietly in the trenches that nobo.'y might

become aware of our intentions, and then half an hour after-

wards, when they would be all in church, we were quickly

to attack the bastion called S. John’s. This advice pleased

us very much. Three companies with firearms were quietly

told off, and a reward of fifty rixdollars promised to him who

_ should first scale the wall. We quickly prepared our ladders,

placed them against the wall, and managed to get up without

being noticed. We found not more than eight natives, seven

of whom were asleep; the sentinel, it istrue, was awake, but

he was killed with the others before he had time to escape.

Soon there was an alarm in the town, all the bells were

tolled, everybody was up and in arms, and ran towards the

bastion. The cannons were directed against us, and a strong

fire was kept up, so that we again had about three hundred

killed and many wounded. I again came in for my share

of it, and a piece of lead from the water-fort hit me on the

right foot ; a small bone was smashed, and I had to remain

lying on the ground. It was astill greater misfortune that,

when I was carried away, my wound was dressed by a young

surgeon who did not know his work well, and within three

days had so neglected me that mortification set in, and

it was thought that my leg would have to be amputated

below the knee. When all the surgeons were assembled, an

officer who in such cases has always to be present to inform

the Governor of it, and get his consent, said to the surgeons

that the wounded was a young man who had served the

Company for eight years; who had always marched and

mounted guard without complaining, and asked whether they

could not find another remedy than to sacrifice the foot.

A Frenchman was found who promised our Commander to.

try another plan, and by the Lord’s grace and mercy, although

302 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

I had to undergo unbearable pain, I was nearly restored to

health in about a month. A countryman of mine, Martin

Sothauer,* an apothecary, helped me very much in my

misfortune, and always assisted in dressing my wounds. I

hope soon to see him again in good health, for when I left

him in Columbo he had only one year more to serve under

the Company.f

On the 8th of May the besieged attacked the bastion fiercely

to dislodge our men, but as during the night the latter had

well fortified themselves, and were well provided with

ammunition and hand grenades, and well returned the fire,

the enemy had to withdraw with great loss, crying all the

time “O Mother of God, remember us,” and others said “This

is a punishment for our sins.”

* Marten Sothauwer (Dutch ed.).

-~ Towards the end of his book the author happens to refer to Scotch-

men in the Dutch service ; and this reminds him of an incident that took

place during the siege of Colombo, when he nearly came to a tragic end at

the hands of an irate Scot. The story is given in the appendix to the first

edition ; but in the second is incorporated in the general narrative. It

runs as follows :—‘‘ As I have mentioned Scotchmen, I shall here add, in

what a plight, and how near to losing my life, I came through a Scotchman

of this sort. When we were lying before Columbo, on one occasion I had the

watch in the trenches, beside the mortars, with twenty-fourmen. Now there

was also a Scotchman ordered there with his Company, of the name of

Robert Kohl,a man of great strength, who could seize four mien at once and

carry them off. Now, at that time the Scotchmen used to be terribly

badgered, because they had sold their King ; and I also happened to say

that he would make a good bargain, for he would get double wages, one

from our people, the Hollanders, and the other from his fellow-country-

men at home, who would already have reserved for him his share of

the blood-money for their King, until he came home; upon which he flew

into such a violent passion, that he seized me with one hand by the waist,

put me upon a mortar loaded with stones, and with the other felt for the

lunt, and wanted to fire me by means of it into the air, ai indeed

would have happened, had not God so ordained that another man had

just then taken away the lunt to light tobacco therewith : otherwise I

should have had to go into the air or into Columbo. However, he gota

well-deserved reward for his wickedness, for two days afterwards he was

shot dead from the city, while he was out of bravado exposing himself

rather too much, and wanting to mock at the garrison.” The Dutch

edition hag an illustration (fanciful, of course) of this incident.

No. 39.—1889.] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 303

On the 9th of May a trench was dug from the bastion

towards the town.

When the Portuguese saw this they came on the 10th with

a white flag and wanted to negotiate and surrender the town

on the same day. The next day, llth of May, the following

terms* were concluded :—

1. The Portuguese had to give nine months’ pay for every

‘one of our men, taking the number of all that had arrived,

thus counting the dead as well as the living, and a month’s

pay was fixed at ten florins.

2. They were to pay the value of all the ammunition

which had been used against the town.

3. They were to leave all their slaves behind, or to

re-purchase from us those they wanted to take with them.

4, Every man was to have the option of taking five years’

service under the Hollanders. Those that wanted to go toa

Portuguese port were to be taken there by our ships, and

those that wanted to go to Holland were to be taken to

Batavia.

All fathers, mothers, brothers, and sisters that were married

were to be taken in our ships wherever they wanted to go, as, for

instance, to Goa, S. Thoma,t Cochin,t and other Portuguese

settlements, or even to Holland. The unmarried daughters,

however, were to remain, and to marry Hollanders. (When

that happened it caused great grief, mourning, and crying.)

6. As the Portuguese had to expect four ships from Goa

with soldiers and provisions, it was arranged that if they

arrived before the 20th of May they were to remain in the

possession of the Portuguese : should they arrive after the

20th of May they were to belong to the Hollanders.

7. All and everything that belongs to the King of Portu-

gal in the town of OColumbo—horses, money, slaves, cattle,

movables and immovables of all and every description—

* The full text is given by Baldzus

t+ S. Thomas (Dutch ed.)

t Kochin (Dutch ed.)

304 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

were to be handed over to the Hollanders, without anything

being openly or clandestinely withheld.

After this treaty had been ratified by both sides, we

marched into the town on the 12th of May. On the follow-

ing, the 13th, the sick were brought in, I amongst them, and

quartered in the monastery of S. Augustine.

The soldiers of the Emperor of Candia were not allowed

to enter, which he resented so much that he ordered all the

passes in his country to be closed, and all the victuals on the

way to Columbo to be stopped. Thereupon famine reigned

again in the town ; and so many died, that our slaves, whom

we had with us in the camp, had nothing else to do three or

four days long, but to bury. There died in one day twenty

to thirty, and this caused a great stench, so that many even

amongst us fell ill and died, although we had large quantities

of rice and salt-meat from the ships to live upon.

On the 13th and 14th of May nine of our ships left—three

went to Batavia, the other six took those away that wanted

to emigrate: the men of rank and clergy were embarked

first ; the others afterwards.

On the 15th four Hollanders, amongst them the Corporal I

spoke of before, were hanged ; also a native, and likewise a

Portuguese Captain who first had deserted the Portuguese to.

come to us, and, when our assault was beaten back, again

went from us to them.* One of the Hollanders, a common

servant, had died two days previously, but, to add to the

terror, and to prevent any other from becoming a felon and

betraying his master, the body was dug up again and hanged

on the gallows.

From the 15th to the 21st nothing remarkable happened.

On the 21st May, however, in the afternoon four ships were

seen, which came as near the town as possible. We knew

already that they were Portuguese, and we allowed them to-

come into the harbour. We hoisted the Portuguese flag on -

the bastions, and some of our soldiers had to dress like Portu-

* Baldeus gives his name as Simon Lopes.

No. 39.—1889.] . ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 305

guese, with long tight sleeves, double hose, white linen

stockings, and big collars to their shirts, and straw hats lined

with taffeta, and were made to walk along the beach, and

wave their hats. The four ships did not think anything else

but that the town was still in the possession of their people ;

but they very soon learnt the contrary. They made one of

their number swim ashore, which art they are very efficient in

(they can swim, one, two, three, or four hours in the sea).

He did not swim towards the town, but towards Vattavval ;sx

and as a Portuguese who happened to walk from the town

along the beach noticed him, and called out to him that the

town had surrendered, he quickly turned round and took

the news to the ships, who wanted to betake themselves out

of the harbour and sail away. Our water-fort in the mean-

time had made all preparations, and before the ships could

turn, one of them was sunk, another got out of the harbour

but was caught by our ships between Columbo and Negumbo,

the other two struck their flags, and the three were brought

in ; we soldiers, however, would have preferred to see them

escape, because their salt-meat was stinking, and we had to

eat it, to our disgust, because all the passes outside were

closed, as mentioned before.

From the time that we conquered Columbo until 1657,

thus more than six months, there was great poverty among

us, and we poor wounded felt it particularly, until God

helped us so far that we could somewhat recover. It was,

however, only on the 18th of August that I had fully

recovered, and could do service again; by the General’s

order I was quartered in the house of a rich Portuguese for

about four months ; there I was well cared for, and could

every month save two rixdollars and forty pounds of rice.

ANNO 1657.

On the 28th of January of the following year, 1657, three

of our ships went to Goa to take over the rest of the Portu-

guese, and they had orders to remain there until the fleet

from Batavia came and brought further orders.

306 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. XI.

On the 3rd of February the same arrived in Cezlon, and

stayed there until June, when they sailed for Goa, where

they remained until 1658. |

ANNO 1658.

* ** * * %

On the 3rd of March three ships with soldiers came from

Batavia to us off Goa, and brought six hundred soldiers and

four mortars, two of which shot 220 Ib., the other two 60 lb.

The Commissary who came with them, of the name of Richlof

von Guntz,* from Emden, took other four ships and many

soldiers, so that upon every ship before Goa there remained

only fifteen men, and sailed towards Columbo. We arrived

on the dth of April, but were not allowed to land. The

above-named Commissary went on shore and ordered the old

soldiers to embark as well ; he also took a large quantity of

ammunition. 7

On the 12thf a fleet of nine ships with one thousand five

hundred soldiers, and in every ship besides one hundred and

twenty to one hundred and thirty sailors, sailed towards the

island of Manara, about twenty miles from Columbo.t It

belonged to the Portuguese at that time, who had built a

fortress thereon. On the 11th of April we arrived at the

river four miles from the fortress, and when they heard of

it, they came from there as well as from the castle Jaffana-

patan, which is situated behind Manara, and tried to

prevent our landing.

On the 13th of April our fleet went as near the shore as

possible, the battle ships as well as the small ones; they

formed a half moon; they let go the anchors, so that the

ships remained in one position, and could carry all the guns

charged with grapeshot on one side directed towards the land.

* Rijklof von Goens. (Dutch ed., Richlof von Gunts.)

+ The Dutch ed. has 10th, a needful correction, since the next date

mentioned is the 1lth. The dates, however, are not reliable (cf. Baldzeus).

{ Compare with Saar’s account of the capture of Mann4r and siege and

capitulation of Jaffna those given by Baldzus and Ribeiro (the latter in

Ceylon Literary Register, vol. v., p. 202).

No. 39.—1889. ] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 307

Our Commissary went round to all the ships and asked the

officers and men whether they would be willing to attempta

landing the next morning, and all replied, “ Yes, yes.” On

the 14th of April morning prayers were said very early, and

every man got a big glass of wine, and we went with good

courage in small boats towards the shore. When we were

ashore we had either to fight or to die, for it was only then

that the Portuguese attacked us. Our guns, however, fired so

wel}tkat the Portuguese had many killed and wounded, and

had to withdraw towards their fortress. We followed until

the night fell, and then encamped at about half an hour’s

distance.

On the following day, the 15th, two of our mortars were

brought on shore, a small one and a big one, also two hun-

dred bombshells of one hundred and fifty and one hundred

and twenty pounds, and fifty of sixty pounds. Weadvanced

‘towards the suburb, constructed a good rampart, fortified two

monasteries to prevent the enemy’s coming out, and then

began to fire our grenades, and at times stones, which took

great effect. On the fourth day they offered to surrender.

On the following day two hundred and fifty soldiers and

three hundred citizens marched out; were at once taken on

board, and sent to Goa. We entered, and two hundred men

were immediately sent to the pearl bank, which is about

three miles distant, and estimated by the Hollanders at the

value of twenty tons of gold, to prevent the Portuguese from

spoiling it, as they have done to one ten miles from Manara.

The pearls are in shells, and are found under water. There

are natives especially for the purpose, who go down with a

long rope and a basket, and holding a sponge on one arm

thickly filled with oil, which they press firmly to the mouth

and nose. After they have found a number of pearls, and

can no longer stay under water, they give a sign by shaking

the rope, and those who stand in the boat near the windlass

_ watch carefully, quickly wind them up, when they empty

their basket. There is also a class of natives especially

308 JOURNAL, R.A.8. (CEYLON). FVon. XI.

trained to clean and polish the pearls, but our men find it

difficult to make them do it. The Hollanders can hardly

rule twenty slaves where a Portuguese can rule a thousand,

for the natives would rather stay with them than with the

Hollanders, of whom they do not like to receive orders.

-On the 15th of May we marched in full force towards the

castle of Jaffanapatan, which lies beyond Manara. Itis a

beautiful even country which the Portuguese have held in

possession over two hundred years. When they come to a

place they mean to stay there all their lives, and are not

anxious to return to Portugal. A Hollander, however, when

he comes to India thinks, “ As soon as my six years are over

I shall return to my country.” They therefore do not culti-

vate the land nor build towns; on the contrary, when they

conquer a fortress or town, they, as a rule, cut off a part

towards the land, and the other part near the sea they fortify

very strongly, so that few men may be required to garrison

it. In 1656 we cut off the beautiful large town of Columbo :

the finest houses of the town were entirely demolished, only

one-third of the town near the sea was fortified, whilst on

the land side the town was surrounded by water ; and when

these works will be finished, which was estimated to take

ten years, the place will be twice as strong as it was before.*

When the Portuguese learnt that we were marching towards

the castle, they all fled thither from the country with their

most valuable possessions; we found nothing but rich,

beautiful clothes, fine covers artistically sewn with silk ; and

there was no lack of victuals, cows, oxen, and chickens. We

found good sugar-candy, which we were forbidden to eat,

and we were also not allowed to drink any water out of wells

or standing pools, but only the water that comes from the

river and flows out.

After we had marched three days and had found many

beautiful monasteries, we halted for a day in a monastery

with a beautiful garden and pretty surroundings, so that I

* Compare the two plans of Colombo given by Baldzus.

No. 39.—1889. | ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. : 309

felt as if I were on Christian soil. The chiefs of the heathen

of the country came, and were very glad that we Hollanders

had arrived and wanted to drive the Portuguese out, because

their Prince had wished for a long time already that the

Hollanders or the English should come and avenge an affront

which the Portuguese had put upon him. He had wished

at one time to have a Portuguese wife or maid; they sent

him in a litter a white dog with a golden chain round the

neck, and with a letter to him, that as no Portuguese woman

‘wished for him since he was black, and a heathen, if he

wished to have a white female he should be satisfied with a

white bitch. This offended him and the whole country so

much, that he swore always to be an enemy of the Portu-

guese. When our Commander learnt this he was very

glad, and we others likewise, because we thought that now

our game was half wonalready. It was publicly announced,

with the beating of drums, that no natives should be harmed,

and that nothing should be taken without payment. They

have a curious custom, namely, when they want to sell some-

thing, they first inquire of their children whether they like

it : if they agree, the thing is sold ; if not, they do nothing

against the wish of their children.

After having had a day’s rest in the monastery, we con-

tinued our march,and our Commander sent word to the Prince

that he came as his friend and as the enemy of the Portu-

gcuese, and that therefore he did not wish to cause even the

slightest loss to his subjects. Ifthey brought anything they

should be paid for it either in money or in other goods ; and

if we got possession of the castle, not a single Portuguese

should be allowed to remain in the country, but they should

all be transported to other islands; and if they were to try

to take it back, we would keep the castle well provided with

ammunition and victuals, and would resist them with all our

power at sea and on land; and every year he should be

twice informed as to how things stood between us and the

‘Portuguese. In case sooner or later they should try to

re-enter into his dominions, he had only to appeal to us for

310 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

protection, which should be extended to him as long as we

were in possession to do so.

If a Hollander once takes a place from the Portuguese it

is not likely to come back to him, although the country is

large and they always try to settle in another place.

When we had marched another two days, and were a few

hours from the castle, and rested, the Prince, upon the letter

of our Commander, came to us in person and was received

by our Commander in his quarters in a most friendly way.

He gave information how things were in the country and in

the castle, and how strong the garrison was. Hedid not know

the number of the citizens, but said they were very rich,

and that many of them possessed six tons of gold, for they

had been in peace and quiet for a long time, and the Hol-

landers were their first enemies. Their monasteries and

priests were also very rich ; for when they wanted to convert

the natives, they forced them to come to church every day,

or be fined a larin, that is, a quarter of a dollar ; a monastery

had the command over thirty to forty thousand natives ;

some of the monasteries had three and four churches; and

the priests had greater power than the civil authorities.

The custom is said to prevail that when a Portuguese has

a pretty daughter, and the Pater Grande, the highest priest,

wishes to have her, the parents have no objection, but con-

sider it a high honour that the holy man should be the first

to sleep with her ; and they do not consider this a sin. One

of our Lieutenants wanted at one time to marry such a

Portuguese girl of twelve years, and came with her parents to

ask the consent of our Commander ; for this isthe custom

in India, that if a man wants to marry, he must first ask the

permission of the master of the land. When our Commander

asked the parents whether she was a legitimate child, what

kind of people they were, whether she was still a virgin,—

the mother replied, with apparent satisfaction, that nobody

had had any connection with her but the Pater Grande.

Thereupon our Commander would not give his consent, nor

No. 39.—1889. | ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. dll

allow the Lieutenant to be married. He, however, kept her

with him for about three years as his concubine. This is

tolerated. But when a man gets a son, and the Portuguese

or native woman, especially if the latter has become a

Christian, wants to recover her honour, and informs against

him to his Commander, he must pay her 300 Dutch florins,

or, in our money, 120 rixdollars. Then he is entirely free.

But if he cannot or will not give the money, he must marry

her, and afterwards as long as she lives, or perhaps as long

as he lives himself, remain in the country. If he wants to

leave her he must do so in profound secrecy, and during the

night, otherwise he will soon be poisoned, as it often

happened in Amboina and Banda. These native women are

also extremely jealous, and if they only see somebody joking

with another woman they at once have the worst suspicion,

and they are such adepts in poisoning that they can cause a

man to die immediately, or so work that he is tortured during

five or six years without having a single hour without pain,

until they themselves restore him again to health. They can

sew something into the clothes, so that a man has no power

with any other woman but themselves; and I have often

heard this said by people who experienced it themselves,

and who were very much annoyed at the false position they

got into.

After our Admiral had received from the’ native Prince all

information, we marched on the 18th of May towards the

castle, and when we were a quarter of an hour’s distance from

the suburb they came about 1,100 strong. We soon drove

them back and made seventy prisoners, who had to give us

the latest news as to how things stood inside. They told us

that there were about 40,000 people, old and young, inside,

mostly citizens, with their wives, children, and slaves; the

1,100, however, who had come out were soldiers of the King

of Portugal, and a few burghers had been amongst them as

volunteers. .

We settled down in the suburb in four churches, which

were only a gunshot distant from the walls, and there

16—91 M

312 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). vom XI.

fortified ourselves in such away that they could never drive

us away.

There were more heathens with us than Christians. As _

our soldiers were very thirsty some ran to the wells to drink,

and as these were all poisoned, about thirty men died, some

natives amongst them ; whereupon everywhere guards were

placed near the wells. We had to be satisfied with water

from the river, but we forced seventy prisoners to drink

water out of the wells, and they all died. There were many

dead frogs in the water, and at the top it was quite blue as if

covered with a skin. In order that nobody more should

come to harm, all the wells were filled up with earth and sand.

Four mortars and many bombshells were brought on shore

from our ships. Our sailors had nothing to do but to bring

iron hammers and break to pieces the great hard tombstones

in the churches and monasteries, and these pieces were daily

thrown into the town in great quantity along with the

grenades. After this had been done for some time many

Portuguese came over to us and reported that the bombshells

had not done so much damage as the stones, which in three

months and a half had killed two thousand six hundred

people.

On the 3rd of September the Portuguese came out on the

side where our Commander was on land with half the army,

and wanted to capitulate. We on our side knew nothing

about it, and as we had instructions to damage them where

we could, and as at that time many people stood unprotected

upon the walls and ramparts, our head gunner, who had first

taken aim with a cannon, wanted to fire. At that moment an

arquebusier came running, and brought instructions to cease

firing, because they were in treaty with our Commander for

the capitulation, and were likely to hand over the castle in

two days. We were very glad, and sat down in the field near

our trenches and began to speak to them, and to tease them,

asking whether there were pretty women in the fortress.

They said we had killed all the pretty ones with stones, and

that the remainder were all ill. But as we knew that the

No. 39.—1889. | ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 313

Portuguese cannot stand being teased about their women,

and that they sooner forgive a blow than being called cuck-

old, we teased them all the more, and said that if we came

inside we should cure their illness in a way which they

would like very much.*

In the meantime the arrangements for the capitulation

were completed. The following day the soldiers marched

out ; on the second the clergy, or priests; on the third the

citizens with their wives and children, but the women looked

like corpses, nothing but bones with skin over them ; on the

fourth day our Commanders and officers went into the castle

and plundered ; on the fifth we were allowed inside, but

without arms, and every one plundered as best he could, but —

our officers had already pretty well cleared the place. Iwas

not lazy, either. I ran straight into the monastery, as I knew

it would not be quite empty, and found an old priest, who

was ill, and wanted to know from him where I could find

something. He was willing, and said that if I would give

him a share he would show me good booty, and then he

asked what countryman I was. I replied in Portuguese that

I was a High Dutchman. Then he began to talk to me in

High Dutch, and said that he was an Austrian from Corneu-

burg, and had lived thirty-six years in the monastery. He

showed me an old cushion. I cut it open and found five

hundred St. Thome (that was money, and each of the value

of four Hollandish florins). But I did not remain in posses-

sion very long.

The following day about six hundred of us were ordered

on board, and whilst we passed from the boat into the ship

we were searched. We were allowed to keep the goods, but

the money was taken away from us. If I had known that, I

should have sooner thrown it into the water ; on shore I

should certainly have known how to keep it, because I had

-risked my life before the enemy for it, and there would have

* Compare Ribeiro’s description of the brutal treatment accorded to

the prisoners by the Dutch.

314 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL XI.

been an opportunity for anybody who wanted to act faith-

lessly to shoot an envious officer and for a while to fly tothe

above-mentioned native Prince until a new Governor had

arrived, or the wife of a high officer had been confined, on

which occasion a general pardon is given.

GEORGE J. A. SKEEN, GOVERNMENT PRINTER, COLOMBO, CEYLON

| Ron Asiatic Society, (eston Bana. a

Patrvn :

‘His Excellency Sir A. H. ‘GoRDON, G.C.M.G., M.A., D.C.L.,

M.R.A.S., F.R.C.1., &c., Governor and ‘Commanderin- Chief

and Vice- Admiral, Ceylon.

Dire-Patron : 3

Sir E. NOEL WALKER, K.C.M.G., Lieut. _Governor and Coloniai

Secretary, Ceylon.

Presivent ; : oe

The Right Rev. R. 8. CoPLESToN, D.D., Lord ‘Bishop of

Colombo. :

Dire- eee: ; |

GEORGE WALL, ied F.L.S., F.R.A.S.; THOMAS BERWICK, Bsq. 3

Corneil :

HENRY Bois, Esq., F.R.C.1.

i. CAMERON, Eeq., C.C.S8., F.R.C.I.

Col. the Hon. F. 0. H. CLARKE, R.A., C.M.G., F.R.G.S., F.C.8., &€.

W. HK. DAVIDSON, Esq., C.C.S., FR. C1, q

A. M. FERGUSON, Esq., C.M.G F. S.A., HON. F.R.G.S. AUSTRALIA.

PHILIP FREUDENBERG, Esq., eee Imperial German Consul. 2

STANIFORTH GREEN, Esq. a

The Hon. P. RAMANATHAN, M.L.C., M.C.L.E., F.R.C.1.

W. P. RANASINHA, Esq., Proctor, Supreme Court.

The Hon. A. DE A. SENEVIRATNA, M.L.C., M.C.L.E.

HENRY TRIMEN, Hsq., M.B.LOND., F.R.S., F.L.S.. ~ G

Je. VANDERSTRAATEN, Esq., M.D. ST. AND., M.R.C. P. & 4

L.S.A. LOND., L.R.C.S. & L.M. EDIN, 3

iuatiiain Ereasurer ;

W. H: G, DUNCAN, Esq.

Honorary Secretaries :

H.C. P. BELL, Esq: ©.¢.8.;-F. HM. CORBET, Es sq.

Librarian :

D. M. DE Z. WICKREMASINGHE, Esq.

H gents :

Ceylon: Messrs. A. M. & J. FERGUSON, Gdlomius a

London: Messrs. KEGAN PAUL, TRENCH, TRUBNER & Co.

Poe liao.

> |

iE JOURNAL

iE CEYLON BRANCH

1) ROYAL ASLATIC SOCIETY

i 1890.

a a

VOLUME XI.

No. 40.

The design of the Society is to institute and promote inquiries into the History,

Religions, Languages, Literature, Arts, and Social Condition ef the present

and former Inhabitants of the Island, with its Geology and Mineralogy,

its Climate and Meteorology, its Botany and Zoology.

®: Price to Members, Re. 1; to Non-Members, Rs. 2.

COLOMBO :

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JOURNAL

CEYLON BRANCH

OF THE

ROYAL ASIJATIC SOCIETY,

CEYLON BRANCH.

Journal No. 41, of 1890, containing LIEUT.-

COLONEL H. H. ST. GEORGH’S TRANSLATION OF

Joan RODRIGUEZ DE SA E MENEZES’ “ REBELION

DE CEYLAN,” is in the press.

H, C. P. BELL,

Hon. Secretary.

| Price to Members, Re. 1; to Non-Members, Rs. 2.

. COLOMBO :

GEORGE J. A. SKEEN, GOVERNMENT PRINTER, CEYLON.

1893.

JOURNAL

GHYLON BRANCH

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,

13890.

VOLUME XI.

No. 40.

EDITED BY THE HONORARY SECRETARY.

The design of the Society is to institute and promote inquiries into the History,

Religions, Languages, Literature, Arts, and Social Condition of the present

and former Inhabitants of the Island, with its Geology and Mineralogy,

its Climate and Meteorology, its Botany and Zoology.

Price to Members, Re. 1; to Non-Members, Rs. 2.

COLOMBO :

GEORGE J. A. SKEEN, GOVERNMENT PRINTER, CEYLON.

1893.

CONTENTS.

Wouter Schouten’s Account of Ceylon. Translated from

the Dutch by Pu. FrEuDENBERG, Esq., Consul in Ceylon

for the German Empire

Henricus van Bystervelt’s Embassy to Kandy. Translated

from the Dutch by F. H. DE Vos, Esq., Advocate

The Animal-shaped Rocks of Kurunégala. By F. H.

Mopper, Esq.

PAGE

315

399

317

ERRATUM.

Page 316, line 31, for “ Heeligen en de opengeving”’ read

“ Heeligen en de bespiegeling.”

JOURNAL

OF THE

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,

CEYLON BRANCH.

WOUTER SCHOUTEN’S ACCOUNT OF CEYLON.*

TRANSLATED BY PH. FREUDENBERG, EsQ., Consul

in Ceylon for the German Empire.

(Read June 26, 1886.)

INTRODUCTION.

eal Wouter Schouten, the following information

al is given in A. J. van der Aa’s Biographisch

Woordenboek der Nederlanden (1874) :—

Bi Schouten (Wouter), born in 1638 at Haarlem, devoted

LIN himself to surgery, and after a severe examination

sacs} was sent to Amsterdam as a surgeon, and was appointed

assistant surgeon on one of the ships of the East

Indian Company. Being later on promoted to chief surgeon, he

remained seven and a half years in the service, and in the Moluccas

was present at many severe engagements, both by seaand land. Having

returned to his Fatherland (1665), he settled in his birthplace, and

‘appears to leave then written and published his Oost Indische Voyagien,

which were so widely read that in 1740 a third edition saw the light

at Amsterdam. O. Z. van Haren testified of this book of travels that

few travels afforded more pleasure in reading. For many years he

kept a barber’s shop at Haarlem, taught many pupils, obtained an

extensive practice, and was universally esteemed.

* The apology offered to the translator in the footnote to Saar’s Account

of Ceylon (Vol. XI., No. 39, 1889, p. 233) is equally due for the delay

in issuing the present Paper. With the ready co-operation of Mr. D. W.

Ferguson, the Editing Secretary is at length able to pass it through the

press.— B., Hon. Sec.

7 Compiled by Mr. D. W. Ferguson.

8—9I3 B

316 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XI.

Since 1544 there had existed at Haarlem a surgeon’s guild, consist-

ing of a dean, two vinders,* two oudvinders, and a town doctor, who

however examined only in theory and not in practice, forthe doctors

of the College despised the surgeons and were of little help to them

in the service. When Schouten was elected to the office of vinder, he

saw: how inefficient the experimenters were, and endeavoured to

improve this by thorough instruction in the science ; and: considered

it his duty, as a proof, to make known a small portion of his profes-

sional experience during his service amid the clash of arms, and later

as surgeon and practitioner at Haarlem.

In 1694 he published Het gewond hooft of korte verhandeling van de

opperhooftwonden en bekkeneelsbreuken : en van de wonden des aangezigts

en der hals, which was reprinted at Rotterdam in 1720.

He was very fond of his profession, and placed it far above internal

medical treatment, which was often, as regards internal disorders,

uncertain, obscure, and doubtful, whereby many differences of opinion

took place. Asa rough and frank seaman he combated the opinions

of Blankaart, Bontekoe, Overkamp, and Van der Sterre. He deplored

the fact that people despised the old writers, and tried to make

palatable all sorts of strange propositions and doctrines in a multitude

of books.

Another work dedicated by him to his nephew, Kuysch, remained

for some time after his death in the possession of his widow, and was

printed in 1727 at Rotterdam, entitled Verhandeling van de tegen-

natuurlijke gezwellen, op reden en ondervinding door een visfligjarige

kunstoefening bevestigd.

Schouten also cultivated Dutch poetry, as evidenced by his poem

published at Amsterdam in 1700 and entitled God verheerlijkt in zijne

Heerlijkheid, Regtwardigheid, Barmhartigherd en onuitsprekkelijke

liefde, tot troost der Heeligen en de opengeving van de goddelijke waarheid,

digtkundig veerklaard.

He died in 1704.

From Schouten’s own narrative we learn that in 1658 he

entered into a three years’ engagement with the Dutch East

India Company, to serve as a surgeon in the Kast; and that

he sailed with the fleet from Holland on 16th April of that

year, arriving at Batavia on 15th October. In July, 1661, he

engaged for another term of three years’ service under the

Company ; and shortly after this he paid his first visit to

Ceylon. On 24th December, 1664, Schouten sailed from

Batavia for his native land, which he did not reach until

8th October, 1665, the vessel on board which he was having

been obliged with others to take refuge from the English

fleet in Bergen harbour Gn Norway), where a fierce

engagement took place, the English being ultimately

compelled to retire.

The first edition of Schouten’s travels was published

* Vinder is said in Sewel’s Dutch-English Dictionary to be equivalent

to bewrmeester, and is explained as “an officer that looks to slaughtered

cattle whether it be sound.” Perhaps, ‘“‘ sanitary officer” or “ inspector”

would represent the meaning.

No. 40.—1890. | ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. d17

at Amsterdam in 1676, as a 4to. volume of XII., 328,

253, and 23 pages, with engraved title-page, portrait, and

43 copper-plate engravings. Of these illustrations Tiele

(Nederlandsche Bibliographie van Land-en Volkenkunde)

says: ‘They were drawn by the author in India, and

have more local value than most of the illustrations in books

of travels of this period.” Of these engravings, two are of local

interest, viz., double-page views of “* De Stadt Colombe” and

“De Stadt Puncto Galle opt Eyland Ceilon,” but they are

not very accurate representations of those places. This

edition is dedicated to the burgomasters of Haarlem, the

author’s birthplace. The title of the first and second book

is “ Wouter Schouten’s Oost-Indische Voyagie’’; while that

of the third and fourth is “ Wouter Schouten’s Oost-Indische

Reys-Beschryving.” The pagination of this second part is

also distinct ; and the dates of the various events are given in

the margin. The British Museum contains a presentation

copy from the author to his daughter, with his autograph.

The second edition was published at Amsterdam in 1707

or 1708. The title of the book was altered to “ Wouter

Schouten’s Reys-Togten naar en door Oost-Indien,” and

the dedication is by the publisher to Bernard Houtman, a

descendant of the famous Dutch navigator Cornelis Houtman.

There are some other variations ; but the body of the work

is reprinted page for page from the first edition, with the

misprints corrected and the spelling here and there altered

a little.

A third edition was published in 1740 (some copies bear

the dates 1745 and 1756) at Amsterdam.

In 1775 (some copies dated 1780) there appeared at

Utrecht and Amsterdam a fourth edition in 2 vols., the old

spelling being modernised, interpolations or omissions being

made in the text, and footnotes being added. In addition

to the illustrations this edition has four maps, one of these

being of Ceylon.

A German translation of Schouten’s work appeared at

Amsterdam in 1676, the author’s name being Germanised

as Schultze.

A French translation was published at Amsterdam in

1707 in 2 vols., 8vo., with no divisions into chapters in the

text, and without the plates, &c., of the original; but

with the addition of a number of plates of various natural

curiosities and descriptions thereof. A second edition of this

translation appeared at Rouen in 1725; and another at

Amsterdam, with no date.

The following translation is made from a “large paper”

copy of the first edition in the library of the Ceylon

Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.

318 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

Book II., CHAPTER VII.

ANNO 1661.

* * * * *%

[The Dutch had determined to make themselves masters of places on

the Malabar coast (Cochin, Cranganor, Cananor, and Coylan ) held still by,

or for, the Portuguese. The naval force was to rendeizvous at Colombo,

before starting for the expedition. The man-of-war the “Red Lion”

(de Roode Leeneo), in which Wouter Schouten served as surgeon, was

sent ahead (with the yacht Slwys) from Batavia, to give timely notice to

Adriaen Roothaes, Commandant at Puncto gale.—B., Hon. See. ]

<xq] HEN everything was ready, and we had taken

| leave of our friends, on the 12th of August we

left Batavia for the fourth time, as already

mentioned, for the Cinnamon Island of

Ceilon.

53 %*% * a *

At last on the 6th of September we came in sight of the

green mountains of the Island of Ceilon. On approaching

land, however, we found ourselves much to the south of

Punto gale. A terrible current ran towards the east, and

we were in danger of being driven past Cezlon, and into the

Kormandel sea. We just succeeded, however, in finding

anchor ground ; we let go from each ship two of the heaviest

anchors into a depth of 40 fathoms, and so rode at anchor in

a very heavy sea, constantly washed by huge waves that

swept the poops.

Lying about a league from shore, we hoisted the Prince’s

flag, and fired a cannon shot to let those on shore know that

we were Hollanders arrived from Batavia. That day,

however, nobody could near us owing to the strong current

and the heavy seas. 7

The next day, when the force of the current had lessened,

the Commanders of the ships thought it expedient to send

to shore a sloop manned by a double crew of rowers with

a sergeant and soldiers, who were to make for the town of

Puncto gale. This plan was immediately put into execution-

No. 40.—1890.] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. d19

Sergeant Samson, a German, who knew the country, under-

took to personally hand to Commander Roothaes the letters

from the General and the Council of India which had been

brought from Batavia. They then started and struggled to

reach the shore, but it was not until midnight that the sloop

returned, after having been in great danger of being carried

away (by the current). The oarsmen had put the sergeant

and the two soldiers on shore to undertake the journey

towards Puncto gale, over high hills and through dense

forest by way of the Galyettes,* Dondery, Matera, Bellingam,

and other seaboard districts.

The weather soon began to clear, wind and sea went down,

and the current turned, running now from east to west,

though not so strong as before. Weighing anchor with

sails set, we cruised westwards. Presently a Hollander

and two dark-skinned Cingalese came rowing towards our

vessel in a Ceilonese tony, or hollowed boat cut out of a

tree-trunk. They came out of the bay of Galyettis, from

which we understood that we were not far off. After paying

us a visit, they returned to shore. We thereupon received

orders from the Commander Roothaes to make for Galyettis

bay, twelve miles to the west} of Puncto gale, until further

orders. This was done, and we dropped anchor in the narrow

entrance under hills clad with jungle, about two stones’

throw from the steep rocks and the beach. We made the

ship very fast, so as not to be driven against the rocky shore

by the force of the wind and the rollers.

When we got on shore we inspected the principal villages

of the Galyettis, which are well shaded by all sorts of fruit

trees and beautiful plants growing round about. The dark-

coloured Cingalese lived here in miserable plight. They

————

*% Galliette ou Calliette.” (French translation.)—D. W. F.

+ ‘“ West” should, of course, be “ east.” Twelve Dutch miles (36 English)

from Galle is the village of Bellawatta, of which name “Galyettis” may

be a corruption—D. W.F. ([Gandura bay has also been suggested as

identical with “ Galyettis.”—B., Hon. Sec. |

320 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

had small huts made of cow-dung, clay, and rattan, and

roofed with cocoanut leaves, of only a man’s height, and built

in haphazard way here and there midst the vegetation. The

men, women, and children were almost naked, wearing only

a small cloth round the waist which covered their private

parts, but barely reached to their dark knees. The women

and girls showed no signs of bashfulness, coming towards

us with breasts and limbs uncovered. They willingly

offered their services to us in all innocence and modesty to

get for us what was obtainable. We gladly accepted their

offers, of course paying them well. Quietly and in peace

they live under the rule of the Hollanders in simple

manner (gaining their living) by fishing and agriculture,

which they carry on with very few implements.

Three of us now set out to walk inland through verdant

forest towards the small town of Dondery. On the way we

were highly amused by great numbers of monkeys and

baboons which sprang with great nimbleness from tree to

tree in the forest. We continued our journey, and crossed

some hills thickly covered with jungle, and towards noon

reached the small town of Dondery. We found it bordered

the sea,and was inhabited by Cingalese. Some of them told

us that in former times it had been one of the principal

towns of the Kingdom of Candy, and they showed us the

remains and ruins of the ancient royal palace. The ruined

walls still bore witness to the beauty and great size which

formerly had marked the buildings. We were told that

since the war between the King of Kandy and the Portuguese,

the power of the latter had worked this destruction. The

broken down walls lay in heaps of débris, overgrown with

jungle, unsafe, and full of hollows, where tigers, jackals,

wolves, snakes, and many other creatures found a hiding-

place.

We then left the place, and decided to take a walk

through the small town of Dondery. This we found well

laid out with good roads and pleasant cross roads, and con-

taining much better houses than the Galyetiis. Inland were

No. 40.—1890.] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. d21

visible many high mountains and gardens, rich in cinnamon,

watered by gently running streamlets, tanks, and rivers. In

front of Dondery surges the salt ocean. The inhabitants

were better clad, and showed themselves favourably and

friendly disposed towards us.

The empty stomach now began to crave; so we made

ourselves comfortable in the verdure, and got the natives to

pluck some cocoanuts, fresh and green, from the towering

trees ; and on these we feasted, as well as on other agreeable

Ceilon fruits. We should not have found in Dondery any

house to take refreshments in but those of prostitutes and

smugglers. We found ourselves, however, somewhat upset

in the midst of our pleasant meal, for a noxious snake of

unusual length came suddenly out of the jungle beside us, -

reared itself with many a curve and bend, and interrupted our

repast. We jumped up incontinently when we saw it, and

the noise caused the snake to hide immediately among the

houses of the Cingalese. The people living in these houses

were not frightened, and so indifferent that they did not

attempt to catch the reptile, and even laughed at our

discomfiture. |

This impressed us very much with the reprehensible

idolatry of the deluded Cingalese, who, as we were informed,

actually worship snakes, tigers, crocodiles, apes and baboons,

and the like monsters. They humour them, and even

provide them with food, so that snakes and beasts, generally

dangerous to men, do them no hurt. In truth one rarely

hears of Cingalese meeting with harm by them.

Some Hollanders are led to conclude from appearances

{but who can speak with certainty on the point?) that the

Kivil One sometimes appears to the idolatrous Cingalese in

the form of snakes, tigers, crocodiles, and baboons. This

much is proven, that the Ceylonese sorcerers, as well as other

Kast Indian nations, in catching and conjuring them, know

hew to bring about supernatural phenomena, just as has often

been reported to us as likely. On this I ghall enlarge when

an opportunity offers.

a22 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). Von. Xi.

We left heathenish Dondery, retraced our steps, and

returned on board at the Galyettis. Here we found ourselves

in want of fresh water, as no streams were found in the

neighbourhood. Hunger and thirst, however, can make

raw beans sweet and putrid water agreeable.

Our sailors found in the jungle, not far from the beach,

a nauseous pool of water, out of which we were constrained

to fill some casks, and take them on board. The water was

muddy, dark looking, and injurious to health; but we

managed to put up with it for a few days until we

received orders from Puncto gale to load our ship here with

areecka, and then makea short trip to the Choromandel

coast. The yacht Sluys received instructions to proceed to:

the bay of Puncto gale as quickly as possible.

Of this areeck whole shiploads are sent from the Island

of Ceylon to other countries and kingdoms of Asia, but

especially to the coast of Choromandel, and this makes.

some places populous and wealthy.

We therefore took our cargo in without delay to proceed

to Choromandel.

Our party went once more to Dondery, and thence three miles.

further to the townlet of Matera. We walked over rough

roads, rocky hills, through narrow valleys, dense jungles, and

dangerous wildernesses, until we arrived at the Dutch fortress

in the centre of delightful Matera. Here we saw some

Ceylon elephants of unusual height, which, as we were:

credibly informed, surpass the elephants of all other

countries and kingdoms in intelligence, quickness, and good

behaviour, and to whom elephants of all other countries

show their reverence by kneeling and doing reverence.

We visited our countrymen, especially the principal sur--

geon of Matera, who had invited us, when he had bid us wel-

come on board at the Galyettis. He was married toa Cingalese;

or Ceylonese woman, who was comparatively fair in colour

and a convert to the Christian faith. As far as we could see

they lived quietly and peaceably together. They entertained.

No. 40.—1890. ] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. O23

us in avery friendly manner, but we could not stay long, as we

expected to leave the Galyettis for Choromandel the next day.

We then inspected hurriedly all that seemed worthy of

seeing in Matera. The DutchFort was built in a pleasant situa-

tion. The Cingalese lived in fair, cheaply built dwellings.

Behind Matera, pretty stretches of grass lands, mountains,

plains, and rivers were visible. In some places the woods

furnished great quantities of aromaticcinnamon. The town

itself was not big, but had wide streets, and was fairly well

populated ; it stretches along a small bay. Here the dark-

skinned Cingalese live quietly and peaceably under the rule

of the Dutch. They get a living by agriculture, the gather-

ing of crops, for the most part cinnamon, and areeck, and

sometimes also by fishing and hunting, or other work.

After bidding farewell to our friends, we again travelled

through the jungle, and at times along the beach until we

came to the hamlet of Dondery. A number of black women,

whom we took to be Cingalese whores, danced, sang, and

shrieked lustily in the middle of the street, and with their

ridiculous music, their droll antics, and foolish contortions

made merry sport. However, we hurried onwards, and

in the evening at the Galyettis reached the ships.

The next day we weighed our three anchors, and unfurled

our sails. The weather was squally, and when we ran out of

the Galyettis bay, we got a heavy cross-sea with strong blasts

of wind. We were in danger of being thrown against the cliffs

and rocks in the middle of the narrow passage, and the ship-

wreck we dreaded would have been terrible in the violent

surf. But thanks be to God, we were spared, and emerged

from the peril between rocks and cliffs into the open

sea. We left the other vessel in the Galyettis to await good

weather, and proceed to Puncto gale as soon as it became

practicable.

We now set all our sails and steered east-north-east, and

again more points north, along the pleasant coast of Cevlon.

We passed two dangerous banks called the Great and Little

Baxos. We now sailed north and then north-east. We

324 JOURNAL, RB.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XI.

sighted the great bay of Batacalo, and shortly after that of

Trinquenemale. Then striking a course towards Choro-

mandel, we lost sight of Cetlon.

oe se ie * * %

[After taking in cargo on the Choromandel coast, they sailed for

Columbo. When Punto Pedro, Trinckenemale, and Batacalo had been

passed, the vessel encountered a gale, which lasted three days, and

forced the sailors to work the pumps night and day. Fortunately the

currents were favourable, and when the storm abated they found

themselves near Puncto gale bay (having been carried before the wind

past the Galyettis, Dondery, Matura, and Bellingam) and _ there

anchored. Thence under a clear sky, and aided by the current and a

north-west breeze, they sailed passed the Alicaon river and Caltere,

and dropped anchor in Columbo roadstead on November 1st.—

B., Hon. Sec. |

Book II., CHAPTER VIII.

Here, off the city of Columbo, we found a goodly fleet of

Dutch men-of-war, the number of which increased every day.

From our Fatherland the following magnificent ships came

to join us, tHuys ter Swieten, de Riysende Zon, de Wassende

Maen, de Beurs, and *tRaed-huys van Amsterdam, all full of

troops, well rigged, despatched and amply found in provisions.

They were sent out to meet at Columbo, as the place of

rendezvous, and to unite with the before-mentioned

squadron. Thus, within a few days, more than twenty fine

vessels were assembled. From land they were provided

with shovels, spades, pickaxes, scaling ladders, gabions, and

palisades ; also powder, ball, cannon, mortars, and other

munition of war. A good number of soldiers, drawn from

the garrisons of the Dutch fortifications at Manare, Jafene-

patnam, Negombo, Caltere, and the towns Puncto gale,

Negapainam, and other places, landed at Columbo almost

daily. Inshort, preparations were pushed actively forward,

so that very soon we were quite ready to pay a visit to the

coast of Malabar, and the towns of our enemies, the

Portuguese. The Dutch, in the town of Columbo and on

No. 40.—1890. ] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 320

board ship, observed a general day of fasting and prayer to

obtain God’s help and blessing in this important undertaking,

so that we might return victorious.

On the 6th of November, seven ships with 800 gallant

soldiers were sent in advance from Columbo to Tutocoryn

and Keilpatnam, viz.: den Achillis, de Goutsblom, Tertolen,

Vilussingen, Bloemendael, Bantam, and de Schelvis ; they

were to obtain, for fair price, a great number of

fast-sailing boats, also cows and other cattle from the natives

who were friendly to us.

Whilst thus riding at anchor off Colwmbo, we found an

‘Opportunity to go and see this old and famous town. Many

fine buildings, even whole streets, were lying in ruins, partly

from age, partly from sieges and wars, and many of the

ruins were covered with grassand brushwood. Nevertheless,

we found in the town fine buildings, lofty churches, wide

streets and walks, and large houses in great number. They

were built spacious, airy, and high, with stone walls, as if

meant to stand for ever, according to the Portuguese

manner of building.

The town of Columbo, famous from olden times, is

situated barely seven degrees to the north of the equator,

-on the west coast of the Island of Ceilon, which is large,

beautiful, and rich in cinnamon. The gallant Portuguese

constructed it fully 150 years ago. They peopled it and have

Since dwelt in it in affluence and state. But in May, 1656,

after a complete siege of seven months’ duration, after many

desperate assaults and stern fights, the daring Netherlanders

-compelled the Portuguese to surrender by capitulation to the

East India Company the afore-named fortified town of

Columbo, their finest pearl in the East Indies. The principal

Kings in India were surprised at this, and not less the

Portuguese, who considered Columbo impregnable. Since

then our countrymen have reduced the town, which was

large and spacious, and had too large a garrison, to smaller

-compass, and made it a compact fortress. Still, Colwmbo

remained provided with many strong bastions, bulwarks,

326 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI..

walls, and afresh water canal, and supplied with ammunition,.

war material, and men in such manner that it would not

easily have yielded before any personage in or out of

the country. Behind, to the east and the north, were

pleasant plains, fields, and woods rich in cinnamon, as well

as inland pools, swamps, tanks, and big rivers. To the west

the great ocean washed the cliffs and rocks of Columbo.

When all the land force was on board, and the ships.

ready to put to sea, the sailors of the fleet hoisted flags and

pennons to spars and masts, and the soldiers displayed their

banners. After the Council and Burgesses of the town

of Columbo had escorted in great state the famous Heer-

ycklof van Goens, we saw him come on board the man-of--

war de Musschaet-boom as Commander-in-Chief and Admiral

General of our forces, to enter upon the voyage towards the

‘ land of the Malabars. In the meantime Columbo burnt no:

small quantity of powder, heavy guns thundering from the

walls, that all seemed to crack. The Musschaet-boom and

other flagships answered the salute. At the same time

drums were beaten, and trumpets brayed ; and the music

of pipes, flutes, and other instruments was heard, for the

dark-skinned Cetlonese lascaryns, or soldiers, of whom there.’

were a good number, also struck up. During these salvoes,.

Heer Adriaen van der Meyden, then Governor of Columbo,

returned on shore with his suite. As all ships now were-

ready to start, we left Columbo, and with a clear sky, a light

breeze, and a calm sea, we sailed northwards.

% * * *% %

Book II., CHAPTER XIX.

Anno 1662,

* *% * * %

All that was required having been carried out, Heer

van Goens embarked from Coulang, under a discharge of

artillery and the sound of drums, trumpets, pipes, &c.; and’

having shortly after weighed anchor, we set sail and steered.

No. 40.—1890.] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 327

our course towards the Island of Cezlon, sailing along the

beautiful coast of Malabar southwards, until we soon found

-ourselves nearing the lofty peaks and low foreland of cape

Comoryn. Here our worthy friend the Rev. Philippus

Baideus bade farewell to the Admiral and us, and departed in

a small vessel named the Tutocoryn, to Jaffanapatnam, where

he had been officiating as minister for some years.

We then steered south-east, losing sight of the continent of

India, and on April 10 (being Easter Monday) we sighted

the coast of the Island of Ceilon. This we did near the

fortress of Caleture, which we passed under a light breeze,

till next day we came to anchor in the bay and close to

the town of Puncto gale.

Admiral van Goens, on landing here, was received in a

splendid fashion. The armed corps of burghers welcomed

him in joyous and friendly manner with three discharges

-of musketry. Heavy cannon roared from the ramparts

‘of Puncto gale, and thereto we replied from the Musschaet-

‘boom in similar style. The Moors in their gladness fired

likewise frequent salutes from their vessels, from large

‘and small guns. Many of the Prince’s flags and streamers

waved from the masts and yards of the Dutch and Moorish

vessels ; the sound of drums, trumpets, horns, fifes, and flutes

was heard all around, and in short there was great joy

everywhere at the safe arrival of our Commander-in-Chief,

who had conquered three desirable places on the coast of

India. There came also Heer Adriaen van der Meyden, the

‘Governor of Columbo, by land to Puncto gale, to welcome

Heer van Goens; the latter not only received him in a

friendly manner, but also caused the burghers of the town

to meet him with a guard of honour. After volleys of

musketry, he was saluted with nine discharges of large cannon

from the walls of Pwncto gale, and three from our ship the

_ Musschate-boom. In the meantime there arrived also the

_ ships de Beurs, Tertolen, de Rijsende Zon, the Achilles, and

| tHuys’ter Swieten, from Barsalore and Ooulang, laden with

_ rice ; but the 7ertolen, having been provided with fresh water

328 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

outside the bay, was immediately despatched by the Admiral

to Batavia. From our ship were discharged the war pro-.

visions, ammunition, and commissariat stores, which had been

much in the way; these were taken ashore in small vessels..

We thus got the ship fit, roomy, light, and clean to receive

two to three hundred lasts of rice, and afterwards cinnamon,

which was put on board without accident, the first out of the

Moorish vessel, and the second from shore.

Meanwhile,we had daily sufficient opportunities to inspect at

pleasure the town of Punctogale and the country round. This

was the third time that I had come from another clime to this

fair and beautiful Island ; and thus I obtained the opportunity

which I desired of attentively and carefully examining and

briefly describing what is worthy of note concerning it.

Firstly, therefore, as regards the position, extent, nature,

of the towns, forts, and villages : we will speak of them in a

plain and brief manner.

This Island of Cetlon, which is held to be the ancient

Taprobane, not only by the Portuguese writer Johannes

Barrius,* but also by many others, is one of the finest

and most celebrated islands of Asia, as well in respect of its

beauty, fertility, and pleasantness, as of its agreeable, mild

temperature, its situation, and the excellent advantages it

affords to foreigners, as well as to residents. Itis the opinion

of many that it was in former times connected with the

mainland of India, where there still exists a rocky bank

called Adam’s Bridge, of which we have already spoken. It

extends from the sixth to the tenth degree north of the

equator. To the north is the coast of Choromandel and the

sea of Bengal; to the east, the south, and west, the shores and

banks are washed by the great ocean. This Island in shape

is nearly in the form of a ham. Some writers have declared

it to be 400 miles in extent, but in my opinion, taking its

length and breadth, it cannot be more than 240 miles in

circumference. I believe that owing to tempests, high seas,

* Joao de Barros.—D. W. F.

No. 40.—1890. ] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. d29

and swift currents, no small portions, especially towards the

north, have been from time to time washed away from the

Island : hence Cezlon cannot now be so extensive as was

stated, and with truth, in former times.

Before the time of the Portuguese, who were the first

Christians who came in their ships to the East Indies, the

Saracens, the Turks, and the Ethiopians often went to the

Island; and they made no little gain by their trade in

pearls, precious stones, and principally in cinnamon. Subse-

quently the Portuguese, and lastly our countrymen, the

Netherlanders, became not only the masters of the commerce,

but also the possessors of the seaports, towns, and fortresses

therein.

Some would have it that this wealthy Island was first

discovered by Chinese, who having been driven out of their

course in a junk bya storm, and having landed here, gave forth

that their ruler was the son of the Sun, which so pleased the

Cingalese (who likewise worshipped the sun) that they set up

the captain of the junk as king of the Island ; from whom it is

said the kings and queens of the Island are descended.

Among Christians it was the Portuguese, and among them

Laurentius de Almaida and his followers, who first

discovered Ceilon. For he having been sent by his father

Franciscus Almaida in search of the Saracen merchants who

were returning from Amboina, Banda, and the Moluckes,

along the Maldives to Arabia, chanced in consequence of con-

trary winds and currents to reach Ceilon. Seizing the oppor-

tunity, Zoarius* hastily set about building the fortress of

Columbo. The Portuguese soon increased their hold upon the

country, taking possession everywhere, notwithstanding the

opposition of the inhabitants, of the principal seaports and

trading places, which subsequently fell into the hands of the

Netherlanders. The Portuguese, during their rise and decline,

carried on extensive warfare against the kings of the

Island.

—

* Soares.—D. W.F.

330 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (VoL. XI.

Our intention, however, is to describe not the past, but the

present condition of Cetlon, which the Netherlanders, by the

grace and blessing of the Almighty, now possess in peace.

The following towns, forts, ports, and trading marts are

situated along the coast.

Caleture (or as we name it for convenience Caltere), lying

about twelve miles from Puncto gale northward, and seven

southward from Columbo, isa delightful place, situated in a

district beautiful, pleasant, and fertile, close to the sea, and at

the mouth of a wide and pleasant river, which seems to take

its source from the central part of the Island. The fortress

was taken by us from the Portuguese previous to the

conquest of Columbo by a few men in gallant manner. The

inhabitants of the place submitted themselves willingly to

the rule of the Honourable Company.

Columbo (of which we have already spoken in chapter

VIII.) is at present the chief town of the Netherlanders in

the Island of Ceilon, and here the Governor has his residence.

In former times Puncto gale was the chief town of the Nether-

landers, where now in our time, the Commandeur Adriaen

Roothaes held the chief command. Columbo was likewise

the chief station and place of residence of the Portuguese in

the Island of Ceilon. This town cost them during its con-

struction not less blood in sustaining the attacks and furious

assaults of the inhabitants than when they lost it to us,

Columbo lies on the west coast of the Island, and possesses

a harbour capable of receiving fairly large ships, but the

very largest generally anchor in the roadstead, a little beyond

the bay. The country all around produces the finest cinna-

mon, and that in great quantities.

Negumobo, situated in a country abounding with water, onthe

sea, and about five miles north of Oolumbo, is a celebrated

fortress built formerly by the Portuguese for the cinnamon

trade. It was taken from them on February 9, 1640,

through the skill of the Directeur Philippus Lucasz, but

recaptured in February, 1643, by a fresh force of Portuguese.

They, however, did not long hold it, for in February, 1644,

No, 40.—1890. ] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. ddl

Negumbo fell a second time into our hands by the skill of

Heer Prancoys Caron, and has since remained with us.

From Negumbo our people crossed the river Chylauw, and

proceeded through the thinly inhabited district of Medampe,

where there is no cinnamon, but plenty of buffaloes;

and beyond through the districts of Putelaon, the Wannias,

Jaffanapainam, passing on the way the Islands of Cal-

pentyn, Caredive, Manaer, and the others which lie to the

north of Adam’s Bridge.

Between Calpentyn, a poor and barren spot, and Manaer,

lie the banks, which were formerly called “the Pearl Banks

of Manaer”; but after fishing there a few years, the pearl

fishery has been carried on to the westward near 7'utecoryn.

The Island of Manaer is supposed to have been formerly

united with the mainland of India, for between the two

there lies Adam’s Bridge, of which we have already

spoken.

This Island was fora great many years in the hands of the

Portuguese, but about the year 1658 it fell under the blessed

rule of the Honourable Company. The Portuguese en-

deavoured with a large force and by entrenching themselves

to prevent the landing of our people. But when theillustrious

Heer Rycklof van Goens, with nine ships and 1,500 valiant

men, approached the place, he trained all his ships, fully

armed with heavy cannon, broadside on to the shore. Soon

they belched out shot and grape. Meanwhile our men bravely

pushed ashore in sloops and boats, despite the sturdy

opposition of the Portuguese, and rushed like heroes against

the glittering sabres, shot, and death-dealing cannon of the

enemy. Here the fight was very severe. Anthonio Amiral

de Meneses, the Portuguese Governor, and Anthonio Mendes,

a brave captain, and other gallant men were killed by our

_ shot. Finally the enemy fled, with the greatest part of their

a te

2).

force, to Jaffanapatnam, trusting themselves no longer to

the fortress of Manaer. he smali garrison, which stood out

after receiving the fire from our mortars, heavy grenades,

and great shot, surrendered unconditionally, including

8—93 Cc

do2 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

their Colonel Andrea Villossa. The soldiers and burghers

left the place, and were sent by us to Goa. The fortress,

which was called St. George by the Portuguese, has since

been fortified by us with a proper moat, walls, and

batteries.

The little fort of Kezs, or Hammenhiel, on the way to Jaffana-

patnam, lying in the strait between the Islands, was also at

this time taken by the Netherlanders from the Portuguese.

The town and famous fortress of Jaffanapatnam, lying

about forty-eight miles north-east of Columbo, is situated in a

delightful and fertile country, and was in June, 1658, humbly

delivered over to the Honourable Company under the com-

mand of Heer van Goens. Afterthe conquest of JZanaer, we

proceeded to Jaffanapatnam, landed our men successfully,

two or three hundred at a time, and marched them towards

the town and fortress. On pain of death it was forbidden

to insult the natives (Indianen), especially as we had been

received and welcomed in a friendly manner by the Cinga-

lese, the inhabitants of the country. The Portuguese (who

had been living in this beautiful country like princes, counts,

and great fidalgos) now fled with their wives and children,

and any goods they could most readily lay their hands on, to

the fortress. They had also many nice buildings in the

town, which was not walled round and lay wholly open : this —

too was abandoned by the enemy, who fled quickly to the

fortress. It was very large and fully manned, and being |

surrounded with moats and high triple walls, both strong |

and secure, to storm it with a small handful of men was |

not advisable, whilst a bombardment of the lofty stone walls |

so thick and strong would have been quite useless; and |

accordingly great mortars, grenades, and bombs were brought |

into the camp with all despatch. Tombstones and many |

bluish stones* were broken up, and the enemy in Jaffana-|

patnam therewith so roughly battered that they soon lost

courage to sally out and meet us face to face, or offer the |

* Coral stones ?—D. W. F.

No. 40.—1890. ] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 3d0

fierce resistance they did at first. When the castle had

been besieged for three and a half months, the defenders

on the 21st of June determined to fly the flag of truce for a

surrender. The capitulation was soon concluded and signed

on the following terms: that the chiefs and the clergy were

not to be insulted but sent to Goa or other places under the

rule of Portugal; that no one should take with him anything

of value. Those who were married people were permitted

to take up their residence within the towns of Batavia or

Malacca. During the next two daysa considerable force of the

Portuguese soldiers marched out and were obliged to deposit

their colours, arms, &c., before the standard of the Honourable

Company. A great number of burghers with their wives

and children, Portuguese Mestices, and Toepasses, as well as

other classes who had hitherto lived in luxury on this

pleasant land, came out in sadness, with a body of about forty

priests and clergymen, who professed to be of the Order of

Jesuits and Franciscans. The number of persons killed

during the siege of Jaffanapatnam by shells, grenades, and

shot, as well as by sickness, was between 1,500 and 1,600.

The country or kingdom of Jaffanapatnam is con-

nected by a small strip of land on the east to the Island

of Ceilon. It is divided into various Provinces, such as

Belligamme, Tenmarache, Waddemarache, and, Patchiara-

_palle. The country is nearly everywhere low, very fertile,

populous, and well planted with trees, which extend for about

twenty miles, studded with more than a hundred and _ fifty

villages. Along the north coast it is washed by the sea, to

‘the south by a large river, and to the west lies Punto Pedro,

where also the Portuguese in former times attempted to

build a small fortress. But all in vain, for since the loss

of Jaffanapatnam, that nation has disappeared from Cevlon.

Since then Jaffanapatnam has been inhabited, fortified,

and much improved by us Netherlanders. Many churches

have been erected throughout the country, and those of the

Portuguese have been reformed. Many thousands have,

through the great mercy of God, and the zeal and diligence

do4 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

of our people, already been gathered into the purified

Church of Christ. |

Trinquenemale, lying on the north-east coast of Ceylon,

possesses one of the largest and most beautiful harbours to

be found on this pleasant Island, but, as far as my knowledge

goes, no cinnamon grows there. Heer Anthonio Caen, then

Councillor of India, erected here, in the year 1639, for the

first time, a small fortification ; but subsequently the Dutch

had occasionally to abandon the place. When in the year

1661 we passed this pretty bay, we could not see any forti-

fication; afterwards, during the second English war, another

fort with four bastions was built there, so as not to give any

chance to those who were seeking the ruin of our country.

Batacalo, or as it is sometimes (but incorrectly) called,

Matacalo, was from ancient times a celebrated place, where

the Dutch on May 31,1602, under the command of General

Joris Spilbergen, landed for the first time for the sake of the

trade in cinnamon. The fortress built by the Portuguese

was taken in the year 1638 from the Lusitanians by Heer

Adam Westerwolt, and afterwards delivered to the Emperor

of Ceilon.

Proceeding from Batacalo towards the south, along the

seacoast up to the Galyettis, there are few places of any

importance to be seen. Everything there, however, as also

in the Galyettis, and in Dondery, Matura, Bellingamme, and

so on round the Island of Cezlon, is wholly subject to the

Netherlanders ; end our people may safely travel there, from

one district to the other, overland. This we ourselves have

done in the districts of the Galyettis, and also from thence to

Dondery and Mature, as 1 have already mentioned in

chapter VII. 7 7

In Matura, the Dutch have a compact little fort. They

possess also Bellingamme, otherwise called the “ Red Bay,”

from which a person may walk in four hours to the town of

Puncto gale.

In the year 1640, by the blessing of the Almighty, and

under the valiant direction of the Commandeur Willem

No. 40.—1890. ] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. B00

Jacobsz. Koster, the town of Puncio gale fell into the hands

of the Netherlanders. On the 8th of March, Koster with a

small force, succeeded in anchoring in the bay under the guns

of the enemy, landed and attacked Gale with terrific might,

defeated the force which had come from Columbo to the

assistance of the besieged, brought three more powerful

vessels, viz., the Haerlem, Middleburg, and Breda, to their

aid in the bay, and landed the soldiers. The attack was

carried on with heavy cannon, until a clear breach was made

in the bastion of Sint Jago; and thereupon after a bloody

and severe assault, Puncto gale fell into our hands on the

13th of March.

The town is situated in,and at the entrance of, a beautiful

and pleasant bay, and upon our taking possession of it, and

during the following year, we proceeded to fortify it well.

Puncto gale had already been provided with fine walls,

ramparts, canals, bastions, ports, &c., and within was found

to be adorned with pleasant dwellings, lofty buildings,

excellent wells, pleasure grounds, and handsome churches,

previously built by the Portuguese. These the Dutch have

now peaceably occupied for a great number of years.

The bay of Gale is spacious, and very well fitted for

harbouring a large number of vessels; but at the mouth or

entrance of it, there are midway in the passage some hidden

rocks, which make the entrance into the bay dangerous, as

was proved in the case of the fine ship Hercules, which was

dashed into a thousand pieces on them. On this account

an experienced pilot has been placed at Pwncto gale, in order

to pilot incoming and outgoing ships. The sea likewise

rises high during the prevalence of the westerly winds, and

it is very rough in the bay, whereby the ships are sometimes

not a little tossed. No ships, whether friend or foe, can

come to anchor in this bay, without passing very close to the

strong water and sea forts, which are all provided with

heavy guns. The town lies for the most part on a height,

and is open along the seaside, being sufficiently fortified by

sharp rocks and the rough sea. There may also be seen on

306 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). P>ViOl. SCE:

a fine rock the euard-house, provided, as in Columbo, with

a lofty mast, whence the Company’s flag floats on high as

soon as ships are discerned in the offing.

Outside the town of Puncto gale, as also around the bay,

and further inland, there are beautiful fields, high mountains,

pleasant plains, and delightful walks, which are neatly laid

out here and there between lofty hillocks, crags, and rocks,

by digging and cutting through them, and are called

Gravettes. The district and villages included under Puncto

gale yield the Company no small profit, having frequently

realised in the farming out alone more than 15,000 rixdollars

a year.

CHAPTER XX,

We have thus given the reader a brief account of this

beautiful Island, and of the situation of almost all the

countries situated on the coast which were formerly held by

the Portuguese, in the height of their glory, power, and

dominion, as the dominant masters of Asia. But wealth and

prosperity make man proud and overbearing, and no small

number of the Portuguese are infected with this failing,

exulting in their self-conceit, beyond what the contemptible

insignificance of man justifies, and this breeds envy and

anger in those who must come into contact with these proud

persons. Christians, who desire a blessing from God

Almighty, should above all things consider the honour and

glory of God, and do good ; and in foreign countries should

treat even the heathen in a friendly manner, showing

themselves true representatives of Christian charity, faith,

and uprightness, but where this outward mark of life is dis-

regarded, all success is thwarted ignominiously. God grant

that we, Netherlanders, be notas the Portuguese, who from of

old treated the inhabitants of Cetlon harshly, tyrannically,

and unjustly ; and that this excited the wrath of God, and

_ the hatred of the people has been since made sufficiently

clear to that nation. ,

No. 40.—1890. ] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 3a7

The Cingalese, or inhabitants of Ceilon, live along the

coast in the maritime provinces and the dependencies thereof

quietly and peaceably under the rule of the Dutch. The

rest of the inhabitants residing inland are subject to the

Emperor of Ceilon, that is, the King of Kandy, who holds

his court at present in the centre of the Island, in his capital,

Kandy, living still at variance with the Dutch, yet seeking

- neither war nor peace with them. It was certainly so in my

time, and consequently, the Cingalese and our subjects

showed no desire to molest each other.

But touching this variance and the circumstances and

conditions of the King of Kandy in his relations towards us,

the following brief notice will tend to explain :—

When the Portuguese first landed and established their arms

on this Island, it had been already divided in consequence of .

inland wars and disturbances into several kingdoms; but the

King of Kandy retained the name of Emperor, or Overlord.

The Kings, as well as the Emperors of Ceilon, occasionally

suffered extensive defeats in wars through the bravery of the |

Lusitanians; and even Kandy was for some time in their

power and subject to their rule; for fierce wars had been

carried on for many years between the Portuguese and

Cingalese.

From our own country, Heer Joris van Spilhergen was the

first who personally waited on the Emperor of Ceilon with

_ letters and presents in the name of their High Mightinesses,

the States General of the United Netherlands and His

Excellency Prince Maurice of Nassau (of blessed memory).

He arrived here in the beginning of June in the year 1602,

coming to anchor at Batacalo ; and his escort, reception, and

bearing before the Emperor, the Princes, Princesses, and

other grandees of the kingdom were wonderful and worthy

of note, as narrated at length in the journal describing them,

‘which has been printed.

The reigning Emperor at that time was Vinna Ladarma

_ Soria (a name which signifies “the deliverer ofthekingdom’”’),

or, as he was previously named for his zeal and inclination

338 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

towards the Portuguese, Don Jan.* He was a son of Vinna

Lamantia, who, having been the Councillor ofthe Empire, had

[aspired to] become Emperor. Craftily enticed to court by

the previous Emperor, he was buried in the ground alive up

to the waist, and killed by wooden discs cast at his head. This

act the young prince Vinna Ladarma Soria bravely sought

to avenge by invoking assistance of the Portuguese against

the murderer of his father, having been advanced by them

to the rank of General, In the meantime, the Portuguese

having made themselves masters of Candy, appointed a Prince

begotten of the royal blood (who, having been by their means

converted to the Romish faith, had been named Don

Philippo at his baptism) king, as the result of their

successful conquest.

The General Don Jan, or Vinna Ladarma Soria, how-

ever, took this so ill that Don Philippo was poisoned at his

instigation, and he acquired an implacable hatred against the

Portuguese. He cunningly ingratiated himself with the

courtiers and the people to such an extent that he soon was.

crowned Emperor.

Immediately all friendship with the Portuguese was

declared at an end, and they were commanded on pain

of death to evacuate all conquests they had made on the

Kmperor’s territory. A large army having then been

collected, the forces of the former Emperor Raya Singa

Adaskijnst were attacked and dispersed, and the tyrant him-

self died of anger and grief.

Not long after, one Janiere Wandaer,t who had been the:

Secretary of the late Raya Singa, proclaimed himself king.

This man having combined with the Portuguese (who

willingly fished in troubled waters),and with their subjects,

viz., the kings of Jaffanapatnam, Cota, Pannia, Batacalo,

and others, accompanied by a very great army of 140,000

—=a_

* Don John Vimala Dharmma Stiryya I.—B., Hon. Sec.

7 Raja Sinha IJ., 1581-92 a.p.—B., Hon. Sec.

{t Manamperuma Mohottiya, styled Jaya Stiryya Bandara.—B., Hon. Sec.

No. 40.—1890. ] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 339

men, more than 1,100 elephants, and 45,000 oxen laden with

provisions, proceeded towards Kandy and defeated the force

of the Emperor. The latter escaped with afew followers into

the jungle, and remained there feeding on herbs and roots,

The Portuguese, as well as the king Janiere, now thought

that the battle was won. The young, brown-skinned, and

intelligent Princess Dona Cataryjna, who was the daughter

of an Emperor, and had been brought up by the Portuguese in

the Romish religion, was immediately escorted in great state.

to Kandy from Manare, whither she had been taken

formerly. Having been crowned as Empress, she was

solicited by king Janiere in marriage from General Pedro

Lopes. 'The solicitation was however rejected, and Janiere,

in order to avenge himself on the Portuguese, entered into

negotiations with the exiled Emperor, resolving to drive all |

the Lusitanians out of the country. But the plot was dis-

covered, and the Portuguese, having got scent of it, caused

Janiere to be treacherously murdered,

The Emperor Don Jan now coming forth from his conceal-.

ment, and representing the Lusitanians as despicable traitors,

easily turned everything in his favour. Thereupon, pursuing

the Portuguese, he defeated them with considerable slaughter,

The General Pedro Lopes, and the Empress Dona Catarijna,

were taken prisoners. The former died of his wounds, and

the latter married the Emperor, who now had everything

_ under his power.

The Portuguese were subsequently defeated on several

occasions by the forces of the Emperor, and so severely used

that they had no desire to march afresh against Kandy.

Thus the monarch Vinna Ladarma Soria, or Don Jan, was

ruling victorious and in peace over the Empire of Cezlon,

when (as we have already mentioned) Spilbergen appeared

before his throne.

The General was welcomed by the Emperor with extra-

_ ordinary honour, being escorted in royal manner overland

from Batacalo, Vintana, and Trinquenemale to Kandy. The

palinckins, litters, and elephants were splendidly adorned,

340 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. Xt:

and when approaching Kandy the Emperor sent every hour

fresh provisions, fruit, and wine. He even despatched

Emanuel Dias (who had been servant of General Pediv

Lopes, and afterwards for special services had been made the

chief Modeliar of the Emperor), with many other

Portuguese, all servants of the Prince, and about a thousand

armed men, consisting of eight companies of different

nations, viz., Turks, Moors, and Oingalese. These escorted

Spilbergen and his illustrious suite with sound of drums,

pipes, and flutes, to a magnificent house, where everything

seemed to be arranged not in heathen style, but after

Portuguese fashion.

The Admiral, having been invited to court, appeared before

the Emperor very respectfully with three saddled horses. The

Emperor, dressed in white, received Spilbergen with marked

friendliness, and accepted the presents very graciously.

Having shown them to his young Prince and Princess, he

began a friendly conversation with Spilbergen. The next

day the latter, for the second time, appeared before his

Majesty and the Council, and confidently offered the Emperor

the friendship and assistance of his masters against all

enemies.

Thereupon the Emperor embracing the General made him

a present of all the cinnamon and pepper that was ready.

Moreover, having ascertained the state and power of the

Dutch, he showed quite frankly his affection towards our

nation. A splendid feast was given to Spilbergen and his

people. The hall was hung with very beautiful hangings ;

the table, Spanish stools, food, and music gave proof of no

heathen, butan European banquet. Spilbergen, as a token of

the highest honour which can be done to anyone, being taken

by the Emperor into the presence of the Empress, Dona

Catarina, found her, as also the young Prince and Princess,

dressed in the Christian mode. Then His Majesty openly

declared that when the States-General and His Highness the

Prince of Orange should be pleased to erect a fortress in

Ceilon, he himself and his wife and his children would be

No. 40.—1890. ] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. d41

willing to carry the materials on theirshoulders. Thus with

this prosperous commencement the friendship grew marvel-

lously, and Spilbergen departed with presents, letters, and

a great reputation. —

But Sebalt de Weert, Vice-Admiral of the fleet of

Wybrant van Waerwijck, not long after landing once and

again at Batacalo, behaved with such imprudence and

- indiscretion before the Emperor and high personages of the

Court, that he and most of his retinue were cut off. Thus

the first friendship and alliance received no mean check,

the more because the Emperor Don Jan, or Vinna Ladarma

Soria, died not long thereafter.

On his decease, his stepbrother Cenuwieraet* married Dona

Catarina, and took possession of the Empire. He received

the name Camapati Mahadascynf upon his coronation. With

this Prince again another union and fast compact was

concluded by the diplomacy of the merchant Marcellis

Boshouwer. But owing to a horrible murder committed

by the Portuguese on our people at Cotiar (where they

intended to build a fortress with the consent of the Emperor)

this compact resulted in no definite issue.

Meanwhile, the Empress Dona Cataryna had died in the

year 1613. The Emperor Cenuwieraet lived until the year

1632, and was succeeded by his youngest son, who received

the name Raya Singat.

This young Prince, who had been deceived and ill-treated

_ by the Portuguese, besought and obtained the aid of the

Netherlanders, who, by the able diplomacy of the Admiral

- Adam Westerwolt and the Vice-Commander William Jacobsz.

Koster, concluded a firm compact with the Ceylonese monarch

on May 23, 1638, for the promotion of trade, and to the

disadvantage of the common enemy, the Portuguese.

Subsequently, the Portuguese, by the success of the Nether-

landers’ arms, were driven out of Caleture, Puncto gale,

* Senerat, or Senevirat.—B., Hon. Sec. _

7 Senapati Maha Adahasin.—B., Hon. Sec.

{ Raja Sinha IT., 1634-87 a.p.—B., Hon, Sec.

42 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XI.

Columbo, Negumbo, Manare, Jaffanapainam, and Tringue--

nemale. The friendship between the Emperor Raya Singa

and the Netherlanders continued fast for a great number of

years, though not so constant, but that now and again a dark

cloud of ill-feeling came between both nations and interrupted

their mutualfriendship. The Ceylonese monarch in such cases .

used too hastily to take up arms. It so happened in the case

of the above-named commander Koster, who not long after his -

brave capture of the town of Gale, whilst on the way from

his fruitless return from Kandy, where he had put forward

reasonable demands, was treacherously murdered with four

of his bodyguard by Raya’s people. In this way the faith- -

lessness of the Emperor was discovered, and his shallow

affection for us, although after its capture Trinquenemale -

had been presented to him with its belonging, as also the

lands of Gale and Mature after their capture, together with

their revenues. Moreover, his Majesty’s /ascarzyns continued

to plunder and rob our men, showing themselves well- -

disposed to the Portuguese, and hostile to us. This trouble

lasted until the year 1649, when by a small embassy and a

present to the Emperor, the slight amity began again to some

extent to show signs of reality. Afterwards, by the wise and

prudent management of the illustrious Heer Geraert Hulft, .

who bravely commenced the siege of the town of Columbo,

the mutual amity and firm alliance again flourished.

But after this gentleman had perished during the siege,

and the town had fallen into our hands at the cost of

very much Christian blood, his Majesty began cunningly to »

pretend that what we had captured by our arms belonged

to him. Thereupon fresh troubles arose, which developed

into acts of violence. As neither the one nor the other~

sought war, the ill-will continued dormant, and _ still

existed when we were in Ceilon. But, as related, each party

held their lands in rest and quietness. The mutual subjects

were in no way harassed. Thus the Dutch occupy quite

peaceably their profitable trading marts and strong fortifica--

tions in Cezlon.

No. 40.—1890. ] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 343

_ The Emperor, Raya Singa, now pretty well advanced in

years, wrote sometimes to us for certain curiosities of little

value which Heer Adriaen vander Maiden, Governor, as well

as Heer van Goens, kindly procured for him.

His title was Raya Singa, Emperor of the Island of

Ceilon; King of Kandy, Zaitavaca, Cota, Danbadaon,

Amorayapore, Jaffanapatnam; Prince of Ove, Mature,

Dinavaca, the four Provinces; Grand Duke of the Seven

Provinces; Count of Cotiar, Batacalo, Vintana, Panoa,

Putelaon, Bellingamma, Gale; Marquis of Duranura,

Ratemira, Tinipane ; Lord of the Harbours of Cetlon, the

Pearl Fishery, and the Golden Sun.

_ The Prince holds, sometimes elsewhere, but mostly in

Kandy, a magnificent and very illustrious Court, as those who

have been there in the service of the Honourable Company

testify. He has a good number of high officers, who are

named Apahamy; and of Governors, who are called Divs-

saves ; his captains are called Modeliars ; sergeants, Haraties;

and the soldiers, Lascaryns.

The Cingalese, or Ceylonese, are for the most part dark-

skinned, small of stature, and of pleasing countenance, going

as a rule pretty well clad. Those who are rich wear red

Rouen caps, or other caps of this colour, but the first are

considered of somewhat higher value, and named in the

language Toppi Honday,* forming a striking contrast with

their skin. The men wear their hair usually cut short, and

the chief men, a white Cabay or gown made of silk, flowered

or of white cotton, with a cloth wound round the waist,

which they pass between the legs and secure like breeches.

Others of the lower classes go mostly naked, except that they

conceal their privates with a cotton cloth. Some also wear

asmall jacket with short flaps after the Kuropean fashion,

and acrits or dagger at the side, the hilt of which is inlaid -

with gold, ivory, or other material. They adorn their pierced

_ * Toppi honday: bad Sinhalese for ‘good hat.” These tall caps of red

cloth (jagalata ) are figured in Knox, “Ceilon.” Another shape was four-

sided inclining to round.and low (hatara mul kasav téppiya).—B., Hon. Sec.

o44 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XI...

ears with gold rings and fine jewels, or those who are of less

rank, with articles of less value.

The women and young girls go with the upper part of

their bodies bare and with their breasts wholly exposed, and

just like other Indian women, with only a cloth wound

round the lower part of their body. They are, moreover,

bareheaded and barefooted ; their long and jet black hair

coiled round the back part of the head like a hood. Some

too (therein imitating the Portuguese women) know how to

adorn it in neat curls. The rich also wear necklaces of geld .

or cheaper metal round their necks ; they also adorn their ears,

finvers, and sometimes toes with rings of similar metals,

according to their respective rank and caste. They are, for

the most part, well proportioned, but with dark limbs.

The Cingalese are by nature generally ingenious and saga-

cious, showing this by their praiseworthy handicrafts in the

making of weapons, spades, critses, and a thousand other

elegant articles. In war they are quick and active in attack-.

ing an enemy, and great heroes when unable to resist:

but they cannot be trusted even in the smallest emergency.

They are prone to idleness, lazy, and lustful to a degree.

They marry very young. The girls, especially those who

are somewhat good looking and not poor, have as a rule lost

their virginity before they can be considered fit to have

children, of which fact the men who marry take great pains

to be sure. Thus married women of ten or eleven years

are found here.

The marriage ceremonies are simple; they are per=

formed by the Bramine in presence of friends and before

the idol. Rich people have festivities lasting sometimes

three to four days, and there is no lack of delicacies, amuse--

ments, or strange dances. Poor girls have great difficulty in

finding a husband, unless some friends make up a little dowry,

which renders them eligible. Thus the rich have great

advantages here as elsewhere.

No. 40.—1890.]. ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. b45

On occasions of marriages and festivities, the women and

sirls know how to prepare delicate and savoury dishes,

especially those who have had intercourse with Portuguese

women. They know very well how to cook, stew, or roast

chickens, of which you may buy twenty-five fora rixdollar in

some places. Their bread is rice boiled in water. They sit

upon mats, the legs under'the body, and thus eat from the floor.

Their table cloth and napkins are:leaves of the Indian fig-tree,*

which are of a man’s length, very clean, of strong

tissue, and very common all over India. In their greatest

enjoyments they never, or only very seldom, take strong

drinks, but almost exclusively water, which they keep in pots

or light jugs made of clay, in which the water remains very

cool. They do not put their mouth tothe brim, but pour the

water from a certain height, as from a spout, into the widely

opened mouth. They do not like to drink with each other

in any other way.

Everybody stands very much upon his descent, handicraft,

or knowledge, and this is useful, because nobody is allowed

to change his profession. The sons must follow the calling

of the fathers, however mean and despised it may be. The

sons of weavers must become weavers, of tailors, tailors,

blacksmiths’ sons must stand behind the anyil all their lives.

The peasants and cultivators, called Bellali,t are next to the

Bramines the most highly esteemed people in Ceitlon :

they are considered far above people of other vocations.

They dress with a fine cloth round the waist, but are other-

wise naked. Many of them are Christians, possessing fine

houses and fertile lands. They thresh corn with oxen,

which (according to the custom of the children of Israel)

are unmuzzled. |

They know how to make butter with the help of little

sticks inthe form ofa cross, which are turned rapidly. They

often bring curdled milk and cream for sale in small clean

white bags. In manners they surpass many other castes in

* Plantain.—D. W. F. + Velléla.—pD, W. F.

346 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XI.

Ceilon. They often marry their nieces and nephews to each

other, as naturally, for the purpose of marriage, they try

to find persons belonging to the same class.

The caste of water and palankyn carriers, woodmen, and

similar people are called Chivias. Asa rule they are fairly

intelligent and strong: they know how to carry a man in a neat

chair, with the help of long bamboos upon their shoulders,

fora distance of twenty to thirty miles in a few hours. They

are, however, so low-minded that they do not serve anybody

cheerfully, but only those whom they believe to be men of

consequence.

There are also intelligent lawyers, doctors, surgeons, and

barbers. The medical men, however, have very little know-

ledge of anatomy, of things natural, unnatural, and contrary

to nature, which ought to be the basis of their science.

Thus their principal knowledge rests upon experience. Their

medicines consist of freshly plucked herbs and flowers, of

which they know how to make decoctions, stupes, poul-

tices, and the like.

The class called Chittijs trade in cotton goods and other

wares. The Carreas and Mockuasare fishers. The Nallovas

are slaves and servants of cultivators; they are unclean and

filthy, and perform foul and dirty work. The Purreas,

however, are filthier still: they do all the scavenging, eat

what others consider unclean. Those of a lower class are

compelled to show respect to those of a higher profession.

Some Cingalese earn their livelihood by music, playing on

drums, cymbals, horns, pipes, flutes, as well as by dancing,

tumbling, and outlandish gestures. Women and girls like-

wise skip, dance, and play formoney. Theirfree movements

and uncouth antics, with limbs so little covered, are objec-

tionable rather than decent. They know how to whirl

round very swiftly when performing.

The Cingalese, who are still heathen, are idolaters. They

believe in the objectionable teaching of the outwardly modest

Bramines or Bragmannen, who are their priests and

leaders in religion. These Bramines pretend to be moral

No. 40.—1890.] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. a47

and well-behaved. They refrain from drink in presence of

the people, and wash frequently. Many of them have by

God’s grace been converted to Christendom. The others

follow the laws of Pythagoras; they are found to be

fond of good living, and exceedingly lascivious. How-

ever, they are considered the most intelligent and desirous

to learn.

All these heathen are very superstitious. They are fond

of idolatry and devil worship. They are particular in

choosing the day to begin a given undertaking, believing in

good and bad omens. The strictest of their caste are for-

bidden to kill anything that has life, above all buffaloes and

cows; not that they have any feeling for these beasts, but

because they plough and thresh for them, and yield butter

and milk. Moreover, they believe firmly that the souls of

their ancestors and friends who are dead have migrated into

cows, oxen, buffaloes, and the like, and they would not like

to disturb or hurt them.

They highly esteem an idol, whom they call Jacka,* and

which is made of clay, of the size of a man, with horns,

black and ugly. Some worship elephant heads made of

wood or clay,t in hopes of thus obtaining wisdom and

knowledge.

Many rich pagodas are to be seen in the Island of

Ceilon, to the most important of which pilgrimages are made

by the superstitious.

The great in the land visit as devout pilgrims one of the

highest mountains of Ceilon. I have seen this mountain

from a distance; the natives call it Pico d’Adam, or the

“Mount of Adam,” as Adam, so the Cingalese believe, once

lived there. Others say that Paradise is there, and travel

thither as pilgrims. On the summit, high as heaven, a

pagoda with constantly burning lamps is said to be seen;

likewise a stone, in which the size of Adam’s foot has

* Yaka.—D. W. F.

+ Images of Ganésha or Pullayaru.—B., Hon. Sec.

8—93 | D

348 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

remained impressed. The Emperor is said to preserve in

Candy an impression of it of extraordinary size.

In former times (as they often relate with all circumstance)

the tooth of a white monkey was to be seen in the pagoda of

Adam’s Mount; it was considered the holiest relic of the

Cingalese, and people came to look at it with the greatest

zeal. The pagoda received many beautiful presents, revenues,

and honours, all given with the object of obtaining some

spiritual benefit from this godly monkey’s tooth. Strange

miracles have been worked by this holy thing, until it was

stolen by the Portuguese, who had expected to find a great

treasure, and they burnt the monkey’s tooth, although the

heathen offered a large sum of money for it. in Vintane

there is also a pagoda fairly large and high, in shape of a

pyramid, which boasts of giltwork and an image. Likewise,

between the Galjettis and Batacalo, at Trinquenemale, and

other places.

Some of the images stand upright, with uplifted arm, and

sword in hand,to deal heavy blows. Others are made differ-

ently, some monstrously. The natives ornament the images

often with flowers and rose wreaths ; they put together in a

basket what they offer to the monster, whilst they pray for

ready help in case of sickness or other difficulties. As arule

they prostrate themselves before the image, and, whilst

praying, they lift their hands above the head.

The Cingalese have also here and there monasteries with

cloisters and rooms, in which their monks dwell. These

monks wear yellow robes, have their heads shaved, and carry

an umbrella. At times they walk in procession. The chief

priest parades in procession on a elephant, with beautiful

trappings, amid a lively escort of musicians and dancers of

both sexes. Young girls clad ina light cloth round the loins

exhibit their best skill along the road.

There are many other oddities, which they practise in their

religion and their services. Some worship crocodiles, snakes,

tigers, monkeys, and other monsters. However, in the matter

of worship, everybody follows his own bent and pleasure, so

No. 40.—1890.] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 349

that by the exertions of the Portuguese, and afterwards of our

people, many thousands have been converted to the Romish,

and likewise the Reformed religion.

The houses of the Cingalese are of light material, like

Indian cane work, but they are generally skilfully and

neatly built, with divided rooms, doors, and windows. The

people are clean and fairly orderly in their housekeeping.

Many reach an old age, and some live to eighty, ninety,

and upwards. The dead are mourned for, and buried by old

women ; those of rank are burnt to ashes.

There are also many Cingalese who by the exertions of

Moormen have been induced to adopt the Muhammadan

religion. Many Moors and descendants from the Turks and

other foreign people are likewise found in Cezlon.

Their principal coin consists of silver Lariyns, worth |

ten stivers each, and silver and gold. Fanums. The gold

ones are mostly in use, but their value does not exceed five

stivers each, and they are so tiny that it is difficult to handle

them. These Larjins, or Fanums, as wellas the gold Pagodes,

or Moorish Ducats, are the money which principally circu-

lates upon the coast of Malabar, Choromandel, and in the

Island of Ceilon. Besides these Spanish coins (called

Paternosters) and copper money (kopstucken), or such like

Dutch coins, freely pass current in Ceilon, Choromandel,

and elsewhere.

Now, as regard the Island of Ceilon : it overflows with

eood things for man’s sustenance—fowls, stags, peacocks,

pigeons, wild boars, oxen, cows, and buffaloes abound. Fine

rivers are found in many places. Some maintain that in the

mountains round Candy there are mines of gold, silver,

metal, and other ores, likewise some sorts of precious stones,

but particularly rubies, which (as I have seen myself) are

obtainable in Ceylon in abundance. Very fine crystals are

alsomet with. The fruits, vegetables, and plants are melons,

pumpkins, water-melons, ananases, oranges, lemons, citrons,

bananas, coques, manges, cajouloen, pomegranates, grapes,

putatten, sugarcane, betel, areeck, pepper, onions, leeks, ginger,

D 2

350 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (VoL. XI.

cardemom, tobacco. They also have silk, cotton, and other

material for clothes. Besides this, the villages furnish honey,

milk, butter, and rice; and the sea and rivers good fish.

But what makes Ceilon specially famed throughout the

world, and pleasant to everybody there, is that in the forests

whole groves of cinnamon are found. We saw them, and

noticed that they closely resembled the orange tree, but

stem and branches are finer, with less knots, and straight.

The leaves resemble those of the laurel. The blossoms

are white, and of a sweet smell. They develop a fruit

similar to the olive in size, from which the natives pre-

pare an oil that is considered to have sanative properties.

Baboons, apes, and birds eat these fruits as food, or when

they fall to the ground young trees sprout self-sown, and

as soon as these have obtained a certain height, the old trees

are cut down to make room for them. The tree has a

double bark. The outer, very thin, is first stripped off ; then

the inner one, which is the real cinnamon, is peeled in

long strips, which, when dried in the sun, curl themselves

up, and turn a reddish colour. We peeled the cinnamon of

a tree from curiosity, and found it to be mucilaginous, oily,

and green, and with little or no smell or taste. The peeled

tree requires sometimes two or three years to renew its bark,

seeming forsooth (and no wonder) to mourn awhile. But at

last it regains its former qualities. Between Puncto gale and

Negumbo grows the best and finest cinnamon; there the

trees grow in many places wild by the thousand, and in

whole groves. Cinnamon is divided into three sorts, viz.,

the finest, the medium quality, and the coarse, which latter

is obtained from old and big trees ; then there is an uncul-

tivated kind, which is also found in Malabar.

The natives often build their huts with the wood of the

tree, but they also cut it as firewood, which in burning gives

out a delicate odour. Whilst thus the cinnamon is found to

possess strength, even in the third quality, the sappy root

yields not alone a fragrant juice, but also a kind of camphor.

The natives know also how to inlay the green bark, viz.,

No. 40.—1890.] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 301

the cinnamon, very artificially and cleverly in little trunks,

boxes, and even sticks : thus I was presented in Cezlon with

a cinnamon stick, which was very ingeniously inlaid with

cinnamon.

Amongst the animals found in the wilds of Ceilon,

elephants are the most important. The finest and most

intelligent kind is found in this Island.

IT have seen exceptionally big ones at Mature, the Gal-

yettis, and also Puncto gale; they learn with astonishing

perception to carry out all sorts of difficult work, just as horses

do in Holland. It is said that elephants of other countries

show their respect to these by kneeling down to them.

The kings of Ceilon, Arrakan, Pegu, and others have

from olden times employed elephants in their principal wars.

Swords were tied to their trunks, and wooden towers on

their backs, in which five or six men could stand with pikes,

guns, and other weapons. They knew how to disperse their

enemies,and throw them intoconfusion. They are, however,

easily frightened by fire, They are highly prized by the

princes of Asia. Their size, docility, and agility show to

men the marvellous wonders of God. They are ambitious

and intelligent. The females are said to be influenced by

the phases of the moon. It is believed that they have never

coupled in anybody’s presence, that they go in calf for two

years or longer, and that they reach an age of 150 years.

The skin is wrinkled, tough, and dull-coloured. Some are

9 to 10 ft. in height. They have large ears, and masticate

with four teeth, besides the two big ones (tusks), which pro-

ject far out of the mouth, and are of ivory, of which so many

pretty things are made. The nose (trunk) consists of a kind

of pendulum or long snout, which is narrow, and has an

opening at the end, whichis smooth and slimy inside. They

use it likea hand, They are able to put with it into their

mouth, not only rice soaked in water, palm leaves, and

plantain trees, which form their food, but also liquid food.

With their trunk they know how to carry packages and

goods, and dexterously to lift a man or a woman from the

302 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

ground, and to put them down again in an intelligent way as

soon as they are told todo so. If anybody is condemned in

India to death and to execution by an elephant, he is tied to

a long rope; the elephant urged by his driver takes the

delinquent upon his tusks, throws him up into the air, and

after he has fallen down, crushes him with his feet. They

know how to ignominiously bespatter anybody who angers

them with a dirty stinking fluid, which they bring up by ~

putting the trunk into the mouth.

Wild elephants do much damage to trees and plants in

Ceilon, and kill many people; they thrive and multiply.

Travellers when camping for the night make large fires, and

on the march beat drums and cymbals to frighten these

dreaded monsters.

The Netherlanders, after a few years have taken to catching

elephants, and with great success. They proceed in this wise :

they travel to the locality selected with several hundred

men, taking with them some tame elephants, ropes, cords,

hoes, shovels, spades, and there surround a large tract of

forest with palisades and stout hurdlework. This enclosure

is very wide at one end but gradually tapers towards the

other, and is provided with trapdoors to secure the wild

elephants. <A large number of drivers, shouting, beating

drums and cymbals, drive the wild elephants into this

enclosure. In the narrow part they are secured with ropes,

sometimes with the help of the tame ones; and in the course

of time they are tamed. A wild elephant is led between

two tame ones to the washing place; if he resists, the

tame elephants drive their tusks into his hide until he is

overpowered.

Our people derive great benefit, from these beasts. Not

only do they use them themselves, but they also sell them to

Moors and Persians. It is difficult to take them from the

land on board avessel. The bridges, syampans, and boats are

covered with leaves or branches of the palm-tree, because it

is not easy to make them cross a bridge otherwise. As soon

as they are near the ship they are blindfolded, and strong

No. 40.—1890.] ACCOUNT OF CEYLON. 353

ropes passed round them covering the whole belly, and a large

number of sailors, winding them up with the windlass, hoist

them inside the vessel.

| They swim well, keeping their trunks above water. They

- delight in bathing themselves, and can show their swiftness

by running very quickly. They lie down like other animals,

roll over occasionally, and get up with great dexterity. A

child can order them about, but they want to be praised.

Nobody must despise them or abuse them. The driver sits

a straddle upon the neck of the animal, and steers it easily

with a small hook, wherewith he pricks it behind the

ears.

In Arrakan, Pegu, and other places, the highest personages

travel upon elephants to show their wealth and position.

The animals have tents upon their back, wherein the nobles

can sit, lie down, sleep, eat, and drink in comfort.

Many apes, baboons, and cunning monkeys are found in

the forests of Cezlon, which, whenever we went out for a

walk, amused us very much with their queer grimaces and

long jumps. They have an intelligent way of taking the

young ones hanging from their neck with them, without

letting them fall when springing cleverly from one tree to

another. They make the roads very amusing for those who

take a walk, but they do great damage to trees and fruits.

They pluck kokes nuts from the trees, drink the water, eat

the kernel, and throw the remainder down upon passers-by.

They also drink the extracted sury out of the bourboesen,

which are hung up in the trees for this purpose.

They are caught with klappus nuts in which asmall hole is

made, whilst the kernel inside is loosened. The monkey

arrives, puts his hand into the nut to get a piece of the

kernel, but then the natives rush up and catch them. There

are so many, that they are often sold to our people for

two stivers apiece.

Some of the Indians, who worship the monkeys as some-

thing divine, have wonderful fables and stories to relate

about them, and they tell them with the gravest face.

dod JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XT.

Big Satirs, or Bavians, are also found in Cezlon: the

natives usually call them Orang Octans, or wild bushmen.

They resemble human beings very much in figure and

intelligence. Their backs and loins are covered with hair ;

in front they are hairless. The females have two protu-

berent mammez on the chest. The face is ugly, with a flat

nose, the ears resembling those of a human being. As a

rule they are very muscular, very fast, and courageous.

They stand up even against an armed man. They are very

lustful after women, who therefore in Ceilon are not safe

from these Orang Oetans when passing through a forest,

because they have to fear assault and rape.

When caught with ropes and tamed, they are taught to

walk on their hind legs, and to do all sorts of things, even

work in the house with their forelegs, which are like hands,

to clean glasses, to fill them, and to turn the spit.

They know also when there is a chance to get hold of

something good, and to take a little rest whilst eating it.

We might give our readers a good many stories about the

wonderful things we have seen done by apes, and large

monkeys ; but considering the time and trouble it would

entail, we shall leave the apes to their friends, and again take

up the thread of the description of our journey.

No. 40.—1890.] EMBASSY TO KANDY, 1671. 350

HENRICUS VAN BYSTERVELT’S* EMBASSY

TO KANDY.

TRANSLATED FROM THE DutcH By F. H. pE Vos, Esq., Advocate.

TRANSLATION.

v4) REPORT written according to orders from the

$41 Hon. Rycloff van Goens, Ordinary Councillor of

India, Governor, Admiral and Commander-

in-Chief of this Island of Ceylon, with the

Dependencies thereof, by me, the undersigned

Henricus van Bystervelt, having journeyed to the Court of

Candia on February 22 of this year [1671 A.D.] to deliver to

His Majesty, Ragia Singa Raju, the letters which were

then handed over to me, including in short the principal

events, the conversation had by me at various times with

His Imperial Majesty, and further what was done in the

service of the Honourable Company during my stay at the

aforesaid court.

When I, the undersigned, had, after repeated application

and volunteering of my services, obtained from your Excel-

-lency, on February 21, leave to depart in the service of the

Honourable Company with a letter to greet His Imperial

Majesty, I, on the same day, started with Haccroegammene

Rale and Jasonder Rale, both Ambassadors from His Majesty,

and arrived about evening at the pass Nacklegam, where we

lodged the night. We left next morning, arriving at Gourbe-

vele, where we were received with great honour; and having

spent the night and starting from thence next morning, came to

Citawaecke the same day, when I was welcomed and received

* Regarding Henricus van Bystervelt, see Journal R.A.S. (¢.B.), Vol. XI,

No. 38, p. 149; Christophorus Schweitzer (Reysen), Dutch ed. (Utrecht,

1694), pp. 392-3 ; Ceylon Literary Register, Vol. IV., pp. 115-6.

306 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

in great state,in honour of the Honourable Company and Your:

Excellency, by the chiefs who were sent on Imperial orders.

The next morning I left for Ruanelle with the same

Singalese officers, viz., Dessawes, Raterales, Rales, and a very

largecompany of lascoreens, drummers (tablelineros ), drums,

trumpets, and elephants, who together escorted me in honour

of the Honourable Company and your Excellency, as far as

Ruanelle, where we arrived about evening, and remained

there one night.

Leaving in the morning, arrived on the 25th at Bornou ;

and having spent the night there we left in the morning, and

when we had been on the way about six miles, as I thought,

from Ruanelle, we saw from afar about nine or ten of our

men, who were prisoners, very naked and destitute. But about

evening we arrived, on the 26th, at Capuittewatia, where we

remained four nights, and on the last night left for Moligudde,

when we had to remain, on the orders of the Emperor, for

four nights and days. Thence on March 5 leaving for Kohon-

chitte, we slept there one night. The next day, being the

6th, we journeyed to Amprttie, where also we rested a night ;

and in the morning, being the 7th, left for Maoe (where we

lodged two nights in one of His Majesty’s courts or forts)

and proceeded on our journey to Candia, having been, so

far as 1 remember, fully seventeen days away since we left

Colombo.

Having waited with the letters for not more than four days,

I had the honour, on the fifth day, to appear before His

Majesty, and at the same time to present the letters given

me by Your Excellency, carrying them on my head in gold

salvers, which were first brought to my lodgings by His

Majesty’s Adigaars and other courtiers, and His Majesty

received the said letters out of the same with his Imperial

hands, and soon afterwards inquired about the health of

Your Excellency and Council.

No sooner had I answered him and paid him my respects

than I got a ring set with nineteen rubies, for which I

thanked His Majesty and did the courtesies, as best I could,

No. 40.—1890.] EMBASSY TO KANDY, 1671. dot

in the Cingalese manner ; with which the king said he was

well pleased, and none of the Hollanders and Portuguese

Ambassadors had spent such little time on the way, and come

up so soon to at once present the letters as I had done.

The evening drawing nigh, His Majesty requested me to

go to my lodgings, which were close to His Majesty’s court ;

for the Emperor would have the letters read to him the

same night, and in the morning I had to be ready to appear

before His Majesty. Butthat day was postponed, on account

of their pagan superstitions about evil days, for three clear

weeks.

And when I then appeared before His Majesty, he apolo-

gised and showed great satisfaction and pleasure at the

contents of the letters. At the same time His Majesty

ordered that as Your Excellency had not received through

the late Ambassador Hendrick Draack, of blessed memory,

any Imperial letter and seal, that I should be sent by the

first opportunity, with the greatest honour and respect, with

his royal order and all the prisoners, who before this were

kept at Avandore, the more so as they had been so long

detained without his order. The king would also hand over

to the Honourable Company the deserters who from time to

time had run away. And there was also a thief who had

not long made off with two horses. This thief and the

horses would also go with me, and soon afterwards the

people of Mature, as they were many, and the Emperor was

armed for inland tumults or waking sleeping dogs. He

would first give them new clothes and arms and order each

to goto his former place and station.

But His Majesty said, at the same time, in my presence,

that his trusty Hollanders were faithful servants, and that he

still esteemed them as such, and that his courtiers all stood

there, but that they were unreasonable men, and His Majesty

showed ten times more love for his trusty Hollanders than

for his own nation.

The Emperor also said that he was alone and already

advanced in years, but he called God as his witness that no one

308 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

should after his death govern and rule his kingdom save his

trusty Hollanders, for the reason that his subjects so long

as he had known them had been rebelling in his kingdom

with that object.

_ After these words I was presented with a gold chain by

His Majesty, which I thankfully and politely received ; and

shortly afterwards the Emperor ordered it to be interpreted

that I was fortune and good luck itself, and that no one in

his kingdom was more fortunate than I; and I must under-

stand that I should not have to wait any longer like others,

but that he would despatch with me, with their own free

will, all the Ambassadors who had lived there so long, that

Your Excellency may receive from them all the more certain

and faithful reports about everything, and be no longer

misled by false reports.

The Emperor further said that he would not enter into a

treaty of eternal peace with his trusty Hollanders, as from

that hour such a peace was in his kingdom,and God grant

nothing else save that it should always continue.

When I appeared for the third time before His Majesty,

his officers, high and low, were within in large numbers,

and they all brought their tribute, and His Majesty showed

great respect and honour. His Majesty said that the cause

of my detention had been His Imperial New Year, but

that I should have to remain no longer, and would soon

receive leave to depart, as was before this ordered. His

Majesty would further, as he said, present the Council in

the Fatherland with a costly gem, which was so cosily,

and of such value that it could not be paid for with any

kingdom ; and other precious stones to the General, and a fine

elephant with tusks, and some diamonds, for the Governor.

His Majesty also declared that he had heard that the Hon.

van Goens, Junior, had come from the Fatherland to govern

his kingdom ; at which the Emperor testified in my presence

in words, and called God to witness, that he was pleased in

His Imperial heart, that he burnt for victory, but that he

dare not outwardly show it to his own people. The Emperor

No. 40.—1890.] EMBASSY TO KANDY, 1671. 309

would also send to the honourable son valuable presents,—yea,

he declared that he was so disposed towards Your Excellency

and Your Excellency’s son, as before this he was towards

the late Admiral Hulft, of blessed memory. He said further,

that he had heard that Your Excellency was to go to Batavia

as General. He wished you every happiness and blessing as

such, and said that they must be quite respectable and

qualified persons who were sent on such a stately mission

from the Fatherland, which was a glory and honour to the

Emperor and his kingdom, in which he showed great

pleasure.

But His Majesty was sure, as Your Excellency had so long

ruled in his kingdom so faithfully and well, that you

would not leave it without previously giving His Majesty

notice of your departure. He also said he well knew the

disposition of Heer van Goens, Junior, and that he could even

now show letters written by him from Saffragam, from which

he had gained sufficient knowledge of his work and adminis-

tration.

Finally, His Majesty asked me to return to my lodgings ;

which I did, after the usual courtesies.

When I appeared for the fourth time before His Majesty, he

at once asked me how I was, whether I had everything I

desired, and whether I had orders from Your Excellency to

bring anything else to his Imperial notice. Whereupon I

answered that I was, and still am, well, and disposed to serve

His Majesty and the Honourable Company, and that I lacked

for nothing, for which I was thankful,—yea, that I had

reported everything to His Majesty faithfully and honestly;

and that the only thing wanted was that His Majesty should

be pleased to send away our imprisoned and Ambassadors

without expense and danger, as sought and demanded by

Your Excellency. Whereupon the Emperor asked by what

road I desired to go to Colombo, and I answered, as it suited

the Emperor’s will and pleasure, And His Majesty at once,

in my presence, ordered a servant of His Imperial court to

write and despatch olas, so that the roads should be cleared,

260 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL XI.

and lodgings built on the road by which I should return, with

the Imperial orders, our imprisoned [countrymen], and

presents.

Finally I returned to my lodgings. No sooner had I gone

in, than a packet was sent to me with great honour by His

Majesty, in which were various linen cloths, and other things

as per ola | list], which I thankfully took in on my head,

thereby showing in what esteem I regarded His Majesty’s

present, and with what humility the same was accepted

by me.

When I appeared for the fifth time before His Majesty, he

said that everything was ready, and that nothing was done in

His Imperial Court for two days, except writing the report

which was to go with me, together with the captives, and

Ambassadors, to His Excellency, and that I should certainly

depart in two or three days to Colombo, and that I was to

consider that I was already there with all our imprisoned

and Ambassadors.

And at the same time there was presented to me by His

Majesty a cutlass, which I accepted in honour of His Majesty,

and for the service of the Honourable Company, with

respectful reverence, and when I hastily drew it, the Emperor

and his Adigaars shouted with great astonishment in the

Cingalese manner: “Wy willen zoo niet. Wy willen zoo

niet.” (‘We do not mean that.”)

But a little while after the Emperor said that two of his

chief courtiers were present, before whom I need not be afraid,

and if I was afraid the Emperor gave me my choice and wish

and said, “‘ See, there are three of your own nation, select the

one you think most trustworthy in interpretation, if you are

charged with any secret mission, com fiat.* Let us quietly

go to our Imperial inner room,” saying that he was disposed

to speak with me the whole night. I thanked His Majesty

and excused myself, saying that I had nothing further to

tell than what I had already truly and faithfully reported.

* (Sic) Confide in me?

No. 40.—1890.] EMBASSY TO KANDY, 1671. d61

Whereupon His Majesty said that no one in the world had

given such an honest report to His Majesty as myself, yea,

one which agreed so well in every respect with the contents

of the letters, and it was as if I had read the same to his

Majesty. ;

After which conversation I returned to my quarters

with pleasure ; but his courtiers have always plied me with

women and wine, and day by day sought to set me these two

traps. Nevertheless I have, for fear of my freedom and life,

always refused and repelled them ; but notwithstanding this

the same courtiers have brought wine whether I will or no,

praying that I should drink the health of the Emperor and

Your Excellency. I ordered my lascoreens to pour the

wine out of the bottle into a goblet and fill it again with

water ; but to preserve the bad smell of the wine I rubbed

and sprinkled my hands and the bottle with the wine, so

that they should not find out my trick. Lastly, having

informed my lascoreens, I proceeded to drink the health of

the Emperor and Your Excellency, and that not a little, with

water, sufficient to break through dykes, and wash away

houses. The courtiers tried in vain to make me take to

the drink and women, as I pretended to be so drunk as not

to be able to stand ; but God the Lord so directed my tongue

with respect to the Emperor and the Honourable Company,

that some of them said ir Singalese,that I was a horra, that

is “a traitor,’ on which I drew my cutlass and wanted to cut

them down, when they all fled and no one remained with me.

After this the courtiers did not come with their wine for

some days, but afterwards offered me it again. I said

I was not used to it, but that if they had any French wine

they might bring it; if not, I thanked them all the same;

and thus I saw no more of the wine.

About six or seven days afterwards, I again appeared before

His Majesty, and wasa little surprised when I had understood

the contents of the various o/as which had been sent to His

Majesty, from which it appeared that the Hollanders had

gone so far out of their fort to commit some wrongs upon the

362 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VouL. XI.

Wannias; which expedition was unsuccessful. Also that

the chief of Jaffnapatnam and some officers and soldiers,

altogether about thirty, were killed, the rest having fled.

Nevertheless the Emperor said that I should be sent away

to announce to Your Excellency his Imperial affection and

regard, which the Emperor has always shown before this, and

still showed, to his trusty Hollanders in my presence, and

although this had happened, the Emperor said that his trusty

Hollanders had stolen his Imperial heart, and that therefore

he could not be angry or offended; for the Emperor said

there was not a man before him or before the Honourable

Company, who did not believe absolutely that the same took

place without orders from Your Excellency, his trusty

Governor; and God forbid that Your Excellency should —

send out a force to revenge yourself; they had brought it

about on themselves, for they are beasts who dwell in the

woods and wilds, and never hold converse with men.

The Emperor having uttered these words, I returned to

my quarters, on the orders of His Majesty.

A few days after I had appeared before His Majesty there

came to me in the middle of the night about fifteen to sixteen

chiefs, with a dead fowl and a stinking elk, which they

presented to me, saying, ‘“ We chiefs are come to you on the

orders of His Majesty to present you with an elk; in that

the Emperor has always been much pleased with the letters,

with you, and with all the Hollanders, he could not, and

should not, neglect from day to day to make more and more

presents to the honour of the Honourable Company.”

Adding that the Emperor had also presented such a beast to

the Ambassador Draak, of blessed memory. To which I

replied, and acknowledged that, although a private indi-

vidual, I had enjoyed the greatest honour from His Majesty,

for which I was bound to be thankful ; and asked the chiefs

to bring in the elk, which was done. No sooner, however,

had those who brought the elk removed the cloth, than they

all ran away without taking leave, except two, who remained

to hear what I had to say, and to witness my pleasure and

No. 40.—1890.] EMBASSY TO KANDY, 1671. d635

gratitude to the Emperor for such a present. This greatly

astonished and gratified these two, and they said that they

must themselves, or through another, acquaint His Majesty

of this. Whereupon they left, and I desired to accompany

them a little outside the door, which they would not

hear of.

I at once took my leave and went to the stinking beast, and

called the lascoreens of the watch to skin it; which was

done. After skinning it, I took the four feet and the same

night distributed them among the chiefs who kept watch

round my quarters, viz., one Oedepalate Dessave, one Tompine

Raterale, one Oedenoere Fale, one Jadenoere Rale,and Hac-

crougammene Fale, addressing them thus: “As you have

kept watch round my lodgings so long in honour of the

Honourable Company and my person, necessarily you cannot

partake of the presents from His Majesty. Therefore I ask

that having accepted such present in honour of His Majesty,

you should take the same and eat it to the honour of His

Majesty and his health.” And they, rising from their sleep,

received it and held Council all night till daybreak : then

the chiefs caused the flesh to be cut up, and distributed

among their lascoreens.

But I kept for myself the tongue and heart, and told the

chiefs that the Emperor’s tongue and heart were always

true and upright towards his trusty Hollanders, and that I

should use the same to eat to the health of His Majesty. His

Majesty’s guards at once communicated this to His Majesty,

through a certain courtier, who brought me my food daily

on the orders of the Emperor. I said at the same time that

I should be glad to be soon sent away. Whereupon the

guards replied that my departure was certainly nigh, and

that I should be ready at any hour, as there was wanting

nothing but His Majesty’s order.

I have always shown acheerful and friendly face; and

having waited some weeks, I desired again to appear before

the Emperor, which was promised me by many messengers,

with thousands of lies from day to day.

8-95 E

364 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VOL. XI.

But some time after the messages and lies I was, by

my repeated requests, about three months after the gift

of the stinking beast, allowed to appear before the

Emperor, in another place, in the same Court: which

place appeared inpregnable and quite fortified to resist

with his little bodyguard all the forces of his kingdom.

He had girded his Imperial loins with a great heavy

sword mounted with gold, and in his right hand he hada

small halberd. On the same side stood two rare field-pieces,

curiously wrought, and on the left, and behind the Emperor,

were many Cingalese weapons, such as javelins and bows.

For some time the Emperor hid them a little behind

his Imperial chair, and caused inquiry to be made after my

health, and said further that the cause of my having to

remain so long had been because the Hollanders do not await

his Imperial commands and orders ; which, if they had done,

the Honourable Company would long have had what it wanted.

He also showed some displeasure at the closing of his ports,

and taking away of his subjects. But his Imperial heart, as

he said, could not yet be roused against his trusty Hollanders.

Whereupon I said that although it appeared that the Hollan-

ders had done this on the orders of your Excellency, it never-

theless so happened for the sake of revenge, in return for what

the rascals and traitors, with their lies and treachery, had done

at Arandore and Ruanelle; and His Majesty’s honourable and

trusty Admiral, thus sought nothing save punishing the

traitors in this manner to save His Majesty, his kingdom, and

his life. Whereupon the Emperor said that he had called

me to write a letter to Your Excellency, as we were all

mortals before God, wherever we were, and whether I served

in Candia or Colombo, it was a service for the Honourable

Company. Whereupon I remarked that His Majesty was

rightand I congratulated myself that the king had sought my

services,—yea, that I was always ready to serve His Majesty

and the Honourable Company in everything. The Emperor

then said that he expected it from me, for that I knew how the

Emperor was and is still in every way disposed towards his

No. 40.—1890.] EMBASSY TO KANDY, 1671. 365

‘Honourable and trusty Governor and the Hollanders, as he had

said before this; he had such an Imperial heart towards Your

Excellency as he had towards Heer Hulft of blessed memory,

whom he said he cautioned against going out for seven days,

which if Heer Hulft had not done, he would not have been

wounded unto death. But His Majesty’s warning was in

vain, as he truly found to his cost.

In the meantime the Emperor walked up and down within,

and ordered that I should be presented with a silver plate,

through a courtier, which the Emperor himself commanded

that I should accept. Whereupon I took it, and thanked His

Majesty and did obeisance according to the custom. There-

after | was ordered by the Emperortoreturn tomy house and at

once to write a letter to Your Excellency about all I had seen

and heard, saying that I should appear again in the morning,

and first show the letter to the Emperor; and that I should not

forget to write that the people from Mature would be first sent

with my letter, and if the Emperor saw that the Hollanders

were a little quiet and kept themselves in check,then would be

sent with me all our Ambassadors and imprisoned, by the

first opportunity.

I then came back to my house and got the letter ready,

as the Emperor said, that the people from Mature should go

at the same time with the letter.

But in consequence of the manifold duties which hindered

the Emperor, the day was put off, and my letter was ready to

be presented to His Majesty ; which being reported to the

Emperor, he sent me an Adigaar and two Mohoterales to bring

the same to him. But I did not like to hand it over, but to

present it personally to His Majesty, as the Emperor had

60 requested me. I therefore sought the honour to present

it personally to the Emperor, which was announced to the

Emperor by the two WVohoterales, and I awaited with the

Adigaars the Imperial order, which the two Mohoterales

were to bring. Order was brought that the Adigaar should

remain with me till next morning, and that we should then

appear with the letter, that it pleased his Imperial heart that

E 2

366 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

I had sought the honour for myself; but that day was also

put off and messengers were sent to tell me that His Majesty

was hindered, and that the days were not good. This delay

lasted three and half weeks, and the messengers who,

within this period, came day by day, to make excuses for the

Emperor, remained in my house to await further orders.

In the meantime there were sent to me (as the chief said, on

the orders of the Emperor) a silver inkstand and hour glass,

with pen and penknife, and all other belongings to write

with. And I had to receive the same as being, the chief

said, a Secretary of the Emperor. Whereupon I resolved to

accept the inkstand and its belongings, but as I said for the

honour of the king and to the service of the Honourable

Company. The chiefs replied that it was well and good,.

and that they would report the same to the Emperor.

But these same chiefs being two Adigaars, two Dessaves,

three Mohoterales, with two Hollanders, and two Portuguese,

also said that they had orders to read and interpret to me an

ola through the Hollanders and Portuguese ; which was done..

The Cingalese first held Council one with another, and after

consultation, and listening, sat close together. The contents

of the ola was as follows :—Signor Dom Joan de Costa

Monamperyy Rajapasse Modiace has written this on the orders:

of His Honour (Governor) to the chief of Hijtewaecke called

Bemmewatte Tinneconnerale, the said Dom Joan advising that

Golahelle would within a few days be sent with a letter from

His Honour to present the same to the high and mighty

Kmperor ; and that His Honour and Council were well, and

His Honour remained a faithful servant of the Emperor, and

Dom Joan was and remains one of the most obedient servants.

of the same Emperor; ending with compliments to me.

The ola was dated Monday, September 5, 1671, in the Imperial

Fort,Colombo. Having informed me of the contents of this o/a,,.

they returned to report what had taken place to the Emperor.

Nevertheless I was summoned with all the messengers

who had been sent, as before stated, three and a half

weeks after the appointed day. I had to take my letter

‘No. 40.—1890.] EMBASSY TO KANDY, 1671. 367

with me to showit; which I did. Having walked in, I made

obeisance, and the Emperor asked after my health, and I, as

before, said that I was ready and well to serve the Honour-

able Company and His Majesty, as is the duty of all faithful

servants. The Emperor hereupon replied that he was

“satisfied and pleased, and might God grant to all Hollanders

good health or such a disposition. Whereupon the chiefs all

together shouted in my presence, and sought to wage war

with the Hollanders. But the Emperor said that he would

not order that, and it could not be, as his trusty Hollanders

had come to his kingdom on his invitation and that their

fidelity was known to him ; when His Majesty was busy in

open warfare with the Portuguese, the Hollanders only were

and still are the protectors and defenders of his Imperial

person. Whereupon I answered that the Honourable Com-

pany was always kindly disposed towards His Majesty, and

ready to defend His Majesty’s kingdom and life. And I urged

further that His Majesty ought to release our imprisoned out of

the hands of the traitors; and more that our Ambassadors,

messengers (portedeurs ), and others were detained, which was

the greatest wrong and disgrace to such a generous and wise

Emperor; and that the detention of our people did not comport

with Imperial affection for the Honourable Company; but that

such would fully be shown by sending them away. Where-

upon the Emperor said that I must write a letter to Battecaloa,

_JSaffanapatnam, Cotjaer, and to the chiefs of those places, that

there was peace between the Emperor and his trusty Holland-

-ers; and, if I commanded and ordered in the letter, that they

must abandon hostilities and return to their former stations

_and forts, he (the Emperor) said, he had no doubt that such

order would be obeyed. Whereupon I replied that I was not

‘come to do that but to deliver over to His Majesty the letters

and papers, as had been done openly, before the whole world ;

that the Honourable Company did not desire to desert His

Majesty, but was disposed to assist him against his enemies,

and to show His Majesty by writing and verbally how the

‘rascals and traitors have misled our people by their perfidy

368 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XT.

and to hear how His Majesty may have resolved to live with

them, and if the Emperor fails to send them back, free of cost

and securely, that the Honourable Company will be obliged

to take its revenge by land and water, on those rascals, who

the Honourable Company knows, are guilty, and the Honour-

able Company would in that case so surround His Majesty’s

land, that the rascals and traitors will not be able to escape or

flee, and all this, the better to secure His Majesty’s kingdom

and life. Further I declared to His Majesty that I had

delayed nine months, for the service of His Majesty and the

Honourable Company, but I thought that I was from the first

as near my departure as I was now. And I also said, as

regards the desire of His Majesty’s chiefs to make war, that

they were free to do so, but I assured him that they would

not find His Majesty’s trusty Hollanders asleep, and that they

cannot mislead them with their treachery, as they know the

knavish tricks of the Cingalese. Thereafter, at the same time

Tasked, by the order of His Majesty, how he would be pleased

to despatch me, and said that if he did not do so I should at

once die for the service of the Honourable Company and the

honour of His Majesty, before I should betake myself from

His Imperial Court.

The king then stood for an hour, as if agitated and

astonished, without speaking a word, casting up his eyes

to heaven, then down upon the earth, and shrugging his

shoulders. But I continued my address about the Emperor

and his chiefs, and said: ‘‘ All you who stand there have no.

strength and courage to put me down ; whereas I alone have

the courage to annihilate you!” There was then in my

presence, besides the Cingalese, one Gale Mohoterale of the

Imperial Court, a faithful servant of the Emperor and inter--

preter for the Honourable Company.

But one Diony Gens, a native of Denmark, must rightly

be called by me a beast of beasts, and a born traitor

to his own blood, who dared to say certain words in

my presence to the following effect:—The Hollanders,,.

when they are here, always speak soft words, but behind.

No. 40.—1890.] EMBASSY TO KANDY, 1671. 369

the back of the king they speak nothing but abuse

and calumny. Whereupon, I, in the presence of the king

and all the chiefs, threatened to crush him; but lifting up

my hand I saw his beard and gray hair, and asked him not

to speak again without orders from His Majesty. But the

traitor said that he had already been there twenty-one years,

and he did not feel sorry for it.

And I again spoke to the Emperor in Portuguese anc said,

that if His Majesty was not pleased to at once give me leave to

go, sought, at that very hour, to die in His Imperial presence,

for I had resolved to no longer sit as a prisoner and criminal.

The king then gave me leave, and ordered that I could depart

when I wished, and that I could take my leave and go to my

house. But I had first to hear an ola, that was then interpreted

to me, and, not to forget the contents of the same, I was

ordered to copy it, and to report to Your Excellency,

on the orders of the Emperor; which also I did. No

sooner had I come out, than I threw the letter which I was

enjoined to write to Your Excellency before my feet, and my

lascoreens took it up and brought it to the house. |

The next day there came courtiers to me and asked why I

had yesterday thus thrown the letter down. I replied that I had

before this hoped and believed that I should be sent away with

the customary Imperial gifts and presents, and the Ambas-

sadors and all our imprisoned, as the Emperor had promised

with his mouth; but that notwithstanding everything, I had

only received leave to withdraw ; and that I would faithfully

and honestly report to Your Excellency what I had heard

and seen. |

Next morning about midday, I expected the Imperial

order, and, as no order came that day, I informed His Majesty

through my guards that I had been and still was ready to

depart, and that I was making arrangements with that end.

These same guards came about evening and asked, on the

orders of the Emperor, how many coolies (coolien) I required

for the transport of my luggage, that the gentlemen (J/on-

sieurs) would give as many as I wished, but the chiefs said that

370 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XI.

even if I wanted a thousand, or a thousand and a half, there

would be no lack of them, and they could be given me. Where-

upon, I answered that seven or eight coolies would be

sufficient. The chiefs then said :—“ You will depart in the

morning on the orders of the Emperor to Colombo, and you

will be pleased to report there what you have seen, and what

happened on the way.” Whereupon I replied that I hoped

so, and that I was bound to report the orders of His Majesty

faithfully and honestly to your Excellency.

Then the chiefs went away, and I longed for the morning

again ; but it was the same falsehood I had heard from them

the whole time I was up there.

The next day I again ordered my officers of the watch

to notify to His Majesty that I was ready ; which the chiefs

before-mentioned undertook to do, and did. But the

aforesaid chiefs reported to me that there were still some

coolies wanting who had to be got together, and that in the

morning there would certainly be nothing more wanted.

These messengers having first left, returned a little while

afterwards, on the orders of His Majesty ; but were ashamed,

and would tell no more lies.

They thereupon brought with them Anthonius d’Orte, and

Paulus of Copenhagen, who said that they had been sent by

the HKmperor to keep me company, as I was alone, and if I

was not satisfied and not willing to remain there, I should

certainly depart next morning. The two persons above-

named said also, “God grant that we be sent away for

certain”; whilst speaking these words, the tears burst out of

their eyes, and they wept bitterly. They sought my assistance

in money, which I gave them, according to my means and

the order of your Excellency, in the presence of the chiefs

and my two lascoreens, for which they most gratefully

thanked the Honourable Company and myself.

These two men also told me in the course of conversation

that the Emperor had caused Vandenbergh to be beheaded ;

because he, Francois Vandenbergh, who had been in the

service of the Emperor as Commander-in-Chief of his

No. 40.—1890.] EMBASSY TO KANDY, 1671. 371

forces, had, without orders, written some letters to Jaffna

_.and Coetjaer, &c., which were seized between the Fourth

-and Fifth Grdvet, and at once placed in the hands of the

Emperor. Whereupon the accused, aforesaid, had to appear

before His Majesty ; but denied that he could read the letter,

nor did he acknowledge that he wrote it: yet Vandenbergh

-as stated before was judicially punished.

The same Anthonij and Paulus said that not long

ago there was a conspiracy to poison the Emperor, and

poison was put into his food by his own people. The

Emperor became aware of this, and caused his stewards

and cooks, from the highest to the very lowest, to be

publicly impaled, hanged, and thrown before the elephant ;

-and that therefore he has no one of his own nation in

his Court, but foreign nations, such as Portuguese, Moors,

Caffres, Malabars, and other black races, such as coast fishers

from the Continent, and fishers from Madura, whom the

Emperor always first ordered to taste his Imperial food and

drink ; that having eaten and drunk of the tested food, they

had to sleep for clear three hours; and when they arose,

they were asked whether they had any pain in their bodies.

If there was no such complaint the Emperor also proceeded

to eat and drink of the tested food and drink.

And the same Paulus and Anthoni said—and even other

_ chiefs of the Emperor’s own race called Rana Mohotale and

Jadenoere Rale, &c.—that the Emperor suspecting that Draack

of blessed memory was poisoned, because he was so swollen,

caused some thirty to forty Cingalese to be put to death. |

They said further that the Emperor was now and then drunk,

and then many had the misfortune to lose their lives ; but

- that murders were always of the great before I had come to

Candia; that whilst I resided in Kandy not more than two

-or three at the most were killed, as the Emperor had, ina

way, some pity for the poor and needy. They said further

that they were certain that the Emperor kept up his weak

_and unstable government simply on account of the fear which

the traitors have for the arms of the Honourable Company.

al2 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou XT.

They then took leave of me, and I asked them to

tell the Emperor truthfully that I was ready, and that I

relied on his Imperial promise, which he himself had given

me, otherwise that I would still desire to lose my life for:

the service of the Honourable Company and the honour of

the Emperor, as I had proposed to His Majesty the last time

I appeared before him, and that then, as now, I was prepared

to keep my word. Finally, they took their leave, and I

accompanied them to the gate of my house, and they betook

themselves to the Imperial Court to acquaint His Majesty

with what I had told them.

No sooner was it day than the Emperor said to some

of his chiefs “Alas! there are some coolies wanting to

carry the baggage, and it has also rained much.” Wherefore

I at once said “Fiat, let there be no coolies!” and I

caused all the presents of the Emperor to be brought out-.

side the house, and placed them on a white cloth, and I

asked my lascoreens to call together Dessave Oedepalate,

Tompune Raterale, Oedenoere’ Raterale, and two other

frales. When they came to me, I said: “ You wished yester-

day that I should ask for a thousand or a thousand and a

half coolies ;” (and as there were wanting only a few, as I had

to go away) “you are not yet ashamed of your lies [adding ]

that I,in order that the Imperial word should be true, would

abandon the presents seen by them, if coolies are not brought

to [carry ] them; and that as regards the rain which had fallen,

it could not frighten me, but that I would out of love obey and

carry out the order of the Emperor (whether it were to go

through fire and water), and that in the service of the Honour-

able Company.” The chiefs, who kept watch outside my court,,

wished that the presents be hidden or locked up. Whereupon

I tore my shirt and Cingalese clothes in anger, and put on my

Dutch clothes, thus to go to the Emperor ; which I did not do,.

as all the chiefs bowed down before me.

Thereupon, I received orders from the Emperor himself ;

but I delayed four days on account of the rain and other

obstacles. During this time I and my lascoreens suspected.

No. 40.—1890.] EMBASSY TO KANDY, 1671. B13»

that the milk brought to us by the chiefs was poisoned, in

consequence of which neither the dogs nor the coolies.

would take it; and I must say that never before for eight

months had I seen such milk as that which the chiefs had

brought for four days after my taking leave of the Emperor.

My lascoreens were for complaining, but I told them not to

do it, as we were on the point of departing ; which we did

on the fifth day after obtaining leave from the Emperor.

Anthony d@Orte and Paulus, of Copenhagen, came with.

some chiefs and said that the Emperor had ordered my

luggage to be strapped up, and that I should at once go

to the Court with them, as the Emperor was out, and

that I should there take leave; as happened. I did the

courtesies before the Emperor from a little distance, in the

Dutch and Cingalese fashion, shouting with a loud voice

under the blue sky, “God grant His Majesty long health

and prosperity to the exaltation of his Imperial name and

fame,” and falling.a second time on the earth cried out in

a loud voice, ‘“‘ God the Lord, preserve His Majesty’s honour-

able and trusty Governor, who resides within the Imperial

Fort of Colombo, and grant him lasting health and pros-

perity,” and falling for the third time to the ground, shouted,

“God the Lord grant the Emperor lasting and prosperous

peace with his trusty Hollanders, by means of which the

lands and ports of His Majesty and the Honourable Company

may flourish and increase.” Lastly I thanked His Majesty

with all gratitude for the Imperial gifts which I had received

from His Majesty for the honour of the Honourable

Company.

Thereupon I left, but not without distributing some money,

given to me for the purpose by the Honourable Company,

among the people who stood there in the open,our Ambassadors.

and other poor people. First of all I assisted Paulus, of Copen-

hagen, and Anthonij d’Orte, who complained and cried

out, and Fvancois Has and Toedecolle ; also to some English,

French, and Hollanders, whom I did not know, I gave Portu--

guese money, and asked them to drink with it to the health

lA JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

of the Honourable Company. Whereupon many cried out,

“God preserve the Honourable Company always, and the

Ambassador.”

I left Kanckerancketenoere akout 2.30, being Friday after-

noon, and for my escort there were Oedepalate Dessave (who

everyone said had saved the life of the Emperor when his

own people were against him), Hgullitijraterale, Atiana-

corale, and four or five Arachies and their lascoreens, but

without drums. We remained the night at Pallana about,

I think, 24 hours from Kanckerancketenoere ; but found that

for four months there had been great dearth of salt and

cloth, about which I had often heard complaints against the

Emperor whilst in Candia, and on my return not only from

the chiefs but also from the common people.

Leaving Pallana in the morning I arrived in the evening

at Moligudde, when EHgullityraterale was on the way,

sent by Oedepalate to report to the Emperor that I had put

on my Cingalese clothes to appear before Your Excellency, as

I had promised the Emperor.

I remained here a night and left in the morning, and came

to Kapuittewatte, where Iremainedanight. Oedepalate took

leave of us between Moligudde and Kapuittewatte; but I

sought first to take my leave of the king, which I did, and I

used the same words which I had uttered about the Emperor

and his Court. And this Oedepalate, after many blessings

and embraces, left us with sorrow, and showed towards the

Emperor and the Honourable Company, inwardly and

outwardly, his good disposition, as he always showed whilst

at the watch and on the march with me.

I have on the way seen and heard that the Cingalese

above the great hill to Candia were not men, but craftier than

beasts, and were more favourably disposed towards the

Emperor than towards his chiefs, because they so pillage and

plunder that nothing is left for the sustenance of the people ;

but on this side belowthe hill the Cingalese desire the arrival

of Hollanders, and would take them on their heads. Because

the government of the Emperor is not good, but the

No. 40.—1890.] uMBASSY TO KANDY, 1671. 375

Honourable Company would be to them a solace and

pleasure, for the maintenance of their wives and children

by its good government; not that I heard such complaints.

only on the way, but also in Candia, when in the Imperial

Court.

Leaving in the morning for Ruanelle, | we] saw on the way

two or three of our men who were prisoners, but, as before

said, naked and bare almost like wild men. In the evening we

came to Ruanelle, where, having remained the night, we left

for Citawaacke, which we reached about evening. The chief

of the place, Bemmewatte Tinneconnerale, sent his under-

officers to me to ask whether I would spend the night there,

and, however I was disposed, it would please him if I did go,

as I had come away on the Emperor’s order. He had,

according to his confession, no authority to receive me, and I

answered and said if the gentlemen (Zonszeurs) so desired, I

was, and am, ready for the service of the Honourable Com-

pany. Whereupon his officers asked, on the order of the said

Bemmewatte, whether we were not tired, and whether my

feet were not sore: but I replied again that I was ready and felt

no painand fatigue, notwithstanding the heavyrain, Mean-.

while the evening drew near, so Sr. Tinneconnerale asked

me to spend the night there (which I did); and I could

in the morning depart comfortably to Orwevel: so the afore-

said Bemmewatta recommended and asked me to do, as.

there would be fewer leeches.

Whereupon I left in the morning with an escort of the

following officers : Attanakorale, two Arachies of Oedepalate

with their lascoreens, who had escorted me from above to:

the last gravet of Hijtewacke. There came also Si. Tinne-

connerale with all his lascoreens, as an escort to the Honour-

able Company and myself as far as the last gravel. Here the:

aforesaid people took their leave, and returned to the hills, and

Sr. Tenneconnerale enjoined his officers and lascoreens that

they should lead me to Orwevel, Thereupon I again sought

to take my leave first from the Emperor, afterwards from

the aforesaid chief, which was done. Leaving that place I

346 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

arrived in the afternoon at Orwevel, where a volley was

fired in honour of my arrival, and I was received and

‘welcomed by the officers.

Having rested here a night, I left with a sergeant and six

‘soldiers for Colombo, and having come close to the pass

Nacklegam, 1 was welcomed and received by a certain

-captain-lieutenant.

About 2 o’clock in the afternoon on Friday I returned

safe here; and finding and seeing your Excellency in good

health, I was so glad that I could not restrain myself, and

was therefore not able to give your Excellency a full and

‘satisfactory report of what I had at one time heard with my

ears, and at another time seen with my eyes.

According to my suspicions, the king showed (asalso appear-

ed from many other circumstances) that he would, if he could,

turn bankrupt and give up his business and flee to no one else

save his trusty Hollanders and the Honourable Company.

And certainly Gopale Modiace, who was a Moor, a man held

in high esteem by the Emperor and always friendly disposed

towards the Honourable Company, gave such indications.

Finally, the Company could not employ for such a journey

and embassy a man too bold or confident in speech, the bolder

and more confident the better for the Honourable Company

and the Emperor; as afrank and bold person can win the heart

of the Emperor, and that by his courage and honest reports.

In conelusion I declare that all I have written above is

the honest and plain truth ; but I ask that your Excellency

may be pleased to excuse and take into consideration my

want of intelligence and youth.

Signed and sealed by me on Sunday, the 15th November,

in the year 1671, in the Fort of Colombo, I who was, am, and

remain the most obedient servant and messenger of the

Honourable Company and your Excellency.

(Signed) HENRICUS VAN BYSTERVELT.

Actum ut supra 15th November, Anno 1681.

[ Lower, his usual signature, confirmed in red wax. ]

No. 40.—1890.] KURUNEGALA ROCKS. antl fi

THE ANIMAL-SHAPED ROCKS OF KURUNEGALA.*

By F. H. MoODDER.

(Read August 30, 1890.)

‘‘ Among these rocks and stones, methinks I see

More than the heedless impress that belongs

To lonely Nature’s casual work : they bear

A semblance strange of power intelligent,

And of design not wholly worn away.”

Hucursion.

(FS 2a Hi town of Kurunégala, the capital of the North-

) mX Western Province and the seat of the Govern-

WG ment Agency, is situated at the base of a con-

tiguous chain of rocks, which, from the fantastic

shapes into which their gigantic outlines have

‘been wrought by the action of the weather, and their fancied

resemblance to the animals which they are supposed to

represent, bear distinctive names. They are called Kida-gala,

“Blephant rock”; [bba-gala, “Tortoise rock”; Kuruminiya-

gala, “ Beetle rock ”; Andd-gala, “Hel rock”; EHluwd-gala,

“Goat rock”; Kimbula-gala, “ Crocodile rock”; and Kttini-

gala, “She-Elephant rock.” Goni-gala, “Sack rock,” and

Yakdessa-gala, *“*‘ She-Demon’s Curse,” complete the chain.

There is an isolated boulder standing opposite to the head

-of the imaginary stone elephant which the villagers designate

Lunu-keta, or “lump of salt,” and towards the Wenoruwewa

tank there is another rock called Kola-pelella, or “tat of

leaves.”

* T cannot adequately express my thanks to Mr. H. M. Ekanayaka, of

Galweheragama, Kurunégala District, for information on different points

-dwelt on in this Paper, and his willingness to afford me every assistance

to make it complete; to Mr. George de Silva, of the Public Works

Department, Kurunégala, for aiding me in the transcription of the pictorial

representations made by me on the spot ; to Dr. Modder, of Kégalla, for

-some of the legends embodied in this Paper ; and to Messrs. F. H. M. Corbet

and D. M. de Zilva Wickremesinghe, of the Colombo Museum, for their help

in obtaining valuable details from the Sinhalese and other works I have

“quoted. I beg to offer these gentlemen my grateful acknowledgements.

318 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VouL, XI..

Tradition has it that during a severe drought which visited

the District of Seven Korales before the granite hills were

placed in situ, the animals after whom they are named

made an incursion into the town in search of water in the-

direction of the Wenoruwewa tank. A venerable Sinhalese:

dame, sinking under the weight of years and infirmities,

fearing lest these formidable intruders might exhaust the

water supply of the town in quenching their thirst, and

considering that the animal to whom her attentions should

first be directed was the noble monarch of the forest, in-

geniously deposited a lump of salt before the elephant, who,

weak and famished, lay down and began licking the proferred

dainty ; while she improvised a tat of leaves and placed itso

as to screen off the tank from the sight of the thirsty monster..

This was only a temporary device to permit of the aged dame

devoting herself to prayers, and tendering her offering to the

gods toavertthe impending calamity. This she lost no time in

doing. Before the lump of salt could be appreciably reduced

in size the devotee’s petition was answered, and lo! the ruthless

invaders were petrified on the spot, while the tat of leaves

as well as the lump of salt were similarly transformed !

Apart from the legends and traditions connected with these:

gigantic cliffs, which would doubtless form an interesting

contribution to “Sermons in Stones,” they are remarkable in.

other respects.

Writers of books and papers on Ceylon, in describing the

chief features of Kurunégala, have never gone beyond the

third or fourth rock in the chain, and grave errors have

occasionally crept into the accounts. It is with a view of

collating all the attainable information available to me of an

authentic nature, and of rectifying, as far as lies in my power,

the mistakes into which previous writers have fallen, that

this Paper has been written.

The etymology of the name of the capital of the North-

Western Province is referred by some to the principal rock im

the town (Hia-gala), but there is a great diversity of opinion:

on this question.

No. 40.—1890. ] KURUNEGALA ROCKS. 379

Some derive it from the circumstance of a part of its original

inhabitants having! come over from Kurukshétra or Kururata (the

‘scene of the bloody wars between the Pandava and the Kaurava

princes) and settled there ; others from kuruni, “ bushel,” and gala,

“rock,” alleging that the dhatu, or tooth relic of Budha, was concealed

in a bushel under the cover of a rock somewhere in the neighbourhood ;

some again from the rock Kuru[mz]|niydgala, ‘“ Beetle rock,” on which

the Wiharé belonging to the place is situated ; but these derivations

are fanciful, and grounded on vague traditions. It would appear from

the works in the Elu and Pali languages that the name is formed of

an Elu compound Kuruna-gala, that is, “Elephant rock,” which the

Pali writers translate Hastiscula-poora.”

The last name, a misprint for Hastisailapura, is doubtless

the correct derivation, and that which is most generally

adopted.f

From the time when Kurunégala became the capital, and

even for hundreds of years after it was abandoned as such,

these stupendous rocks were held in great religious

veneration by the Sinhalese,:and so impressed were they by

their awful aspect that they refer to them in their sannas

and other old documents as symbols of eternity. For

instance, it was usual to insert a clause in the ancient grants

of lands in the District conveyed in perpetuity that such

lands were to be held ‘so long as the sun and moon, so long

as Eta-gala and Anda-gala, shall endure.”}

These rocks, which are the natural ramparts of the capital,

and no doubt once formed the impregnable defences of a

royal city, are the means,of sheltering the town from the

disagreeable influences of the monsoons, the effects of which

are greatly modified by them, so much so that one monsoon

can hardly be distinguished fromanother. In this connection

_* Casie Chitty, “Ceylon Gazetteer,” 1834, p. 145.

+ Hasti-saila (-sela) pura (-nagara), and Kurunégala mean one and

the same thing :—

Hasti, S. kuru, from kara, BE. “having a hand,” meaning proboscis ;

na, “elephant,” saila, S. sela, P. gala, B. “rock”; pura, HE. nagara, P. and

S. “town.”

¢ Sir J. Emerson Tennent’s “ Natural History of Ceylon,” p.168. Casie

Chitty gives the original and translation of two sannas in the Appendix

No. 1 to his work, containing these characteristic clauses.

8 —93 FE

380 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

perhaps it is not out of place to mention the circumstance

that a portion of the country within the compass of these

rocks liesin the Dewamedi Korale, now Hatpattu. Dewa-

med is a Pali compound formed by the words dewa, “cloud,”

and madhya, ‘‘middle,” and would signify the land which is

not exposed to the full force of the rains, that is, neither to

too much nor to too little, but to a medium degree of rain.

Campbell, in speaking generally of these rocks, says :—

Quaint bare rocks* rise from two to four hundred feet above the

plain. The plain isa kind of rolling gneiss sea with waves on the

strike, north and south. The dip is nearly vertical in general. Yet

all the outlines are rounded curves. The tops of these stone-rollers

peer out from under the roots of great tree cacti and cocoanut palms,

and the wild mat of trees and creepers which men here call jungle.

The stone breaks naturally along the curved surface and shells off like

the shell of a fruit. There is no boulder clay, and there is no rolled

gravel to be seen. Yesterday I came down barefooted on a gneiss

rock, and nearly burned my feet where the sun shone. That great

heating process is of daily recurrence, and the daily heat must

penetrate an equal distance, for the nightly cooling must stop the

march of the sun’s rays. Thus, for a given depth these bare gneiss

rocks must daily expand outside of a colder shell, and so in time a

Ceylon rock becomes like a crackle cup. When the rains begin the

crackle shells off.t

The fever, for which Kurunégala has earned an unenvi-

able notoriety, is attributed by the natives to the heat radiated

by these rocks, but medical opinion is certainly opposed to

this theory. The impression, no doubt, originated in the

fact so well stated by a learned writer on Ceylon, that :—

At times the heat at Kurunégala is intense, in consequence of the

perpetual glow diffused from these granite cliffs. The warmth they

acquire during the blaze of noon becomes almost intolerable towards.

evening, and the sultry night is too short to permit them to cool

between the setting and the rising of the sun.

* This writer, as well as others, who have doubtless viewed the rocks.

only from the direction of the town, describes them as bare and barren.

That they are so to a great extent is due to thedip on that side being too.

abrupt to permit the growth of any vegetation. But one has only to

observe them from their opposite flank to realise that Nature could hardly

display a more varied scene of luxuriant vegetation than on the enormous.

sides of these rocks.

+ “ My Circular Notes,” by John F. Campbell, 1876, vol. II., pp. 186-7.

{ Sir J. Emerson Tennent’s “ Natural History of Ceylon,” p. 168.

No. 40.—1890.] = KURUNEGALA ROCKS. dsl

EiTA-GALA, “ ELEPHANT ROCK,”

rises, nearly perpendicularly, above the level of the plain in

which the town lies. Sir J. Emerson Tennent describes it

as :—

An enormous rock of gneiss upwards of 600 feet* in height, nearly

denuded of verdure, and so rounded and worn by time that it has

acquired the form of a couchant elephant, from which it derives its

name. t

Bennett, writing of the “ Elephant rock,” remarks :—

It is said to have answered the same purposes as the Tarpeius

Mons, in the neck-breaking system of the ancients (but its elevation

exceeds by 220 feet the height of the latter), in order to get rid of

the princes who had incurred the hatred, and, consequently, the

revenge, of the pagan‘ priesthood.t

This rock or any other of the chain may have equally well

answered such a purpose, but, doubtless, the assassination of

the Moorish usurper by precipitation from this rock (an

incident more particularly related hereinafter) suggests a

reason why it should be preferred for identification with,

‘and comparison to, the Tarpeius Mons.

Writing of this rock in particular, Campbell states :—

From some points of view it rises 700 feet above the plain. The

gneiss there is much contorted : the dip is vertical, and the strike and

long axis of the hills are northerly. Distant hills on the same strike

are broken to the westward. Great part of this strange rock is bare.

It shells off in thick layers, which correspond to the curved surface.

not to the bedding. To avoid slipping ona slope of 30° I walked

down barefoot and realised the effect of tropical heat. I could hardly

endure the heated surface. To a given depth the gneiss is daily

heated to 100° or more. At night it cools. Expansion and contraction

produce something like cleavage and fracture on a crackle cup.

Mechanical and chemical action of rain and air make the surface

crumble. Fresh and growing pot holes are in the bare gneiss.§

* The exact height is 1,096°6 feet above sea-level. The milestone at the

corner of the high road near the jail stands on an altitude of 295°86 feet

above sea-level, from which the rock rises 800°74 feet.

+ Sir J. Emerson Tennent’s “ Natural History of Ceylon,” p. 167.

t “Ceylon and its Capabilities,’ by J. W. Bennett, vol. II., foot-note at

. 393.

: § Paper on “Period of Polar Glaciation,’ appended to “ My Circular

Notes,” pp. 288-9.

; FY

382 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. X1.

There are many ways by which the summit of Eta-gala

can be reached, but the easiest ascent to it is from behind

the Kachchéri premises by a rugged path leading to Ibba-

gala, the first portion of the climb being difficult and trying.

There are over 70 steps hewn out of the rock in the most

abrupt portion of the ascent, with an iron hand-rail running

along them. This passed, you arrive at the first landing, on

which stands the Ibba-gala temple.

With reference to this place of worship, Tennent observes

loosely :—

Kornegalle is the resort of Buddhists from the remotest parts of

the Island, who come to visit an ancient temple on the summit of the

great rock, to which access is had from the valley by means of steep

paths and steps hewn out of the solid stone. Here the chief object

of veneration is a copy of the sacred footsteps hollowed in the granite,

similar to that which confers sanctity on Adam’s Peak, the towering

apex of which, about forty miles distant, the pilgrims can discern

from Etagala.*

The temple in question is not on the summit of the great

rock, Eta-gala, but on Ibba-gala, which is often confounded

with it owing to its contiguity, and to the fact that the path

by which the former is ascended passes over the latter. The

footprint to which Tennent refers is not held in such high

veneration as to attract to it pilgrims from distant parts of

the Island. Moreover, Adam’s Peak is visible not only from

this rock, but on a clear morning from a point about half-

way on the road between Polgahawela and Kurunégala.

Skeen and other writers, following the authority of Tennent,

have perpetuated these errors.

To continue. Leaving Ibba-gala temple on the east you

proceed by a path which increases in steepness as you

advance. The remains of the site of a bungalow are to be

seen about a hundred yards before arriving at the top of the

rock. This building, it is said, was erected by Dr. W. H.

Clarke, then District Judge of the Province, as a pleasure

resort, and kept up at his own cost and expense during his

* Sir 5. Emerson Tennent’s “‘ Natural History of Ceylon,” p. 168.

No. 40.—1890.] KURUNEGALA ROCKS. 385

residence in the district, but after his departure it fell into

disrepair and ultimately into ruin.

There are the remains of a wall built across a hollow

blocking up a path—another approach to the summit—and

evidently intended in former times to prevent access to it.

The KurunégalaVistaraya (an interesting topographical

account of the city of Hastisailapura, said to have been

written by Pusbadéwa Terunnanse, probably during the

period when Kurunégala was the seat of Government, in the

thirteenth and fourteenth centuries) states that “on the

rock where the Sun god is worshipped there are four parapet

walls surrounding it.’ It does not say on which particular

rock, but one may fairly presume it to be the principal one,

namely, Kta-gala. It further records that four palaces stand

on the rock, and below it four parapet walls. For the pro-

tection of the city there is an embankment (adara bemma)

or rampart. About a hundred large bows’ distance from the

sleeping palace of the king (Setapena Maligawa), the situa-

tion of which is given as twelve fathoms from “ Beetle rock ”

(Kuruminiya-gala), isthe Dalada Maligiawa. On the east

of it, at nine fathoms distance, stands the Nata Déwalaya.

In a pit excavated in the rock, four cubits deep, lie buried

21,000 masuran, or pieces of gold coin, with a relic of

Buddha of the size of a grain of uwndu. On the opposite

bank of the stream stands the Maha Déwalaya (probably

dedicated to Saman)*; on the west, at a distance of sixty

fathoms, the Nata Dewalaya; sixty fathoms therefrom the

Pattini Déewalaya; and eighty fathomsaway the Kattaragama

Dewalaya.

_ According to the Mahawansa, King Parakrama Bahu IL1.,

son of Vijaya Bahu III., and called Kalikala Sahitya Sab-

bafifiu Pandita, “the all-knowing pandit of the Kaliyuga era

of literature,” who reigned in Hastisailapura (Kurunégala)

from 1240 A.D. to 1275 A.D., caused his brother Bhuvanéka

Bahu, the sub-king, to build a large viharé in the noble city

* Rather to Vishnu.—B., Hon. Sec.

384 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. XI.

of Hatthigiri (Kurunégala), and a beautiful parivena, which

was called Maha Mahinda Bahu.* The remains of the royal

founder were buried in the Maha Viharé.

On a visit to Hatthigiri (Kurunégala) by Vijaya Bahu IV.,

son of Parakrama Bahu II., during the lifetime of his

father—

He caused an excellent image-house of three stories to be built, and

a great image of Buddha to be made there. And then he caused a

beautiful likeness of his uncle to be made, and adorned it with every

royal ornament, and set it up in the same place. To the image-house,

as also to the image of his uncle, he dedicated fruitful lands that were

able to produce what was lawful for their support, and many servants

and attendants; and the prince called it (the establishment) Bhu-

vaneka Bahu Parivena, after his uncle. Then he turned it into a city

filled with people, both men and women, and surrounded it with a

wall and a moat and such-like works.f

King Parakrama Bahu IV., also called Pandita Par4krama

Bahu, owing to his scholarship, who began his reign at

Kurunégala in 1295 4.D.—

Caused a three-storied temple of the tooth-relic, of great beauty, to

be built within the court-yard of the King’s palace, with beautiful

walls and pillars and paintings, surmounted with spires of gold, and

adorned with door panels also of gold. And he covered the ceiling

thereof with cloths of silk and the like, of divers colours, which was

adorned with beautiful chains of gold and silver and of pearls, hung

on every side. And when he had fixed a beautiful curtain-wall of

silk, he raised a splendid throne and overlaid it with exquisite

coverings. And this covering he adorned all round with rows of vases

of gold and silver. And then, with great reverence, he placed thereon

the casket of the tooth-relic and the casket of the bowl-relic, and

commenced to hold daily, in a worthy manner, great rejoicings in

connection with the relic feast of the Teacher. It was a feast that

delighted the world—smelling with perfumes of divers flowers and the

incense of smoking censers ; served with all kinds of meat and drink ;

pleasing the ear with the joyous music played on the five kinds of

instruments, and made pleasant by the songs and the dances of divers

players. And he made offerings to the tooth-relic of houses and lands,

of men servants and maid servants, and of elephants, oxen, buffaloes,

and the like.

* Mahawansa (English translation), chap. LXXXV., p. 290.

+ Ibid, chap. LXXXVIIL., p. 305.

} bid, chap. XC., pp. 316-17.

No. 40.—1890. ] KURUNEGALA ROCKS. 389

Moreover, he wrote a book in Sinhalese entitled “ The

Ceremonial of the Tooth-relic,” and enjoined the daily

performance of the rites to the relic in accordance with the

tenor thereof.

-Major Forbes writes :—

On the bare rock above are the remains of buildings which must

have been intended to contain either penitents or prisoners; for

nothing less than fanaticism or compulsion could have furnished

tenants to houses situated where the rock gets so heated during the

day that its proper temperature is not regained until long after sunset,

and is then succeeded by chill blasts or damp exhalations from the flat

country beneath. On the very summit are the remains of the building

which contained the Dalada relic during the reigns of the four pious

and powerless kings, who held their court at Kurunaigalla, in Pali

history called Hastisailapoora : it was the first of these four, Bhu-

waneka Bahoo the Second, who removed the Dalada to this place from

the more ancient capital of Polonnaroowa, A.D 1319.” .

The Mahawansa does not support this statement, as will

be seen from the extract above quoted.

Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell, who also refers to these ruins,

concludes— :

That they must, in former days, have not only been intended for

religious purposes, but we may likewise suppose that they might, in

times of trouble or danger, have been converted into a place of defence

and security.

These remains are no longer visible. Square holes cut

into the rock indicate that some sort of structure, probably a

patirippuwa, or audience hall, once stood on the summit.

As to the rock being a place of refuge from danger, we

have ample testimony even in modern times. During the

rebellion of 1848 most of the townsfolk, including some of

the officials, took refuge there, while others, who had not the

time to make the ascent, took shelter in the cooling waters

of the tank, keeping only their heads out of it!

On “Elephant rock’ there is a stone-built reservoir,

about 30 feet by 30 feet. This is known as the “King’s

* Forbes’ “ Eleven Years in Ceylon,” vol. I., 1841, pp. 193-4.

+ “Excursions, Adventures, and Field Sports in Ceylon,” by Lieut.-Col.

James Campbell, 1843, pp. 81-2.

386 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

bath.” According to the Kurunégala Vistaraya, it was

called Aushadha-pokuna, owing to the medicinal plants and

creepers growing in it. Alasnow!

“Neglect and time

Have marr’d the work of artisan and mason,

And efts and croaking frogs, begot of slime,

Sprawl in the basin.”

The stream which flows out of this tank is wearing small

*‘ pot holes” below.

The rock is also ascended from the back of the “ elephant,”

but the climb is at an angle of 29° to 30° in many places, and

only the venturesome try it. Campbell came down by this

way. His pithy description, “ I took off shoes and stockings

and got down with whole bones,” conveys some idea of the

precipitous scramble.

A splendid bird’s-eye view of the whole town and its

environs, with the tank in the middle distance choked and

smothered with a mass of floating vegetation, may be had

from the crown of the rock. A trignometrical station was

established here many years ago.

Eta-gala is a popular resort of visitors to the town and of

picnicers, who delight in inscribing their names on _ its

summit. 7

On the occasion of the celebration of the Queen’s Jubilee

in Kurunégala in June, 1887, bonfires were lighted on this

rock, as well as on Yakdessagala, Handurukkanda, and

other eminences, which command a view of the town and

district.

Kitkanda Viharé isa temple on the Kandy road, about a

quarter of a mile from the town, and is built at the base of

“ Elephant rock.” There is nothing noteworthy in this

temple. The Buddhists worship here, and litigants who

challenge the oath of their adversaries in legal suits, generally

resort to this temple for the purpose. Great faith is placed

on the punishment visited in the next world on those who

swear falsely on the Jataka-pota. Instances where such

oaths were falsely taken, with disastrous results in this world,

No. 40.—1890.] §KURUNEGALA ROCKS. 387

often with death, are glibly cited as a warning to parties

intending to swear, though, if the truth could only have been

ascertained, it might have been discovered that the alleged

perjurers had, by a strange coincidence, died from natural

causes. However, such is the superstitious belief of those

who resort to this temple, that a person will ponder well

before he risks his life by incurring the penalties of taking

a false oath.

Almost opposite to this temple, and across the road, is the

Raja pihilla, the “King’s spout.” An oblong basin, about 20

feet by 10, and LOfeet deep, supplied by a spring of clear water

welling up from beneath the rock, forms a reservoir, from

which the water is conducted into a larger basin about

double the size and of the same shape. A pipe from this

basin forms a spout, which is much availed of for bathing

purposes. The original spout is on the left, but is not now

in use. When Kurunégala was a royal city, tradition has it

that this was the bathing-place of the king. The water

supply of the town is, to a large extent, still drawn from it.

There is a small temple about a mile from town, on the

other side of “ Elephant rock,” facing Getuwané, once a

royal village. The temple is said to have been erected by

the Durayas, who now inhabit the village, in opposition to

that at Urupdkada, hereinafter more minutely described.

_ A short distance from the foot of Eita-gala, in the town of

Kurunégala, and approached by Wathema Lane, stands a

rude little shrine, dedicated to a Moorish usurper of the power

of the last king who reigned in Kurunégala. The popular

tradition connected with it is not only interesting from an

archeological point of view, but suggests a reason why

Kurunégala, from being the capital of the kings of Ceylon

from 1293 A.D. to 1347 A.D., ceased to be a royal city, and

the seat of Government came to be transferred thence to

Gampola. The individual to whom the temple is dedicated

is worshipped to this day under the title of Galé Bandara.

Like Ktkanda Viharé, this temple is resorted to by suitors.

for the purpose of taking the decisory oath in legal contests.

388 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

It is remarkable that, although the present incumbent is one

professing the Mohammedan faith, and the temple has for

many generations been a place of worship of the Moorish

community, many besides the followers of Mohammed

believe in the powers for evil and good which the presiding

deity is said to possess and exercise. Casie Chitty* gives an

account of the tradition, which is, so far as I have been able

to ascertain, correct. I have summarised and supplemented

it with information I have gleaned from other sources to

make it as complete as possible.

The king (the Kurunégala Vistaraya gives his name as

Bhuwaneka Bahu) who last reigned at Kurunégala, it is said,

left a son by his queen-consort and another by a Moorish

woman (said to be of Aswedduma, a village about a mile and

a half from Kurunégala), one of his harem.

The legitimate issue being a minor when the king died,

Vastuhimi, or Vathima Kumaraya, the bastard, gained over

the ministers to his side by liberally bestowing on them the

immense riches which were at his command, and from the

acquisition of which he received his name, and got himself

crowned king to the exclusion of the lawful heir, who,

despairing of his ability to recover his rights, privately

retired from the capital and lived in disguise at a village in

Udapola Kéralé. Here he took to wife Sirimal Etana,

daughter of Patabendirala, one of seven sisters, the eldest of

whom was named Kalu KHtana. The prince was first

captivated by the latter, but she having rejected his addresses,

the royal suitor was forced to transfer his affections to the

object of his second choice.

Vastuhimi reigned for some time with great popularity, but

his predilection for the faith of his mother soon gave offence

to his Buddhist ministers, who plotted to assassinate him.

He was accordingly invited to attend a meeting of priests to

be held on the top of Eta-gala, for the purpose of reading

bana. On his way alone up the rock to the meeting, and

* “ Ceylon Gazetteer,” pp. 146-8.

No. 40.—1890. ] KURUNEGALA ROCKS. d89

ere he could gain the summit, he was precipitated headlong

down the hill and killed. Another account states that a

dais of plantain trunks covered over with cloth was erected

at the preaching hall on a slope of the rock, and no sooner

had the royal guest taken his seat than the fragile structure

gave way, and he fell over the precipice. It is also related

that the spirit of the king forthwith assumed the form of a

‘demon, and killed about sixty of the treacherous courtiers

-on the spot by striking their heads together, two at a time.

The spot where the corpse was found—at the foot of the

rock—was consecrated by the erection of the present shrine.

It is believed to the present day that an apparition of a

man dressed in white, riding a gray horse, is occasionally seen

at the dead of night in the vicinity of the fatal rock, and is

identified as the ghost of Vastuhimi.

To resume. The ministers then having caparisoned the

‘state elephant, let it go blindfold to find the lawful heir to the

throne, following the animal in its search, with the insignia

‘of royalty.

The prince having been engaged in ploughing the field,

which he had undertaken to cultivate for his landlord in

anda, had adjourned for breakfast. His wife had brought

the repast to the field. Having partaken of the meal, and

finding the midday sun too powerful to work in, he laid his

head on his wife’s lap and dozed off. Suddenly awaking from

his nap, he told his wife that he had dreamt that a colony

-of “bumble bees” (Lambarw) had built a hive on the handle

of his plough. The interpretation of such a dream is that the

dreamer will become a king. The very thought of it,

however, was absurd, and the cultivator’s wife laughed

outright, observing in jest: ‘“‘ What crowns are there for

youand me?” Scarcely had the laughter subsided, when

_ the royal elephant was seen coming in the direction of the

‘couple, with a multitude following it. No sooner had they

perceived the grand procession than they concealed them-

selves ina bush behind arock, apprehending that the usurper

was in quest of the prince; but the sagacious elephant

390 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou, XI..

approached the boulder behind which they lay hid, and

thrust his tusks into the solid rock—the holes made thereby

are still shown !—which was a sign to indicate that the lawful

sovereign of the country was discovered. The ministers.

thereupon hastened to the spot,and having greeted the

whilom cultivator as the rightful heir to the throne, robed him

and his wife in the royal vestments they had brought with

them ; and, like “Cincinnatus awful from the plough,” the

prince was installed in sovereignty.

Kalu, the sister-in-law of the prince, then came upon the

scene, as the villagers poured in to witness the extraordinary

proceedings, and began to lament and bewail her position,

expressing her regret at having refused to become his wife.

The Kalundapatuna, which is a metrical composition

setting out the above-stated particulars, thus records the

naive observation of the prince, as well asthe sequel of the-

incident :—

“peste SI ommaag VVe” DEG O

MOSES SHInomad sm 68 9)

SENTECH sdgase BSG Onn S)

WONIED KSEDIH Dod O&K 2)

Transcript.

‘“¢ Kalu undé pin nokalé manda ”’ vadalata

Kalundava Pinnapélé pewata eda sita

Palandana salu abarana Sirimal HKtanata

Kalundava Sirivardhana Bisawa eda sita.

Translation.

Owing to the saying: “‘Why Kalu did you not acquire merit” ?'

Kalundava and Pinndpola were so called since that day. Having

adorned the Lady Sirimal with royal apparel, she was since that day

styled,Queen Siriwardhana of Kalundava.

The prince and his consort, having been placed on the back

of the royal elephant, were carried in state to Kurunégala,.

where he was raised to the throne of his father, according

to the Kurunégala Vistaraya, under the title of Pandita

Parakrama Bahu.

The field which the prince was ploughing has henceforth

been called Nanbambara keta. He gave much land to his

father-in-law, Patabendirala, on a royal grant; and impaled

No. 40.—1890.] KURUNEGALA ROCKS. dol

the Maha Duraya of Ranawatta, who had refused an application

of the royal cultivator for the loan of some cattle to plough

his field, with the jeering remark: “ You can impale me for

the refusal when you become king.”

A Moorish usurper having polluted the throne, the king

removed his court to Dambadeniya,* and the seat of Govern-

ment was thereafter transferred to Gampola, Kurunégala

being altogether abandoned. In consequence of this, the

nobles and the chiefs gradually deserted the place, seeking

the new capital, and from this time Kurunégala dwindled

down into asmall and insignificant village of Durawas.t

Although Vastuhimi was nominally crowned king, he is

traditionally known as Vastuhimi or Vatima Kumaraya

(“Prince Vastuhimi’’), the reason being perhaps that the

people did not recognise him as their lawfulsovereign ; while

the rightful heir, on his being raised to the throne, was

called Dambadeniya Rajjuruwo, “ King of Dambadeniya.”’

Pridham considers the legend about Vastuhami “ either an anachro-

nism, or to have reference to the local sovereignty of an independent

prince, as it by no means agrees with the more authentic annals.’”’{

Two pairs of stirrups and some cooking utensils were

found near the Galébandara shrine some years ago, and sent

to the Colombo Museum, where theyare at present exhibited.

The place where they were discovered was probably the

site of the royal stables (mounted orderlies) or cavalry

guardroom.

Referring to Kita-gala, Casie Chitty says: “At the west end

of this hillthe kings of Kurunégala had a palace,’’§ on the site

of which now stands the residence of the Government Agent

* The Mahawansa, chap. LXXXV., gives a most elaborate and gorgeous

description of the city of Siriwaddhanapura, the birthplace of this king,

and which has not yet been identified, and of the festival held there

when the king conveyed the tooth-relic from Dambadeniya thither. [The

capital was transferred from Dambadeniya to Kurunégala, and thence to

Gampola.—B., Hon. Sec. |

+ “Ceylon Gazetteer,” p. 148.

{ Pridham’s ‘“ Ceylon,” 1849, pp. 648-9.

§ “Ceylon Gazetteer,” pp. 145-6.

aoe JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). ( VoL. XI.

of the Province, known as the Maligawa. Tennent refers to-

“the ground being strewn with fragments of columns and

carved stones, the remnants of the royal buildings.”* Some

of these are yet to be seen, but the most valuable ones.

(including a stone window from the palace at Yapahu) were:

transported to Colombo many years ago, and now occupy a

prominent place among the archeological exhibits of the

Museum.

IBBA-GALA, “ TORTOISE ROCK.”

Of the rocks in question, which appear to be composed of

solid granite, Ibba-gala, according to a writer in “ Young

Ceylon,’} possesses some interest from a geological point

of view, owing to the existence of fossil footmarks on its

surface :—

Some of these appear to be the footprints of hogs, others those of

some feline beasts of prey. The impression of the paws, as well as.

the toes, are so well and distinctly marked and continued along whole

tracks, as not to be mistaken or confounded with any ripple marks or

other irregularities produced by the denudation of its surface. Though

Ibbagala appears to belong to the class of primitive or plutonic rocks,

it appears that there must have been a subsequent superimposition

of sedimentary formations, which, while in a soft state, received the

impressions that were rendered permanent by the consolidation or

crystallisation of their particles. The whole structure of the rock

appears to the eye to be composed of hornblende, mica, and felspar,

with traces of an impure carbonate of lime.

The approach to this rock, which hag already been

described, is from behind the Kachchéri buildings.

On the summit of Ibba-gala is a tableland (partly cultivated

with cocoanut, the trees being now over fifty years old, and

other products), on which the temple stands.

The viharé, it is said, was founded as a residence for

priests of the Aranya sect{ (who cannot reside in, or own,

endowed viharés), during the reign of Bhuwaneka Bahu I].

A portion of land covering about 15 acres was set apart for

* Tennent’s “ Natural History of Ceylon,” p. 167.

+ Vol. I., No. 2, March, 1850, p. 49.

{ A sect of ascetic priests who live in caves and forests, also known as

Kelé Samagamé Unnanseld.

393

were

No. 40.—1890.] KURUNEGALA ROCKS.

the use of the viharé, and marked out by a stone wall,

remains of which still exist. From that time the vihdaré was

maintained during the reigns of Wanni Bhuwanéka Bahu

III. and his successors, and endowed with magnificent dona-

tions by these royal personages.

In 1815, and during the rebellion of 1817, the edifice, it is

said, was pillaged by the soldiery, and valuable property,

including old documents, stolen and lost.

The incumbents of the temple in modern times were

Maha Madugala, Kuda Madugala, Katupatvewa Unnansée,

who successively resided on the viharé premises, and

Doratiyawa Attadassi Maha Terunnanse,—who placed the

temple in charge of his pupil Saranankara, from the low-

country,—Pallégama Nayaka Unnanse, and Millewana Sobita

Unnansé, the last of whom died about five years ago, and

was cremated in Kurunégala.

The temple is situated deep under a ledge of rock, which

overhangs the facade. It contains at present nine images,

five of which are in a sitting posture and four in a standing

attitude, the former being 4 feet in height and the latter

about 6 feet. The rock roof of the interior is painted most

elaborately with the fantastic designs common to the general

run of temples.

Campbell, who visited the temple on May 9, 1875,

thus describes the interior and the roof-painting. His

description needs no alteration, while the painting stands

as fresh and unchanged as it did fifteen years ago :—

Inside sits a Buddha with two standing Buddhas, one on each side.

A pair of tom-tom beaters and a couple of conch blowers are painted

on the doorposts. On the roof Buddha is painted with a glory round

his head, an umbrella over it, and the bé-tree, with its rat-tailed

leaves, over all. Allalia, sacred flowers, are painted on the roof

and strewed on the altar. To the right of the central figure on the

roof is a Naga Raja, with two snakes looking over his shoulder; he

has a grinning case of formidable teeth, and a pair of buck teeth,

which Darwin attributes to primeval man. To the right is a black-

bodied elephant-headed person, supposed by me to be Gunputty,~

* Ganapati. [ Ganesha, or Gana Deviyo.—B., Hon. Sec.)

394 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

god of wisdom. I find that I was right. He is an Indian god, con-

verted to Buddhism, one of that more ancient pantheon. To his right

is an alligator-headed brown monster. Next a man with long teeth,

and two fish-like snakes looking over his shoulders. Then two more

men in the dark. Six in all. To the left is (.) a toothy figure with

a sword in one hand and a snake in the other, (ii.) one with a star-

spangled tambourine over his head, (iii.) figure holding a cobra in both

hands, (1v.) a black figure. All this painting is fresh.*

There is a vault on the viharé premises which contains a

copy of the footprint on Adam’s Peak, hollowed in the solid

granite. The footprint measures about 4 feet 6 inches long

and 2 feet broad and an inch deep.

Tradition reports that the impression of the foot had been

modelled at the time when Kurunégala was a royal city,t

to gratify the pious desires of a daughter of one of the kings,

who was unable to perform the pilgrimage to Adam’s Peak

and personally make her offerings on the holy footprint.

Lamenting her inability, the priests had compassion upon her and

resolved that a copy of the footprint should be cut on the summit of

Kta-gala.t This was done ; the distress of the princess was removed,

and the place soon became recognised as a legitimate place of pilgri-

mage.’§

“The supposed footprint,” says Campbell, ‘was 6 feet

long—I lay down in it to measure.” It is the right leg, and

goes N.E. The length and breadth, as given by me above,

would bring it closer to the original, for Skeen gives its

dimensions as 5 feet 7 inches long and 2 feet 7 inches broad

at the point where the heel begins to curve. He further says

that the interstices between the toes are formed of cement,

and the outlines of the foot, which consist of a thick raised

edging, every now and again need repair.|| This, no doubt,

gave occasion to Lawrence Oliphant to write of the Sripada

as ‘so misshapen : that it required some stretch of imagination

to detect in it a resemblance to a human impression on a

* “My Circular Notes,” pp. 182-3.

+ Forbes, p. 195. Pridham, pp. 648-9.

t Not Eta-gala, but Ibba-gala.

§ Skeen, ‘‘ Adam’s Peak,” 1870, p. 268.

| Zoéd, p. 2038.

No. 40.—1890.] KURUNEGALA ROCKS. 395

gigantic scale, more especially as the toes were almost

undefined.”* In this respect perhaps the copy is better

than the original, for it never needs repairs, and the toes

are clearly defined. Moreover, even what looks like

the joints of the toes are distinctly marked in the copy

footprint.t

A dagaba stands on a square about 50 feet by 50 feet,

surrounded by a stone wall, and is said to have been built

about eighteen or twenty years ago by Miléwana Unnansé, the

last incumbent. The edifice is seen many miles away from

town, and its pinnacle, glistening in the morning sunlight,

presents a striking appearance.

Just in front of the dagaba, and on a slightly higher

elevation, is a shrine where alms and oblations are offered.

On the stone table are to be seen “temple flowers ”

(araliya), the offerings of visitors who come to worship by

day ; and at night the pilgrims light little earthen saucers,

—numbers of which are heaped up by the side of the

shrine,—supplied with cocoanut oil, and place them on the

stone altar.

There is no bo-tree in or near the temple precincts, but

na-trees (Messua ferrea), which are considered holy by the

Buddhists, abound. They produce no fruit, but bear a white

flower with four petalsand a round yellow centre, a collection

of which Campbell likens to “a wreath of everlastings on a

French tomb.”

There are two basins formed in the clefts of the rock, in

which the rain water collects and is used by the priests for

drinking and culinary purposes. The Kurunégala Vistaraya

says that the pond so formed was named Vetakeytya pokuna,.

owing to the Pandanus trees growing near it.

* “ Hinisodes of a Life of Adventure ; or, Moss from a Rolling Stone,” by

Lawrence Oliphant, 1887, p. 20.

+ These details are omitted in the sketch given by Campbell at page

182 of his work. These two volumes, by the way, have an outwardly

Buddhistic appearance, owing to a facsimile of the sketch being impressed

in silver on the gray covers !

396 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XI.

The Buddhists go regularly to worship at this temple, and

on festivals the concourse is large.

In 1880, on the land belonging to the vihare having been

reported to be Crown property, an inquiry was held, and

after investigation the then Agent recommended to Govern-

ment that the planted portion be allowed to the resident

priest of the viharé, who petitioned that the premises

would be bereft of their character of Arantya sthanaya if

alienated. Accordingly, a certificate of quiet possession

was issued to the incumbent of the temple under section

7 of the Ordinance No. 12 of 1840, and the rest of the land,

to which the applicant priest’s claim was not acknow-

ledged, was declared to be Crown property, but ordered not

to be sold.

KURUMINIYA-GALA, “ BEETLE ROCK,”

is so called after its supposed resemblance in shape to the

back of a beetle. The name of the town has been by some

derived from this rock, owing, it is said, to the vihare of the

place having stood on it, and the dhatu having been con-

cealed under the cover of this rock, but, as has been pointed

out, the etymology is traced to other and different sources.

According to the Kurunégala Vistaraya, below this rock

stood the royal treasury (Maha gabadava), the dimension—

probably the length—of which is given as eighty cubits ; and

twelve fathoms from it stood the sleeping palace of the

king (Setapena Maligawa), from which it was thirty-five

fathoms to Ibba-gala and twenty fathoms to the great

stone wall (maha tappé, or addara bemma), probably a

battery on the west.

ANDA-GALA, ‘ EEL ROCK.”

This rock, tradition has it, originally formed one unbroken

chain with Kta-gala, [bba-gala, and Kuruminiya-gala. King

Panduvasa, second king of Ceylon, who reigned at Panduvas

Nuwara (a city founded by him, and said to have been near

Hettipola, about twenty-four miles from Kurunégala), was

No. 40.—1890.] §KURUNEGALA ROCKS. 397

afflicted with insanity.* The only personage who could

effect the necessary cure was Malaya Raja, King of Malaya-

desa, who is said to have sprung from a flower. But how

was he to be brought to this Island? Indra devised the

means. Rahu, King of the Asurayas, was engaged for the

purpose, and, upon the edict of Indra, he assumed the form of

a wild boar. He was directed to enter the royal garden of

King Malaya and to damage the plantations therein ; which

he accordingly did. The king, being informed of the

depredations, became very indignant, and, being a keen

sportsman, armed with his bow and arrow, and attended by

his retinue of huntsmen, hastened to the scene, and ordered

his followers to drive the boar towards him. The animal, on

being pressed, leaped over the head of His Majesty, escaped

from the garden, and effected an entrance into the king’s

palace, where greater damage was done. Enraged at the

wanton destruction and at the audacity of the unclean beast,

the king gave chase, and pursued the animal as far as the

sea-shore. The boar leaped into the sea. The king and

some of his trusty attendants followed, while the others

remained on shore watching the chase. Hotly pursued by

* Davy (“ Account of Ceylon,” pp. 119-21) gives it as the “ tiger disease,”

said to be a complicated malady of cough, asthma, fever, and diabetes, “‘ in

consequence of Vijaya, the first king of Ceylon, having discarded his

benefactress and mistress Kuvéni, who, in the shape of a tigress,

endeavoured to avenge her slighted charms.” The Kuvéni Asna relates that

after Vijaya’s marriage with the Pandiyan princess she was anointed queen.

When living thusin connubial bliss, Kuvéni, enraged at the perjury of the

king, took the form of a tigress, and put out her tongue, which was one of

glass two gows long, so that it may, piercing through and bursting seven

doors of the royal palace, enter the heart of theking. The king suddenly

awaking broke off the tip of the glass tongue with the point of his finger nail.

When this was done, and hearing that a herd of tigresses was moving

towards the city in order to hurt the king, a host of gods came to his

rescue, and surrounding, protected him from the impending attack. The

calamity which threatened his life having been thus averted, Vijaya

reigned in the glory of Indra for thirty-eight years, when he passed away to

regions of happiness! The tradition that obtains in the Seven Koraiés

points to insanity as the disease which Panduvasa was suffering from—a

visitation resulting from divi dosa, or the curse of the gods, invoked by

Kuvéni from the heights of Yakdessd-gala. The Rajavaliya supports this

version. Vide Upham’s Translation, p. 181.

| G2

398 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

the king and his attendants the beast swam across Palk’s

Strait and landed in Ceylon at Urd-tota, “ Hog-ferry ”

(modern Kankesanturai), near Jaffna. To accomplish its

object the beast passed through the city in which King

Panduwasa dwelt, crossed the chain of rocks at the spot where

Andagala joined the rest of the chain, effecting a breach in

the range, which was thereafter called Uru-pd-kada.* The

high road to Dambulla passes through here. A piece of sweet

potato that the beast brought from the royal garden in his.

mouth, and which he dropped at Attapitiya in his flight hence,,

was immediately changed, it is said, into a rock, which pre-

serves its original form, and is called Batala-gala, or “Sweet

Potato rock.” It pursued its course up to the Hantanahill near

Kandy, where King Malaya instantly attacked it with his

sword. On receiving the wound the boar became trans-

formed into a rock, which is called Uru-gala, and is said to

retain the mark of the wound !

King Malaya, surprised and perplexed with the marvels

he had witnessed that day, was visited by Sakra, Vishnu, and

other gods, who explained the mystery to him. The royal

physician was thereupon taken to King Panduwasa, who was

attended on and cured of the disease by oblations and

sacrifices to the gods, attended with the usual religious

formalities, King Malaya appearing as a Brahmin.

Davy,in tracing the origin of the Veddas from legendary

sources, relates that King Malaya left behind some of his

retainers at the special request of the grateful Panduwasa,

who allotted them large tracts of land for their exclusive

possession, that they might enjoy their favourite diversion

of hunting. These, it is said, were the progenitors of the

* The present incumbent of the temple at Urupikada gave me another

derivation. He said that there was a slab of rock in the village, under

which two heaps of treasure were supposed to have been buried, one con-

sisting of ‘“‘ eight measures of pearls,” hence Mutt-ettu-gala. an adjoining

village, and the other pieces of gold, wardgan. On the stone were carved

the feet of a wild boar—hence Uru-pd-kada.—[The legend is applied in

the Kégalla District to Urdkanda and Batalagala.—B., Hon. See. |

No. 40.—1890.] §KURUNEGALA ROCKS. 399

Veddas, who “possessed originally more than human powers,

but, gradually degenerating, have become what they are

now—wild and savage.’’*

At Urupdkada there is atemple, which stands at the head

of Andd-gala. Access to it is had by a rugged path, with

here and there a rude flight of steps formed of loose slabs of

rock, which strikes off to the west from the Dambulla road, a

mile and a quarter from the town. Originally a viharé stood

in a cave under a ledge of rock hereabouts, built, it is said,

during the reign of King Devanampiyatissa. The overhang-

ing ledge slipped down and buried the vihdré with all its

images and shrines—a catastrophe which seems to threaten

the majority of rock temples in this district, judging by

their perilous situation.

URUPAKADA VIHARE.

The present viharé stands on the north-east of the buried

temple, on an elevation, and was in existence when the

latter stood. It was repaired and improved, according to an

inscription in Sinhalese on an adjoining rock in 2424 A.B. =

1880 A.D., by the present incumbent, Bégoda Nandajoti

Unnansé, who has officiated here for the last thirty-nine years.

Ashrine for offering flowers stands by the side of the temple.

The exterior of the building, witha tiled roof projecting

from under the over-hanging rock, is built after the

Kandyan style. There are no rock or other inscriptions

beyond those that have been indicated before. The incum-

bent stated that the royal device of the sun and moon was

carved on the top of the rock under which the temple lies,

but this cannot be seen, as there are no means of access

thither.

At the entrance into the interior of the temple is an

archway (makara torana), containing numerous designs

and pictures of the pantheon. Against the wall, on the right

of the archway, are the figures in relief of a guard, Vessan-

tara Tapasayo, his wife, Mandri Devinwahansa, holding her

* Davy’s “Ceylon,” pp. 119-21.

400 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XI.

two children, Jaliya Kumarayo and Krishna Jenavo, by the

hand, and near this group is the statue of a deformed and

diseased Brahmin asking for alms. Against the wall, on the

left of the archway, are similar figures of a guard and of

Sumedha Tapasay6.

The most prominent figure inside the temple is an image

of Buddha in a sitting posture, about 6 feet high, against

the northern wall, occupying the whole of it.

‘“‘ Behind stand Seriyut and Muggalan,

Chiefs of the calm brethren in the yellow garb,

A goodly company.”

Against the western wall are three small images of Buddha

in a sitting attitude, decreasing in size as the roof inclines to.

the south. On the right of the entrance is a figure of Buddha

in a standing position, and on the left is a painting of Kanda-

swami, god of Kataragama, and animage of Vishnu. On the

southern wall are the images of Maitri Rajaya, Dévata

Bandara, and a small figure of Vastuhimi Kumaraya, highly

coloured.

The Su-visi-vivaranaya is painted on the roof overhead.

At Maraluwawa, a viharégama, about three miles from

Kurunégala, there is another temple. Although it stands

on a rock separate from Anda-gala, called by the villagers

Maraluwawa-gala, the temple is known as Anda-gala vihare,

perhaps by a stretch of imagination, which would place the

sacred edifice on the elongated tip of the eel’s tail !

The approach thither is by a path which strikes off to the

left of the Wellowa road, between the 3rd and 4th mile-

posts, across fields and low jungle, and then over rocky

ground. About half a mile from the temple isa na-tree, under

which there is a pile of stones to indicate the spot (nagaha-

maluwa) where the ashes of some eminent priest lie

buried. From here the path passes over rock, steep in some

* Arnold’s “ Light of Asia,” 1891: new ed., Bk. 8, p.211. On this page

there is an excellent reproduction of the picture of Buddha and these

favourite pupils of his from the sculptures found at Gandhara (Yuzufzai)

in the Punjab.

Bex. {17

, = Ze 2 i 4

if ill ye

A YBa

é Has

J Py LL eae Wy it y

ANd, tt

aii

—

OL cag MN pa,

Mee

TET INNEYA

ANGI

: | a 4 if " @ és

aa STAM \

GRUPAKADA VIHARE.

No. 40.—1890. ] KURUNEGALA ROCKS. 403

places, and lined with draliya trees in full blossom, with

here and there a kinihiriya* displaying its pretty pale yellow

flowers to advantage. A splendid view of the flat country

-on eitner side of the rock can be had from here, with the

hills clothed with verdure in the far distance.

Two long basins, formed in the cleft of the rock, contain-

ing water, with the lotus in flower floating on its surface,

are passed as one proceeds along the rocky path. Near these

are the remains of a dagaba and a stone slab which once

formed part of a shrine.

AHAS-LENA.

The site of the dagaba is marked by a pit, whence the buried

treasures have been removed.

A few yards thence is a small bé-tree, surrounded by loose

rocks arranged in the form of a square with a niche for

-offerings, and close to it is the site of a bana maduwa, or

preaching hall. Beyond this is a room built under an over-

hanging boulder of rock, once used as a déwala, dedicated,

it is said, to Galebandara Dewiyd6. Opposite stands an old

bo-tree with the usual shrine for offerings. A run downa

flight of steps, a walk of a few fathoms over a flat space of

ground, and the sight of another flight of steps, makes one

look inquiringly upwards, when the temple and the rock

suspended over it burst into view, and for a moment strike

the spectator with awe! A massive boulder with apparently

nothing to support it, save the viharé and other buildings

peeping from underneath it, it has very aptly been designated

Ahas-lena, a cave suspended in the air!

Similar, though smaller, rocks stand in the neighbourhood,

forming caves with projecting roofs, and capable of conver-

sion into rooms or houses by the addition of a wall and door

to form a frontage.

The original temple is said to have been built at the same

time as that at Urupakada, in the reign of King Devanampiya-

tissa. Being abandoned, it fell into ruin. It has since

* Cochlospernum gossypium, D.C.

404. JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XT.

been repaired and used as a pansala—the residence of priests.

The present temple was built, it is said, at theinstance of King

Bhuwaneka Bahu and Pusbadewa Raja (nephew of King

Devanampiyatissa), who furnished it with the images which

it now contains. j

Inside the temple there is a gigantic image of Buddha,

measuring 18 cubits in length, in a recumbent posture,

resting his head on his right arm, and covering almost the

entire length of the chamber. There is nothing remarkable

in the figure save its enormous proportions, and the elaborate

devices painted on the soles of the feet.* There is a small

figure of Buddha standing against the wall, as well as a

painting of Maitri Diwiya Raja towards the feet of the

colossal image, and towards the head is the figure of Buddha

in a sitting attitude. The roof is elaborately painted with

the Su-visi-vivaranaya and lotus flowers. There is also a

painting of Vishnu on the left wall.

The makara torana at the entrance into the temple is

being re-done, the work having advanced only as far as the

clay outlines and formations.

On the northern side there is a Budu-gé, with two

figures of Buddha in a standing and five in a sitting posture,

to which access is had by a flight of stone steps on the right

of the principal temple.

The present incumbent is engaged in collecting subscrip-

tions to effect the repairs, which are badly needed in the

temple, and, failing to obtain the required aid in the village,

he travels about the Island with the sole object of raising

funds to carry out the work which he has undertaken, and

has been forced to suspend owing to want of money. The

estimated cost of the repairs is Rs. 5,000, which he is more

than sanguine of obtaining.T

* Probably “the 108 marks which indicate their possessor to be a

Buddha,” referred to by Skeen, ‘‘ Adam’s Peak,” p. 155.

+ Since the above was written the incumbent has died, and there is.

some dispute with regard to the incumbency. which has led to litigation.

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No. 40.—1890.] KURUNEGALA ROCKS. 407

ELUWA-GALA, “GOAT ROCK,”

comes next in succession to Maraluwawa-gala, and stands

in the village Eluwapola, between the 4th and 5th mileposts

on the Wellowa road. It wants a vivid imagination to trace

any resemblance in the rock to the animal which it is sup-

posed to represent. A little way from the foot of the rock

there is a small temple on the roadside at the village Medde-

gama, near the 4th milepost. Hluwwad-gala is also called

Hu-kiyana-gala, the “Echoing rock.” The villagers say

that this rock, unlike others, echoes every description of

sound—from the ploughman’s song to the bark of the village

dog! The “Goat rock” is divided by some into Maha-

eluwa-gala and Kuda-eluwa-gala,—the Great and the Little

Goat rock,—but the distinction is without a difference.

_ Adjoining the “ Goat rock,” and running in continuation

with it, is—

KIMBULA-GALA, ‘CROCODILE ROCK,”

in which, too, it is difficult to discover any likeness to the

huge saurian to which its name would imply a semblance.

There is nothing peculiar about the appearance of this

gigantic mass of gneiss save its uncouth and elongated form,

in which itis hard to distinguish what is imagined to be

the head from the tail of the crocodile. No temples stand

on or near it. This rock, too, lies in the village Eluwapola.

Proceeding along the same road, at Handamagama, at the

oth milepost, is seen perhaps the best specimen of the whole

range—

E\TINI-GALA, ‘“ SHE-ELEPHANT ROCK.”

The beast appears as if sculptured in relief on the side of

a larger rock, which forms its background, and concealed in

the jungle and undergrowth, from which only its massive

head and back can be discerned. Its resemblance to the

noble beast of the forest is more marked than even that of

Hta-gala at Kurunégala, the eye, ear, and so much of the

trunk and back as can be seen from the roadside through

the brushwood being quite natural and life-like, Perhaps

408 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

it is in consequence of its size, as compared with the larger

‘rock in the capital, that it is designated Etini-gala. Near it

isa temple not in the best of condition, and which is not much

frequented by Buddhists.

GONI-GALA, “SACK ROCK,”

lies at Ginikarawwe, about seven miles from Kurunégala.

This rock, or rather pair of rocks, is so called owing to its

likeness to the sack which is usually packed on the back of

tavalam ponies or bullocks. Tradition would have us

believe that the sack was carried by the she-elephant, whose

petrified form lies a little distance off, and dislodged at the

spot where it now stands, whilst the beast, relieved of her

burden, made her way towards the Wenoruvewa tank in

quest of water.

A prettily situated temple stands to the east under the

shadow of the rock. It is approached from Wellowa, six

miles from Kurunégala, across the Getuwan-ela, through

paddy fields, and by a short climb over the “Temple rock,”

as itiscalled. As you go tothe temple, on the right, perched

on a hill, are the remains of a dagaba, surrounded by a group

of araliya trees, and a little way off stands a stately example

of the same species, which marks the spot where the ashes of

a departed incumbent priest lie buried. Ginikarawwé is a

Viharegama, and does service to the temple, which was built

in the reign of King Kirtti Sri Raja Sinha, who endowed it

with over 300 amunams of high and low land bya royal grant.

The temple does not show any indication, however, that the

income from its endowments has been expended for its

benefit, and, in this particular case, the supervision to be

exercised under the Buddhist Temporalities Bill cannot but

have a salutary effect. :

As with the majority of temples in the district here, there

is a dewalé as well as a viharé built in contiguity, and

standing within the same enclosure. The former consists of

a small building under a ledge of rock facing Goni-gala, and

is dedicated to Vastuhimi. Inside are piled together sceptres,

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cutlasses, tridents, and other antique and rusty weapons

ordinarily used by Kapurdlas, and which are called into

requisition on Wednesdays and Saturdays, when particular

ceremonies take place.

At the entrance to the viharé, on the right, under a mon-

strous boulder of rock, is a long chamber, the whole length

of which is occupied by an incomplete image of Buddha in

a recumbent position. The decorations of the entrance to

the chamber, too, are unfinished. On the left there is a

‘smaller chamber partitioned off from the larger one by a

mud wall. Facing the doorway sits a figure of Buddha, about

four feet high, under amakara torana. Two figures stand on

either side, and are of about the same height. Two more in

a sitting attitude, also about the same height, face each other

from the right and left walls. Rahat priests are painted

all over the bare and unoccupied portions of the walls. A

long wooden table stands opposite the principal image, for

the offering of flowers. Over the heads of the side figures

are paintings of the bd-tree, rudely executed. On the roof

is a painting of Buddha, whose head is surmounted by a bo-

tree. Surrounding it on all sides are Maraya and his puis-

sant army. Mahi Kantava, with a golden pot on her head, is

depicted below. This is the bust of a woman, who, it is said,

emerged from the earth, coming out as far as the waist, on

Buddha stretching out his hand towards her. On the left

wall is a picture of the Svi-pada, and the outside walls are

bare, and, unlike other less richly endowed temples, contain

no paintings or figures in relief.

From Gonigala, Dig-gala stretches its length along till

it terminates at Rada-ul-kada—a village so called from

the circumstance that a dhoby was there impaled, during the

time of the Kandyan kings, for a capital offence. Bambara-

gala, so called in consequence of the numerous hives

of [large] bees to be found on it, occupies the interval

between it and Yakdessa-gala, which forms the last link of

the chain.

8—93 ; H

412 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

YAKDESSA-GALA

is the most striking and prominent of the whole range, with

its castellated peak rising from the verdure which clothes

the rest of the rock, and standing out in bold relief. It is

1,712 feet above sea-level, and is visible from distant and.

different parts of the Seven Koralés.

Tradition invests it with more than ordinary importance, 3

and gives it a premier place in the legendary lore connected

with the historic eminences of the district. It is on this

height that Kuvéni,* being discarded as his consort, and

* Chap. VII. of the MWahawansa sets out in detail the landing of Vijaya

and his followers in Ceylon. One of the band wandering, discovers a

princess—who is no other than the beautiful demon Kuvéni—near a

tank, and she imprisons him, and eventually the rest of his companions,

700 hundred in number, who followed him, in acave. All these persons

not returning, Vijaya proceeded after them and met the princess. Seizing

her by the hair with his left hand, whilst with his right he raised his

sword, he exclaimed, “ Slave, deliver my followers, or die!”’ The Yakkini,

terrified, implored for life : ‘‘Spare me, prince, and on thee will I bestow

sovereignty, my love, and my service.”” He forced her to swear, and she

brought them forth, and distributed to them rice and other articles. A

feast follows, and Vijaya and the princess retire to pass the night in an

apartment which she causes to spring up at the foot of a tree.

As pointed out by Sir J. Emerson Tennent (Ceylon, vol. I., pp. 333-4), it is

impossible not to be struck with a curious resemblance between this des-

cription and that in the 10th book of the Odyssey, where Eurylochus, after

landing, returns to Ulysses to recount the fate of his companions, who,

having wandered towards the palace of Circe, had been imprisoned, after

undergoing transformation into swine. Ulysses hastens to their relief ;

the story proceeds :—

‘““ She spake ; I, drawing from beside my thigh

The faulchion keen, with death-denouncing looks

Rushed on her ;—she, with a shrill scream of fear,

And in winged accents plaintive, thus began :—

* ‘Sheathe again

Thy sword, and ibe us on my bed recline.’

The goddess spake, to whom I thus replied :—

‘Oh, Circe, can’st thou bid me meek become,

And centle, who beneath wah Toor detain’ st

My fellow voyagers ?

No, trust me, never will I share ne bed

Till first, oh ‘goddess, thou consent to swear

That dread, all-binding oath, that other harm

Against myself thou wil’t imagine none!’

I spake ; she, swearing as I bade, renounced

All evil purpose, and her solemn oath

Concluded, I ascended next her bed.”

(Cowper’s Odyssey, book X., p. 392.)

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No. 40.—1890.1 KURUNEGALA ROCKS. ALS:

forsaken by King Vijaya, is said to have taken refuge, in

maddening desperation, and implored the gods to witness

and avenge the injustice done her by her faithless and heart-

less husband. The rock thence received its name Yakdessa-

gala, that is, Yakseni-des-ki-gala.*

The Kuvéni Asna, which gives the details of all the incidents connected

with Vijaya’s nuptials, &c., goes on to say that on the day following that

on which Vijaya took the “ marriage vow,’ Kuvéni assumed the form of

a mare, astride whom Vijaya entered the stronghold of the Yakkho, and

routed them by the aid of the Yakkini. A beautiful city was thereafter

founded near Tammana forest, said to be about six miles from Puttalam,

and Kuvéni was raised to the dignity of queen. She gave birth to two

children, a girl and a boy. It being necessary to formally instal Vijaya

in sovereignty, and one of the chief requirements being that he should

have a consort of equal rank, arrangements were made by his ministers for

his marriage with the daughter of the King of Péndiya. On receiving the

news of her arrival at Mahdtota, Vijaya drove away the Yakkha princess

whom he had espoused, on the plea that her unequal rank rendered her

unfit to remain the consort of a king, and that his Indian bride-elect

would be too timid to bear the presence of a being so inferior. After

this cruel treatment Kuvéni’s sorrow knew no bounds. In agonising

shrieks she wailed : ‘When shipwrecked and forlorn I found thee and thy

- followers food and accommodation. I aided thee in defeating the Yakkho

and in rising to be king. Swearing fidelity, thou took me as thy spouse.

Did’st thou not then know that I was a Yakkini? Loving you with an

unquenchable love, and living in such love, I bore thee children. How

can you separate from me to-day and transfer your affections to another ?

The mild rays of the rising full moon are now tomelikethe blaze of a heated

iron ; the once cool and spicy breeze from the sandal forest is hot and un-

welcome to me ; the bed once spread with fragrant flowers is covered with

briars and thorns ; even the sweet song of the Kokila pierces my ear as

with a spear. Alas! how can I be consoled when Anangaya wages such

war against me? How can I soothe my troubled breast?” Crying “O !

God! O!God!” and with much lamentation she entered the forest.

Tradition points to TZonigala (an abbreviation of Le-toni-gala,

“rock of lamentations”), 15 miles from Puttalam, and Wilakatupota, “ vale

of tears,’ 15 miles from Kurunégala, as the spots which Kuvéni has immor-

talised on her way to the “ Rock of Curses.” The Mahdwansa records that

Kuvéni was killed by a Yakkha. It is said that her children fled towards

Sabaragamuwa, and lived under the shadow of Adam’s Peak, and that they

are the progenitors of theVeddas. According to the Kurunégala Vistaraga,

Vijaya is said to have bestowed the village Vilbdwa, or Virabahugama, on

his son, and Talkotta on his daughter. The former was afterwards a city

known as Vilbda-nuwara.

* Pridham interprets Vakdessa-galaas “the devil-dancer’s rock,” owing to

its supposed resemblance to that character. This rendering is without foun-

dation. The rock bears no resemblance in form to a devil-dancer, and the

mistake is, no doubt, attributable to the Sinhalese word for “ devil-

dancer,” Yak-adessa, contracted into Yakdessa. Nevertheless, many writers

after Pridham have blindly followed him, and repeated the error.

416 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XI.

The gods, it would appear, were rather dilatory in passing

sentence responsive to the appeal made to them, for it was

not till King Panduwasdeva, a lineal descendant of Vijaya,

had assumed the reigns of Government that the vengeance

of the deities was wreaked, and the divi dosa visited on the

representative of the peccant sovereign, in conformity,

perhaps, with the denunciation that the sins of the fathers

shall be visited on the children.*

Yakdessa-gala is approached from its eastern flank from

Séruwewa, a village three miles north-east of Wellowa, and

about nine from Kurunégala on the Anuradhapura road.

At this village, perched high on the rock, is an old temple, to

which 200 steps lead, built during the time of the Muda

Kondapola rulers. It realises the poet’s description of—

‘‘A hollowed gloomy cave with moss o’ergrown,

Where antique images by priests are kept,

And wooden deities securely slept ;

The temple join’d of nature’s pumice stone.”

A dedicatory writing for the temple and its premises was

granted by King Kirtti Sri in favour of Kanumulla Nayaka

Unnanse, the then incumbent. The inscriptions are on the

rock forming the cave temple, and are quoted by Dr. Miller

as belonging to the first four centuries.t

The residence of the priests is to the right as the visitor

enters the premises. A few yards away from it is a spring,

which derives its source from the hill above, and the water

is collected in a dismal cave under a ledge of rock. The

dislodgment and descent of the overhanging rock is said to

have covered nearly a half of the space originally occupied

by the reservoir.

A large bo-tree, grown from a twig said to have been

brought from Anuradhapura by Millewana Nayaka Unnansé,

one of the incumbents, grows ona rock on the left of the path

to the temple, and its long and twining roots creeping over

* For further particulars. see under “ Anda-gala.”

+ ‘‘ Ancient Inscriptions in Ceylon,” 1883, p. 63.

No. 40.—1890.] KURUNEGALA ROCKS. LOU

the front of the rock have penetrated the earth. Hence the

access to the temple is by a zig-zag flight of steps rudely

constructed of loose slabs of rock, extending over three

quarters of a mile. The climb is very wearying, and not

likely to be forgotten once made. On arriving at the first

landing only a portion of the temple, which peeps from

underneath the overhanging rock, is to be seen. Another

short flight of steps brings the visitor to the second landing,

from which the temple is entered from the northern side.

There are A shaped cuttings in the rock overhead,

intended, it is said, to arrest the flow of rain water into the

interior of the building.

Inside the temple there isa large figure of Buddha ina

reclining posture, 18 cubits in length, two small figures, one

in a sitting and the other in a standing attitude, being placed

at the head and feet, respectively. The Su-visi-vivaranaya

is painted over the roof, and Rahat priests all over the walls.

There is a painting of Vishnu near the head of the large

image, and of Maitri in his paradise over the entrance in

the interior of the temple.

The irksome and trying ascent thither is compensated for

by a most beautiful view of the surrounding flat country,

with Dolukanda and other hills in the distance.

There is a gap in Yakdess4-gala, about a mile from Séru-

wewa, which is known as Goluwakada, and leads from

Mahagalboda Megoda to Kudagalboda Kéralé, between which

is the rocky ridge.

The best view of Yakdessa-gala is obtained from the

Puttalam road. Six miles along this thoroughfare there is a

village path which branches off to the right and leads to

Maragama; thence about a mile and a half across country

brings you to Ganégoda, which is a vihdrégama, lying at the

base of the rock.

Nota hundred yards from the foot of Yakdessa-gala stands

a huge boulder of rock, from underneath whose overhanging

sides peep the temple and its appurtenant buildings.

Judging by the comparatively small space allotted to the

418 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XI..

temple, the visitor is impressed with the idea that the priests

have shown less solicitude for the temple itself or the

convenience of worshippers, than for their personal comfort

and ease; for, while the sleeping and cooking apartments.

take up nearly two-thirds of the rock-roofed interior, only

an insignificant segment of it is walled off to serve the pur-

pose of a vihare.

The temple was built, it is said, during the reign of King

Devanampiyatissa, who endowed it with considerable im-

movable property. Its present appurtenances extend over 40:

amunams of high and low land. A stone pillar, about three

feet high, resembling a milestone, stands on the right of the

entrance to the temple, and is said to contain the dedication.

The front of the stone exhibits a rude engraving of a crowand

a dog, and below three rows of an inscription in ancient

Sinhalese characters, which the natives invariably style

“ nagara,’ and believe indicate some hidden treasure. The

back of the stone contains nine rows of an inscription in a

good state of preservation. The figures of the animals.

signify, according to the interpretation of the natives, a

curse, threatening that whosoever shall violate the property

of the priesthood shall be punished by being re-born in the

ignoble shape of one of these animals.*

Inside the temple there is a small image of Buddha, about

24 ft. in height, in a sitting posture, with two other smaller

ones on either side, and the central figure is surmounted by

a makara torana. The roof is painted with the Sw-visi-.

vivaranaya, and the walls with Rahat priests and other

fantastic devices. There is a bé-tree in the premises, which

is said to have been raised from a twig brought from

Anuradhapura.

About half a mile from the temple lies a square column of

granite, under the outspreading branches of an old and

venerable nuga-tree. The column is about eight feet in height

*See Goldschmidt’s ‘‘ Report of Inscriptions found in the North-Central

Province.” (Sessional Paper IX., 1875.)

No. 40.—1890.] KURUNEGALA ROCKS. A19

and about a foot square. On one side, probably the front,

are the figures of the sun and crescent moon, and of a man

holding a long pole, possibly a spear. Below these are eight

rows of an inscription in character known to the natives as

“gal-nagara.’ On the side opposite to it arefourteen rows of

an inscription. On the left side are the figures of a crow and

a dog, similar to those on the stone at the temple, and some

inscriptions.

It is said that this granite column was placed here to

mark the utmost limit of the temple endowments, and the

boundary between the villages Hanwella and Ganégoda.

For this reason, perhaps, those interested do not desire to

remove the column from where it lies, which, if done, would

certainly ensure its better preservation, for at present

its semi-burial in the earth and jungle, and exposure to

the sun and rain, render the inscription almost illegible.

Miiller ascribes these inscriptions to King Kassapa V. and

his successor.”

About half a mile from the pansala, on a rock called

Pitadeni-gala, there is an inscription in Sinhalese, dated

Saka 1751 (= 1829 a.D.), which records the erection of a

poya-gé close to it. This rock once formed the limit between

Ganégoda and Minhetiya, On it is a dagaba in the course

of construction, and the relics deposited underneath it have,

» it is said, cost the parties interested upwards of Rs. 500.

Owing to a dissension among the people who worshipped

at the Ganégoda temple, caused by the preaching of the

Ramafifia sect by priests who paid a visit to the village some

time ago,the dissentients have refused to conform to the

teachings of the Siamese sect, of which the present incumbent

is a member, and have formed themselves into a separate

body. It is this body that has undertaken the construction

of the dagaba in question.

* [Dr. Miller merely speaks of them as “two fragments of pillars with

inscriptions partly effaced ” (of the 10th-11th centuries), without assigning

them to any king (doc. cit., p. 60).—B., Hon. Sec. |

420 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

The priest of the Ganegoda temple is quite helpless, and

receives no assistance from his congregation ; but he seems

to be absolutely indifferent to their treatment, and bears his

troubles without murmur or complaint, though probably to

the detriment of the cause he represents.

Onthe side of the rock there is a cave designated Yakkadi-

lena, A former incumbent of it, tradition says, was the

author of the Pali work Dhatumanjusa,* a very valuable

contribution to Oriental literature, and largely used by Pali

scholars for purposes of reference.

Yakdessa-gala is ascended from the western flank from

behind the Ganégoda temple. There is no beaten track

leading up the precipitous incline, but a guide is always

procurable to pilot visitors through short cuts over the rugged

and intricate paths.

The ascent is very steep, and in places at a gradient of 1 in

2, necessitating the most cautious progress. Climbing at all

would be almost impracticable but for the trees and plants

which grow on the slanting sides, by clinging to which the

ascent may be made. Loose slabs and boulders of rock are

scattered all over, and in descending these should be care-

fully passed over or studiously avoided, for when dislodged

they are hurled down with tremendous force. <A large jak-

tree marks half of the distance to the summit. From here

the ascent becomes steeper, more abrupt, and rugged, huge

boulders of rock being of more frequent occurrence, and

rendering progress more difficult.

*The Dhatwmanjusa literally means “a casket of verbal roots,” and is,

according to the preface of the work, which begins with a salutation, ‘To

the sage who has reached the furthest shore of the shoreless ocean of

Grammar,” intended ‘“‘ to serve as a pathway to the sacred scriptures” (of

Buddha). The author has, in the preparation, consulted “the sacred

writings of Buddha and the various grammatical works.” At the conclu-

sion of the book it is stated that the “ Dhatuwmanjusa has been composed in

alphabetical order, in correct and perspicuous language, for the benefit of

the uninitiated, by the learned Thero Silavanso, that chief of

ecclesiastics who was like a royal swan in the pond of sacred writings,

who longed for the firm establishment of religions, and who was the

incumbent of Yakkadi-lena.”’

No. 40.—1890.] KURUNEGALA ROCKS. 42]

After several stoppages to admit of a little rest,and a most

toilsome, fatiguing, and wearisome climb, extending over a

couple of hours, what is known as Kuda Yakdessa-gala is

reached. Another irksome scramble over this acclivity and

Maha Yakdessa-gala, the highest point, is attained. But the

visitor is amply rewarded for his labours when the summit

is gained, A scene of extraordinary grandeur opens upon

him. An extensive view of the district can be had from

here, with its villages (which look like mere specks) and

plantations from recently cleared chenas to groves of cocoa-

nut and other products. The whole of the range from

hita-gala can be distinguished, and beyond the wooded hills

and rocky points of the district the mountains of Kandy and

Matalé rise in the distance from the morning mist.

On the highest point in the rock there is a trigonometrical

station. About fifteen years ago there was a poya ceremony

on this eminence, and a large number of tom-tom beaters

were engaged to supply the music on the occasion, while the

hill resounded with the hum of human voices from sunset

till break of day.

Lieutenant-Colonel Campbell speaks of the trip up to the

summit of Yakdessa-gala as—

A somewhat dangerous pursuit of beautiful and delusive scenery,

for the range of wooded rocks is much frequented by elephants and

wild hogs, but particularly tigers [sic].

With the cultivation of the land at the base of the hill,

these formidable animals have long since removed their

haunts to places more distant from human habitation, and

they have been superseded by families of playful monkeys.

A solitary deer or elk may occasionally be met with on the

rock, beyond which and the winged tribe Yakdessa-gala

affords no field for the sportsman. —

* From gal-ketima, “ stone inscription,” and gama, “ village.” This village

is about two miles from Pubbowa, which is about ten miles from Kurunc-

gala on the Kalugalla road.

422 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XI.

MAL-ASNA.

AtGalketiyagama,* abcut five miles north-west of Wellowa,.

and a mile and a half from where the range of rocks above

described terminates, on the bank of the Deduru-oya, stands

a stone column surmounted by a square slab of rock, said to

be over eight hundred years old, called Mal-asna, which

is held in high religious veneration by the Buddhists. It is

also known as Gal-asna, Menik-asna, and Payawahansa,.

Owing, respectively, to the inscription on it, the gems of

which it is believed to be composed, and the sanctity in

which it is held.

The approach thither is by a desolate jungle path, and save

for the sacred structure, which attracts devout Buddhists,

the spot would in all probability never be visited. by any

human beings.

An old triumphal arch, as well asa small gable roof thatched

with straw and supported on two wooden pillars, about six

feet in height, stands at the entrance to the sacred premises.

To the right of the entrance is the dewalé building, a rude

mud-and-wattle construction thatched with straw, which con-

tains old cutlasses, swords, tridents, and other weapons used

by the Kapurala on ceremonial occasions; and on the left

is asmall temple built of stones, with half walls, and thatched

similarly, which contains the stone altar. The buildings.

lie in the shade of enormous forest trees, whose huge

overhanging branches shelter them from the sun and rain.

The structure known as Mal-asna consists of a stone column

with its capital and base moulded in a fashion resembling

the lonic style of architecture, and is about three feet from

the ground. The capital supports a slab of rock about 34

to 4 feet square, and about two inches thick. The quaint

inscription, supposed to be “ndgara,” runs in eight rows,

about an inch broad on each side, and the lines dividing the

rows compose the sides of squares within squares, terminating

in a square in the centre, the side of which is about twelve

inches long. There is no writing on it. Miller thinks that

No. 40.—1890.] KURUNEGALA ROCKS. A23

the “stone seat,” as he calls it, “ evidently was not always in

the temple, which is rather a modern construction, but must

have been exposed to the weather for a long time, as about

half of the inscription is almost completely effaced” ; even

at the time of his visit it was “not in a favourable position

for reading, as the temple gets its light only from the door,

and has no windows.”’*

Tradition has it that Indra brought this structure to Batu-

vewa, or Sak Batuvewa,f an adjoining village, so called after

his descent thither, and placed it where it now stands. It is

also supposed that Maliya Déva spent his hours of medi-

tation here, repeating the formula which the inscription on

the tablet is thought to contain.

Miller was “not quite sure that this inscription belonged

to Nissanka Malla,” as that part of it which should contain

the name is effaced, but the words which immediately follow

induced him to ascribe it to him, as they are identical

with those at the beginning of the inscription of Dambulla.t{

The villagers say that the stone altar lay hidden in the

jungle for many years, and that a Duraya of the village

Talawita came upon it by chance whilst out hunting. He

broke off a portion of the moulding from the base, intending

to use it as the upper-stone, or da-gala, for grinding curry

stuffs, &c.,on. No sooner had he taken it into his hand than

he lost his way in the jungle, and it was with the greatest

difficulty that he returned home. On reaching his house

he was attacked by a swarm of hornets (debarw) and

stung to death. Those who went to his rescue met with a

similar fate, and the attack on the villagers continued

* “ Ancient Inscriptions in Ceylon,” 1883, p. 64.

t+ Sakraya-behapu-vewa, the tank into which Sakraya is said to have

descended : modern Batalagodawewa, the headquarters of the Deduru-oya

scheme, which is being worked under the able supervision of Mr. H.

Parker. This is an ancient tank, and Miiller refers to “‘ stone pillars and

afragment of a stone bearing an inscription in the character of the

fifteenth century ” (loc. cit., p. 71).

{ Loe. ctt., p. 65.

424. JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Voie XT

unabated. The cause of the disaster having been ascer-

tained, the fragment of rock was taken back and restored

to its place ; but it was not until the premises were cleared,

an arch (torana) erected, and offerings made to the enraged

deity, who presided over the hallowed spot, in expiation of the

desecration, that the plague ceased, and the offender’s family

and other relatives saved from immediate harm and danger.

It is said however, that the unfortunate Duraya’s children

were, nevertheless, visited with sundry afflictions, and not

a descendant was born but was either deaf or dumb!

The fragment of the moulding is yet missing, and it is

reported that it was buried near the column.

The villagers state that when the river runs high the waters

of the Deduru-oya sweep over the premises of the Mal-asna,

washing off the déwalé and other buildings, but, wonderful

to tell, not even the petal of a flower placed as an offering on

the sacred tablet is disturbed !

It is, moreover, asserted that a lamp lighted and placed on

the arch in honour of the presiding Dévatawa will not go

out, however violently the winds may blow!

The path which runs past the al-asna slopes down to the

edge of the river, just at the brink of which there is a stone

called Bat-dena-gala, on which offerings of rice in gotu

are made to the Dévatawa on Wednesdays and Saturdays,.

which are days set apart for the ceremonies connected

with the Dévala, and on these occasions large numbers of

Buddhists from distant villages congregate to take part in

the services, and to invoke and receive the blessing of the

presiding deity.

In the bed of the river there is a group of rocks, on which

offerings are made when the river is low. When the river

is swollen, alms and oblations have, from necessity, to be

placed on the stone on the edge of the river, as the others are

submerged.

The offerings, which consist of rice, cloth, money, &c., are

the perquisites of the Kapurdla of the Dévala, and of

the Upasakaya, who is the incumbent of Mal-asna.

— No. 40.—1890. ] KURUNEGALA ROCKS. 425,

While it is a solitary life for those to lead who perform the

offices of this desolate place of worship in the heart of the

wilderness,—the haunt of the elephant, the bear, and the

cheetah,—yet they support the burden of their trusts with

calm resignation and steadfast belief in the reward hereafter ;

and their consolation in their solitude might appropriately

be described in the words of the immortal bard :—

‘“¢ And this our life, exempt from public haunt,

Finds tongues in trees, books in the running brooks,

Sermons in stones, and good in everything.”

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JOURNAL

OF THE

CEYLON BRANCH

OF THE

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,

1890.

VOLUME XL.

No. 41.

EDITED BY THE HONORARY SECRETARY.

The design of the Society is to institute and promote inquiries into the History.

Religions, Languages, Literature, Arts, and Social Condition of the present

and former Inhabitants of the Island, with its Geology and Mineralogy,

its Climate and Meteorology, its Botany and Zoology.

COLOMBO :

GHORGE J. A. SKEEN, GOVERNMENT PRINTER, CEYLON.

1894.

CONTENTS.

PAGE

“The Rebellion of Ceylon, and the Progress of its Conquest

under the Government of Constantino de Sa y Norona.”’

Translated from the Spanish by Lieutenant-Colonel H. H.

St. GEORGE, with an Introduction by Mr. D. W. FeRGuson 427

JOURNAL

OF THE

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,

CEYLON BRANCH.

‘THE REBELLION OF CEYLON, AND THE PROGRESS

OF ITS CONQUEST UNDER THE GOVERNMENT

OF CONSTANTINO DE SA Y NORONA.

Translated from the Spanish by Lieutenant-Colonel

H. H. St. George.

[The following Introduction to Lieutenant-Colonel St. George’s

translation of Joao Rodriguez de Sie Menezes’ “‘ Rebelion de Ceylan”’

was read by Mr. D. W. Ferguson at a General Meeting of the Royal

Asiatic ee! (Ceylon Branch) on November 22, 1890.—B., Hon. Sec.}

sa70A0 RODRIGUEZ DE sA E MENEZES, the

43} author of this work, was born circa 1608, and

was therefore but a ‘child when his father left

Portugal for India in 1614. His life history is

unknown to me; but apparently it was not

until nearly fifty years after his father’s death,

when he himself was about seventy years of

-age, that he undertook the filial task of defending his father’s

memory from the slanders which seem to have been levelled

tit by his enemies. According to Barbosa-Machado (Siblio-

theca Lusitana) he died in 1682, the year after this book

was published.

The late Doctor Arthur Burnell, misled by Pinelo and

‘Ternaux-Compans, records in his “ Tentative List of Books

and some Manuscripts relating to the History of the

Portuguese in India Proper” (1880), two editions of Sa’s

I97—93 B

428 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vor. XI.

work, viz.,a Portuguese one of 1681 and a Spanish one of

1684: the Spanish edition of 1681 being really the only

one ever published. The Bibliotheca Nacional of Lisbon,

however, possesses a Portuguese manuscript of the work,

which differs from the printed Spanish edition, and which

the curator of the Library, Sr. Pessanha, cunsiders to be the

original. It is certainly rather strange that the author

should have written his work in Spanish ; for, though at

the period during which the events recorded therein took

place Portugal was united to Spain under one Crown, this.

was not the case when the book was published.

Apart from its own intrinsic merits, this work possesses an

interest from the fact that it was one of those utilized by

the Abbé le Grand in the additions made by him to his

translation of Ribeiro. Another work which Le Grand

mentions as having been lent to him, namely, the narrative

by the Sinhalese priest Felippe Botelho of the war in Uva,

which, he says, gave a much fuller and more detailed

account of the defeat and death of Constantino de Sa than

even this volume does, has, unhappily, disappeared from:

view, recent efforts to trace it having proved fruitless.

Ribeiro, who wrote his book on Ceylon in 1685, was

evidently indebted to the younger Sa’s work for his descrip-

tion of Constantino de Sa’s campaign against the Sinhalese

and its disastrous termination.*:

A Sinhalese poem, apparently. by a native Christian,

entitled Kustantinu Hatana, celebrates the victorious march:

of the Portuguese General and his army on Badulla; but

says nothing, I believe, of his defeat and death.

Knoxf has a quaint reference to Constantino de Sd, as.

follows :—

Constantine Sa, General of Portugals Army in Ceilon, when the

Portugueze had footing in this land, was very successful against this pre-

sent King. Herun quite through the Island unto the Royal City itself,

which he set on Fire with the Temples therein. Insomuch that the

King sent a message to him signifying, that he was willing to become:

his Tributary. But he proudly sent him word back again. That that

would not serve his turn; He should not only be Tributary, but Slave

to his Master the King of Portugal. Thisthe King of Cande could not

brook, being of an high Stomach, and said, He would fight to the last

drop of Blood, rather than stoop to that. There at this time many

Commanders in the General’s Army who were natural Chingulays ;

with these the King dealt secretly, assuring them that if they would

turn on his side, he would gratifie them with very ample Rewards.

The King’s Promises took effect ; and they all revolted from the

General. The King now daring not to trust the Revolted, to make

* See “ Ribeiro,” book II., chapters I. and IT.

7 “Ceylon,” 1681, p. 177.

REBELION

CEYLAN,

YLOSPROGRESSOS

DE SV CONQVISTA

EN EL GOBIERNO DE

CONSTANTINO

DESAA,TNORONA.

Efcribela fu Hyo

JUAN RODRIGUEZDE SAA,

Y MENEZES,

YDEDICALA

ALAVIRGEN NULGHI ES

SENORA MADRE DE MISERICORDIAS,

LISBOA

(on las licencias neceffarias,

Por Antonio Craesbeeck de Mello Impreffor

de§. alteza anno 1681.

No. 41.—1890.] REBELLION DE CEYLAN. 429

tryal of their Truth and Fidelity, put them in the forefront of his

Battel, and commanded then to give the first Onset. The King at the

time might have Twenty or Thirty thousand men in the field. Who,

taking their opportonity, set upon the Portugueze Army, and gave

them such a total overthrow, that as they report in that Countrey not

one of them escaped. The General seeing this Defeat, and himself

like to be taken, called his Black Boy, to give him water to drink, and

snatching the Knife that struck by his Boy’s side, stabbed himself

with it,

This description of the General’s death differs entirely

from that given by his son, and is evidently an invention

of his enemies. The J/ahawansa does not make special

mention of Constantino de Sa’s disastrous expedition ; but

the Rajavaliya has the following account :—

Don Constantine, with an army, went to make war upon the high

country ; and, while yet marching through the provinces of Oeva,.

was met at the foot of the mountain of Welley Wawey, in the field

called Rat Daneiyey Wela, by the Princes Koumara Sinha Wyaya,

Pawla Dewa Rajah, and the King Senerat Rajaoroowo, and there

the battle began.

In this battle the Portuguese General, the abovesaid Captain, and

four Portuguese Dessavas, were taken prisoners and put to death ;

and sparing the 15,000 Cingalese which went with the Portuguese

to battle, they cut down the Portuguese in heaps. The said three

princes and king, after this battle. came down to the low

country in order to possess the same, but finding the people not

well disposed to receive them, they returned to the high country

again.”

The statement as to four “ Portuguese” Disavas being

“taken prisoners and put to death” seems to be founded on

some mistake ; nor is it easy to reconcile the two descrip-

tions of the scene of the massacre.

In spite of its inflated style and tedious digressions, Sa e

Menezes’ work is of considerable value, giving as it does

much information respecting the Portuguese occupation cf

Ceylon not afforded by other writers.

The title of the original work is as follows :—

Rebelion de Ceylan, y los Progressos de sv Conquista en

el Gobierno de Constantino de Saa, y Noroiia. LHscribala su

Hijo Juan Rodriguez de Saa, y, Menezes, y Dedicata a la

Virgen Nuestra Senora Madre de Misericordias.—Lisboa con

las licencias necessarias, Por Antonio Craesbeeck de Mello,

Impressor de S. Alteza Aiio 1681. >

After the title-page follows the dedication to the Virgin.

Then come eleven sonnets and a decima, some in Spanish

and some in Portuguese, the first two being by the author

* Upham’s “ Sacred and Historical Works of Ceylon,” Vol. II., pp. 323-4.

+ See woodcut opposite.—B., Hon. Sec.

7 B 2

430 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). { VoL. XI.

himself in memory of his father, and the others by friends of

the author, in praise of his filial piety and his father’s

courage.“ After these are the licenses, eight in number, in

Portuguese, bearing various dates, from 28th July, 1678, to

6th May, 1681.

Coming now to the body of the work, we have a proem,

in which the author states the object of the book, viz.:—

To describe the rebellion of the Zingalas of Ceylan, of the year

[1]6 30, and the progress of its conquest in the days when Constantino

de Saa y Norona, with the title of Governor and Captain-General,

commanded in the war, and administrated in peace that Island until

his death (happier in the cause than in the manner thereof), put a

glorious end to all the actions of his life, which he had always

governed with valour and prudence, and finally ended by being cut to

pieces for God’s service and his king’s by the hands of the ereates

enemy their Divine and Catholic Majesties ever had.

This war, he says—

lasted one hundred and twenty-seven years with equal obstinacy on

the side of both the Zingalas and the Portuguese, the latter fighting

for empire and the elevation of our Holy Catholic faith, and the

former for the liberty of their bodies, leaving their souls in the

wretched slavery of idolatry into which the devil had drawn them by

blindness and error.

He also says, referring to his father :—

If fortune had not got tired of favouring him, and heaven, by its

hidden and secret judgments to mortals, had not permitted his

destruction by means so contrary to human prudence and more con-

siderate foresight, 1am certain that the Portuguese monarchy would

have added this time to its glorious titles the absolute empire of the

Island of Ceylon, and the Portuguese arms would have triumphed

over that barbarism when most aided and assisted by foreign support

with the power and reputation of the most valiant nation in the East,

and at a time when the Portuguese had fallen into disrepute and were

on the downward slope of their decline.

He then speaks of the glory accruing by the General’s death

to his descendants and the Portuguese nation, and draws an

unfavourable comparison between the Portuguese warriors of

former times who fought for glory and those of his own day

who fought for gain. He commends the policy of Philip

the Second, who had counsellors scattered all over his king-

dom instead of trusting in a few ; and concludes the proem

by deprecating any accusation of partiality owing to his

relationship to the subject of his work, whose fair fame was

so dear to him.

Chapter I. contains a “ Description of the Island of Ceylan

in ancient and modern times,” which is a compilation from

the works of Barros, Couto, and other antecedent writers.

* These Lieut.-Colonel St. George has not translated.

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. Ad

Chapter II. treats of the “Origin and Succession of the

Emperors of Ceylan tothe Arrival of the Portuguese.”

The first portion, describing the origin of the Sinhalese,

contains the usual mythical absurdities ; but in the latter

part we come to firmer ground, the writer describing the

interfraternal war by which the Portuguese profited to

acquire a title to the Island, and showing to his own satis-

faction the righteousness of their methods of making converts

by the edge of the sword. The names of the various

Governors of Ceylon from Pedro Lopez de Sousa to Nuno

Alvarez Pereira are given; and our author describes the

fictitious peace concluded between the last-named commander

and the King of Kandy.

Chapter III. treats of the “Authority, Jurisdiction, and

Forces of the Portuguese Generals in the Island : its Fertility,

Religion, Rites, and Customs of its Natives.”

The details in the latter part of the chapter are evidently

borrowed from Couto and other writers. The natives, as

might be expected, are painted in the blackest colours ; at

the same time, however, the writer has to admit some good

traits in their character; and he even acknowledges that

their contact with his fellow-countrymen may have tended

to corrupt them. The authority of the Portuguese governors,

is shown to have been supreme; and the writer says :—

Considering that in all these things they represented to the

“ingalas the person and authority of their emperors: they performed

Zumbaya [reverence or worship] to them, calling them Highness, and

used all the royal insignia and ceremonies.

We also read :-—

The Governors held their Court in Malmuara, three leagues

from Colombo, in sumptuous palaces which they called Rosapani :*

here three times in each year came to visit them the principal Zngalas

_ of the Island, who brought with them large presents, as a sign of their

friendship and allegiance.

Details are also given of the military posts, troops, their

pay, &e.

In chapter IV. we are told “who Constantino de Sa y

Norofia was, his election as Governor and Captain-General of

Ceylan.”

The lineage of the family of De Sa is given, and we are

told that Constantino de Sa was born in 1586, and was

brought up by his grandfather, his father having died while

he was young. In 1604, when eighteen years of age, he was

betrothed to a daughter of a noble of the house of Olivenga,

whom he married three years later, embarking the same

* Malvana, in Siyané Koralé; Rosapani appears in the older Dutch

maps of Ceylon.—B., Hon. Sec.

432 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). { VoL. XI.

year on a coasting expedition ; but falling ill of a dangerous

fever, he returned home and suffered from ill-health for

three years, during which time two sons were born to him.

In 1612 he went to Morocco to serve as a frontero, which he

did with distinction, and returned home after two and a half

years’ service. But the warrior spirit burned too strongly

within him to allow him to rest; and he resolved to go to

India, that “‘ sepulchre of the De Sa’s,” as it was called by the

nobles of his race. This fatal resolve he took in spite of the

opposition of his relatives, and especially of his wife, and

the fact of his having a family of four young children and

the expectation of a fifth. ‘“‘ Leaving the Court at last in

March, 1614, he embarked for India on board the ship

Almiranta, in which were other noblemen, and whose

Captain was Paulo Rangel de Castel-Branco : but leaving

Lisbon late in the season (a common mistake of the Govern-

ment, and an old and almost irremediable error of its officials,

whose mistakes and carelessness caused so many grave losses)

they could not arrive at Goa that year, for when they

reached the latitude of Sacotora they had to put back to

Mombaca as a last resource.” At length, after a voyage

fraught with many dangers, Constantino de Sa arrived at Goa

in the year 1615, Dom Jeronimo de Azevedo being then

Viceroy of India. Here he conducted himself like a true

gentleman, keeping himself apart from all the corruption

that was then rampant, and seeking in every way to put it

down. This course naturally brought upon him the enmity

of the evil-doers ; one of whom (supposed to be a kinsman

of his own) made a cowardly attempt on his life, inflicting a

wound on his hand,—the only wound, says our author, he

ever received until his death. In the summer of 1616 he

embarked on an expedition with his kinsman Dom Bernardo

de Norofia, who was Captain-General of the Malabar coast ;

and his conduct being favourably reported to the Viceroy,

he was subsequently intrusted with the command of various

expeditions, and in the following year he was appointed

Captain-General of Cape Comorin. In this post he acted

with such ability that the Viceroy employed him in several

dangerous expeditions, which he conducted with courage

and success. In 1618 Dom Francisco Coutinho, Conde de

Redondo, succeeded to the Viceroyalty, and the first

thing he did was to look into the affairs of Ceylon,

which at that time were in a wretched condition ; and the

king, on receiving his report, ordered the Count to set them

to rights with the assistance of some worthy and renowned

subject, the choice of whom he left to him. The Viceroy

and his Council unanimously chose Constantino de Sa, and

he left for Ceylon, arriving at Colombo in September, 1619.

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 433

Chapter V. treats of “The beginning of Constantino de

‘Sa’s Government : he reforms abuses, and continues the war

with success.”

The first thing that the new Governor did was to

re-organize the Portuguese military forces in the Island,

a task which he carried out with firmness and tact. He then

‘sent a conciliatory embassy to the King of Kandy, who res-

ponded in like manner. The “rebels” under “ Madune,’*

however, showed no desire to come to terms; and it was

therefore resolved to take the field against them: and asa

preliminary to this a fortress was built in Sabaragamuwa.

In the heading of chapter VI. we read how “ Constantino

de Sa conquers Madune, and destroys his power and drives

him from the Island; finishes the fortress of Safragan :

repairs and garrisons that of Gale; relieves that of Manar ;

drives the English from the Bay of Tviquilimale and of

Cotiar; and finally beheads Cangarache, and the renegade

Barreto dies by the hands of his own men.”

The “ English,” who are said here to have been driven out

from Trincomalee, become “heretics of Denmark” in the

chapter itself ; and presumably the reference is to the Danish

embassy under Ove Giedde; if so the date given is wrong,

and the story of the encounter and defeat is pure invention.

Chapter VII. treats of the “ Conquest of Jafanapatan ; the

General introduces the monopoly of cinnamon; the Conde

de Redondo dies; and Hernando de Alboquerque succeeds

to the Government, recalls Constantino de Sa from Ceylan,

‘and sends him to the relief of Ormus, dies, and the Conde de

la Vidiguera, Admiral of India, arrives, who restores our

General to the Island.”

The details given of the history of Jaffna are interesting,

but probably largely taken from other writers. The removal

of Constantino de Sa from the Governorship of Ceylon

was a piece of jobbery, the Viceroy appointing his own son

to the post, which, however, the young man held for only a

short time, his father dying in 1623 and the new Viceroy

restoring the status quo ante, and sending Constantino de Sa

back to Colombo in April, 1623. During his absence Jorge

de Alboquerque had governed cautiously, the most note-

worthy event of his rule being the erection of a fort at

Kalutara.

In chapter VIII. we are told how “Constantino de Sa

enters the second time on the government of Ceylan, erects

the fortress of Triquilimale, and by prudence established a

peaceable government.”

* M4y4 Dunné—not to be confounded with the illustrious father of Raja

Sinha I., who died 1581.—B., Hon. Sec.

434 JOURNAL, R.A.8. (CEYLON). — [Vou. XI.

The erection of the fortress at Trincomalee in 1624 was

undertaken by order of the Viceroy and at the advice of the

Governor’s oldest and most experienced captains, with a

view to blocking the Kandyan monarch’s outlet on the east

coast. This step naturally incensed the king, and it also

enraged his Hindt: subjects, whose temple, standing on the

eminence where the fortress was built, was thus profaned.

Details are given of the various measures adopted by the

Governor to strengthen the Portuguese position, offices of

trust being bestowed with impartiality on the worthiest,

whether European or Asiatic, the General himself setting a

good example by his temperate life and unassuming manner.

The chapter ends with the close of the year 1624.

In chapter [X. we are told of further “ Acts of the govern-

ment of Constantino de Sa, he fortifies the fortress of Gale,.

erects one on the Island of Cardiva, repairs that of Columbo,

and carries out other works of great importance ; reforms

abuses, corruption, and vices, and makes new regulations for

the administration of the royal treasury.”

The year 1625 was a peaceful one on the whole, though the

Portuguese soldiers’ arms were not allowed to rust for want of

use. Besides finishing the fortification of Galle Qwhich had

been suspended owing to want of funds) and erecting a

fortress on Karaittivu, the Governor “built on the point called

San Lourenco, in the bay of Columbo, a strong curtain of stone

and lime, eighty-six arm’s lengths in circuit, and demolished

the old one that was there ; he mounted it with eleven pieces

of artillery ; and as the royal treasury was so exhausted and

so small that it could scarcely meet the pay and salaries of

the army, he availed himself of the lands belonging to the

citizens of Columbo, who assisted him with all the money he

spent in that work with great zeal and liberality.” Again:

“With the moneys he received he made another curtain of

thirty arm’s lengths, as necessary as the first, and with all

these works he so insured the defence of the bay of Columbo

that there was no opening without protection for the ships.

that anchored in that port.” He also “built a powder-mill,

which was worked by the water of the lagoon which

surrounds the city, and turned out five arrobas a day.” This

work he paid for out of his own salary. Instances are given

of the abuses which Constantino de Sa set himself to reform ;

and it is stated that there were Portuguese so unpatriotic as.

to make money by importing arms to sell to the Kandyans.

Chapter X. tells us how “Constantino de Sa expels the

Moors from the friendly parts of Ceylan,” and gives a

“Description of the Kingdom of Candia, origin of its

Princes, and the claim under which the Portuguese under-

took its conquest.”

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 435

The expulsion of the Moors took place at the commence-

ment of 1626, and we are told that “Christianity called

for it, and it was executed with courage and prudence.”

The King of Kandy, however, received those of the Moors

who had not been slaughtered, and placed a garrison of them

in Batticaloa. The description of the Kandyan kingdom

and its inhabitants is interesting, though doubtless borrowed

to a large extent from earlier writers. The author also gives

a historical sketch of Ceylon affairs during the Portuguese

occupation ; and when referring to Admiral Spilbergen’s

arrival in the Island, he takes the opportunity of venting

his wrath upon the Calvinist heretics who, at the time that

he wrote his work, had ousted his nation from their most

valuable possessions in the Hast.

Chapter XI. informs us “ How the Captains of Ceylan were

employed with a view to the conquest of Candia; Constantino

de Sa erects two new fortresses at Manicravaré and Bate-

calou; the Vice-Roy gives him charge of the royal treasury.”

The General, we are told, desirous of speedily bringing the

whole of Ceylon under the power of the Portuguese, wrote to

the Viceroy setting forth the many advantages possessed by

the Island owing to its geographical position and its natural

fertility, which made it more suitable than Goa to be the

headquarters of the Portuguese in the Kast. The Viceroy, in

reply, urged the erection of a fortress at Batticaloa; and

this Constantino de Sa proceeded to carry out after build-

ing a new fort at Manicravaré. This took place in the

year 1627. Our author says of Batticaloa that it was “the

most capacious maritime port in the Island, into which

could sail an Indiaman fully loaded, contrary to the common

opinion of the Portuguese, who knew little about its depth.”

The King of Kandy tried to prevent the work, first by force

and then by the offer of a large bribe: but all in vain. He

_ then, says our author, employed spies to spread false accusa-

tions against the Governor of misappropriation of funds.

The chapter ends with an account of the arrival in the Island

and death soon after of Felipe de Oliveira, ““a man of great

parts, whose religion and valour had caused him to destroy

more than 500 pagodes; as much a conqueror of peoples as

of souls, so that the natives called him God of the sword,

Bulwark of iron.”

Chapter XII. tells us of the “ Movements which preceded

the war with Candia ; its commencement and obstinacy ; and

some of the events in its progress.” The Kandyan monarch,

seeing himself now shut in on every side, resolved to strike

a blow for freedom, and made an incursion into the territories

occupied by the Portuguese. Thus begun the war which was

waged fiercely during the next three years, ending in the

436 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

disastrous defeat of the Portuguese. In March, 1629, we read

the Governor resolved to march on Kandy itself, and before

setting out he made his last will and testament. The latter

part of this chapter is occupied with a description of the

terrible hardships which this expedition involved, and which

the General shared in common with his soldiers.

Chapter XIII. describes the “ Misfortunes of the war ; the

Idolator of Candia sues for peace; he sets on foot the Columbo

conspiracy ; the General falls ill; his will and disposition.”

The Kandyan monarch, alarmed at the advance of the

Portuguese, made overtures of peace, which the General was

glad to agree to, as he was seriously ill, doubtless with

malarial fever. He therefore returned to Malvana, the

Portuguese sanatorium, where he added a codicil to his will

relative to the liquidation of his debts and the carrying on of

the war. However, he recovered after a time, but only to

fall a victim to treachery at the hands of some of those whom

he had most trusted.

Chapter XIV. describes how “The conspirators prepare

their plot in Columbo ; and in what form.”

The authors of the conspiracy were four of the richest and

most influential Mudaliyars of Colombo, who had been

brought up as Christians, and had been the recipients of many

favours at the hands of the Governor. Theirnames were Dom

Cosme, Dom Theodozio, Dom Aleixo, and Dom Balthezar.

These men for three years had been in secret negotiation with

the King of Kandy and the Prince of Uva; and they now began

to try and win over the Sinhalese in Colombo to their designs.

Dom Cosme was the leader, and having assembled those

whom he had imbued with his views at the house of Dom

Manuel, to whose daughter his son was married, he harangued .

them at great length in vigorous language, upbraiding them

for their lack of courage in consenting to remain slaves to

the Portuguese.* This speech had its desired effect ; and the

conspirators resolved to send a message to the Prince of Uva

to come down and attack the friendly natives, while they

formed a plan for betraying Colombo into the hands of the

King of Kandy.

In chapter XV. we are told of “Events which occurred

during the rebellion ; the Conde de Lifiares enters on the

government of India; and the Conde de la Vidigueira is

recalled.”

In accordance with the message of the traitor Mudaliyars,

the Prince of Uva made a descent upon the Portuguese

* Our author naively gives what he would have us believe were the

ipsissima verba of this speech, which is an evident imitation of one of the

addresses found in the classic writers which he is so fond of quoting.

No. 41.—1830.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 437

territories, harassing the friendly natives for the space of a

month, and then retiring and intrenching himself in Badulla.*

Rumours of these events reached Colombo; but it was a “far

ery” to Uva, and therefore it was difficult to tell how much

truth there was in the reports. In order to disarm suspicion,

the traitors went to the General and entreated him with tears

and cries to allow them to go and avenge the insult. The

Governor consulted with his captains, who were divided in

their opinions ; but a letter from the new Viceroy of India,

couched in harsh terms, and insinuating that the Governor

was engaged more in trade than in warfare, decided him to

proceed against the Prince of Uva. He accordingly ordered

the Mudaliyars to enrol their lascarins, which they did to

the number of 13,000 men, the Portuguese troops amounting

to scarcely 500, among whom were many boys and old men,

not more than 200 being capable of bearing arms. On the

2oth of August, 1630, the General left Manicravaré with his

forces, having given over the care of the government to

Lancarote de Freitas. With the army went a number of

priests and confessors; and before setting out the soldiers

confessed and received the Sacrament of the Eucharist.

They then marched forth in the name of the Holy Cross.

We now come to the last chapter (X VI.) of the book, the con-

tents of which are thus summarized by the author:—“‘ Descrip-

tion of the Kingdom of Uva and the causes which obliged the

General Constantino de Sa y Norofia, to penetrate into the

mountains, the Prince of Uva purposely retreats, and halts in

Fietulé, the General sets fire to it and encamps there; con-

spiracy of our Disavas with the Prince and the Candian

against the General. The resolution which he made against

the Kingdom of Uva, putting it to fire and sword ; he fights

at a disadvantage with the Prince and the King of Candia.

Rebellion of our troops; the General falls fighting valiantly

in battle.”

After a brief description of the kingdom of Uva, the

writer tells us that the General did not halt until he

reached Badulla ; but when he arrived before that city he

found that the Prince of Uva had deserted the place and

withdrawn to some mountain fastness, thinking thereby to

entice Constantino de Sa still further into the foils. The

latter, however, after destroying the city with fire, encamped

before it to rest and refresh his men, who were footsore and

weary after their long and toilsome march. ‘The traitor

Mudaliyars now sent messages to the King of Kandy to

acyuaint him with the position of affairs ; and now also the

* Here called Ratulé, and elsewhere Retulé, the initial letter being

evidently a misprint for B. .

438 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

General began to receive olas warning him of treachery, a

faithful Arachchi, moreover, confirming these suspicions

by word of mouth. Constantino de Sa laid the matter

before his captains, and also summoned to his presence

the traitors, who after some delay appeared, accompanied

by a strong guard of their lascarins, thus confirming

the General’s fears. He, however, asked them for their

advice, and they replied that as the insult received from

the Prince of Uva had been sufficiently avenged by the

burning of his capital, it would be advisable for the General

to return to Colombo. The Portuguese army was encamped

on the summit of a mountain facing Badulla; and now on

the slopes below the enemy began to appear in large

numbers, which continually increased, the estimates varying

from twenty to eighty thousand fighting men. The General

now saw that he was entrapped ; and addressing his Portu-

guese troops urged them to fight like men, and advised that

each man should put in his girdle enough rice for a couple

of days, and that taking their arms they should commit

everything else to the flames. This was done; and the

night was spent in preparation for the morrow’s battle.

When the day was dawning the traitors came to the General

and asked that they might lead the van, which was granted

them ; and at eight o’clock the camp was raised and the

march was commenced. Dom Cosme led the vanguard,

followed by the other three traitor Mudaliyars with their

lascarins, Dom Aleixo coming last. The Portuguese formed

one squadron, flanked by a few faithful Sinhalese; and the

General went from one division to another encouraging his

men. The enemy prepared to receive them; and now Dom

Cosme gave the signal of revolt by killing a Portuguese near

him, cutting off his head, and raising it aloft on a pike.

The lascarins thereupon faced about and attacked the

Portuguese in front, while the enemy fell upon their flanks.

The battle raged all day; and when night came the Portu-

gcuese force was reduced to three hundred men, with a few

natives. Scarcely had the survivors lain down to rest and

eat than a terrible thunderstorm burst upon them, with

torrents of rain and hail, which lasted for several hours,

saturating their food and ammunition as well asthe unhappy

Portuguese themselves. They now gave themselves up for

lost, and spent the night in prayer and exhortation. One of

the captains tried to persuade the General to escape to

Colombo with a guard of fifty picked soldiers; but his

entreaties were in vain, Constantino de Sa replying that he

was resolved to die with his men. Next morning the small

band of heroes was again in motion; but their swords were

now the only weapons they could use, and the Sinhalese

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 439

had the advantage of them with their bows and arrows.

The General now seeing that all was lost took his stand

with a couple of retainers, who kept loading and handing

him their arquebusses, which he continued to fire as long as

the ammunition lasted. At last these two men were killed,

and “raising his sword like a brave lion he rushed into the

thick of the enemy with the courage of despair, and with

his own arm killed seventeen of them before they managed

to wound him; and such was the havoc he made that they

declared that he sent sixty of them to hell before he had

done.” Seeing this slaughter, the King of Kandy gave

permission to his followers to kill the hero; whereupon

“they rained shot and arrows upon the General, and one

having traversed his breast and another his back, leaning

upon his confessor, and whilst on his knees receiving his

last absolution, came an arrow, which clave through both

their heads, when their united spirits fled to Him who

created them.” ‘The enemy then wreaked their vengeance

on the General’s body, hacking it to pieces, and bringing

the head in triumph to the King of Kandy, after which it

was carried throughout the whole kingdom, and then nailed

toa high tree in the Seven Koralés, surrounded by the heads

of other Portuguese captains who had perished in the fight.

Our author adds that he had been told by persons of credit

that six months afterwards the General’s head was still fresh

and pure, with a beautiful colour, while the others were

dried up and flieshless; and also that from the day that it

was nailed on the tree it shed blood which could not be

dried up. These wonders so impressed the Sinhalese that

they refused to give up the head to the Portuguese, though

a large ransom was offered for it.

Thus died Constantino de Sa on the 20th August, 1630, at

the early age of forty-four; and the Portuguese power in

Ceylon received a blow from which it never recovered.

Our author concludes with a eulogy of his father, whose

body lay in no tomb, but to whose memory he had with his

pen erected this monument. His final words are Laus Deo.

440 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. XI.

IN TRODUCTION.*

aso] N this translation of the so-called Rebellion of

Nail the Sinhalese against the Portuguese under the

Government of Constantino de Sd y Norofia, by

his son Jo&o Rodriguez de Sae Menezes, which

ended in the death of his father,—certainly one

mate} Of the most gallant and devoted of the Portu-

guese commanders since the great Affonso d’Alboquerque,

—TI have endeavoured to adhere as closely as possible to the

original. But it is almost impossible to render adequately

into English the style of the old Spanish without appearing

at times constrained. The wearisome repetition of plati-

tudes and religious preamble in almost every chapter detracts

considerably from the interest of the narrative ; but much

can be gathered now and then, and there are at times

glimpses of interesting pictures which, if they had been

more worked out instead of digressing into sermons, the task

would have been far easier and much more entertaining.

The author, Joio Rodriguez de Sa e Menezes, must have

been a man of no ordinary culture, and of wide liberal

ideas, notwithstanding his bigotry in religious matters, the

usual characteristic of almost all Spaniards and Portuguese

in those days ; he was fully aware of his countrymen’s faults,

and speaks in bitter terms of the corruption and depravity

of some of the officials ; heis thoroughly sincere in his aim,

and has given an eloquent unvarnished account of the times

and the condition of the natives,

The Portuguese had been over a hundred years in India

when the incidents related in this narrative occurred ;

corruption and dishonesty had taken the place of integrity

and valour; they had been gradually weakened by long

intercourse with the natives, and an enervating climate

had given them over to licentiousness and depravity; but,

like the last flicker of a candle, all their old energy seemed

to revive under a Commander like Constantino de Sa, who,

if he had been spared, might have changed the state of

things and rendered the task of conquest to the Dutch more

difficult anil much more prolonged.

* By Lieut.-Colonel H. H. St. George.—B., Hon. Sec.

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. AAT

The first fifty years of Portuguese ascendency in Indiaand

the East was an age of heroes, beginning with Vasco de

Gama, and producing such men as the great Affonso d’Albo-

querque, Francisco and Lourence d’Almeida, Joao de Castro,

and Duarte Pacheco Pereira, whose daring deeds have been

immortalized by the Portuguese arch-poet Camoens, in his

famous “Lusiads.”’ This empire, which they tried to establish

in India, lasted without any serious opposition from 1500 to

1600 ; but before the latter end of the sixteenth century and the

beginning of the seventeenth it was on the downward slope of

decline, and corruption of the worst stamp had entered into

every department of its officialism. Even in the middle of

the sixteenth century scenes of drunkenness and debauchery

were so common that they excited the disgust of Camvens,

who, unfortunately for his welfare, wrote his famous satire

Disparates na India (“ Follies in India”), in which he lashes

these vices with the scourge of Juvenal.

One of the weak points of Portuguese dominion in India

was the intermarriage with the natives. Affonso d’Albo-

querque wanting men, in order to supply them baptized his -

women captives and married them to his soldiery. It might

have been necessary at the time; but it was a policy which

certainly helped to bring about the ultimate downfall of the

Portuguese supremacy ; for a race of Meticos (half-castes)

sprang up, despised equally by Hindu and Muslim, and

totally unable to cope with the hardy and stubborn Hollander.

When in 1580 the Portuguese crown was united to that

of Spain under Philip II., and the interests of Portugal

in Asia came into collision with the Spanish affairs in

Europe, it was then that the Dutch, the sworn foes of Spain,

began to turn their eyes to the Portuguese possessions in

Asia, which ultimately ended in all being wrested from

Portugal in Asia, leaving only a few straggling dependencies,

such as Goa, Damaon, Diu, Macao, &c.

The Hollanders arrived in Ceylon when the Portuguese

were hardly able to hold their own against the native

princes. De Sousa had been beaten ; Dom Jeronimo d’Aze-

vado had been defeated in the pass of Balana by Kunappu

Bandara, when the Dutch Admiral Spilbergen landed in the

roadstead of Batticaloa.

These Hollanders had been tampering with the natives

for some years when Constantino de Sa arrived as Governor-

General in Colombo. The officials in the Island were in a

deplorable state of depravity, the exchequer had been rifled,

and the soldiers were in rags, discontented, mutinous, and

442 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL, XI.

prowling about like brigands. The condition of society in

Colombo must have been even worse than it was at Goa,

considering the soldiers who were sent to Ceylon were

generally those banished for their misdeeds, and the women

who accompanied them solteras of ill fame.

Peculation and bribery existed, and were openly practised

from the Vedor dafazenda downwards, and some were even

accused of trading and selling arms to the natives—a thing

which unfortunately is not unknown in our own time.

it was only a man of the character of Constantino de Sa

who could cope with such a state of affairs; brave, and as

undaunted as any of the old Conquistadores, he was at the

same time without their ferocity. Gentle, mild, and tem-

perate in his disposition, without a selfish motive of any

kind, he tempered his government with the spirit of

humanity. He began gradually to reform, allowing some of

the lighter evils at first ; but in his thorough reforms these

very evils ceased to exist, and there is no knowing what he

might have done for the Portuguese in Ceylon had he been

spared ; but unfortunately he was surrounded by treachery;

for even amongst his own countrymen there were some

who, jealous of his fame, hated him for putting a restraint on

their luxury and vices.

A deep-laid plot had been hatching by four of the most

powerful Sinhalese Mudaliyars for some time before he

undertook his last fatal expedition ; and so secretly had it

been kept that nothing was known until it was too late. Start-

ing from Menikkadavara, the Portuguese camp of observa-

tion, on the 25th August. 1630, with a force numbering from

13,000 to 20,000 men (of whom barely 500 were Portuguese),

the native lascarins being led by the four traitor Mudali-

yars, he forced the Balana pass, surprised Kandy,

burning and destroying all on his way, as was usual with

both Portuguese and Sinhalese in those days. The King of

Kandy, who was at Hanguranketa, fled to the mountains of

Uva.

Sa’s force advanced across country through the jungle

in a long straggling line, the pioneers with their hat-

chets clearing the way. The march was long and toilsome.

The Portuguese soldier, with burgonet or iron helmet on

his head, a tight-laced jerkin or jacket, and his neck pro-

tected by a collar of buffalo hide, went barefoot, sometimes

up to his knees in dank ooze and the leaf mould of centuries.

He carried either arquebuse with bandoleers or a pike or

bow and arrows. The mountains over which they passed

were covered with forest and patana, and almost continually

shrouded in cloud and mist. The sun not penetrating

through the trees made the air cold and damp, so that fever

and ague were added to their misery before they reached

their last resting-place.

I shall not repeat the narrative. Constantino de Sa,

deserted by the Mudaliyars, who went over to the enemy

with nearly all the lascarins, fell dying gallantly at the

head of his few devoted followers; but he did not fall

before he had with his own sword, as his son relates, “sent

sixty of his bloodthirsty foes to hell.”

97-93 | ‘

444 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). | Vou. XI.

DEDICATION.

To the Virgin, Our Lady, Mother of Mercy.

BOOKS are in their records a living copy of the past, and

that which cannot be seen by the eye can be related to the

ear. This contains a relation of the exploits which the

General Constantino de Saa, my father, and his valiant

Captains performed in the wild wastes of Ceylan.

To your Holy Majesty, O Virgin Mother of God, Queen of

the Angels and our Lady, I humbly offer it, and, with your

favour, hope that neither filial love will alter the truth of its.

incidents, nor the poor style of it diminish the dignity of the-

history ; nor may ignorance offend the glory of those notable:

Champions of your Son, our Redeemer Jesus Christ, whose:

most Holy Name they first preached with the Sword, and

sacrificing their lives wrote it with their Blood, to the

amazement of the Gentiles. Accept, most merciful Lady,

this small offering, and with your grace shield me that the

errors of my pen may not be known under the shadow of

your protection.

LICENCES.

I HAVE seen this book entitled “ Rebellion of Ceylan and

the Progress of tts Conquest during the Government of

Constantino de Saa y Noronha, written by Jo&éo Rodrigues

de Saa y Menezes.” In it I find nothing contrary to our

Holy Faith or to good manners; and therefore it appears

to me very worthy of being printed, so that the heroical

deeds and excellent virtues of so illustrious a Governor may

he preserved to the memory of posterity.

FREY BALTASAR PINTO.

Lisbon, Sad Bento da Saude, 28th July, 1678.

No, 41.—1890.] §REBELION DE CEYLAN. AA

I HAVE read this book entitled ‘“ Rebellion of Ceylan

and the Progress of its Conquest, written by Joéo Rodrigues

de Saay Menezes.” Asit appears to me most useful for the

great information it gives, it is therefore most worthy to be

brought to light, containing nothing contrary to our Holy

Catholic Faith and to good manners.

Given at Lisbon, in the Convent of Nossa Senora da

Porciuncala, 8th August, 1678.

FREY CONSTANTINO DE NANTES,

Capuchin Censor to the Holy Office (Inquisition).

PURSUANT to this notice, this book, entitled “‘ Rebellion

of Ceylan: author, Joao Rodrigues de Saa y Menezes” may

be printed, and printed may be discoursed, and licence is

given for it to be circulated, and without (licence) it cannot

be circulated. |

Lisbon, 9th August, 1678.

MANOEL DE MAGALHAES DE MENESES.

MANOEL PIMENTEL DE SOUSA.

MANOEL DE MOURA MANORL.

FREY VALERIO DE 8S. RAYMUNDO.

Iv may be printed.

Lisbon, 13th March, 1679.

Fr. CH. BISP. DE MARTYRIA.

446 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou XI.

I HAVE read the sonnets and remaining papers which are

mentioned in this Petition. In them thereis nothing con-

trary to our Holy Catholic Faith and good manners.

Lisbon, Convent of Nossa Sefiora da Porciuncala, ist May,

163].

FREY CONSTANTINO DE NANTES,

Capuchin Censor to the Holy Office.

PURSUANT to this notice, the nine sonnets and dedication

may be printed, and without it this book cannot be printed

in the name of its author Joa6é Roiz de Sa, and after printing

may be read, and leave is given for its circulation, and

without it it cannot be circulated.

Lisbon, 6th May, 1681. SERRAO.

My LorD,—THIS book, which Your Highness commands

me to examine, and which is entitled “ Rebellion of Ceylan

and the Progress of its Conquest,” work of Joio Rodrigues

de Saa y Menezes, is most worthy of being printed for the

memory of Constantino de Saa y Noronha, who gives unto

it such heroic matter, as well as for the writer, whose pure

style knows how to immortalize his name; as it has justly

gained by the elegant pen of the author and by the intrepid

sword of so illustrious a hero. We beg Your Highness te

approve this licence, not only for the glory of the Portu-

guese nation, but for an example of great Generals. May

God preserve the royal person of Your Highness, of whom

your vassals have need.

Lisbon, 27th May, 1679.

DIOGO GOMES DE FIGEYREDO.

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. AAT

BOOK I.—PROEM.

7 Y intention is to describe the rebellion of the

| Zingalas ( Sinhalese) of Ceylan of the year 1630,

and the progress of its conquest in the days when

Constantino de Sa y Norofia, with the title of

! Governor and Captain-General, commanded in

the wars and administered in peace that Island, until his

death (happier in the cause than in the manner thereof)

put a glorious end to all the actions of his life which he had

always governed with valour and prudence—(a life) finally

ended by his being cut to pieces for God’s service and his

King’s by the hands of the greatest enemy their Divine and

Catholic Majesties ever had.

Although asmall work, it is full of wars, bloody battles,

atrocious murders, rebellions chastised, provinces and entire

regions devastated, princes captured, tyrants overcome,

condign punishments, changes of dominions, justice rigo-

rously enforced at a time when they lived most without

it, forgotten by the honest and the just. Various and

strange were the events which happened in a war of

conquest which to the States of India was like what

Carthage proved to Rome in the long horrid war which,

without question, may be compared to the formidable

wars of Europe; considering it lasted one hundred and

twenty-seven years” with equal obstinacy on the side of both

the Zingalas and Portuguese ; the latter fighting for Empire

and the elevation of our Holy Catholic Faith, and the

former for the liberty of their bodies, leaving their souls in

the wretched slavery of idolatry into which the devil had

drawn them by blindness and error. For they, fighting like

men without fear, lived like untamed wild beasts in supersti-

tion and depravity, whose malice facilitated treason, cruelty,

* This war, says De Couto (Dec., V., part I., chapter V.), was a source of

unceasing and anxious expenditure to the Portuguese States of India,

sradually consuming their revenues, wasting their forces and artillery,

and causing a greater outlay for the government of that single Island than

for all their conquests in the East.

ALS JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). | [Vou. XI.

robbery, violence, and vice to which they are inclined, and

which so often become the common pest of their kingdom

and their princes ; and also of our armies, broken up rather

than conquered through our over-confidence and their

wicked treachery, our patience in allowing them to go

unpunished, and by our vain notions and false h opes.

With all this the General Constantino de Sa did not fail

to punish such excesses, our arms being the means by which

he overcame them by such famous victories and brought

to such a happy end the work of conquest that his very name

became the terror of those warlike races, which at the

commencement, owing to the small numbers of his forces,

was scoffed at and scorned by them. If fortune had not

got tired of favouring him, and Heaven by its hidden and

secret judgments to mortals had not permitted his destruc-

tion, by means.so contrary to human reason and by more

considerate foresight, I am certain that the Portuguese

monarchy would have added this time to its glorious titles

the absolute empire of the Island of Ceylan, and the arms of

Portugal would have triumphed over that barbarism when

mostaided and assisted by foreign support, through the power

and reputation of the most valiant nation in the East, and at

a time when the Portuguese had fallen into disrepute,

and were on the downward slope of their decline.

Although it was enough to brand the idolaters with the

name of cowards, the conspiracy by which they prepared

the ruin and brought about the death of our General, ren-

dered glorious in so many ways, might justly be considered

a triumph, not only for his descendants, to whom the greater

share of glory falls, but to the whole Portugtese nation, an

honour to his country and the glory of our times which the

ancients may have envied us, and posterity who vie with

them in pride make a boast of his virtues, and know that the

lack of them in these days is not owing to want of subjects ;

these would be more than sufficient no doubt if there were

rewards to encourage them, as have happened in past cen-

turies, when monarchs, by showing their esteem, taking

No. 41.—1890.] §REBELION DE CEYLAN. 449

notice and extending their favour, inspired their vassals

with that courage which was natural to the Portuguese, who

-always held their king’s acknowledgment a greater honour

than they ever did reward.

And in this way there was a difference between that age

and ours; for then the Portuguese fought valiantly for

success alone, but now they fight for reward ; for then they

fought under the eyes of their king, who was watching

and encouraging them, and now they seldom even get to

‘his ears, or only through the mouth-piece of his ministers,

who may perhaps be ill-disposed towards them or even

worse inclined, fearing that by recommending to the king

the great services of another subject they might tarnish

their own in his eyes, and would think it an insult if he

‘recognized he was under greater obligations to others than

to themselves. |

The wisdom of Philip II. made him understand these

difficulties. He did not trust such an important duty

entirely to the ordinary counsellors who assisted him, but

he had many confidential advisers scattered throughout his

-dominions, who were bound by the most sacred oaths to

give him an exact account of the capabilities, talents,

services, virtues, and vices of his vassals* : for it being of the

greatest worth and most essential to the good of the common

weal for its monarch to know the subjects to whom he

-entrusted his government, since personally he was not able

* Secret Emissaries of Philip II—Motley describes how, “ ever occupied

with details, the monarch, from his palace in Spain, sent frequent

informations against the humblest individuals in the Netherlands. It is

curious to observe the minute reticulations of tyranny which he had begun

already to spin about a whole people, while cold, venomous, and patient he

watched his victims from the centre of his web. He forwarded particular

details to the Duchess and Cardinal concerning a variety of men and women,

sending their names, ages, personal appearance, occupations, and residence,

together with directions for their immediate immolation. Even the inqui-

sitors of Seville were set to work to increase by means of their branches or

agencies in the provinces the royal information on this all-important

subject.”— Rise of the Dutch Republic, chap. II.

450 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VOL. XI..

to look into these matters so carefully. By these means he

knew all his subjects and the services they had done for

him: the deserving were therefore not at the mercy of any

corrupt mind, whose passions so often led them to gather

the profits in peace and plenty of what others had gained

in war, and who desired that the courtier should obtain the

rewards that ought to have been the soldier’s—this class of

men being the sovereign’s greatest creditors, to whom most is:

due and who receive the least. Contrary to the laws of

Alexander Severus, who never gave either gold or silver to:

any man who was not a creditor or to whom it was not due,

and who said that whatever his vassals gave for the public

cause was not to be spent to pamper their tastes and for

their comforts ; for to spend it otherwise it is certain that

when a kingdom came to produce a great man it was due

more to the force of events than to the disposition or to the

ability of the Government.

From all this I infer that the achievements of the General

Constantine de Sa y Norofia will call forth jealous emula-

tors, as the brave and virtuous generally do, and as his

death has proved by the variety of opinions and judgments

passed on it ; which in all human affairs is invariably the case,

especially when it happened to be his good fortune to be born

a Portuguese, and to have died amongst Portuguese. For

they behold the deeds of their sons with the jaundiced eyes.

of envy, and deny even the praise they so readily give unto

strangers.

With this fear I prepare myself to publish this dissertation,

so far that it renders it suspicious from having been written

by so near a relation, so much more so for this same reason

I am doubly bound to be truthful in what I have written ;

for | am too proud of my birth to tarnish such valorous

actions by even the shadow of a lie, and to defraud his merits

of the reward of fame which is all my pen can give for a

consolation and an example to his friends. Neither is it a

new thing nor is it ambitious what I undertake; for whom,

if not to those most concerned, either by ties of relationsnip

No. 41.—1890.] §REBELION DE CEYLAN. ADT

or friendship, should be the eulogists of the heroic works of

their own kindred, and to hand them down to the memory of

mankind, so that envy, which has already hushed up the

praise which was due to him, may not be able to bury his

merits and leave to posterity by this example a reproach to

him who openly follows virtue, and that it may be known

that by it alone are laurels, crowns, and triumphs gained ;

insomuch that there is no Empire, however just it may be,

that owes more to fortune than to merits.

CHAPTER I.

DESCRIPTION OF THE ISLAND OF CEYLAN, BOTH

ANCIENT AND MODERN.

FOR a more complete understanding of this dissertation it

is necessary, before commencing it, to give a short description

of the Island of Ceylan, its importance, strength, situation,

government; also the introduction of the Portuguese, their

claims, and how they commenced and followed up its

conquest: all necessary preliminaries for the better know-

ledge of the excellence and the results of the actions of the

government of Constantino de Sa.

Ceylan is the most celebrated Island, as to its proportions,.

there is in Asia. It lies at its most austral point, in front of

the Cape of Comorin, at the point which faces the south

wind, in latitude from six to almost ten degrees to the north.

A strait divides it from the mainland; the gulf, forty leagues

from east to west and sixty from north to south, is so full

of narrow channels, sunken rocks, islets, and sandbanks that

it cannot be navigated except through known channels and

in very favourable weather. It is oval in shape, and extends

along the coast of India between Travancor, Choromandel,

and the Fishery (y Pescaria) to the point of the compass

which the navigators call north-east. Drawing a line from

the point of the promontory through the middle of the

452 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XI.

Island it enjoys a variety of climates at the same time. For

this reason it has the summer and winter, which only two

seasons prevail at the same time, but in different parts, and are

what the natives call the Cachao (south-west monsoon) and the

Vara, or north-east monsoon. They experience always both

winter andsummer; for the south winds, which commence

in April and last six months, produce the summer season in

the lower and maritime regions, the lands of which lie within

the Cape, whilst it is winter in those above, where the wind

blows from the north ; and when the north wind season blows

in these regions, it is winter in the opposite districts.

The ancient geographers vary from the moderns as to its

names and dimensions: for Ptolemy, Pliny, and Ariston call

it (as it might probably be inferred) Z'raprobana. They

mace it to extend in the south part until they joined it to the

Maldive Islands (las Islas de Maldiva), which are more than

seventy leagues, and from which it might have been efter-

wards separated, the sea having submerged the low-country

_.all that space, according to a tradition the Zingalas have, and

which can be proved by similar occurrences.

Lipsius says that in the time of our forefathers the ocean

swallowed up two islands in the neighbourhood of Zealand,

and did not hold as fabulous what the ancients relate about

the great Island Atlantic, and afterwards of Helice in

Achaia and Bura, and when every day increasing and by

sudden inundations the sea went eating up the faithless

margin of the Frisii, Caninefates, and Cauci.

But at this day it is reduced within such limits that it will

have in length about eighty, in width sixty, and in circum-

ference one hundred and sixty leagues, although no author

gives it less than one hundred. The Calvinists (Hollanders),

with more of boasting than any real knowledge, in the

journals they have had printed of their voyage to Ceylan in

the year 1602, in some parts give ita circumference of nine

hundred leagues and in others three hundred and sixty. So

scant is their knowledge and so many are the contradictions

in their writings.

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 453

The primitive name the Island went by, and which is still

preserved amongst the natives from their first king and

founder, is Lancab,* which means to say “holy land.” After-

wards, seeing the empire extended beyond the confines, they

called it Illenari, which in the Malabar language signifies

“kingdom of the isle.”

But none of these names lasted with the foreigners who came

into the Island : in the ordinary course of time and through

-all the events that happened by the change of kingdom, it

remained under the name of Chinilao, which in the Chinese

idiom signifies “the Chinese reef,” originating from a

memorable shipwreck which happened to that nation on its

Shores when they came over to conquer it. Intermarriage

with these foreign population of the Island, whom the

Malabars expelled and called Galas, adding to it the Zim,

not only gave the name to the land, but also to the inhabitants,

who are commonly called Zingalas : afterwards in the course

of time some of the letters were left out, as it often happens,

and others added with some alterations, so that Chinilaot

changed into Ceylan,

Of the name of Traprobana, under which the Greeks and

Latins made it known, although we find no trace or resem-

blance to itin the whole Island, being alien to the whole

Kast. Or the author of it might have been Ptolemy, as some

wish to denote (from some occult property of the land, as it

often happens), or some historian before him.

There is no doubt that the Calvinists are also in error

when they make Traprobana to be the same as Samatra,

these islands being so far apart, the latter being in the

Golden Chersonese of Malaca, whilst Ceylan is many leagues

away from it, as learnedly testify John de Barros, Blas Virgas,

Gaspar Barreiros, and Diego de Couto.

To their writings I refer the curious, adding to the conjec-

tures which they offer to prove that the Romans had a

* Lanka.—B., Hon. See.

+ This information and what follows is taken over by the Abbé le Grand

‘in his translation of Ribeyro’s History of Ceylon.—B., Hon. See.

454 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. XI.

trade with the Island from the time of the Emperor Claudius,

during whose reign (as Pliny remarks) it was discovered bya

freedman of Anio Proclamo. Moreover (for further testi-

mony are) the chains, trinkets, and coins which were found in

the Fort of Manar in the year 1575 with the effigy and

inscription of that emperor. Also (from the evidence of)

those who went about searching and discovering anew in the

famous ruins which time had preserved as witness to the

greatness, in the district of Mangulcorla, of a remarkable

population, celebrated enough in the romaices and poems of

the Zingalas, that serve them as chronicles, the name of

Amuraiapura,* which signifies “the city of ninety kings,”

from the many that ruled it; putting aside the fables

which they relate to illustrate its foundation, antiquity, and

erandeur. The marvellous construction and architecture

of its buildings appear to be Roman work, particularly that

of a palace which contains one thousand six hundred columns

of the finest marble, in a style of workmanship never

used in any part of the East,t and a temple with 366 pagodas

dedicated to each day in the year : twenty-four of strange

erandeur and magnificent stone carving. Equalling that

number are the tanks (or rather small lakes) and dams which

encompass this site, and one so great that its circuit is more

than seven leagues, having many aqueducts and sluices which

open and shut as the necessity of danger demands. Of the

genius and singularity of these works, and of the similarity

they hold in common with what we have seen of the Roman

works, many argue that they were also the constructors ; but

as this is only a surmise, it is right that everyone should

moderate his belief with curiosity, finding out first, and not

seeking to create from antiquity any other evidences than

what time has preserved, as readable, worn out, and varied

by its effects, and only permanent in its changes.

To return to our Island. Its monarchy having been one of

“ Anuradhapura.—B., Hon. Sec.

+ Presumably the so-called Brazen Palace, or Mahd-lowa-paya.—B., Hon.

Sec.

No. 41.—1890. ] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 455

the largest and most powerful in the Kast, it gradually grew

weaker and weaker than what it had once been, and it proved

what a philosopher once said in comparing the prosperity

and greatness of kingdoms and states to the ebb and flow

of the sea. In the beginning it was governed as an empire,

but afterwards it was divided into many small states; the

greater subjects began to call themselves lords, then princes,

and from rebellious tyrants became kings, usurping under

that title the jurisdiction and lordship of lands which they

marked out in their greed by force, being by right of arms all

that remained to them, and with the power the title to reign.

In this way the Island was divided into many states; there

appeared more chieftains or titulary persons than princes : for

within a space of eighty leagues to the west there were the

-kingdoms of Cota and Columbo, then of Reigan, and in the

extreme southern point that of Gale, which borders on the

east with that of Jauwla, and on the north that of Settavaca ;

Candia and Uva are in the heart of the Island, and to the

east of it Vilacen: the maritime parts opposite these being

Batecalou in the east and Cofa in the west; then more

removed Triquilamale, Soufragao, Maturé, and Cotiar, and

above all, in ten degrees north, lies the port of Jafanapatan,

with the island of Manar.* ;

There was only a shadow of its ancient power left when

the Portuguese dominion took over the Island. It was

divided again, altering not only the form of Government,

but also the names of its kingdoms, for those which were

under our jurisdiction were reduced to provinces, leaving

only with the name of kings those of Candia, Uva,

Jafanapatan, with those of the Varias,} Disavas (which

are like unto our Counts), part of Batecalou, Pacar-

diva, and Balane, all feudatories to this Crown, and also

its bitterest foes. The remaining lands under the name of

Corlas, which correspond to Provinces, were brought under

* Kétté; Colombo ; Rayigama ; Galle; Y4lé; Sitavaka; Kandy; Uva:

Velassa ;. Batticaloa ; Trincomalee ; Sabaragamuwa ; Matara ; Kottiyaru ;

Jafina ; Mannar.—B., Hon. Sec. { Wanniyas.—B., Hon. See.

456 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. XI.

the Government of four Disavas, who resembled in a

way the Tetrarchs of Judza or the Viceroyships of Spain.

These last, of which there are thirty-one inall, weresubdivided

into districts called Patos ; but the name of Corla is especially

appropriated to the three kingdoms in general, in the same

way as the general name of Arragon includes others of the

same name. Thus the kingdoms of the Two, Four, and Seven

Corlas all have the same common name, which is added to

all the provinces ; two Disavas have their seats in Soufragao,

Seven Corlas, and Maturé, and to their government is added

that of Batecalou which lies within their boundaries. The

districts of Cotiar and Triquilamale are subject to the Captain

in command at Jafanapatan, who only differs from the

Disavas in name, because his judicial powers and authority

are the same.

On one side of the Island in the country of Secvtavaca is a

mountain range called by the natives Amalala Saripadi,*

which is the same as the land of Eve, and commonly called

“Adam’s Peak.” It rises gradually,and ultimately divides into

two ranges of unequal height. On the summit of the highest

is a level space of moderate circumference, in the middle of

which is to be seen a building, large enough for two tombs,

supported on massive boulders, and well in the centre is

traced the indentation of a man’s foot, somewhat larger than

the ordinary size, according to Diego de Couto, to whom

I refer for true information ; although others make it three |

palms in length, and the Calvinists (Hollanders), with their

usual lying, exaggerate it into seven, a size incredible for

monstrosity. The impression is so distinct that it appears as.

if it had been stamped on wax. At the foot of this

ridge is a stream, in which the pilgrims who come

up to visit this sanctuary wash and purify themselves

“= Amalala Saripadi: ‘‘Hamalel,” said to be one of the names of the

Peak. Jacob Bryant, in his New System of Mythology (Camb., 1767),

says this without any change is Ham-al-eel—Ham the Sun. The Hindus

describe Adam’s Peak by the term Swargarrhanum, “The ascent to

heaven.” [Samanala; Sri-pada.—B., Hon. Sec. |]

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. ADT

beforehand, for this place is held in great superstition and

veneration by every race in the Kast, who all contribute to.

its worship, and make numbers of pilgrimages. After their

ablutions they dress themselves with great care in new

clothes and then go on ascending, hauling themselves up in

many places with cords, iron chains, and ropes; so difficult

and dangerous is this part that it usually staggers the

boldest; and after their bodies are parched by the sun

they esteem and look upon them with the same veneration

as if they had been relics. Midway up there is a bell which

the travellers strike, then make an examination of their

conscience ; if it sounds, they are pure and worthy to kiss

the footprint. The infidels think variously on it, for the

Gentiles say that it is a prophet, whom they call Budon,

which means “Wisdom,” whom they say being the son

of a great monarch of the whole East, retired to this spot,

where he underwent great penance, afterwards becoming

to be worshipped as god ; with a great following of disciples

he passed over to Pegu. Inspired by prayer and fasting

he left that impression which was miraculously stamped

on the ground as a pledge and token of so great a

master, And the tooth, which is usually considered to

have belonged to a monkey, the Viceroy Don Constantino de

Braganza found in Jafanapatan, of which we shall speak

about in due time. With the lie is mixed up many other

lies, celebrating the life and miracles of their prophet,

which in many things conform with what is written about

St. Joseph, as Diego de Couto notices, making him to be the

Buddha (el Budon), and it is very probable that the

devil, to confound and throw disbelief on the life of this

holy being, surrounds him with fable.

The Moors believe that in this place is Adam’s tomb,

and that the footprint is his, because he was a giant.

It was an error of some Hebrews to say that our first

parents were giants, and so tall that they passed over the sea

on foot from the primeval earth about Paradise to Syria,

for we gather from Holy Scripture that the giants began

458 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XI.

after the death of Adam. Adam being made by the hand

of God, came out of the earth so complete and perfect in

stature, features, proportion, and beauty, that none of the

perfect men succeeded in keeping up that perfection, and

such terrible hugeness would savour more of the monster

than of man ; and if the giants had come first they would

have produced ugliness and not beauty.

This isthe pretence under which they worship the footprint.

The Calvinists (for we leave them in an error, which they do

not prove) follow the false ideas of the Moors, who make out

that in this place was the terrestrial paradise, which fable

they strengthen with the name, the fertility, and situation

of the Island and of the four rivers which water it, whose

sources are in Adam’s Peak. If there are authors who

confirm this, it is contradicted in a manner by all the

learned, who demonstrate it by the most solid arguments,

being contrary to what Holy Scriptures say, and he SOE

be a bold man who would swear to its truth.

Diego de Couto presumes that the footprint might be

that of the Apostle St. Thomas.

In proof of this notion, it is true that in the province of

Tucuman,* on the American mainland, and in Peru, are shown

in several places impressions of footprints stamped on the

ground and similar to this one, as some persons affirm who

have seen them, of whom Diego de Couto does not speak ;

and although the natives are barbarians without religion,

and live according to their natural and corrupt laws in the

depraved vices with which the devil has steeped them, they

have a tradition that the footprints are those of the glorious

Apostle St. Thomas. It is also true that close to Bahia,

ina hermitage of St. Thomas, is another footprint, which it is

said belongs to the same saint. Others assert that from its

worship began the idolatry of India; but who can get at the

facts of a thing of such antiquity surrounded with doubt

and difficulty ? The truth is, that the devil, always on the

* In Rio de la Plata.

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 459

alert for the destruction and perdition of souls, has, with

whatever is marvellous of this wonder, mixed up and con-

founded it with a host of superstitions and lies, so that it

appears to be his own invention for somewhat of the same

reason we have just been discussing.

CHAPTER II.

OF THE ORIGIN AND LINEAGE OF THE EMPERORS OF

CEYLAN TO THE ARRIVAL OF THE PORTUGUESE.

_ THERE are few kingdoms, if any, on earth into which there

has not been introduced a religion of some kind or other,

whether it be false or true ; for the divine and the marvellous .

with certain natural phenomena attract so easily the minds of

~ men as to subject them and take away their freedom, which

is the most precious thing in life.

The same thing happened in Ceylan; for it is related in

poetry, that the people who migrated from the other side of

the Ganges towards the east lived like wild beasts, without

Government, laws, or social ties, in caves, mountains, and

forests. These coming one day to the plains of Tanacarim,

which has since given its name to the kingdom, they were

waiting for the rising of the sun, whose light they worship-

ped. When, with the first rays which spread over the horizon,

the earth opened up, and suddenly from its bowels issued

out a man in the prime of life, of such beauty and majesty

that they felt compelled to prostrate themselves to the ground,

worshipping and praying him to tell them who he was, and

from whence he came? He replied, that he was the son of

the sun and the earth, and sent from heaven to guide and

govern them. They received him for king, and on account

of their veneration for the marvellous event, and the awe

they held him in, it was easy for him to unite them into a

nation. He founded towns, made governors, instituted laws,

and introduced commerce, and with the help of arms

97—93 D

460 | JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

extended his kingdom, which surpassed all the other Oriental

states, ruling over the land up to forty degrees north.

This empire remained to the descendants of this miraculous

prince for more than two thousand years ; and five hundred

years before the coming of Christ was the time when it

most flourished.

Vigia-raju, hereditary son of the last monarch of Tana-

carin, became, through his vices, so hated by his vassals,

that his own father resolved to banish him from his empire

in order to please his subjects, to whom he was more a

father than to his own son—an action worthy of a just

king, who places the welfare of the kingdom before that of

his own flesh and blood.

Expelled from the monarchy and disinherited for his depra-

vity, Vigia-rqju took with him four hundred young nobles,”

who had been his companions in education and debauchery,

and embarked in search of new shores and lands to live

in. The first land hediscovered was the Island of Ceylan, until

then uninhabited ;f and delighted with the fertility of the

land and its situation, he made up his mind to live in it,

and married the daughter of a neighbouring prince on the

opposite shore, who, knowing Vigia-raju, desired to be related

to him on account of his celestial lineage, sent over with

the princess many of the principal and most noble women of

his kingdom for the other exiles. His subjects began by

* Burnouf conjectures that the point from which Vijaya set sail for

Ceylon was the Godavery, where the name of Bandar-maha-lanka (the

port of the great Lanka) still commemorates the event. De Couto, recording

the Sinhalese tradition as collected by the Portuguese, says he landed at

Preature (Periyaturai), between Trincomalie and Jaffna, and that the first

city founded by him was Méntota. (Decade, V. 1. L.¢., 5.)

+ The early inhabitants of Ceylon before Vijaya were said to be the

Yakkho, or demons, and Nagas, or snakes. About the female Rakshasis or

demons, Hwieen Thsang, the Chinese traveller of the seventh century, says,

they continually were on the look out for the merchants who landed in

the Island; they assumed the forms of beautiful women, and coming before

them with sweet smelling flowers and musical instruments, enticed them

into the iron town. Then they feasted them and gave themselves up to

their carnal appetites, after which they shut the merchants up in iron

cages and eat them up one after the other.

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 461.

worshipping their prince Vigia-raju with all the adulation

and reverence due to a god; they introduced the Cambaja,

which was more a religious ceremony of adoration than of

courtesy, for they prostrated themselves on the eround when

they addressed him, a custom formerly used by the Curima-

vas (the name under which those idolaters, the descendants

of the sun, were known). So great was the superstition with

which these men looked upon all to whom they were subjects,

and whom they chose for princes. He became one of the

most powerful in the east, governing the whole Island as an

absolute monarch.

Having no sons he left the kingdom to one shana he

made his heir, under whose male descendants the empire

lasted until king -Boenagabo-pandar, who, having two

brothers, the second he named king of Reygan, and the last,

called Madumepandar, he made king of Certtavaca, retaining

for himself the kingdom of Cota, with the supreme title of

Emperor of the Island.*

Madune, envying the superior greatness of his brother,

resolved to dispossess him, and began along civil war, which

ended in his ruin; for Boenagabo sought the aid of the

Portuguese, with whom he had entered into close friendship ;

for he was the first who had correspondence with them when

they entered the Island,f and they upheld his empire and

reputation as longas he lived. He had only one daughter,

and wishing to preserve the male descent of his illustrious

race, he chose for son-in-law a prince, although poor, of

high birth, whose name was Trioulipandar, and whose

ancestors on both sides were of the Sun caste. From this

marriage was born a son called Dramabellabaopandar,t who

in after years was sworn in as Prince of Ceylan in Lisbon by

*Bhuvaneka Bahu VII., 1534-42 a.p. (Kotté); Raja Sinha Raja, alias

Rayigam Bandara (Rayigama); Mayadunné, 1534-81 A.D. (Sitavaka).—

B., Hon. Sec.

+ A misstatement. The Portuguese first entered Ceylon during the reign

of Dharmma Parakrama Bahu IX. (accession 1508 A.D.).—B., Hon. See.

{ Dharmmapéla Bandara, afterwards christened Don Juan (1542-97

A.D.).—B., Hon. Sec.

462 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). {Vou XL

King John III., his grandfather for this reason sending with

his ambassadors an effigy of his grandson as vassal of the

crown.

This prince, the Chronicle of S. Francisco and the Padre

Gonzaga call Parcapandar ;* and they say that, desirous of

becoming a Christian, he sent with this embassy a petition

for some Franciscan priests to be sent from Portugal to

baptize him, and preach the Christian law in Ceylan. Six

of them were sent from the Provinciat of Portugal,

having for their prelate Fray Juan de Villa de Conde; but

when they arrived in the Island they found the king had

changed his mind, and the result was that he did net become

a Christian. Fray Juan had great disputes for the space of

fifteen days with the Moorish priests and learned men, and

confounded them so by his arguments that they were

convinced,and did not venture to contend any more with

our friar, who, to prove the truth of his doctrine, offered te

walk through the fire with one of their head priests. After

this the king precluded them from preaching in Ceylan.

Although many came and were converted, he tried to prevent

conversion by great punishments; he killed his son for

having become a Christian, and confiscated the property of

many of the principal nobles of his household for the very

same reason.

This persecution lasted until his death, when he was

succeeded by his grandson in the year 1540, who, being

deposed by Raju,t a bastard son of Madumne his uncle,

retired to a convent of Franciscans, where he was baptized,

and taking the name of Don Juan Priapandar to the time

of his death. Seeing himself without issue he gave over the

inheritance and. succession of his empire to the Crown of

Portugal.

This prince left an elder brother of hisown name (not the

same whom Diego de Couto mentions, who was ef another

* Chron. de San Francisca, 4 p., c. 51, page 59; P. Gonz., £ p., fol 1208.

+ Provincia means a certain number of convents under a Provincial.

{ Raja Sinha I, 1581-92 a.p. (Sitavaka).—B., Hon. See.

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 463

branch), whom the Viceroy Don Alonso de Norofia in the

second year of his government brought to Goa, and from

thence to Portugal, where he was honoured at the court with

the title and the ceremonial due toa Count, and returning to

Goa married a Portuguese lady ; shortly afterwards he died

without leaving any children, and was buried in San

Francisco de Goa. He was, I believe, the last legitimate

prince of Ceylan, and with him became extinct the celestial

race of the Sun.

For Raju, now tyrant of the whole empire, was a bastard :

he had Drama for son, who was also illegitimate, being born

of a common prostitute, and for that reason it was never

known who his real father was : perhaps a barber or surgeon

of Ceittavaca, according to public opinion, as the Calvinists

relate, although that is not very certain, for evil report and

perfidy of all kinds so easily becomes a fixed opinion, how-

ever doubtful it may be. But the tyrant being a great soldier

was a favourite, because of his generosity and partiality to

the vices of his profession. He killed the Raja, his father,

together with his three legitimate sons: his ambition to

reign overruling all other natural instincts which induce

men, by that secret power of consanguinity, to love their

fathers as the authors of their being, and for the life

they owe them, This barbarian was ‘so cruel that after he

obtained the empire he sought only to preserve it by the

same tyrannical measures he had used in usurping it, so

that he drew down upon him the hatred of his principal

subjects, who killed him by poison, delivering over the

empire to the Portuguese. They by this time had already

conquered it by right of lordship, as well as by their nomi-

nation to the succession from the last legitimate Emperor D.

Juan Priapandar, also by the common right of inhabiting it

and wrenching it from the hands of the infidels as unjust

possessors, for denying the glory which they owe, as rational

creatures, to their God and Creator, Lord and Judge.

Theréfore it is by the common laws of justice that we

should conquer them and govern them, seizing all until

464 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). iV Ol. Xe

we made them capable of reason, teaching and ministering

unto them the true belief and evangelical law ; then, if they

will not adore and recognize the true God, worship and

reverence Him by divine, human, and natural laws, they

merit (as the Ishmaelites did) the penalty of death and the

confiscation of all their goods. Albeit in the beginning it was

the common opinion of the Spanish theologians (and as they

advised the Emperor Charles the Fifth) that it was not lawful

to set out on the conquest of souls in the same way as to the

hunting of wild beasts, baptizing and compelling belief by

force ; for souls should be governed by free will and by the

grace and help of God, which alone are of any value in

vocations.

In this way the Portuguese first treated them, making use

of navigation, treaty, and commerce for their redemption ;

but, disabused by their inhumanity and barbarism, and

seeing that the Zingalas were enemies to nearly the whole

human race, they used force to domesticate them, priests

to teach them, and legislators to make them understand that

they were men, and to inaintain them in the received faith ;

for it was thus God gave the power to teach his gospel, so

they had to take the proper means to convert the Gentiles and

protect the converted. On these principles, which were for

the glory of God and the universal good of the Church, the

high pontiffs, lords, and keepers of the souls of the

universe had the power to distribute amongst the faithful

of the Roman Church the lands which were in possession

of those who were not her subjects, nor members of its

spiritual yoke, who were therefore incapable of enjoying

the benefit of our laws so long as they remained in their

idolatry. They divided the dominion of a new world

between the two monarchs, the pillars of the Church,

as were the kings of Castile and Portugal, with ample

donations, and to whose title was added the infallible

right to the conquest of Ceylan as the share of the Portu-

guese. The tribute of vassalage which Boenagabo-pan-

dar was obliged to pay King Don Manuel, through Don

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 465

Lourenzo de Almeida,* who was the first Portuguese to land

in the Island sword in hand (his father Don Francisco de

Almeida being Viceroy of India at the time), four hundred

bares of cinnamon, which is equal to two thousand quintals

of our weight, each bar weighing five quintals, But this

tribute being nearly all lost, he renewed it twelve years

afterwards during his government, reducing it by five bares

of cinnamon, and adding in its place twelve surtijas (rings)

of rubies and sapphires and as many elephants; and then he

built the Fort of Columbo, and placed in it a captain and

officers, more for the protection of the factory and their trade

than for any idea of ruling over the land with a garrison.

The King of Cota with our assistance and friendship

grew both in reputation and power; and Madume

‘his brother, forming an alliance with the Camorin} and

other Malabar princes, never once ceased to molest him,

waging continual war on him by sea and by land; by which

Columbo became one of the most dangerous places of arms

in India, and a school where military valour was proved and

military discipline learnt. For the Zingalas, naturally war-

like, had become bolder by the prolonged struggle, had

increased in strength and courage, and had acquired dex-

terity and knowledge in the use of arms, being equally

careless of life and ambitious of honour: on the other

hand the Portuguese fought more with the renown of their

victories than with the very limited help the State and

* Don Lourenzo d’Almeida, son of Don Francisco d’Almeida of the

blood royal. Don Francisco d’Almeida, the first Portuguese Viceroy of

India, was sent out by King Don Manuel, who resolved to govern by his

-ablest officers, raised to guasi-regal powers. Don Francisco was accom-

‘panied by his son Don Lourenzo as Chief Captain of the Sea. He left

‘Lisbon 25th March, 1505, with 20 keel carrying 15,000 men.

Mas sis outro, cantava, intitulado

Vem com nome Real, a tray comsigo

O filho, que no mar sera illustrado.— Os Lusiados, Canto X., 26.

‘Behold now! she sang, ‘another comes of Royal name, and with him

he brings his son, who on the sea will be illustrious.’ ”’

+ The Zamorin of Calicat.—B., Hon. Sec.

466 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von XT

Captains gave them for the defence and safety of the

Kmperor and King D, Juan.

At whose death, and the resignation of his grandson

(already mentioned), our forces began the work of conquest,

being already masters of the greater part of the Island, which

was abandoned by the Zingalas after they rebelled against

the tyrant Drama.

For the better management of their supreme government

it was necessary for a person of higher rank and greater

authority than the ordinary Captains of Columbo, who until

then had governed and commanded the armies, although

their post had always been occupied by noblemen.

Matias de Alboquerque being Viceroy of India, nominated

Pedro Lopes de Souza (until then Captain of Malacca) to be

Governor and Captain-General of the Island of Ceylan,

of whose end we shall say something when we relate the war

with Candia.

To Pedro Lopes succeeded Don Jeronimo de Azevedo, in

whose time the Emperor D. Juan died. For eighteen years

he governed the possession with fitful fortune, and passing

over from this post to the vice-regal post of India, left in his

place Don Francisco de Menezes, who had been up till then

his Field-Captain-Major, as they were called by his Lieute-

nants and Camp Master-Generals.

After a year he died, and was succeeded by Don Francisco

Manuel Homem Mascarefias, who during the ten years

he governed acted with valour and prudence, bravely

opposing the designs of the king of Candia, the most

formidable enemy we had in the Island, and against whom a

cruel and obstinate war had waged. Amongst the laudable

acts this knight did during his Government was the division

and distribution of the aldeas (villages), which were subject

tous (they are what in the West Indies are called encomiendas

or charges). They were very numerous, and as they gave the

chief ones to his arbitration, there was no lack of rewards,

nor of pay for the services.

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 467

; At the death of Manuel’ Homen, his post was filled

by Don Nufio Alveres Pereira, second son of the Count

de la Feyra, of many and illustrious services.

Now, at this time the great part of the Island was in open

rebellion, following the summons of Madumne, descendant of

the old one, who, as native Prince, drew over to him almost

all the Zingalas, and principally two famous rebels, whose

names were Cangarache and Barreto. They at one time

were faithful to the Portuguese, but afterwards, being

convicted of high treason against the Divine and human

Majesty, were forced into an alliance with Madune, more

for their own selfish interests than for any patriotic cause ;

but using that name as a subterfuge to remove the suscepti-

bilities of the Zingalas, they remained ready to help them

in their need.

Don Nufio Alveres worked hard to pacify the Island, using

milder remedies than what the disease called for, infidelity

being at the root, the most contagious disease that could

happen to the republic ; it appeared impossible to cure it

other than by drastic measures, and as he did not use them,

he did nothing more but superficially heal it, leaving the

soulsin the same diseased state as he found them, that it

may be said although he ended the war, he did not obtain

peace; for within the Island there remained the smouldering

fires of discord, the rebels proud, powerful, and rich, with great

_retinues and numbers of followers, and the King of Candia,

not like a barbarian, but making the best of the occasion, and

fully aware of the opportunity he had of extending his

territories, seeing the straits Don Nufo Alveres was in, and

that it offered him peaceful means of getting advantages,

which he could not get otherwise than by victorious arms.

Like Sertorious, as Plutarch relates, when at the lowest ebb

of fortune, showed himself more unyielding, prouder, and

more active than ever, he refused the easy terms of peace

which the triumphant Romans offered him, and would have

nothing less than the restoration of his country.

468 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou, Xe =

He came to propose terms to the General if he would

concede the lands of Zriquilamale, Batecalou, Pamniva,

and part of Balane, which that prince very much desired

and pretended to without any more right than that of

convenience and neighbourhood, remaining with these lands

lord over the greater part of the Island, with free trade and

entry to the northern enemies, his ancient confederates.

Don Nufio Alveres met these demands as a soldier, and

answered with caution to the conditions of peace which the

King of Candia proposed ; much more so when he saw that

the title alone was given as a dowry by the Emperors of Cota,

and placed us in possession of the coasts of Ovorocalava.*

But at this time this conquest was not favourable to the

wishes of the Indian states, and badly off for both men and

money, more than ever necessary to Don Nufio Alveres, he

was compelled, rather than perish by their hands, to sign a

peace, declaring at the same time that it would only take

effect with the sanction of His Majesty, or that of the

Viceroy of India.

This declaration appeared more to preserve the credit of

the General and a motive for a new war than any resolution to

finish the old one, for the peace was not only considered an

insult to the prestige of the Portuguese, but also detrimental

to the conquest, especially when it made the King of Kandy

more powerful. But considering what Socrates advised to

princes and subjects that they never should make bonds of

friendship nor alliance with any who were in the habit of

breaking them, that those alone are friends whose friendship

is useful, Don Nufio Alveres well understood that the

merest pretext would be sufficient to break down the peace.

He depended only on the authority of His Majesty for any

decisive action with them, and under this pretext he sheltered

himself from present danger, and whatever he might have

apparently lost he did not lose so very much after all to the

Crown, for the King of Candia remained its vassal with a

* Nuwarakalaviya.—B., Hon. Sec.

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 469

tribute of two elephants a year, which was an acknowledg-

ment that he knew the straits we were in, and the idolater

gave in easily so as not to push us to extremities.

Such was the state of affairs in Oeylan when our Con-

stantino de Sa, who succeeded Don Nujio Alveres, arrived to

govern it.

CHAPTER III.

THE AUTHORITY, JURISDICTION, AND FORCES OF THE

PORTUGUESE GENERALS IN THE ISLAND ; ITS

FERTILITY, RELIGION, RITES, AND CUSTOMS

OF THE NATIVES.

IT was a matter of serious deliberation to the Crown of

Portugal the election of a Captain-General and Governor

for the Government of Ceylan, for besides this title, which

was very necessary to give prestige to the conquest, it was

moreover a subject of the greatest importance as to the

forces which were to accompany him, his powers of adminis-

tration to enable him to govern with equal authority both

in peace and war time. Considering all these things, he

represented to the Zingalas the person and authority of

their Emperors ; they made to him the Zwmbaya (profound

reverence), called him Highness, and used all the insignia of

royalty. The administration of justice was done verbally

without any further judicial procedure; all cases were

disposed of by his arbitration alone. He also elected the

Modeliares (judges), who assisted him with their counsel

and votes, also two Votiares (secreturies)* for the despatch of

ordinary business. In these functionaries were combined all

the tribunals of the Government, over whom ruled, with

absolute power, the General, preserving at the same time the

suzerainty of the native princes: but, as they were so

barbarous, and distinguished nothing between the divine and

*“ Mudaliyars, Mohottiyés.—B., Hon. Sec.

470 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XT.

the human, profanely mixing up religion with politics, the

Christian zeal of the Portuguese separated everything which

belonged to ecclesiastical government from secular jurisdic-

tion ; tempering many excesses which savoured of tyranny,

such as the cupidity of the Emperors who inherited from

their vassals, defrauding them of their own legitimate rights

by taking a third part of every inheritance, which made the

sovereign always one of the heirs of the family.

The Governors held their court in Malmuana, three leagues

from Columbo, in sumptuous palaces at a place they called

FRosapani.* WHerethree times in each year came to visit them

the principal Zingalas of the Island, who brought with

them large presents as a sign of their friendship and

allegiance, a custom derived from the Government of

their own princes, who, like all tyrants, know no law but

their own selfishness and greed ; but this was discountenanced

by our General, because of the danger it incurred of cor-

rupting the integrity of the Chief Magistrates by these baits:

for cupidity.

When the Governor made journeys through the Island, the

people received him with much feasting, and his entry was

made through triumphal arches, the magistrates and citizens:

prostrating themselves on the ground to give him welcome.

His progress is with great state and ostentation, and even

more so when on any warlike expedition.

The strength of the militia was kept up and regulated

according to the necessity of the times: it was raised or

disbanded as the Viceroy of India considered necessary for

the conquest of the Island, although that was always kept up

by astanding camp of the Portuguese army at Manicaravareé,{

conveniently situated on the Kandyan frontier at a distance

of seven leagues, and nine from Colombo. It was under the

command of the Master-General of the camp, who, with the

rank of Captain-Major, had the power and state of a Governor.

* See ante, p. 431, note. The Governor-Generals were styled “ Kings of

Malvane” (Ribeyro, Cap. X.).—B., Hon. Sze.

+ Menikkadavara, in Beligal Kéoralé—B., Hon. Sec.

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. AGL

It was a post usually filled by only the most capable and

deserving, for it was the most important one in the Island,

to which the whole military force was subordinate.

The native levies called Lascarins, and the more plebeian

Pachas,* were under the Modeliares, Araches, and Disawas ;

the first were like the Masters of Camp, and the others the

same as Captains of Infantry. They usually lived in their

own houses, and were enlisted when the General required

their services ; and asa surety for their fidelity they received

as salary the rental of villages.

The pay of the Portuguese was very limited: the General

only received 4,000 xarafines (605 reales), his Lieutenant

1,000 zarafines, the Captains 200, and the soldados 20, over

and above the ordinary rations of food and drink they got in

billeted quarters at the public expense: and in these there

was no rigorous law which they did not profess with pain of

death, and if peradventure they escaped the bullet, they did

not escape the Captain’s punishment, so that these quarters

may be termed barracks rather than lodgings.

Besides the ordinary paid soldiery, the four Disawas who

governed the provinces had others enrolled and always ready

at the General’s call, who had the provision of all the places,

posts, governments, villages (aldeas), Disawas, regiments,

companies’ governments, their wages, and other advantages

the Island contained at her disposal.

At this time we held, scattered over it, the fortresses of

Columbo, Negumbo, Galle, Sofragao, Beligao, and Manar.

The first three contained a great number of Portuguese

with the privileges of cities. The chief town of all and

capital of the whole empire was Columbo, containing more

than a thousand closely packed houses, a city raised on the

ruins of Cota, usurper of its dominion and fortunes, and

posted at two leagues from it. On the western coast of

the Island, surrounded by a lagoon, stood the fort, builton a

promontory jutting out into the sea for a short distance,

* Sin. Paduva.—B., Hon. Sec.

472 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XI.

which, forming a small bay, left open and exposed to the

north winds, made a very stormy roadstead. The naval

power so necessary for the guard and security of the coast

was little or nothing, for the royal revenues were small

owing to the many expenses continually incurred by the

ordinary allowances to the forces which were necessary to

keep up our prestige, which had waned as the revenues

became exhausted, and in order to prevent this a Veedor de la

hazienda* (whatin Castile are called Accountant-Generals) was

appointed over the Treasury who administered the accounts.

In this way the Island of Ceylan was governed in military

and civil affairs, always keeping in view the increase of

Christianity, which was the main object of the Generals by

command of their sovereign. Many orations, which in the

Western Indies are called doctrines, were delivered by the

religious orders of the Franciscans and Jesuits, who, in the

name of the Apostles, never ceased a single moment by word

or deed for the conversion of souls; and although the harvest

was great, still the greater number of the Zingalas was

saturated with superstition by their contact and union with

the Moros (Moors), of whom there were a great number in

the Island, and when they were converted to our religion it

was often to suit their own convenience, remaining in it

as long as it served their interests, and apostatizing the

moment anything happened to thwart them; so that they

never were greater heathens than when they appeared to be

Christians. They were naturally stiff-necked and deaf to

the voice of the gospel, like unto those idolaters of Malabar,

whose superstitions and customs they usually follow, being

more prone to the worship and veneration of idols than all

the nations of Asia, which many make of the most irrational

thing they meet with during the day. In many ways they

*“ The Veedor de la hazienda, “the Upper Surveyor of the king’s goods.” —

It was the most important office in Ceylon as well as at Goa, where he was

next to the Viceroy himself. As there was no efficient audit of his.

accounts, and it was no crime for a Portuguese at this period to cheat the

King of Spain, his embezzlements were on a vast scale.

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 473

appear to be the apes of our ritual, for they have priests

whom they call Changatares,* who live in monasteries, chant

in unison, walk in processions, and go about with their heads

shaved ; clothed, asarule,in yellow gowns, and like madmen

walk about muttering to themselves ; people look up to them

withgreat veneration ; but those who hold the first place and

arelooked upon as saints are the Jogues,} almost the shadow of,

or corresponding unto, the Gymnosophists of the Ethiopians ;

these last wander from pagoda to pagoda, and for penitence

and vices the devil has no greater martyrs. Only in the

succession of estates is there any great difference between the

Zingalas and Malabars, for the former adhere to the natural

laws of inheritance to the sons and not to the nephews, if

we are to believe Diego de Couto as an eye-witness against

that which the author of the Life of St. Francis Xavier says

to the contrary.

As to what relates to the customs, the cause of the Island’s

fertility and cheapness, and to the natural corruption which

predominates there more than in any other part, there is not

a prouder, more sensual, and vainer race in all the Hast than

the Zingalas, nor one which hates more agricultural labour

or any other labour for the acquisition of property : for they

are contented with little or nothing, not through lack of

greed, but from over-confidence. Since with only four larins

(equal to two reales) they fancy themselves rich, and after-

wards become vain ; although I think this vanity may have

been somewhat caught from their communication with the

Portuguese : for defects and vices adhere to one more easily

than virtues do. By this false parsimony they are born in

poverty, living disgracefully, and taking such little care of

_* TJ. ¢., those who practice Sangata (Sin.), the religious observances of

Buddhism.—B., Hon. Sec.

+ Jogee, S. Hind. Jogi: Hindu ascetic, and sometimes conjuror.—One

who practices Yoga, a system of meditation combined with austerities,

which is supposed to induce miraculous power over elementary matter.

In fact the stuff which of late has been propagated in India by certain

persons under the name of Theosophy and Enteric Buddhism, which is

essentially the doctrine of the Jégis.

AT4 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). Wom.” XOl:

their families and children that when they die they leave

their money buried, which they had kept hidden with such

secrecy that it might be kept as a fund for their resurrection,

—a, Pythogorean superstition they continually follow, but for

which they also accuse the covetousness of the princes who

had despoiled them of their inheritance. But neither this

nor greater tyrannies ever raffled the unswerving constancy,

esteem, and love they showed towards their native princes,

hating so much foreign yoke that they could not believe in any

generosity even when assisted (so miserable was their nature):

for any rebel who pretended to free them from slavery,

they were always ready to lose both their lives and property

in order to recover their freedom. To the Portuguese

they were usually traitors in word and deed, and it is

very true what an historian remarks about them, that

they are a people full of lies, fraud, and treachery, consider-

ing they derived their origin from the Chinese, the most

treacherous nation on earth, and on the other hand from .

the aborigines of the Island, whose evil life was well known

for its depravity. By thisalliance it appears there came to be

mixed up in their flesh and blood all the vice and corruption

of their habits, preserving in their descendants the malice

and depravity of their forefathers ; yet, notwithstanding so

many vices, they had still some moral virtues which might

be set forth as an example to the Catholics, for they greatly

detest robbery and theft, and have such confidence that they

never put locks to the doors of their houses; and it is told

of a Raja, wishing to put their confidence to the test, that he

ordered all the black cattle with gold bells to be left to wander

at large about the fields. It is marvellous the immutability

and self-possession with which they look upon death, without

changing countenance or uttering a word. They consider it

noble not to kill their enemies by poison, and to obey with

great submission and fidelity their superiors. They observe

with such nicety all gradations of rank, separating the nobles

from the common people, that in no way will they consent

to intermarry with any one of unequal station or of different

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 475

easte or office, holding separate even the judges who decide

common disputes from those who settle criminal cases. As

they only consider the profession of arms (for peace is an

accident with them, war the ruling custom), the Modeliares,

Araches, and Disavas are their captains as well as their

judges and magistrates. They know of no other titles, and are

governed by the same laws and discipline in peace as in war

time ; for it was in that manner they gained their empire,

and how they preserved and increased it. There is no doubt

that this is why they became so warlike: the exercise of

arms and contempt of death instilled more courage into them

than they had given them by nature ; for rarely we expose

ourselves to danger without the feeling of self-preservation

keeping us back, and although our courage might be increased

by continual war, yet no spirit contemplates being carried off

without some trepidation.

For this reason that profane Florentine politician com-

mended so highly the ancient sacrifices, because it made

men accustomed to kill and shed blood to look upon their

own death with complacency, hardening their hearts, and

making them courageous; and with still greater blasphemy

he condemned the long-suffering patience the Gospel law

teaches, commanding to forgive and tolerate the trespasses

against us, and to love our enemies. He desired that venge-

ance should invariably be taken, because tolerance promoted

both weakness, ignorance, and impiety, an error without

reason and unworthy to be considered. For the generosity of

one who pardons possesses qualities of a superior courage to

the greatest worldly valour ; since no one can compete with

him who puts up with the contempt of an enemy he has

forgiven, and no one wishes dead whom he does not fear

alive. Itis very certain that only the Gospel teaches true

courage, as exemplified by the singular courage displayed by

so many martyrs of all ages, irrespective of sex or position,

and whom the Church glorifies, who showed themselves

undaunted under the awful tortures inflicted by the greatest

of tyrants. There are many other considerations which are

97—93 E

476 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

entirely opposed to the erroneous opinion of this blasphemer,

even speaking politically ; for in the West Indies those who

are continually in the habit of shedding blood in their

sacrifices are great cowards, insomuch that a thousand of

them will fly before the face of a single Spaniard, as

related in the history of their discovery. And so with the

Zingalas when the Portuguese landed: they had not the

pluck to resist their arms ; but since then, by the practice

and exercise of arms they have become brave, strong and

healthy, swift runners, and sober.

So great isthe power obtained by habit and exercise that

cowards become brave men, and rude, uncultivated barbarians

become disciplined warriors. It is for this reason Lycurgus

and Scipio advised it prudent not to carry on a long, tedious

war with any one nation ; and it has been proved by experi-

ence in the losses sustained by Rome during the Punic wars,

by Spain in Grenada, and the Portuguese in Barbary, and

particularly in the Flemish wars, and these last against the

Zingalas in the East.

They go about naked above the waist, but from thence to

the knee are covered with very ragged clothes; their feet

are bare, and on their head a cap they call Topis,* which come

down over the cheeks. Incolour they approach the Mulat-

toes of Spain, Although many of them are born very fair,

they become browner as they grow older: in figure they

almost equal the Spaniards. The women have neat, well-

made shapes, and are modest in bearing. They are more costly

in their attire than the men, and wear bracelets and rings

with stones of great price. They go about very trim from

below the waist, their head and hair done up with great care

and elegance, keeping all very clean and neat. Soscrupulous

are they, both men and women, that a Zingala will not

eat whilst another carves, although he may be perishing with

hunger. They arealso very delicate about their food, which

their wives usually prepare, who are very clever in the way

* Sin. Port. toppiya.—B., Hon. See.

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. ATT

they cook their meats, preparing them with great taste and

eulinary knowledge in various appetizing ways of gastronomy

in which they carry it out.

There is no doubt that Ceylan is the best piece of territory

there is in the Indies. Wherever we look, whether it is on

the sea, or the air, or the land, the mountains and forests are

full of the best cinnamon in the world, and contain a

hundred thousand other herbs and wild fruits so varied in

fragrance, taste, and flavour, that they not only serve to glut

every sense, but afford the ordinary food of the inhabitants

and trade and traffic throughout the Kast.

The arecanut (/a areca), the most valuable of all, is

exported from this Island. It grows in bunches as thick as

grapes, and as bigas cypress apples. The trunk of the tree is

- jikethe palm in straightness, but thinner and drier. They use

the nut and mix it with the betel leaf (e/ betere), a herb whose

leaves climb like ivy, and with chunam (el chunambo),

a kind of lime: this composition they make into a paste, -

which they usually have in their mouths, chewing it

like goats; and it is perhaps owing to this custom that

the Portuguese gave to the Indians the name of cabras.

It preserves the teeth, strengthens the stomach to a certain

extent, dries up all humidities, and completely stops

salivation: it is regarded as a thing of great courtesy and

- nicety amongst the Zingalas. But what increases its value

amongst these barbarians, and gives it such a trade, is that it

nourishes the sensual organs : it is excessively hot, so much

so that it excites the fire of their brutal passions. There are

other trees like the quince (/os membrillos), from whose

flower is distilled a simple water, which excels in odour all

that is prepared in Europe. The taste of some fruits is so

excellent and delicious that the Zingalas go up the mountains

on purpose to eat them, with nothing more than what nature

gave them.

On the other side of the Island the rice they call late is so

abundant in the fields that it gave its name to the kingdom

E 2

478 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XL

of Batecalou.* So great is the variety of maize, grain, and

vegetables, that in many places there are two or three har-

vests in the year from only one sowing, and whilst these

are growing there are always others ripe and ready to be

- reaped. :

The minerals and rocks produce an infinite number of

rubies, sapphires, cats-eyes, emeralds, and other varieties of

precious stones.

The sea, which is full of dainty fish, and washes ashere

large pieces of amber, is one of the three great pearl fisheries

in the East.

The air, notwithstanding the Torrid zone, is so pure,

healthy, and delightful, that disease of any malignant and

contagious type is scarcely known; so that the Island is a

perfect garden, always fresh and peaceful to the sighi,

irrigated perennially by many rivers—seventeen in number

are the principal ones, The four parent streams have their

sources in the summit of Adam’s Peak, flowing downwards in

numerous streams through the various kingdoms they bathe,

as at Malvana, Calaturé, Candia, and Maturé, stopping up

their current by dams in tanks, of which there are many,

serving to irrigate the dry low lands. These rivers are usually

navigable, and form in many places safe harbours capable of

holding boats and even large vessels, so that the transport of

goods and merchandise can be carried on by water instead of

by land, which is swampy and full of creeks, without the

necessity of dykes, as in Flanders, They are full of reptiles,

some very poisonous, and huge crocodiles, strong enough te

have been known to drag down two bullocks tied together:

this makes the fords very dangerous. The small streams

even are full of leeches, which are most troublesome. But

mother nature has supplied the natives of Ceylon with equai

providence with a herb which, when chewed, preserves from

the effects of, and curesthe most, deadly wounds. They eali

* Bate—perhaps Sin. bat, “boiled rice.” The derivation assigned

to Batticaloa is. of course, fanciful.—B., Hon. See.

No. 41.—1890.] | REBELION DE CEYLAN. 479

it “the snake-root ”’* (Faiz de culebra), and it is a great

antidote for all kinds of evils. This plague is not confined

to the rivers: the land is also infested.

Snakes abound; amongst them that called de Capilla

is not the least noxious: although none come up to what the

bears and aléast do. These last are elephants without tusks,

who are so savage and inimical to man, that they go out and

lie in wait for him on the high roads. The tuskers, although

less numerous in this Island, so productive of wild beasts,

are reputed the best in all India for generosity and courage.

They (elephants) are acknowledged to be most obedient,

soverned only by natural instinct, which is wonderfully deve-

loped in these animals, and wonderful are the tricks that are

told of them; by which they are of great service, and estimated

at high prices in the East. They are the principal sinews of

their armies, and always placed in the van, because of the

impetus and ferocity of their charge ; and for this reason His

Majesty will not allow them to be taken out of the Island

without his license, and the hunting of them is considered

royal patrimony. They enjoy the privilege of being allowed

to run free, and no one is allowed to kill them, unless they

come and destroy the crops; so that among the wild beasts

they have the ambition of being the lords and masters.

Notwithstanding all this vigilance, many are killed for the

profit to be got from the ivory, out of which the Zingalas

make very curious and clever things; for their genius,

industry, and application at this sort of work have made

them singularly clever and marvellous workmen.

Panthers (#igves) abound in the Island, but do not much

harm. Thereare also civet cats, buffaloes, cows, which are used

in cultivating the land, and are worth about a pardéo each.

* It is in the town of Diu where the famed snake stones, or Pierres de

cobra, are made. They are composed of roots which are burnt to ashes ;

the cinders are collected and mixed witha kind of earth. They are again

burnt with the earth, and after that a paste is made, out of which the

stones are moulded. A little blood must be let from the wound with a

needle, and the stone applied to it until it drops off itself.—7hevenot.

+ Sin. aliyd.—B., Hon. See.

480) JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). PVoOE, Kis:

Game is plentiful, and of many kinds : for hunting there are

wild boar, deer, stags; and for minor sport, hares, macareos

(which are like small goats), jungle-fowl, wild duck, pigeons,

and turtle doves of various colours, and a great number of

other birds, whose names are barely known. So vast are the

jungles and the flocks so great that seventy hens are bought

for a parddo.

Such are the customs, such the blessings, the riches, and

fertility of the Island.

CHAP TGR EV:

WHO CONSTANTINO DE SA Y NORONA WAS. HIS ELECTION

AS GOVERNOR AND CAPTAIN-GENERAL OF CEYLAN.

THE Provinces and Kingdoms of the Island of Ceylan were

in the state we have mentioned when Constantino de Sa

came to govern it—the pious and holy King Don Philip IT.

of Portugal and III. of Castile then reigning over the Spanish

monarchy. He was a native of Lisbon, a country as famous

as his lineage, of which the Romans made no little boast, as

if the qualities of the soul depended on the greatness and

coodness of the country ; but to be born in one country more

than in any other is a thing which neither adds to, nor

detracts from, the qualities of the person. Hewas descended

from the baronial family of the De Sas, whose ancient

nobility sprang from the noblest colonists of Rome, although

the true founder of the house is unknown. They came over

to Portugal in the time of King Don Pedro the Cruel ; and

afterwards, in the reign of Don John I., became lords

and inheritors of lands and feudal vassals. For we find Juan

Rodriguez de Sa already Lord of Sever and Grand Knight

in his own right, without favour or fortune, and without

any qualification or post, or any new name of lineage. He

married the hereditary daughter of Luis de Aferedo, Veedor

de la hazienda, who was married to Dofia Aldonga de

Menezes, daughter of the great hero Don Pedro de Menezes,

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 451

first Count of Villa-Real, and by this marriage in respect to a

right of succession which Dofia Aldonca bequeathed to her

descendants, her sons called themselves Sas de Menezes, of

whose name and house they are the chief, as in Portugal are

called the Counts cf Matosifios y Penaguion, the Grand Cham-

berlain of the properties of the Kings of Portugal. From

this union sprang a grandson, Francisco de Sa de Menezes,

whom they surnamed De los Oculos, a Cavellero, well known

in the history of India for his name and services; and being by

Dofia Juana de Norona, his mother, a grandson also of the

Count of Odemira, he changed the name to Constantino de

Sa de Menezes y Norofa. From this Francisco de Sa was

born Martin Lourengo de Sa de Menezes, father of our

Governor, a man of valour and reputation, who, after serving

in the armies of the Coast and as .Frontero (Warden of the

Marches) in Ceuta some years, died at the age of thirty,

leaving his son Constantino in charge of his grandfather,

under whose care and instruction he received his first

education.

He was at first intended for the Church; that is why |

he obtained some knowledge of letters, and distinguished

himself not less in the gown than he did inarms. Constantino

de Sa continued his studies at Lisbon, but left them off as

soon as his grandfather Francisco de Sa died: when he

became the head scion of his house, which was esteemed

more for the memory of the founder than for its wealth.

For this cavalier was not rich, because he never knew what

avarice was, being one of the most distinguished men of his

time, not only for his services, but for his high character,

folowing them up through the most disastrous times and

adversities of this kingdom, until the death and extinc-

tion of the royal race.* When his relations and companions

_ offered him means of acquiring, by their example, riches and

estates, he retired to his house at Belen, asuburb of Lisbon.

All the reward he had was solitude and leisure ; and some

* At the battle of Alcacerdo Sul.

482 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou, Xal2)

years afterwards the idea of bringing up his grandson, who

was born in 1586, preparing him to inherit with the property

his valour, his disinterestedness, and his virtues. From these

lessons our Constantino de Sa became a better student than

those who studied with the brothers of the Company of

Jesus at St. Anthony’s College; for throughout his life his aim

was to gain honour and glory and to despise wealth. He was

so ambitious of this that there was never seen one so anxious

and so eager to obtain it: he undertook one thing after

another, for he never was at a loss to know where to seek it,

and never left off until he had gained his ends; and it is

certain that if the piety and religion of his soul was not

greater than all his actions, it would appear that his God was

his honour. A great many of his virtues were natural to

him, yet he could not deny that the example and education

he received from his grandfather had instructed him, and

given him that determined character, never to swerve from

the path of honour, which led him on to true virtue, and by

this doctrine corrected the defects which are usually inborr

with man.

From early youth fortune was against Canstantino de Sa,

for it abandoned his grandfather at a time he most needed

it; but the old man’s love, together with his forethought,

made him think of providing for his grandson’s life against

his own death. He therefore chose for his tutors D. Juan

d’Acosta and Mathias d’Alboquerque (who became Viceroy

of India in after years), and who were both relations and

intimate friends. Under this guardianship he brought up his

grandson until he was eighteen years old, when he married a

daughter of one of the Lords of Povo-lide, called Melo of the

House of the Counts of Oliven¢a, nobles of this kingdom.

The struggle he had with life, and the retiring modesty

which always kept Constantino back, would not allow him

the leisure of married life ; and rather exchanging the sweet

gifts of woman and the quiet of a family life for the rough

military career, which was the life to which his inclination

most led him, he embarked the very same year of the

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 483

wedding, which was 1607,on a coasting expedition. Hejoined

it as a gentleman-at-arms; but he fell dangerously ill of a

malignant fever, and returned home, where he wasted three

years of ill-health, with little enjoyment, a close prisoner,

and with new ties preventing him following up his wishes ;

for by this time he was father of two sons. But the spirit’s

yearnings are stronger than all worldly considerations, and

nobody could prevent Constantino de Sa from going to

Mazagan to serve as a Frontero with distinction and renown.

He chose that post as being one of the three that Portugal

held in Barbary, the most exposed to hostile incursions, and

entered it in the year 1612, when Henrique Correa de Sylva

was Governor; and giving satisfaction in the way he con-

ducted himself, and the anxiety he showed to emulate

his superiors, he returned home after two years and a half’s

service in that command: then he went to court to try for

promotion. He received neither reward nor thanks for his

services in Africa—the way the Kings of Portugal commonly

treated the Fronteros, to whom they owed so much for

the service to which they were appointed. Neither were

fulfilled the many promises he had had made him in

satisfaction for the great and signal services of his grand-

father and other members of the family, of whom Con-

stantino de Sa was the heir, although the personal effects

were not many, yet what was owing to him by inheritance

was sufficient to make him a creditor to his king. For

every engagement and claim the prince is bound to satisfy

subjects for the services they inherit from their ancestors,

just as if they were still living, since they represent them

personally. Also the king, by the contract he makes with

those who serve him, makes himself liable to give remunera-

tion, and remains a debtor of the reward to the successors ;

inasmuch that it is necessary for the Republic of which

he is Chief and Administrator to insure its safety and to

increase its power that all services should be paid for, and

rewarded, according to merit and not according to fortune,

and which does not require personal service from the heirs.

484 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CHYLON). (Vou. XI.

For the debt of a prince is not wiped out by the incapacity

of the creditor, unless he may be in office or publicly em-

ployed, in which case his post should be filled up by the

worthiest. It is then that he has to look for personal merit.

The heirs only remain serving merely out of regard and

consideration, their substantial qualities being required for

the armies.

Despondency did not take away from Constantino de Sa

his desire for the profession of war, and his own inclinations,

rather than any prospect of new aspirations or hopes, made

him determined to go to India. Jt was an extraordinary, or

rather a fatal resolution, for it was condemned by his rela-

tions and deplored by his wife and children, of whom he had

already four, and a fifth coming: it seemed as if the fates

were summoning himto “the common sepulchre of the De

Sas,” as India was called by the knights of that race. But

although this was the common complaint of the nobility of

this kingdom, there was no doubt that numbers bearing this

name had died in those parts occupying great posts more for

glory than for wealth.

This example Constantino de Sa was forced to follow

out of necessity, and because of the straits in which his

family had been placed for many years. Leaving the court

at last in March, 1614, he embarked for India on board

the ship Almiranta, in which were other noblemen, and

whose Captain was Paulo Rangel de Castel-Branco. But

leaving Lisbon late in the season (a common mistake of the

Government, and an old and almost irremediable error of its

officials, whose mistakes and carelessness caused so many

grave losses), they could not arrive at Goa that year ; for when

they reached the latitude of Socotra they had as a last

resource to put back to Mombaca, an island on the African

coast, close to the Ethiopian main. Fora short time before the

end of this long voyage the continual tempestuous weather,

the want of provisions and putrefaction of the water, the con-

tagious diseases which are produced on these coasts, with other

disorders which usually accompany such disasters, might

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN, 485

have ended in some terrible shipwreck, exposed as they were

to the mercy of the waves and of fate, before they reached

Magadoxo, a Moorish city on the coast of Ethiopia, without

knowing where they were. In that latitude they had sighted

two vessels, and in the despair of lost beings Constantino de

Sa put off in the ship’s skiff (esquife) with four soldiers

and ten sailors to find out what they were, and after chasing

them for two days found that they belonged to the State,

and returned with the good news to his companions. Seven

hundred were down with sickness, and the few remain-

ing were almost all untrustworthy, without experience,

and unwilling to work; so that when they saw themselves

about to perish from starvation and thirst, they began to fill

the ship with mutiny and sedition, which was the worst

calamity of all, persuading themselves that it was the Cap-

tain’s fault that they were in that peril. It was then that

Constantino de Sa, having consumed all his stores and his

own portion, which he freely distributed, divided his

clothes and apparel, selling all he had, even to his trinkets,

to relieve the sick and help the poor.* He was the rock and

mainstay of all on board, instilling health and strength by

his liberality, courtesy, and gentleness, and by his valour put

down the seditious, that they were the first by the example

and at the command of Constantino de Sa to go ashore at

Magadoxo to get provisions and water.

The strange emulation which the Portuguese displayed in

the beginning of their discoveries gave them the name of

madmen ; for their acts savoured more of insanity than

valour: the temerity with which they undertook to penetrate

and explore the boundless ocean, that great unknown path

of nature, braving its waves and tempests in only frail barks,

surrounded by dangers, placing such narrow limits between

* The crews of the Portuguese vessels in those days were soldiers (men-at-

arms) and sailors, picked men, and paid 7 cruzados = 26s. 3d. per mensem.

The rest were degradados, who were banished or disgraced, sent after the

fashion of those days to risk forfeited lives in desperate enterprises.

Correa assigns six to each ship. We may assume 160 (148 + 12 convicts).

486 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

the confines of death and life, exposed to every hap-hazard,

fighting against the very elements. Roving about from one

peril into another they outdid the Romans, the Persians, and

the Greeks with all their innumerable armies, bearing with

equal patience both scorching heat and bitter cold, all the

inclemencies of climate; they overcame both hunger and

thirst, toiling through all vicissitudes which war brings in its

wake. Nevertheless the Portuguese conquered all these !

Never nation suffered so much in its navigations round the

world, in continual risk and peril, death always ready to

swallow up their uncertain lives, conquering barbarous

nations never seen or heard of before, discovering such

remote shores through seas never before navigated, such

little hope had they in their safety that when they returned

safe back to their homes they found a grave at their door-

steps, or foundered in port even when they had escaped

shipwreck.”

A very true example of this short digression is that

which we have just related of the sufferings of Con-

stantino de Sa, and whose care and foresight alone there

is no doubt, considering what took place on board the

Almirante, was the saving of that vessel. He wintered in

*Camoens, the great Portuguese poet, at the very beginning of his noble

Lusiads, commences :—

As Annas, e os Baroes ossinalados,

Que da Occidental praia Lusitana

Por mares nunca d’antes navegados,

Passaram ainda alem da Taprobana,

Emperigos e guerras esforgados,

Mais do que promettia a forca humana ;

E entre gente remota edificaram

Novo reino que tanto sublimaram.

Translation.

The arms and illustrious heroes,

Who from the western Lusitanian strand,

O’er seas ne’er before crost,

Past e’en beyond the land of Taprobane,

Valiant in perils and in battle post,

With more than to human force was pledged,

In regions faraway amongst a distant race,

Rear’d a new kingdom they rendered so sublime.

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 487

Mombaca, keeping open house to the noblemen, his com-

panions, and to every soldier who wished to come; for

almost all of them were younger sons.* Constantino de Sa

being the lord and the master of the house, they all availed

themselves of his aid and help, with the property he had

taken with him and of his credit ; for he had bound himself

over to take them to Goa at his own expense ina vessel he

chartered at Mombaca.

In these days Don Jeronimo de Azevedo governed India with

the title of Viceroy, regarding whose person and deeds we

will relate hereafter. It being the year 1615, Constantino

de Sa arrived at Goa, when he began by behaving not likea

Feynolt (as the undisciplined and newly-arrived in that

country were called), but asa knight and experienced soldier,

supplying the want of discipline with judgment and _ pru-

dence. The first thing he did was to separate himself from

the bad characters and to associate with the best, obliging

them to follow him through love by his words and deeds,

for he was courteous, agreeable, and liberal with all, but

with a few he was curt in his manner, and distant. It was

only the best and good men he treated with any familiarity,

and in the republic they are in the minority, especially in

India, where all the luxurious pleasures of Asia, the swelter-

ing climate, the intercourse with idolaters, the avarice of

traders, did not tend to keep him from minds which corrupt

and generally infect so easily, almost incapacitating for

virtues. If this, however, was what he generally had to

contend with, there were still many great and noble subjects

who came from the country every day, and there would have

been many more if the prince had taken as much care of its

* | translate “‘hijos segundos ” (second sons)as “younger sons,” which

I think is the true meaning.

+ Reynol :a term formerly in use among the Portuguese of Goa, and applied

apparently to ‘“‘ Johnny Newcomes,” or “Griffins.” It is from Reino, “ the

kingdom (of Portugal).” The word was also sometimes used to distinguish

the European Portuguese from the country-born, and at a later date the

word seems to have been applied to Portuguese deserters who took service

with the East India Company.— Hobson Jobson.

488 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). ' Vou. Xe

inhabitants as he did of its commerce. Observant and well-

informed of all that was passing round him, he chose for

companions the best and worthiest soldiers: although there

was one amongst them who drew blood from him in peace,

what never happened to him in war, for he was never

wounded until he received his death-blow ; but the miscon-

duct of a bad friend can do more mischief sometimes than

all the power of declared enemies.

It happened as he was riding one day on horseback

through Goa,” little dreaming of treachery of any kind.t

They foully set upon him and wounded him grievously

in the hand with a cutivala, which is a short dagger used

by the Nairs, so that it very nearly lost him his hand.

The author of this deed managed to conceal his infamy SO

* Goa.—The capital of the Portuguese Indies, the seat of the Bishop, and

the most considerable place of all the East at that time for traffic. In 1510

it was subjected to the Crown of Portugal by the great Don Alfonso de

Alboquerque. According to the relation which was sent to King John

III. of Portugal from the Indies by a man of power and worthy of belief,

some few months before the arrival of Father Xavier (St. Francis Xavier)

every man kept as many mistresses as he pleased, and maintained them

openly in his own house, even in the quality of lawful wives. They

bought women, or took them away by force, either for their service or

to make money of them. Their masters taxed them at a certain sum by

the day, and: for fault of payment inflicted on them all sorts of punish-

ment, insomuch that these unhappy creatures, not being able sometimes

to work out the daily rate imposed on them, were forced upon the

infamous traffic of their bodies, and became public prostitutes to content

the avarice of their masters.

Justice was sold at the tribunals, and the most enormous crimes escaped

from punishment when the criminals had wherewithal to corrupt their

judges.

All methods for heaping up money were accounted lawful, how indirect

soever, and extortion was publicly professed. Murder was reckoned but a

venial trespass, and was boasted as a piece of bravery.

The Bishop of Goa (John de Alboquerque) to little purpose threatened

them with the wrath of heaven and the thunder of excommunication ;

no dam was sufficient for such a deluge, their hearts were hardened

against spiritual threatenings and anathemas, or, to speak more properly,

the deprivation of sacraments was no punishment to such wicked wretches,

who were glad to be rid of them,— Life of St. Francis Xavier.

+ For the best and most accurate account of Goa and its lawlessness at

this period, I would recommend the perusal of Mr. Albert Grey’s admirable

translation of Francois Pyrard’s interesting and minute description of it

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 489

well that his name was never known, but not so the cause of

it. The principal instigator of the attempt was commonly

supposed to be an intimate kinsman of Constantino

de Sa himself, who wounded him still more with the

tongue than he did with the sword, persuading himself by

so many reasons to his satisfaction that he asked to return

to Portugal that same year, so that there were not wanting

some who made out that he was the real author of the

offence, leaving Constantino de Sa to suffer alone the effects

of that ignominious insult taught by this lesson.

He put a stop to certain licentious practices amongst the

youth, which the age and the common vices of the country

had introduced. Nothing would make him swerve from the

path of honour, even inthe midst of the most sumptuous

entertainments and feasts, where many idle and gallant

things might, it is presumed, have been found more to his

taste to talk about; but his conversation was always that of

a soldier, on arms and war, liberally giving to the needy and

keeping open house for many. There were thirty with him

when he arrived in the winter at Goa. Here they lived

at his expense, whilst he himself lived the life they

formerly did in these States, which began with the conquests

for glory and fame, disinterested as the first nobles who

-in the second volume, Part I., of his ‘Voyage to the Hast Indies, the

Maldives, the Moluccas, and Brazil,” printed for the Hakluyt Society.

The Portuguese have no sooner made the Cape of Good Hope, but

_ they are all Fidalgoes or gentlemen, and add the title of Dom to the

single name of Pedro or Jeronimo, which they received at their baptism,

from whence they are called the Fidalgoes or gentlemen of the Cape of

Good Hope. As they change their name, they also change their nature,

for it may be truly said that the Indian-Portugals are the most revengeful

persons, and the most jealous of their wives of any persons in the world.

And when the least suspicion creeps into their noddles, they rid them-

selves of them either by poison or dagger. If they have an enemy, they

never pardon him; but if he be a person of that courage they dare not

erapple with him ; their masters have attending upon them a sort of black

slaves, that if they command them to kill any one, the slaves will do it

with a blind obedience, which they do either with a dagger or a pistol,

or else by knocking the party on the head with a club, which they always

carry, about the length of an hand-pike.—Tavernier, 7ravels, Part I1.,

Chapter XITI.

490 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Viol. Xel-

conquered them, but now weakened by the greed and

covetousness which governed the lives of the greatest and

most powerful in the land; although there were still some

who kept up the old custom of supporting many soldiers at

their own expense, so to keep them under obligations for

service when needed,fand who served without any further

payment from His Majesty. It thuscame about that service

in India was for noblemen of spirit the most costly and

expensive in the monarchy, and one full of adventure.

This truth confirms the celebrated saying of Don Anton

de Norofia, once.Viceroy of India, who said that this State

could not be kept up with any degree of prosperity if it

were not for the mad Captains it contained, who, leaving its

fortresses rich, returned to waste and squander with the

soldiers all they had gained : and if under these considerations

they had the despatches, they never had so many complaints

of the ministers, who being always about the Court took little

notice of the expenses of such soldiery. With such contempt

did they look uponthem that what they stole out of the rewards

of the poor soldier they added not to the greatness of the re-

public, but only acquired it for themselves, thinking that those

who were about the prince’s person deserved more than those

in the armies, which, indeed, are the very prop and safety

of kingdoms. This was particularly the case with regard to

that of Portugal, for there was no appointment or office or

expedition entered into for the service of the king that was

not undertaken without serious expenses: a matter which

required great reform. For whether it was in the armies of

the coast, on the African frontier, or in maritime conquest,

the Portuguese were naturally sumptuous in their manner

of living, proud, ambitious, and scrupulous about their

honour, and in these particulars surpassed all other nations.

There was not a poor man who would not sell himself, nor a

rich one who would not stake his all to gain glory and renown

in the service of his king, fighting and striving to emulate

and to gain those ends to which all aimed, never allowing

money or any other consideration to hinder them—a mistaken

‘No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 491

policy which gradually ruined them, and of very little use

to the Sovereign ; for although he still wanted to be served

by the same emulation, he impoverished his subjects: and

with poor vassals no king is powerful.

Returning to Constantino de Sa. The first undertaking

he embarked in was in the summer of 1616, with Don

Bernardo de Norofia, his kinsman and Captain-General of the

Malabar coast. He served in this expedition most satis-

factorily, never allowing his servants and comrades, who

were many, to receive public pay. On his return to Goa

Don Bernando informed the Viceroy of the valour and

ability of Constantino de Sa. He sent him witha galley and

ship to escort the Casila, a name given to the mercantile

squadron of the fortresses of Canara; and in the following

May he was sent to the north to fetch the Archbishop

Primate of Goa, whom he found lying ill: for that reason

he returned the same summer with two galleys. On his way

he bought two new ships of Bacain; and passing over to

Chaul, the Magistrate of that city of the Casila of Cambaia,

gave over to his charge twenty vessels which he had

anchored in that port; because the Captain-General of the

north, in whose command they were, was not able to keep

them at the time for want of funds. His Majesty lost a

great deal of money by the detention of this fleet in tolls.

Constantino de Sa took over his charge without losing a

single vessel until he had delivered it over to the General

at Bacain. He conducted these expeditions with great zeal

and valour, and with such generosity that it did not cost the

king a single soldier; and these soldados being the worst

kind of persons in the world to content, the company of

Constantino de Sa was so well provided and cared for, and

paid with such punctuality, that his men were loud in their

praises for the manner in which they were treated, usually

condemning the other captains for the difficulty they had

in pleasing them. The following winter he returned

to Goa, where he provided for ten noblemen and twelve

soldados ; and when the summer came round the Viceroy

97 —93 F

492 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XE.

appointed him Captain-General of Cape Comorin, a post of

great responsibility and danger. He subdued and brought

over to the friendship of the state the King of Porca,* who for

fourteen years was in open rebellion, and as a sign of his.

reconciliation he gave over two of the enemies’ parads

(a sort of small ships), which were sheltered in his ports.

After this he put into the port of Paliacate with the whole

of his squadron to give support to the affairs of Cranganor,

which place being in the vicinity of Comorin was trouble-

some. There he had many encounters with the Malabars :

but he was victorious in all of them,and prevented the succours

the English were trying to give that prince with a powerful

armament, and before his very eyes rescued a galeot which

was about to surrender, in which was the captain of the

fortress of Soar.t In this action the Englishman, after he

had fired all his guns with little loss to us, put out to sea

and forsook the friend Constantino had helped to save with

all his cargo. He returned to Goa with great glory and

triumph, without the loss of a single boat of his own, a

rare thing on this coast.

With equal fortune he navigated the seas all the summer

of 1617, without putting in to Cochin, as the other Generals

did, by which he avoided many affrays which usually occur

between soldiers and the inhabitants in the neighbourhood

of that city ; and returning in the winter to Goa, he was

employed by the Viceroy with one galley and four sanguicets,t

bringing in from the forts of Canara material and provi-

sions for the armament of the city, which, in the opinion of

many of the Captains, was an undertaking full of peril to him.

For being cast away in the beginning of the winter months,

the bars along the coast were closing up and choking up the

* Porca—Purakkadu, on the coast of Travancore.

{t Soar—Barbosa’s Sakar, near Maskat, a very beautiful town backed by

a peak, 1,680 ft. high.

t Sanguicels—a kind of boat or small vessel used in war. It is a term

often used by the Portuguese writers on India. They were light craft to

give chase tothe prows of the Moors. They darted in and out of the creeks

and havens like light-horse.

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 493)

entrances with sand for a considerable distance, as we shall

say more about further on. Constantino de Sa not only

offered to face the danger himself, but undertook that every

soldier who accompanied him at his own expense should

come out of it with honour.

The Viceroy was persuaded after so many proofs to appoint

him to the most onerous posts of the state. He chose him

to command the relief expedition to Baliporto, composed of

two pinnaces (pataxes) and five galeots ; but as in war all is

accident and continual change, it came to nothing: as was

also the expedition of Currate which averted the reliefs with

which the Viceroy had arranged to come in person.

It afterwards being spread abroad that the Calvinists

(Hollanders), in league with the Persians, had gone with that

last power to besiege Ormuz, the Viceroy and his council

resolved, that in consideration of the importance of the place

and of the expedition, to send twelve ships with four hun-

dred Portuguese, so as to reinforce the garrison before the

place was surrounded by the enemy ; and they decided upon

Constantino de Saag a person upon whose shoulders such

a heavy charge could be safely placed, and whose valour and

experience they could trust: after this report came another

which denied the first, so that the reliefs were postponed.

With this news arrived D. Francisco Coutinho Conde

del Redondo as successor to the Viceroy Don Jeronimo de

Azevedo. Don Jeronimo was a native of Beyra, of noble

extraction,and ofan accomplished family. He had gone when

quite young to India, serving first as a private soldier, with

very little assistance from his parents, and by his own merits

eradually rose to be Governor of the Island of Ceylan, and

from that post to the superior grade of Viceroy of India,

where he served the State’s interests better than he did his

own; for having to compete against the general opinion of

being a rich man, he gained when he was young the good

fortune which he deserved when he became old, being at

that time spoken of as avaricious. He comported himself

with great wisdom and circumspection ; but in reward for

F 2

A494 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [V0m. XEs

all his services he died a prisoner in Lisbon Castle, apparently

as an offender for the many misdeeds which his numereus

enemies had laid to his charge : by which it was reasoned that

his death was the usual reward that princes gave to those te

whom they are most indebted.

The Count de Redondo began his Government in the year

1618. The first thing he did was to look into the affairs of

Ceylan, which at that time were in a wretched condition,

and the king, in receiving his report, ordered the Ceunt to set

them to right with the assistance of some worthy and

renowned subject, whom he left to his own choice. The

Count-Viceroy and his Council of State, with the unanimous

consent of all, nominated Constantino de Sa to be Governor

and Captain-General of that Island, which was the second

post of honour in India, and the stepping-stone to the first

post of all; and what made it most desirable to the ambitious

for honour and glory was the fierce war that raged there

with the most courageous and warlike princes of the Kast:

for this reason there was no nobleman who had not a claim

of being a soldier who did not offer himself for this post.

But, considering the dangers which surrounded it, the Viceroy

gave it to Constantino de Sa, for no other reason than for

his name and known virtues; by which decision there were

not wanting many rivals, who in their envy accused the

Viceroy of precipitation in his choice, since he had super-

seded so many older noblemen of longer service: but with

all their merits and long service he equalled them all, se

their murmuring was soon silenced, and Constantine de Sa

left for Ceylan. |

That post was governed at the time by Don Nufio Alvares

Pereira, already mentioned, who being appointed toe the

charge of discovering and opening up the rivers of the

Cuama,* gave over the Island to Constantine de Sa without

a murmur.

*The Cuama, better known as the Zambesi river, the largest in Bast

Africa.

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 495

CHAPTER V.

THE BEGINNING OF CONSTANTINO DE SA’S GOVERNMENT.

HE REFORMS ABUSES, AND CONTINUES THE

WAR WITH SUCCESS.

AS foreseen, Ceylan had already commenced to experience

mischief from the treaty of peace. As soon as the danger

passed away, idleness and pleasure took its place, arms were

exchanged for yard measures an‘ scales, scldiers became

traders, and gradually left their quarters for Columbo, where

they expected to have the same military freedom and licence

they had at Manicravare. They began by troubling and

annoying the casados,* who were obliged to have recourse to

arms in defence of their lives and honour. The city was

divided into factions, and the turbulence increasing with the

disorders, the citizens became as unruly as the soldiers who

were bent on ruining it, when Constantino de Sa arrived at

Columbo, and entered into his Governorship, September,

1619.

It is no small error in those who administer public affairs

not to commence their government with gentleness and

clemency, for by these means they easily bring over the

_ peace-loving subjects. This was what our Governor first did :

he pacified the city, and with great tact quietly put down

mutiny and crime, and silenced strife; for there was no

justice, the laws were ignored, the magistrates had lost their

authority, the militia was small and without discipline, all of

which were the cause of these disorders and the secret of their

success. He cautiously began his reforms like a prudent

and wise doctor, who, in the most dangerous and chronic

disorders, uses slow but well-administered remedies at first ;

for a sick man is fastidious after a long illness, when on the

morrow he feels returning health: so with great evils repen-

tance is always to be mistrusted, for it is short-lived. Thus

the Governor, knowing the character and temper of the people

* See note, page 508.

496 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

he came to govern, feeling the pulse as it were of the inha-

bitants, he discovered in the Zingalas great malice and

faithlessness, faithful to our Empire through fear rather than

from their own free-will; the Portuguese had grown licen-

tious with power; the half-castes utterly corrupted by the

intermixture of races, and the soldiers by trade. Seeing

many things which, although they were not exactly crimes,

it was important should be prevented (for if not wiped out in

time, they might cause the loss of the Island), his aim was

more to correct than to punish ; and after great deliberation

and forethought he decided not to put everything down at

once, but overlooked some of the lesser evils in order to

prevent the greater.

In this way he established peace in Columbo to the great

satisfaction of the citizens; for being the capital, on its tranquil-

lity depended the safety of the remainder of the Island.

Summoning to his side a council of the most experienced

and able captains at Manicravare, he undertook with their

advice to reform the Portuguese army, which was found to

be only the shadow of one: so miserable and poor it was

that it barely numbered six hundred king’s soldiers.

He first began by appointing to the post of Captain-Major

of the Camp Philip de Oliveyra, an old soldier of great valour

and experience in these wars. It was an opening to the

most deserving, and gave all who wished to work for these

posts hopes of obtaining them. He was unanimously chosen

by the most capable and experienced, not only for his merits

as a person worthy of such a post, but for the principles the

General acted on by which he gained the praise of all.

With these provisions he also made it easier to introduce

the discipline he wished into the army, but using severer

measures than those who had allowed such disorders to

prevail. For these ends he raised some companies of old

and better trained soldiers; he removed those officials who

had during their command and whilst in power made use of

their offices for their own private ends and had ignored the

public good ; and binding over the raw recruits he had

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 497

brought over with him by favours and promises, he reinforced

with them the companies, mixing them up with old soldiers,

so as to teach them by their example discipline, and to show

them the way to fight for that territory—so different in

many ways from those possessions which the Portuguese

maintained in the rest of Asia, Europe, Africa, and America,

as we shall relate further on.

At the same time Manicravare became rather a school

of war than a garrison of the Portuguese army in Ceylan.

It had been chosen by the old commanders as a place

of arms of considerable importance, because of its posi-

tion on the frontier of our common enemy the King of

Candia’s territories; and in his eyes being an open place

without walls or fortress, our soldiers were compelled to be

always on the alert against continual assaults, and always

kept awake as frontier guards. The danger of the post did

not allow them the same licence they had in quarters; so

that they could no more trouble the province in which they

were quartered by their mutinies, seditions, and other vices,

which sapped their strength and spread discontent. It did

not appear difficult to our General to bring about the re-

formation he desired so much by these means, for the peace

with Candia, which had been the cause of this pitiful state

of things, could not last much longer: so, with this dread

before him, he went on making his disposition with

industrious zeal, rousing up the energy of the Captains, and

compelling them to keep the soldiers from idling, inuring

them to work, and preparing them for war whilst it was still

peace.

These useful operations were like unto those which

Hannibal, that great master in the art of war, introduced

amongst his soldiers when he brought over his army from

Carthage to Spain. According to Polybius, he manceuvred

them for many days before they came to blows with the

enemy : on the first he marched his beloved soldiers thirty

furlongs, on the second they cleaned and furnished their

arms, on the third they rested, and on the fourth they fought

AY JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoOL. XI.

against each other with wooden swords covered with leather,.

on the fifth they made forced marches as on the first day,

and in this manner he soon instructed them how to march,

fight, retire, and all the rules of strategy and the tactics of

the art of war. It was by first instructing, and afterwards.

making them carry out what he had taught, that Hannibal

came to overthrow so many Consuls; and by these meansalso:

Xantippus, the Lacedemonian, triumphed over the Roman

eagles : that is why Vegetius* wishes that a soldier should

know his drill in all its arts and precepts before he buckles

on his belt and places his lance in rest. This is what the

Romans taught once a day to the old soldiers, and twice a

day to the raw recruits, in which way they acquired all the

theory during peace, and great practical experience during

war.

Having settled the affairs of the army, he [Constantino

de Sa] now commenced to find out the disposition the

forces and the general inclination of the princes of the

Island; using great discretion and secrecy, sending out

spies and secret emissaries, who were well paid beforehand and

encouraged by further promises. He had thus assistants on

his side to watch their actions, so that he was kept informed of

all their designs, a very necessary thing for those who

governed the provinces. He also strengthened the forts and

garrisons, inspecting all he could personally, and reinforcing

them with men, provisions, and munitions of war, of which

they were sorely in need. All these preparations made them

ready for any war they might fear against the King of Candia:

and much more when the General caused a general muster

to be made of all the cavrines and pachas capable of bearing

arms, dividing them into regiments amongst the subject

provinces, and along the frontier, and turning them into the

ordinary militia, which was spread over the Island and never

far away from the Governor. It was a mostimportant thing

that in the event of any sudden or unseen accident to have the

* Vegetius, a Latin writer, 386 B.c., wrote a ‘‘ Treatise on the Military

Art” (Re Militart).

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 499

best and most trustworthy soldiers collected together. He

selected the Modeliares, Araches, and Disawas who were

to command these levies, paying them and giving them

favours in order that he might have some hold on them; for

he concluded that the defence and safety of a kingdom con-

sisted not only in having soldiers and militia, but also in

having them both rich, honoured, and contented. The King of

Candia seeing So many preparations made in peace time, knew

that it was the action of a prudent Captain, and began

to prepare quietly for war, and to gird himself up against

the breaking of the peace which he had established with Don

Nuno Alveres Pereira, and which with all that his predecessor

had bequeathed him was looked upon with more than ordi-

nary hatred by the Governor. It had so seriously damaged

the reputation of the Portuguese that the new General did

not feel himself justified in continuing the peace, especially

when fame had proclaimed him a man of valour and a

renowned soldier. This mistrust had increased the under-

hand dealings which the hostile Zingalas are in the habit of

using, sowing distrust on our friendship and poisoning the

ears of that Prince—for he was afraid of the General—declar-

ing that he treated merely to get hold of him and kill him,

For being by nature great in the art of lying and spreading

enmity, under the cover of fraud, all their study was to

conquer their adversaries more by artifice and stratagem than

by force of arms and manly courage: thus they continually

published and sent about letters (which they called olas) so

false thatthey filled the most faithful subjects we had with

suspicion, and gave confidence to the wavering—an artifice

which had already lulled the people’s minds to rest, and had

so often caused mischief and rendered useless the greatest

efforts to counteract.

For example, if Pericles had not left his property in the

hands of the Athenians, when the Lacedemonians were

setting the neighbourhood of Athens on fire—if it had been

preserved it would have made him an object of suspicion to

the Republic, and his reputation would have been at stake :

300 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. XI.

the same with Fabnis Maximus, when he thought Hannibal

invincible, who used the same artifice in his defence in order

that Rome might not mistrust his fidelity.

It is a military and political axiom that the first thing for

a General to do in a conquered country is to study, as ours

did, the character and capabilities of the natives, the situa-

tion of the land, the condition, forces, vices, defects, and

virtues of the enemy, so that he may know what to choose

and what to reject, using well-prepared and gentle measures,

according to the occasion and the necessity of the moment.

He left notastone unturned so as to avoid adding strength to

the enemy in the Island,—so much was the power limited that

a report was spread about that Madune, with the assistance

of the two famous rebels Cangarache and Barreto, had

returned to his old ways. He endeavoured to confirm the

King of Candia into confidence with us, assuring him by

a special embassy with large presents, which was the first

thing to oblige them. The King of Candia showed himself

both grateful and satisfied,and on the return of the embassy

sent another not less full of artful and honied words, which

the General received at Manicravare.

In the meanwhile the rebels took up arms a second time, |

afraid that Constantino de Sa would punish them for their

evil doings. Fortifying themselves in the kingdom of the

Two Corlas with the natives of the Eleventh Corla (whom

they brought over to their side, and who were in almost

countless numbers, being masters already of the lands of

Batecalou, Pacardina, Cociar, and of all the Kingdom of

Vilacen), they openly aspired to place Madune in absolute

possession of the Empire ; who, with foreign aid and helped

by great Captains, offered himself to the Zingalas, and

encouraged them with hopes of restoring the old Empire of

their ancestors.

This news did not take our General by surprise, as he had

already received intimation of it at Malvana, for besides

the report, his spies kept him informed most minutely

of everything that passed. Considering the forces of

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 5OL

Madune, and that Cangarache and Barreto (both brave,

vigilant, and industrious) were bringing over to his aid

many of the natives, they [the Sinhalese] boldly took the

field, not as guerilla robber bands, or like other tumultuous

gatherings in the mountains, but as an army with the firm

resolve to conquer or to die.

With this Constantino decided to draw the sword and

make war against Madune and his followers until he had

destroyed and rid the Island of them; yet aware of how

important it is for a Commander, who takes upon himself

the charge of an expedition, to beign with caution,

and to weigh every consideration and advice to succeed

well (since any disaster at the beginning would weaken

his authority and cause contempt both amongst his own men

and strangers), and being desirous to add fame to his name

by some signal victory ; for both in numbers, power, and

boldness the enemy exceeded (us) more than they ever had

atany other time before. It was not only a war for conquest,

but the fate of the Portuguese was more at stake than in

any other war in the Hast, considering the powerand valour

of his adversaries and the small number of his own Portu-

guese. He therefore did not wish to give battle without the

consent of the Captains who assisted him, because of their

great experience in these wars, their knowledge of the

country, its customs and condition, and of the character of

the princes and people of the various kingdoms—a know-

ledge which not only made them good soldiers but also wise

councillors.

Calling them round him he explained to them the glory

they would obtain if they conquered, and that a victory in

the beginning would give confidence to their own soldiers,

and spread fear into the ranks of their enemy; for on it

depended their reputation for good or for evil. It being

decided to march against the enemy, he asked them as to

the manner he should go about it. They all were of opinion

that it was both difficult and dangerous because of the great

strength of the enemy; but animated by the General’s

902 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von XT.

courage, and knowing the danger the Portuguese empire

was in, if they did not stamp out Madune’s designs,

which from a smouldering fire had burst into flame, they

determined to circumvent him, offering their lives, honour,

and all they possessed for the service of God and their

king.

With these deliberations they told the General that they

would take the field whenever he wished, and would build

a fortress in Sofragan, being the most open pass in the

Island, and situated almost in the centre of it, the inlying

lands being easy to defend by the Caleture river, which

served to protect its walls and keep its port closed. It was

the Corla of a Disawa of the same name, a fertile country,

most conveniently situated for keeping up a good garrison

and holding the enemy in check, and a good situation fora

place of arms or base of operations in the expedition, anda

convenient place to retire and repair to in the event of a

defeat, being on the frontier and the confines of the King-

dom of the Two Corlas, where Madune was strongly

fortified. Two sides and bastions would be protected by the

lands of friendly natives, and the enemy shut in inside the

Two Corlas would become, in their turn, the besieged.

This decision of the Council appeared to the General

exactly what was wanted, but he feared that Madune

would prevent its being carried out with all his power.

With these considerations he sent the brave but cautious

Captain Major Philip de Oliveira, with some Portuguese

companies and a regiment of lascarins to commence build-

ing the fort ; and to allowthem to bring up the materials and

guard the works, he placed two companies under two of his

bravest Captains, Luis Cabral de Faria and Don Constantino

Barreto, in the passes leading thereto: which prevented

Madune attempting to intercept them that summer. With

this design of keeping Madwune in inactivity, the fortress

was thrown up and all the necessary preparations for the

expedition were made with great secrecy, and within a few

days after he sent Felipe de Oliveira.

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 503

So careful and diligent had these Captains been in carry-

ing out his plans that the fortress was already in a state of

- defence: all that was needed was to man it. Leaving the

Captain Vitorio d’Abreu with a garrison of two Portuguese

companies and some Caffres, he sent Luis Cabral de Faria to

reconnoitre the Four Corlas with a thousand lascarins to

help him if necessary, and taking with him a little over

three hundred Portuguese from the companies of Don

Constantino Barreto and of Luis Teixeira de Macedo, he

marched out in search of Madune.

CHAPTER VI.

CONSTANTINO DE SA CONQUERS MADUNE. HE DESTROYS

HIS POWER AND DRIVES HIM OUT OF THE ISLAND.

HE FINISHES THE FORT OF SOFRAGAN, REPAIRS

AND RESTORES GALE FORT, AND RELIEVES THAT OF

MANAR. HE DRIVES THE ENGLISH FROM THE BAY

OF TRIQUILIMALE AND COTIAR. FINALLY HE ORDERS

THE EXECUTION OF CANGARACHE, THE RENEGADE.

BARRETO IS KILLED BY HIS OWN FOLLOWERS.

‘THE unexpected and courageous resolution of the General

struck terror into the heart of Madune, who abandoned

the Two Corlas and took to the rugged and steep mountain

ranges in the vicinity of Adam’s Peak, and for that reason most

difficult of access, ata distance of ten leagues from Sofragan,

where he could entrench and shelter his followers, thinking

himself secure in this position. He built them a town

with the rapidity they usually build in the Island, as the

huts are commonly made up of cadjan leaves so inter-

woven and plaited together that they are able to resist the

inclemencies of the weather, just as if they had been built of

marble : they areas easy to build up as they are to destroy.

Nature, which walled them in by rocks and art by fortifi-

cation, rendered Madune almost inaccessible and able to

d04 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). PViOme: EXT:

show a bold front. He occupied the passes and entrances from

the base of the mountains to within six leagues, with well-

manned strongholds placed at intervals up to the walls of

the new settlement.

The General, fully aware of all that was going on, made

a long détour by forced marches, so as to avoid the advanced

forts, and not waste in their assault and capture the force

and courage of his men. ‘Trusting to determination and

speed, which is the origin of success in war, he did not

hesitate to march through the lands subject to the enemy,

laying them waste, to strike terror and make an example to

the rebels. He succeeded after much toilsome marching in

climbing up the steep mountain sides, but found the inhabit-

ants gone. Jadume had fled, conquered by fear before he

had measured swords with our men, whose fury was glutted

on the deserted settlement, which they found completely

dismantled of all property and treasure the tyrant may have

had ; for he had time to save all, together with his followers,

burying everything of value underground. On the other

side our lascarins having gorged themselves with the

remains of food and drink they had left, commenced to

show symptoms of smallpox, a common disease of the Island,

which is often engendered by these excesses, and being as

contagious as the plague, it soon spread to our army.

The General, more for prudence’ sake than any fear of such

an unforeseen misfortune, decided on returning to Sofragan,

but it was not much to his safety, if M/adune, when he

heard of what had happened to him, had sallied out with

the whole of his followers and cut him off from our camp ;

because, owing to the number of the sick, our line of march

was long and straggling, with great gaps at intervals, and in

some disorder, so that many of our men who lagged behind

were cut down that day : and with this success Madune was

proud as if he had been a conqueror.

Constantino de Sa seeing the great danger he was in, with

great promptitude ordered the Captain Luis Teixeira to

advance with one hundred Portuguese and place himself in

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. D05

ambush amid rocks enclosed with thick jungle which blocked

up the pass. Here they were posted in such a manner that

they became both vanguard and rearguard to the enemy, and

in their retreat served as a bait to entice them on and draw

them in closer to Sofragan. So blind were they and sure of

victory that they had the audacity to surround Teixeira’s band

in aloose and struggling crowd, which gave him time to carry

out his design ; then suddenly pouncing down on their rear

and charging them, they fell into the very same trap they

had prepared for us, and in their confusion shared the same

fate as our men had, and fled in great disorder. The

General then charged them and completed the rout, cutting

up more than eight thousand Zingalas without the loss of

a single Portuguese and less than five hundred lascarins.

Madune saved himself, and also the renegade Barreto,

but Cangarache with eight other principal chiefs of the

enemy remained our prisoners.

Madune did not lose heart with such a defeat, neither did

he lose the opinion of his followers (sucn was the devotion

they had to him). He retired to fortify himself in the Two

Corlas. In the meanwhile Barreto, with shame and fear, for

his evil conscience weighed him down, flying from his own

men and mistrusting the fidelity of his friends, disguised,

and badly wounded in the leg, hid himself in the mountains.

Constantino de Sa, elated by such a victory, halted in

Sofragan, where he publicly proclaimed Cangarache a traitor

and rebel to his king, and ordered his head to be cut off.

When he saw the smallpox on the increase and spreading

from the natives to the Portuguese, he sent these away to

their homes rewarded and contented: and leaving the garrison

of Sofragan in command of Philip de Oliveira, together

with the company of Luis Cabral de Faria and a great

store of provisions, which that Captain had brought from the

Four Corlas, where he had served all that time, he marched

to Malvana, and from thence to Columbo.

Here there came tidings by despatch-boat from the Captain

of Manar that six pardos (small ships) of Malabares were

506 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

threatening that fortress, and that they expected many more

and a powerful Dutch fleet to come and besiege it. They

had been invited by the tyrant Changali, an ally of the

King of Jafanapatan, offering them right of way, and of

fortifying themselves in his lands : for it was by his command

and treachery that all this had been done.

The Island of Manar* is situated on the north-western

coast of Ceylan, from which it is separated by a channel} or

strait of sufficient depth to allow small vessels to pass through

from the north. Fora distance of seven leagues from it were

sandbanks, which ultimately joined those of Chilao or

Remanancor. |

At one time it belonged to the kingdom of Jafana-

patan, but it was now under the Portuguese Government

of Ceylan, with a Fort under a Captain of noble rank,

erected in memory of the Viceroy Don Constantino de

Bargan¢a in the year 1560. For he changed for that site

the fortress of Puticale with its inhabitants; a place on

the Fishery Coast, inhabited by the Paravas,t who, tired

of the continual attacks of the Bodaguas, their neigh-

bours, lived more the life of fronteros than of fishermen,

which trade they plied for subsistence, but were continually

robbed and cut off by their neighbours. By this change

the island of Manar became rich and prosperous as long

as they kept the pearl fisheries going, which were carried

on along that coast and gave to it its name, but which for

many years had become extinct, because of the great poverty

** Mannar appears to be the island of Epiodorus, which, according to the

Periplus, was the seat of the pearl fishery. At the present day its im-

portance has greatly declined. The Portuguese, who wrested it from the

Rvja of Jaffna in 1560, fortified the town for the protection of their own

trade, and the Dutch, who seized it in 1658, were so conscious of its value,

strategical as well as commercial, that they designated it ‘‘the key of

Jaffnapatam,’ and maintained at all times an effective garrison, under

the apprehension that the Portuguese, if they ever attempted a re-conquest

of Ceylon, would direct their first efforts to the recovery of Manaar.—

(Tennent, Ceylon, Vol. II., 55-56.)

+ Paumbam passage.

t The Parawas, a section of the Fisher caste, of Tamil origin, from

Tuticorin and the adjacent coast.

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. d07

into which the Paravas had fallen, for they made no profit

for want of accommodation and of boats.

The Fort of Manar became more a place of danger than

of profit to its Captains, and a great anxiety to the Captain-

Generals of Ceylan under whose orders they were. The

first Captain was Manuel Rodriguez Coutifio, the same who

was at Puticale at the time of the change of site.

But it was not for its trade and commerce that it deserved

a name or any reputation. These could not be compared

to what it was celebrated for, as being the first land in

India sprinkled with the glorious blood of more than six

hundred martyrs, who were the missioners of the sweet fruits:

of faith and of baptismal grace, which the holy Apostle of the

Hast, that marvellous holy man, St. Francis Xavier, intro-

duced into these parts in the year 1454,* of whom the Padre

Juan de Lucena, a religious Jesuit, and notable preacher of our

times, a man of great learning and eloquence, relates in the

book he wrote of that glorious saint. The instigator and

executioner of this cruel massacre was an idolatrous and

tyrannical king of Jafanapatan, of whom we shall speak

hereafter, and the place where it occurred, because of its

having been successfully carried out there, was called ‘the

City of Martyrs.’’t

Constantino de Sa, immediately he heard of the exigence

at Manar, sent to its relief by sea two galleys and some

small vessels which were anchored in the port of Columbo;

and overland direct to the kingdom of Jafanapatan he sent

Philip de Oliveira, his lieutenant, who was, we have said, in

command of the garrison at Sofragan (replacing him by the

Captain Francisco Barbosa), with sealed orders to call to

*Francois Xavier, the Apostle of the Indies, was born in 1506. A close

friendship sprung up between him and Ignatius de Loyola, the founder of

the Jesuits. Entering the new Order in 1534, he made a vow to go abroad

and preach the Gospel for convertion of the heathen. He left for the Hast

Indies in 1541 and died in 1552.

+ Regarding the massacre of the Paravas in 1544, by Sankili Raja of

Jaffna, see Tennent, Christianity in Ceylon, 10, 11; Brito, Yalppana-vai-

panamalat, 33, xxxvi.; Ceylon Lit. Req,, I11., 327.—B., Hon. Sec.

I7—93 G

508 ' JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON).” ~~ EVou. XT.

account Changali as vassal of Portugal for treason to his

king. For it was at his instigation that his fortresses and

Captains had been endangered; although it was publicly given

out that the expedition was only to recover the tribute which

that idolatrous chief owed to the Crown : and there were not

wanting some who said it was to demand payment of certain

moneys lent, which the Captain-Generals of Ceylan were in

the habit of doing.

The people of Columbo openly condemned Constantino

de Sa for this expedition, imputing it to the temerity of

a young commander ; for they saw him splitting up the forces

of the Island into detachments scattered far apart, some being

more than eighty leagues away, and so small that they were

barely sufficient to defend the territory that had been

conquered. The outcry against him increased when they

saw Madune again becoming powerful, strongly fortified in

the Two Corlas, and sending his Captains to carry the war

into the Seven Corlas, and stir up rebellion in that Province.

The General thereupon ordered the Captain Don Constan-

tino Barreto with aregiment of lascarins and a few Portuguese

to march against Madune, whilst he himself with the

remainder of the army, and the casados* who had spoken

against him, as a punishment, left for the Seven Corias ; for

this district caused him the greatest anxiety, as in it was

gathered the main strength of the enemy. It was a Province

always rife with rebellion, and only kept under by intimi-

dation ; for which reason its abandonment would cause the

greatest mischief. Such was his military foresight and care

that he sent relief to every part where the necessity and a

of the moment demanded.

* Casados, the married men.—The single soldier was merely called

soldado, to distinguish him from the casado. The casado was not

compelled to go to war. It appears from Pyrard’s account that great

respect was paid tothe casado. The soldiers did not like to see married

men shipped along with them, being apprehensive least they should

inadvertently, and without intending any offence, address to them some

indecent language, such as they use among themselves.—Pyrard’s

Voyage, Vol. II., Part I., page 125.

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 509

On this occasion a company of Jascarins came in with the

head of the renegade Barreto, and asked the General for the

reward he had offered for his death—a death which was one

of the greatest good fortunes that happened during his

government. But he was not pleased by the manner it was

brought about ; for they had taken out of his hands the chas-

tisement of so many evil deeds of one who had made treason so

disastrous and miserable to his own friends—a great example

to vassals of princes not to rebel for the sake of their own

fortunes, nor to leave the true faith, and trust only in human

force. For even in the midst of prosperity and power judg-

ment comes, when Divine justice, angry at the sight of so

much wickedness, for the justification of its own attributes

and interest, if in its mercy it pardons offences, is also severe

in punishing crime.

This apostate had all the perverse qualities which serve

to nurse rebellion ; for he neither kept his word nor faith, and

was only faithful as long as it served himself. He was not

wanting in perseverance, cunning, and deceit to gather a

following, and to get a name ; and as long as he obtained his

ends with the natives, his very name was a hindrance to the

Portuguese progress, and placed their dominion over the

Island in jeopardy. For whilst he followed Madune and

belonged to his adversaries, he made use of him as a tool ;

but when from a rebel he tried to make himself a tyrant

the Zingalas (perhaps seeing that he was aiming at their

empire) preferred a native prince in their hatred to the

Portuguese, whose dominion they loathed as much for its

being Catholic as for its being foreign.

After the last defeat at Sofragan, which we have just

related, he (Barreto) began to understand how far more im-

portant success was than numbers to princes (there still being

enough left to Madune), and felt his disgrace so much that

he damped all the hopes of his followers. Lamed and

badly wounded, Barreto seeing the defeat of Madune deserted

him, and sought safety within the solitudes of the mountains;

even then he did not better himself, for adversity tracked

G 2

510 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON), [Vou. XI.

him wherever he went. Fearing to be taken with his family

andall his treasure, he placed them in a hamlet (Aldea), inform-

ing his friends and spies that he remained there to save himself

fromus. But one of his most intimate and familiar followers,

led away by covetousness, directed a company of lascarins to

gack the hamlet where he said he had his treasures, with orders

to kill all who resisted, never expecting to find Barreto

there. They found him lying ill ona bed, and not daring to

discover himself, being the first they came across, he was

taken so suddenly by surprise that he was unable to make his

escape. They beheaded him and all his family; but the

moment the Jascarins who did the deed found out what they

had done, they wished to kill each other in their remorse : for

they greatly loved the apostate, looking upon him as the

liberator of their country. But consoling themselves with

the thought that what was done could not be undone, in

the hope of getting the reward they carried the head to the

General, making a boast of their zeal and exaggerating the

danger they had run in the attempt to serve their king.

The news of his death was soon published throughout

the Island. At the same time Wadune, invested in the Two

Corlas, again escaped to the mountains, whilst his army and

Chief Captain, who with a superior force and all the prero-

gatives of a king was keeping the kingdom of the Seven

Corlas under his allegiance, was beaten and defeated by the

General. The Province was relieved, the rebels punished,

and their lands laid waste : those who had remained neutral

were brought over, so that all his plans were carried out, the

principal leaders taken; and the Zingalas, weary of so much

war, were disheartened, and sought their own safety.

Madune, hiding himself in the mountains of the Veddas

(los Bedas), remained for many days concealed, until he

managed to cut his way through the jungle and crossed to

the opposite coast, afraid to trust himself even to his most

intimate friends after the fortune which befell Barreto,—an

example which disabused him of the risk he ran with friends

as well as enemies in time of adversity.

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 511

So ended the war with Madune, a war which, held in such

light esteem at the beginning, soon overflowed its banks for

want of proper care; but after he had gained strength and

come to blows on our proud shields, he gained great esteem

with the rebels, placing our dominion in danger, and holding

the neighbouring princes in suspense. He raised the expect-

ations of the natives, and was the heart and soul of all their

success: he forced those who were faithful to remain neutral:

he drew the attention of the neutrals, and inspired hope into

the hearts of our enemies.

Having finished the war and the building of the fort of

Sofragan, the General built a new one at the entrance of the

Two Corlas which had been so devoted to the cause of Madune,

and after fortifying and provisioning them against attack, he

marched fully equipped to lay the foundation of Gale Fort ;

for it was by these works he greatly secured the safety of our

Empire. But the natives hated him all the more for these

preparations of his, seeing that by them he obtained his ends,

especially by the erection of the Fort at Gale on the promon-

tory, to which the ancient inhabitants had given the name,

placed on the south-eastern side of the Island with the best

harbour in all the Corlas—the only port of them all (accord-

ing to the Hollanders)—and for that reason the most coveted.

The ocean forms at its entrance a cove widening into a

jarge bay, where the General raised a Fort with outworks to

defend the landing, and inside the fortress on the highest

elevation he built a castle or citadel, which served to

protect from land and sea attack. It is six leagues from

Columbo, seven to the west from Alican, and as many

to the east of Beligao.* Owing to the want of money and

materials the General was unable to make it as strong as he

wished, knowing as he did its great importance, on whose

conquest the former kings of Candia had spent so much, and

which was so coveted by our European enemies. But in the

slightly W. of N. from Galle, whilst Beligad (Veligama) lies rather 8, of

B.—B., Hon. Sec.

year [1]625 he finished fortifying it strongly enough ‘(as

we shall relate in its proper place) to be almost impregnable.

The General’s wish was to return to Columbo, when he

received information that the heretics of Denmark with five

large ships, assisted by the natives, were at anchor in the

harbour of Cotiar in the Bay of Triquilimale, and were erect-

_ ing a fortress, which, if they succeeded in doing, would be an

irreparable damage to us; since, with the friendship and

alliance they had already obtained with the kings of Candia,

they had greatly increased the strength and audacity of the

Zingalas to deliver them from the Portuguese dominion

they hated so much. Their intercourse was as agreeable to

them as our yoke was hateful; for they did not mingle

religious subjects in the trade they carried on with their

meérchants for gain, but encouraged them in their idolatry,

in return for which they were allowed to pamper the vices

which pleased free strangers most, and in that manner gave

reins to their licentious appetites. There was no difference

between them, except in appearance and colour; and the

heretics made themselves the companions of the Zingalas

against us who were the lords, and to whom they bore such

enmity because of our natural pride and arrogance.

_ The General, when he heard this, immediately sent the

Captains Barreto and Cabral de Faria to Cotiar in the only

ship that had put into the harbour from that port, so remote

from the others. He himself left for Triquilimale, where

in a brilliant action he repulsed the enemy, making them

re-embark in great disorder with great loss of men and two

ships, which were left on the coast,—an affair which did him

great credit for the rapidity and valour he displayed in

sending reliefs and thwarting such an enterprise. He

conquered the heretics, and punished the natives whom he

found guilty of being in league with them: he dismantled

the forts they had made, and finally liberated the islanders

from the new servitude into which the devil had drawn

them, converting them from idolators to heretics, in order

that they may be always under his power.

No. 4].—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 513

The General, crowned with success, returned to Columbo

after pitching his camp again at Manicravare, where we shall

leave him to return to Jafanapatan, the conquest of which

was being so courageously pushed on by Philip de Oliveira,

as will be seen in the following chapter.

CHAPTER, Val:

CONQUEST OF JAFANAPATAN. MONOPOLY OF CINNAMON.

DEATH OF THE COUNT DE REDONDO, AND THE SUC-

CESSION TO THE GOVERNMENT OF HERNANDO DE

ALBOQUERQUE, WHO ORDERS CONSTANTINO DE SA

FROM CEYLAN, AND SENDS HIM TO THE RELIEF OF

ORMUS. DEATH OF ALBOQUERQUE, AND ARRIVAL OF

THE COUNT DE LA VIDIGUEIRA, ADMIRAL OF INDIA,

WHO RESTORES OUR GENERAL TO: THE ISLAND.

I PURPOSE to relate briefly the events which occurred at

Jafanapatan ; for its reduction and conquest was one of the

most glorious campaigns that Constantino de Sa undertook

during his government, resulting in the acquisition of a

rich and powerful kingdom to the Portuguese dominion.

Situated in nine and two-thirds degree of latitude at the

northern point of the Island, and separated from it by a salt-

water channel, Constantino de Sa conquered it in the year

1618, in the Viceroyalty of Count de Redondo.

The language of this nation is quite different, and has

little in common or nothing with the Zingala.

Close to it is a small island belonging to its dominion,

which goes by the name of the Isle of Cabras (goats), because

of the number of those animals found on it, and in whose

stomachs are found the bezoar stones (piedras besares) which,

although they are small, are the finest and best in the Hast,

and a singular antidote against poison, owing to the pasture

of wholesome herbs these animals eat. They are called

Besares, which is derived (according to an ecclesiastical

writer) from two Hebrew words baal, which means “lord,”

O14 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XI.

and za, which means “ poison”; thus Gesar signifies “ Lord

of poison,’—dropping the letter / and the second a, which

by time, the consumer of all things, were left out to allow it

to be pronounced more easily.*

The kingdom of Jafanapatan is flat and without moun-

tains. It is cut off on all sides by estuaries of salt water

which surround it, thus rendering communication easy

for trade and the administration of affairs. But it is

unhealthy and very badly off for fresh water, which is only

obtained from watercourses in the winter and rainy seasons,

that run dry in the dry summer solstice, when the irriga-

tion of the fields is kept up by the water collected in

the tanks we have already mentioned. Its inhabitants have

the advantage of being taller and stronger in make and

build than the other islanders; but in courage and intelli-

gence they are inferior to them,—the greed of commerce

having made them merchants instead of soldiers. Formerly,

subject to the supreme Emperor of the Island, they had no

particular prince until Quehapermal, who was made king of

Jafanapatan by the Emperor Mabajo Pandar, at whose death

he succeeded to the Empire, which afterwards ended in his

descendants ;f and being without heirs, the barbarian ruled

it who was the executioner of the martyrs of Manar, of

whom we have already spoken, but whose name we have

not been able to find out. His wickedness increased with

the patience and forbearance of the Portuguese, which

always happens when it is feared.

He became the greatest enemy they had in the Island;

so that in the year 1569 the Viceroy Don Constantino de

Barganca was obliged to come over to Jafanapatan with

* Bezoar.—The word is a corruption of the Persian name of the thing

padzahr, “pellens venenum,” or pazahr, and Arabice bazahr. The bezoar

was sometimes called snake-stone, and supposed (erroneously) to be found

in the head of a snake. (Hobson Jobson).—B., Hon. Sec.

+ Quehapermal = Sapumal Kumarayé (afterwards Bhuvaneka Bahu VL.,

1467 A.D., accession), who sacked, and perhaps ruled at, Jaffna during the

reign of his father Parakrama Bahu VI. (Mabajo Pandar, 1415-67 A.D.).—

B., Hon, Sec,

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. — 515

a powerful fleet to chastise the tyrannical deeds of that

idolatrous heathen, and revenge the innocent blood of so

many righteous men. After destroying and sacking the

city and the capital of his kingdom, he carried away the

miraculous tooth which they venerated as belonging to the

Buddha (del Budon ), but was commonly supposed (as we have

already said) to be that of a monkey. Don Constantino,

with Christian firmness worthy of eternal praise, had it

publicly burnt, and rejected with scorn a ransom of three

hundred thousand ducats offered him by the King of Pegu.

He made peace with the tyrant, receiving as a hostage

for his safety the hereditary prince, whom he made a

vassal of the Crown. The life, however, of the Viceroy being

endangered by a conspiracy, he returned to Goa, leaving

the tyrant unpunished and free to continue with increasing

cruelty and hatred his persecution of the Portuguese and

Christians, until it pleased God again to come to the help of

His cause; although it was not in this person’s government,

but in those of his successors.

The Viceroy Mathias de Alboquerque, in the year 1590,

sent against Jafanapatan Andre Hurtado de Mendoga, one

of the most distinguished and renowned Captains of the age,

who within five months defeated two armies, when both the

king and his heir were killed; and after destroying a

powerful fleet of Malabar Corsairs who had assisted them,

he placed a new king on the throne, and made him a tribu-

tary vassal of Portugal.

It was this king’s son who reigned, in name more than in

deed : for a retainer, who was called Changili, making use of

‘his power as a favourite, gradually usurped the administration

of the kingdom in the name of his prince. He was both

violent and servile, as is usually the case when a prince gives

over his authority to a favourite through over-confidence and

trust. Whenever vassals become too powerful, it is always a

danger to the prince, disastrous to the State, and disgraceful

to his dignity.

It happened at last that Changili tit out his king’s eyes—

D216 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XT.

his intimacy being the greatest’ blind of all—his motive —

was to render it impossible for the king to govern: he thus

made himself master of his person and will—the lowest

degradation into which a prince, who knows not his duties,

usually falls. He became hateful to all in the Island, and

all were sorry to see a poor prince, who, to enrich, honour,

and aggrandise a subject, abdicated his rights as king,

unable to pardon and unable to uphold his authority. For it

is not because the sun, who communicates its splendour to the

cloud, never leaves off shining on it; it also trusts it to fertilise

with its waters the tree for the light it gives: so itis the same

with the favourite, who is given these duties to serve without

ambition or avarice, and to be attentive to the preservation of

the State and of his master.

Changili made use of this baseness as a means to serve

his own ends. He refused to pay tribute, and rejected all

friendship with the Portuguese, and making the king his

master unite with the enemies of Europe, he called to his

aid the Badaguas, idolators, a barbarous race who inhabit

the country within the kingdom of Bisnaga from the

Malabar Coast on one side and the Paravar on the other.

They were the enemies of all, and especially of the Christians,

cruel by nature, robbers by profession, and living on what

they could steal. These, joined with the Naigue of Tanjaor,

who was also their neighbour, were twice defeated and

driven from the Island fon this occasion by Constantino de

Sa on his way to the relief of Jafanapatan) ; but not before

the Captain Philip de Oliveira had utterly routed and taken

Changili with the blind king and some of his family.

After having relieved the Fort of Manar and raised the

siege, the General was now free. He converted the king-

dom into a Province, and took every precaution to rid the

empire once and for all from al! possibility of attack. He

erected a Fort in the middle of the kingdom and garrisoned

it sufficiently against any unforeseen emergency ; and at the

entrance of the principal part he placed two strong forts capable

of containing a number of Portuguese families, amongst

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 517

whom were the magistrates for the administration of civil

affairs of the republic. The chief command and govern-

ment he gave to the Captain Oliveira as a reward for his

services, which he well deserved, since he had been the con-

querer and had done the greater share of the work.

Like a good Christian and politician he knew there was no tie

which binds subjects together more than the Roman Catholic

religion: he therefore carried zeal into its cause, as all his

actions proved, doing his utmost to extend it. He made

arrangements for the building of more than forty churches in

the province of Jafanapatan, the management of which and

rights of worship he gave over to the religious society of

the Company of St. Francisco, who from the beginning had

christianized with great fervour and spirit more than five

thousand souls; thus making the way easy for the conversion

of these barbarians. The protection which the General gave

them proved him to be as much an Apostle as a soldier: and

his unswerving constancy prevented any furthur disturb-

ance in that kingdom ; for Changili was condemned to die

at Goa without trial, a fatal ending to his favouritism, and

well merited for his treason to his king and ours.

Hernando de Alboquerque was now governing India,

and the blind king of Jafanapatan died in prison, which

was the end of following the evil advice of a favourite,

who was his ruin instead of preserver. The safety of princes

depends upon the way their orders are listened to and carried

out. It was the Captain Diego Vaz Freire who captured

him ; he had followed him in his flight from Jafanapaian in

two toneis. Notwithstanding his precautions, two daughters

of the blind king made their escape and were protected

by his friend and confederate, the Naigue of Tanjaor.

They afterwards married the princes of Candia and Uva,

who gave the General enough trouble, as we will relate.

Having arranged the affairs of Jafanapatan, settled the

military and civil government of the Island, and brought to

obedience and order the part that belonged to us, Constantino

de Sa did not succeed in obtaining the confidence of the

518 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). » [VoL. XI.

Zingalas, He saw in their chiefs the greatest promptitude

to rebel on the slightest opportunity; for they looked upon

our dominion as a very heavy yoke to bear, and manifestly

wished to break it, After careful consideration he saw it

was necessary to use tact rather than force,and did after the

example of Sertorius, who, in Guesca, in the kingdom of

Aragon, gathered round him the sons of Lusitanian nobles

(of whom he was chief), under the pretext of teaching

them the liberal arts and sciences which Rome alone

possessed, in order that he might insure their father’s

obedience and fidelity.

Constantino de Sa built two towns in the environs of

Columbo, with the privilege of cities, and containing all the

conveniences and necessaries for the support of life ; so that

they might serve as places of refuge for the wives and

families of the Modeliares and Arachas, who were exposed

to rapine and murder in time of war. The General held

them in these garrisons as hostages for the good faith and

loyalty of their husbands; in which manner he took and

secured them under the impression that he was serving them

—a most useful method to keep down rebellion and public

disturbances. It was a sure way as well as profitable. For

he followed very nearly in everything the example of Ser-

torius; introducing schools for the Zingala youth, where

they were trained and brought up in the softer pursuits

of learning and in the doctrines which their careful and

religious masters taught them, curbing their natural warlike

spirit and opening their hearts to fidelity and truth, as

far as good education can do for the young. Correcting in

early age their first impulses by love and the softening

influences of knowledge, they more easily managed to quiet

down their fierce uncontrollable temper than those brought

up to arms, who were untameable in their customs and dis-

position. In the most warlike provinces where rebellion was

common, it was always the opinion of the wise and learned

men to try and domesticate by teaching, and to induce them

by the love of study, to be weaned from the noise and clamour

No. 4i1.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 519

of arms, which so easily rouses the national spirit in subjects

newly conquered, who, like the Zingalas, were striving for

their liberty by the most violent means.

By these actions Constantino de Sa gained great renown

during his government; for he not only showed great valour

in the way he carried on the war, but also great wisdom in

the manner he tried to preserve peace. But to do this

money (which is the main prop of the republic) was

necessary, and when he saw afterwards how little the State

could do to assist the Island, which up till now had been

severely bled by this war of conquest, that was gradually

Sapping all its strength, he introduced a tax on cinnamon—

that from Ceylan being considered the best in the world,

especially what was grown in the Province of Columbo,

which produced great quantities, and was a trade of great

profit, considerably increasing the royal revenues.

This drug is extracted from the bark of a wild forest

tree which grows without any cultivation or care—so

wide are the powers of nature. The fruit and leaves are

very like the laurel, but finer and larger; from these

is distilled an oil which, as well as the water distilled from

its flower and crushed bark, is of great medicinal virtue for

chronic maladies and chills. Its various names are as nu-

merous as the countries from which it comes; for instance,

the Zingalas call it Corundapotra; the Malabars Caroa;

the Arabs Carfd, which doctors corrupt into Quirfé, and

others into Quirfa. The Persians call it Darsin, which

means ‘“ China stick,” for the Chinese were the first to culti-

vate it, and by them it was shipped to Europe. The Latins

called it Cinnamum ; the Malays Cayomavos, which signifies

“ soft stick.” It is the Caesman or Caesmanis of the Greeks,

and also the Casia lignea.”*

Returning to the introduction of the tax, he knew the

danger it entailed : for it is not always politic fora prince to

- * Cinnamon: Sip., kurundw pota; Tamil, karwvap-pattai; Arabic,

gharfah ; Persian, ddr-chint ; Latin, cinnamomum ; Malay, kulit-manis :

Greek, kinnamomon, from Heb. kinnamon.—B., Hon. Sec.

520 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). — [Vou. XI.

introduce any new tax into his government, lest he bring

down upon him the hatred of his subjects, as was experienced

by the King of Naples, Don Alfonso II.,* who contrived in

his avarice to tax all articles of food, so as to sell it for

his own profit,—an abominable action for princes and

their ministers to do, because of the poverty they cause

amongst their people, when they should by rights, as

administrators of the public good, rather increase the

abundance of things, encourage cheapness, and relieve the

scarcity and the oppression from which their vassals suffer

at that time.

Notwithstanding all this, Constantino de Sa, after careful

deliberation, came to the conclusion that it would not

interfere with him in his conquests, insomuch that there

would be no security without arms, no arms without soldiers,

nor soldiers without pay, and without taxing the people

somehow or other a prince could not pay those who defended

them ; and in following up the war he had exhausted the royal

treasury. Therefore, if he had to continue it, it was necessary

to place a value on the produce of the Island, of which he

was the absolute master, and in which neither subjects nor

the republic had any claim whatever, except that it was the

common trade for the universal benefit of all natives; and

as the king was the lord and proprietor of all the cinnamon

in the Island by right of conquest, there could te no doubt

that the tax was both just and useful.

For the Zingala Emperors made use of the same rights,

insomuch that it is told of the Raja who would not allow

more than two thousand bares to be taken off the trees: out

of these he had burnt one thousand four hundred, and sold

the remaining six hundred at its weight in gold ; which was

* Alfonso II., King of Naples, son of Ferdinand I. and grandson of

Alfonso V., surnamed ‘the Magnanimous” King of Aragon and Sicily,

ascended the throne in 1494. But that same year Charles VIII. of France,

invited by the people, invaded his dominions; and he found himself aban-

doned by both his allies and subjects, to whom he had made himself hateful

by his vices and extortions. He died in Sicily.

No. 41.—1890.] REBELLION DE CEYLAN. 521

the cause of making this drug so valuable. By making it

scarce at first it became more valuable owing to the taxes

levied on its exports by our Indian Board of Trade. It now

greatly rose in value by these taxes.

The tax on one thousand two hundred bares of cinnamon

sold in Columbo at forty carafins was athird more atGoa. It

had amounted to more than forty-eight thousand—a consider-

able increase to the revenues, which at that time were so

diminished, scarcely amounting to 55,000 altogether. For the

tributes paid by the villages for the exportation of arecanut

did not exceed 21,000 ; that from the Vidana of Bolategama

17,000 ; 8,000 from the taxes on the trade of Columbo, Gale,

Negumbo, Chilao, and Putalao. The elephants, including

the seven which the Vania of Putalao paid as tribute, and

two from the King of Candia,—which altogether came to

twenty,—were sold, good and bad, for 200 xarafins ; these had

increased to 4,000. The maralas and court fines which the

ministers, who were appointed to superintend these affiairs,

collected every year amounted to near 3,000 xarafins ; and

the revenues of the pearl fisheries, so profitable in ancient

times, now brought next to nothing for want of money, and

because of the pirates. Such were the royal revenues of

Ceylan. |

At this time died the Conde de Redondo, Viceroy of India,

an illustrious man of great nobleness and disinterestedness,

whose qualities far surpassed his riches. He had saved nothing

in the posts he had occupied ; so that even the cost of his

’ funeral had to be defrayed by the King—a great example to

all Ministers of State, and a glorious one to descendants of

this Knight, worthy of a better fortune than that which he

enjoyed in his government, for which perhaps the times

were more to blame than his zeal, since he left nothing

undone which he ought to have done. He was considered a

Governor more just than wise.

He was succeeded by Hernando de Alboquerque in the year

[1]622, when Constantino de Sa had governed Ceylan for

two anda half years. ;

522 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XI.

Hernando de Alboquerque hada son named Jorge de

Alboquerque, who was a soldier of distinction, and had a

good position in the Fort of Columbo, but differently paid

from the rest in Ceylan, although he was subordinate to the

Generals of the Island. It appeared to him hard that a son

of the Governor of India should be subject to another chief

than his father, and with this excuse he took upon himself to

draw the pay of Captain of a Fortress, and gave both posts to

Jorge de Alboquerque. Constantino de Sa had intended to

give that post to whoever earned it; but in obedience to

Hernando de Alboquerque he left the Island to his son,

without a word in reply, fully persuaded from all appearance

that he would be allowed to remain idle by those who envied

him when occupied.

He thereupon left for Goa, where he remained without

public employment until the year [1]622, a most unfortunate

one tothe Crown, by the death of Philip II., who passed away

to a better life, and also for the loss of Ormuz. This is a

city in the Island of Gerun, in 27 degrees of north latitude,

a little over three leagues in circumference, at about the

same distance from the coast of Persia, and ten from Arabia.

It isthe key of the straits leading to the Persian Sea, for they.

possessed one side of the same Island : whence it comes to

have two ports, one on the east and the other on the west—

the best and safest the land forms, making a harbour for all

the. merchandize of the East and West, as well as of Persia,

Amernica, and Tartary inthe north. But the Island being in

itself the most sterile and barren in the world belonging tothe

same Empire, it was covetousness which led to the peopling

of such places as Ormuz. Being naturally, as we have said,

one of the most fertile and delightful spots in the universe,

its inhabitants held it as an established truth that the world

was a ring and Ormuz a precious stone inclosed therein.*

* Si terrarum orbis, quaqua patet annulus esset.

Lilius Ormusium gemma decusque foreéc.

(Sir T. Herbert, Zravels, 105.) Pyrard makes the common proverb,

“Tf the world were anegg, Ormus would be the yoke.” (Voyages, 1619,

II., 254.) —B., Hon. See.

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 523

It was always governed by kings; but after we had

governed it by the industry and valour of the great Alfonso

de Alboquerque, its princes with only the title of kings

became subject to our Empire: it remained with various

fortunes up to our times, a rich and thriving place, most

useful to the Portuguese, and for that reason much coveted

by our northern enemies.

With this they laid seige to the fortress, and the beseiged,

thinking more of their safety than of their honour in the

defence, were some for delivering it up, others for holding

out, so that in the end the Portuguese had to evacuate the

place, and it was left in the Persians’ power.

When the Governor got news of the seige of Ormuz,

he resolved to relieve it. But the preparations were so

slow that when they were ready it only served to expose

the weakness of our nation to the world ; and the enterprise

was lost more by the procrastination of its deliberations

than by the valour of the enemy. The money expended

so intemperately only served still more to oppress the

State without removing the danger, for both time and oppor-

tunity had been lost. If the preparations had been made in

time and the opportunity seized at the right moment, all

would have been saved, but they had let it slip. In time of

necessity there is nothing worse than delay—it doubles the

danger, and without remedying the evil leaves it worse than

it was before.

Many incidents happened in this affair of Ormuz which

confirmed the disgrace ; for they say the quickness they took

in delivering it up equalled the long delay in sending

the relieving force. After it was ready, Hernando de

Alboquerque gave over the command to Constantino de Sa;

and there were some who said that he was given this

dangerous task in the hopes that he would be killed, and

imputed the idea to the government which was in the hands

of his heirs. For the relieving force was small and badly

equipped, with neither men nor ships capable of wiping out so

great an insult; the enemy was powerful, the time had passed,

97-—93 H

o24 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [LW Olbe B=

and the season was bad, the monsoon having changed, and

the winds become unfavourable for the navigation of the

straits. These things were all so necessary that without them

disaster was inevitable. But how can it be imagined that

such a scheme had been conceived in the mind of so honour-

able a Minister as Hernando de Alboquerque ?

Failure and adversity in all undertakings meet with

reproof, more especially for those who govern, whose actions

the people tear to shreds in the animosity of their discourse,

measuring them by the results of their success, and allowing

no other consideration.

Although Constantino de Sa from the beginning had to

face such odds, he, nevertheless, undertook the expedition

in spite of them all, and obediently carried it out for the sake

of his reputation and for his king’s service, in which he

exhibited such vigilance; for they said, he was sunk and

lost until he met with the Portuguese who had marched out

of Ormuz, and left it in the hands of the enemy. When he

received this news he was at Mascate, a place belonging to

the kingdom of Ormuz, on the eastern coast of Arabia

Felix, and a favourable situation to repair in some way the

losses we had sustained. It was also like Ormuz in having

a harbour for the navigation and trade of those seas. |

Here Constantino de Sa found a half ruined fort, which he

repaired in the best manner hecould; and after he had fortified

it and settled the trade and traffic to the detriment of that of

Ormuz, he returned to Goa, taking with him, amongst other

prisoners, the Captain of Ormuz, who was considered by some

euilty of the surrender. On the voyage he fully felt the

shame of his position, and to relieve his mind he reproached

his companions, who with equal bitterness accused the

Captain as the author of it all. Neither the patience or

consideration of Constantino de Sa could pacify them ; for it

appeared as if their hearts were like small vessels, so full of

shame that it poured forth out of theirmouths. The General

had no other remedy, and with the advice of his counsellors

took away the Captain from the company with which he

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. D295

had been taken prisoner and sent him to another ship,

placing him in charge of a Captain of infantry, who, when

pressed by the prisoner, gave him an opportunity to escape,

managing to part his ship from the fleet under the pretence

of having lost his course.

When on arrival at Goa he found himself without the

prisoner, the Governor tried to throw the whole blame on

Constantino de Sa; for he was badly disposed towards him,

and wished to accuse him for allowing his prisoner to escape,

and also for not arriving in time to save Ormuz. The

Governor’s intentions were apparent to all ; and Constantino

de Sa, mistrusting this accusation, voluntarily placed himself

in the castle of Goa until such time as his innocence should

be proved, although every one knew his promptitude and.

diligence on this occasion. When the whole affair was made

known it was found that it was a mere pretence, and not for

any matter of justice. It was still more clearly proved when

the Governor himself wished to release him ; but he refused

to be released until the whole case had been laid before his

Majesty, who, in consideration for the good services of

Constantino de Sa, ordered him back to Ceylan with great

promises of further favours.

It was in the year [1] 623 when, for the second time arrived

as Viceroy of India, Don Francisco de Gama, Conde de la

Vidigueira, Admiral of those seas, great grandson of the illus-

trious Vasco de Gama, first discoverer of them, having left Lis- .

bon in March of the year before—Hernando de Alboquerque’s

death happening about the same time as his arrival. With

the orders he had received from his Majesty, the moment he

entered on his government he restored the command of

Ceylan to Constantino de Sa, and sent him thither in April,

1623, with a plentiful supply of money and men.

Two years had elapsed since Jorge de Alboquerque came

to that post, and he had governed so cautiously that

Madune had again taken the field. Emboldened by the ab-

sence of Constantino de Sa, and buoyed up by new aspirations

and hopes, he managed to get together a bold following with

H 2

926 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XI.

the help of a Christian Zingala Modeliar (whose Gentile

name was Nai-dapu, and afterwards named Manuel Homem

Mascarenas), who corresponded with Madune whilst he

was guarding our frontier.’ He collected his lascarins, dis-

guised as labourers, to aid him when a safe opportunity offered

itself to deliver up the Island to him.

As soon as Jorge de Alboquerque found it out, he seized

him and sent him to Goa for trial; but on the voyage he

was taken off by a mortal illness, and death saved him

from the just punishment his treason deserved. Jorge de

Alboquerque was severely condemned by his enemies for

this event; for they said that it was this Zingala’s wealth

which was his chief crime, and it was to rob him of it that

he had charged him with treason, of which he was innocent ;

andthat he brought about his death in order to conceal other

corrupt practices, and that violent means were used, and not

an accident. Every one of (these charges) might have placed

Jorge de Alboquerque in the public gaol when he came to

Goa to settle his affairs; but he cleared himself of these

and other falsehoods with which he was publicly accused,—

receiving no other satisfaction than the clearing up of his

name and honour, which to the meritorious is the most

estimable reward after all.

This nobleman, amongst other noteworthy acts he did

during his government, built a fortress at the port of

Caleture, an important place because of its situation, easy of

access, and being on the river, useful to relieve the fortress

of Sofragan, the importance of which we have already

shown.

wer

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN.

CHAPTER VIII.

CONSTANTINO DE SA ARRIVES A SECOND TIME AS

GOVERNOR OF CEYLAN. HE ERECTS THE FORTRESS

OF TRIQUILIMALE, AND WITH GREAT PRUDENCE AND

GOOD GOVERNMENT ESTABLISHES PHACH.

GREAT were the rejoicings in the Island of Ceylan, which

celebrated the return of its Governor and Captain-General,

Constantino de Sa y Norofia, a second time to the government

of the Island. He was received with acclamation by both

Portuguese and Zingalas; who had gone even so far as to

petition his Majesty for his restoration, as the unanimous

wish of the people.

Grateful for the good wishes unto himself, Constantino

continued to govern them with his usual courtesy and disin-

terestedness: but found the Island in an uncertain state of

neither open hostility nor settled peace, because the punish-

ments and imprisonments inflicted by his predecessor -had

exasperated the Zingalas, and madethem long for a change :

on the other hand, according to the instructions the Count-

Admiral had given him, he had orders to follow up closely

the conquest of Candia, and to erect a fortress in the Baia

de los arcos at Triquilimale.

These being such opposite undertakings, and the carrying

out of them requiring both time and consideration, the

difficulties placed in the way of the first almost preventing

the execution of the other, and besides the necessary provi-

sions being wanting, he informed the Count-Admiral of all

the obstacles in the way, together with the opinions and

recommendations of the oldest and most experienced Captains

serving under him, whereby they finally decided that the

erection of a fort at Triquilimale would afford great advan-

tages to whatever enterprise they might undertake against

Candia. Because to declare war first against that prince

would compel him openly to oppose our designs, which

528 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou XI.

would be much better carried out under a subterfuge of

peace (badly kept as it was); and considering our power was

so limited, it did not appear prudent to commence any new

expedition without great forethought. Foras much as in all

wars of conquest the first thing for a prince is to find out if

his strength is equal to the task he is about to undertake, in

order that he may not conquer more than he can keep: since

after climbing to the top of a tree (as says Alexander the Great)

one might have the fear of falling from one of its branches.

The Count-Admiral, informed by Constantino de Sa of

these and other reasons, ordered him to suspend the

conquest of Candia and to carry out the erection of the

fortress at Triquilimale.

On receiving these orders he collected together all the forces

he could muster by sea and by land, and in the following sum-

mer of the year [1]624, within a few days he commenced the

work which his predecessors had desired so much to perform.

He carefully selected an almost impregnable site on which

was a famous pagode or varella (which names are synony-

mous) where a point of land juts into the ocean, continued

by a high eminence, at the foot of which stretches the

city of Triquilimale, from which the Province takes its

name, and the great bay or estuary, forming a peninsula, after

making a wide circuit, expends its waves against the walls.

On the first rise to the summit of the rock was a pagode,

another at mid ascent, and the most famous of them all on

the highest eminence, which was looked upon and worshipped

with great superstition by crowds of wondering pilgrims,

and for this reason was more celebrated than for the build-

ing itself and the beauties of its architecture. Upon this lofty

situation the Fortress, in the form of a triangle, commanded

the extensive bay, which the sea made there of sufficient

depth and capacity for numbers of ships as far up as the mouth

of theriver: on whose banks, at three leagues’ distant, is the city

of Vintane, the maritime fortress of the King of Candia. By

this we hindered in a great measure the building, working,

and navigation of his fleets.

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 529

The General, with the same care and forethought he took

in erecting the Fortress, knowing its importance and the

anger it would cause the King of Candia, garrisoned it

with eighty Portuguese and five hundred lascarins, with the

necessary boats and some cannon that Heaven had provided

at the place from a Danish vessel which had gone down

on that coast, and which he got up from the bottom of

the sea by the blacks, who are great divers. This was a

great blow to the King of Candia ; for not only did we take

his lands without legitimate cause, but also profaned the

holiest and most venerable place these infidels possessed,

making that a refuge and stronghold to the Christians which

was hitherto a temple and odious abode of theiridols. This

Changasar felt most keenly, for he was a priest by profession

before he came to the throne (about which we shall say

somewhat presently), and he remained always in that way

inclined, his soul being more full of superstition than affairs

of State.”

At one time the kingdom of Triquilimale had its own

princes, and the last legitimate one was baptized (after

being exiled from his country) at Goa in the year 1552, his

name having beenchanged to Don Alonso; and it is pre-

sumed that he died there without being reinstated. Being

without heirs it is very probable that he might have

bequeathed the right of succession to the Crown of Portugal ;

for that was the usual thing with all princes banished from

the Island.

The King of Candia cunningly concealed this insult tohim

under a fair exterior, without showing openly any sign of

anger, but nevertheless was secretly bent on revenge. By this

‘time histwosons, princes of Kandy (one by a former marriage)

married the princesses, daughters of the blind King of Jafana-

patan, who had managed to escape and get to Candia before

the Captain Philip de Oliveira, the Governor of the Province,

* Changasar =? Sanghayd, “ Buddhist priesthood.” Senerat, King of

“Kandy at this time, had formerly been a Buddhist monk.—B., Hon. Sec.

536 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XT.

could overtake them, although he had sent his fleet to inter-.

ceptthem. Butthe King of Candia was lord of forty leagues

of the opposite coast from the port of Cardiva to that of

Cotiar, and had the free trade and navigation of it. In this

way he could easily land refugees and get them into his

kingdom. ‘They had been first protected by the Nazque of

Tanjaor (after they fled from Jafanapatan), at whose court

the marriages were celebrated. After this the King of Candia

had been gradually violating the treaties of peace under the

cloak of friendship, making outthat he only wished to appear

powerful to both friends and enemies. Inthe first place, he

excited to rebellion the Provinces which were faithful to us,.

and afterwards invited the heretics of Hurope (Hollanders),

who were at Tarangabar, using great secrecy and craft, so

that, united with the Naique, they might assist him with their

arms and power in gaining possession of the lands subject to

the King of Jafanapatan, which had been given in dowry to

his children, under the promise of driving us from the Island,.

and making them lords of the Empire.

In the interim Constantino de Sa returned from T771-

quilimale to Malvana, carefully weighing in his mind all.

the things he heard, and determined to undermine and pre-

vent them taking place. Showing himself as dexterous in

the art of dissimulation as he of Candia, he made use of the

same artifices to repel as the other had used to carry them

out; but displaying more promptitude in remedying matters

than in open hostilities. For he did not venture to have

resort to arms, and be the first to declare war against the

express orders of His Majesty; but with the consent of

the Count-Admiral he merely threatened without actually

resorting to arms; and continuing always his preparations

he strove to keep the faithful Provinces in our obedience

whilst the King of Candia was working hard to stir up rebel-

lion: for on these tactics the security of the Island depended...

In this way he went on governing with great vigilance

and care. Treating the islanders in frank, open, and courteous

manner, he became more a father to them than a Governor ;.

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. dd]

so that even the Portuguese, following his example, so

regulated their actions that the soldiers became like citizens,

the citizens like priests, and all so agreeable and friendly

to the natives that nobody would have imagined that

they were two such opposite nations. Christian piety in-

creased in the same manner, and also the exaltation of our

Holy Catholic faith; in the promotion of which he was

ever watchful, bringing about conversion by so many sound

measures that Ceylan began to resemble more a Spanish pro-

vince—there being scattered over the Island many convents

and monasteries of Dominicans, Franciscans, Augustins, and

Jesuits, which were full of the most virtuous and learned

subjects. There were also a great many churches and

hospitals in whose service and administration the Portuguese

showed an example to all by their liberality. Nor was least

of all the solicitude of the Governor in all sacred matters.

He made them to be reverenced and the ministers to be

obeyed, giving them the jurisdiction and homage due to them

in all ecclesiastical affairs, abstaining himself from all

concern over the persons and things belonging to them, and

using the greatest care and circumspection not to go beyond

the limit of his power and commit sacrilege (a8 so many

ministers have done in the freedom of the absolute power

they have vested in them whilst governing in the name of

their king), being nothing more than a protector and de-

fender of the Church and its ministers: for God holds

him to be His defender whoever concerns himself about the

preservation of His rule. He never went beyond the lawful

limits of his powers, as that would have been what the

infidels would have wished: he considered that if his vassals

feared God and reverenced the things that belonged to Him,

his kingdom would be the happiest and the most lasting

of all. Love of religion, united with justice in military and

civil affairs, accompanied his Government; transgressors

were punished, virtue favoured, trade carried on with honesty,

valour rewarded, and vice looked on with abhorrence even

by the most froward.

232 JOURNAL, R.A.S, (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

From the actions of Governors invariably result the great

love of their subjects, and that which the Zingalas bore

towards Constantino de Sa was so great that they called

him their “father,” and looked up to him as their shield and

buckler; for he alleviated the hard lot of servitude that

is suffered from Governments in times when often for

salvation from the evils of infidelity so much innocent blood

is shed: whereby Governors make themselves feared, and

thus being indebted so much to fear, get to be feared, and

for that reason are not loved. But Empires which are

governed through fear are of no long duration; for fear

begets hate, and hate desires the adversary’s death.

Constantino de Sa was aware of this difficulty, and had to

face it to bring over the Zingalas to our love and allegiance.

He made use of their services as he did of the Portuguese,

and gave them positions of the greatest trust and confidence

in the State, and even about his own person. He also

made them chiefs (headmen) of aldeas; and that there

might be no lack of rewards in order to bind them over to

him, he obtained from His Majesty that these appointments

might be given for life, which was a thing greatly praised

and esteemed by the natives. |

~ Aldeas in Ceylan are what in Europe are called encomien-

das (Commanderies).

It has already been told how Manuel Homem Mascarenas,

when he was General, marked out their boundaries, and how

he regulated them by the arbitration of the Governors and

the officials of the Island. They afterwards usurped this

privilege from his jurisdiction and constituted a council of

the Veedores de hazienda, the Captains of Columbo, and the

Superiors of the Convent of San Francisco, over which

presided the General. The aldeas were provided by general

vote, although the right of possession passed over on the

Governor’s ola; the provisions of which usually gave to the

Portuguese for three lives, and to the natives for one, which

is ;what Constantino de Sa introduced. He reserved the

pensions for His Majesty, who always recommended his

‘No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. D308

ministers to introduce life rewards, for they were deemed

useful to the sovereign. The kings of Portugal made con-

siderable use of them in their Government, so as to keep their

‘subjects always in expectation, and to have something to

give without exhausting the royal treasury, and saddling the

country with new creations and new honours, and without

diminishing by their numbers the value and authority of

rewards and titles. They provided that the sons should

inherit from their fathers if they deserved it; for there

was a great difference between the persons themselves

and their heirs, and the chance of reward rarely descended

to the family and offspring of the person. This custom was

‘0 praiseworthy and well received by many princes that

Philip the Prudent greatly desired to introduce it inte

Castille, with the titles which in that kingdom were usually

hereditary and for perpetuity.

By this equal division the Zingalas were satisfied and

content, and he had no reason to be afraid of any disturbance ;

for the enemy held back through fear of this union, the

confederates joined in friendship, and the tributaries

came over to allegiance. The General suited his actions

according to the times, grave, severe, mild, cautious, and

disinterested, never allowing his appearance or speech to

betray him: he comported himself in such a manner that his

easy way never allowed disrespect, neither did his severity

make him less loved.. He invariably listened to the advice of

his officers and captains, who were all chosen for their own

merits and not out of respect for their position. In his

household everything about his person and family was most

quiet and modest; his dress was neither mean, nor was it

costly ; everything he provided out of his own pocket,

giving out of his own to the poor, to the soldiers, and

to those who were deserving. He regulated the cost of all

ceremonies, arranging them according to the necessity of the

occasion ; and in this way avoided all vain display that

other ministers so often inflict upon the State, of which

they are the head and the example, and who display greater

D34 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

pomp and ceremony the further they are away irom their

king—a most important thing, necessary for the arrogance of

the age and useful tothe monarch and vassals: if the corruption

of the times had not allowed each one to be the arbitrator,

and his own master of excesses as he was of vices.

The Chinese, who are great masters of political economy,

give (according to some writers) limits and rules to their

Mandarins, who are their governors, for their ceremonial

and their manner of living; never allowing more than they

themselves and the provinces which they govern can pay

for in their families and households. For the king himself

pays and provides them with all that is necessary for their

living and entertainments according to the dignity of their

office; but if they exceeded the public expenditure they

are severely punished. In this way all excess and vain

display, which are such scandals to States, never occur,

envy and rivalry are avoided, bribery prevented, shame

and oppression removed, and the doors thrown open to

everybody in the country’s service at the same rate. This

was also the practice of the Venetains and Genoese, which

made their Republics the greatest and richest we know of in

Hurope.

It was not necessary to impose these restrictions on our

Governor: he did not wish to add to the splendour of his

person and office, but what was only absolutely necessary,

for he put all his parade in serving God and his king with

those qualities which make a perfect minister, such as zeal,

disinterestedness, and temperance. His ambition was for

honour, not for wealth : the latter he disregarded as if he was

very rich; but he thirsted for the former. In this way he

governed, respected, beloved, and looked up to with the

approbation and admiration of the whole States of India,

when the year [1]624 came to a close.

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN.

CHAPTER IX.

THE ACTS OF THE GOVERNMENT OF CONSTANTINO DE

SA. HE STRENGTHENS THE FORT OF GALLE:

ERECTS ANOTHER ON THE ISLAND OF CARDIVA:

REPAIRS THE FoRT OF COLUMBO, AND CARRIES OUT

OTHER IMPORTANT WORKS. HE REFORMS ABUSES,

PUTS DOWN VICE AND CORRUPTION, AND MAKES

NEW LAWS FOR THE ADMINISTRATION OF THE

ROYAL TREASURY.

ALL events, be they fortunate or unfortunate, have their

beginnings from God, and there is no such thing as fortune

or destiny except by the will of Divine Providence.

This is what every Christian should believe (for even among

the Gentiles, that great and wise philosopher, our own

Spanish Seneca, taught it), that in the variety of events

which happen to a monarchy, all require a great deal of con-

sideration and forethought, and should the same methodseven

be used and every care and precaution possible be taken, it

often appears in the inequality of the results which could not

have been prevented that there is nothing that happens to

mortals which is not for their welfare or misery—that the

times do not act upon it with greater force than this pre-

sumption. For it is human ignorance that ends in holding

the years and even the days responsible, calling them

critical or fatal as the case may be, and making them out to

be the actual cause of success or disaster—as if the years

and days worked out the results, and God, the Creator of

all things, gave time to be something more than a mere

measurement of human events.

We begin the ninth chapter with the year 1625, one of the

most glorious years in the annals of the Spanish Monarchy

for prosperous and happy events,—a year which was made

out to be prophetic in our own succeeding times, without it

ever having been foreseen or thought about.

536 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von Xi.

Ceylan also enjoyed this good fortune: because in the

midst of the marvellous peace in which the Island was

governed by Constantino de Sa, watchful about the years to

follow, he caused as usual the clash of arms to be heard, the

ring of which not only prevented idleness (that cankerworm

of empires) among the Portuguese, but also plainly showed

the King of Candia, already a violator of the treaty of peace,,

the spirit which animated him in pursuing the conquest

without coming actually to blows; and to get satisfaction

for broken faith which he had so often sworn to for his own

profit—an action which is infamous even in a prince, when

it happens out of alarm for the misdeed and the insult of not

keeping his word and oath (through fear of punishment) that

God makes him afraid to break.

Machiavelli, being a condemned author and of contrary

opinion, maintains, however, that the Romans feared more

to break treaties than to break laws; and perhaps for this

reason God made them masters of the world. It is a great

pity then that he counselled the contrary to Christian princes

who followed his maxims for their own convenience, neither

keeping statutes nor charters to whick they had once given

their word punctually to follow for the public welfare of

their kingdoms ; so much so that in breaking it they com-

mitted deadly sin and perjured themselves. They were

obliged to make up for the evil they had done the State in

this way, in case the people would not waive in the public

courts the privileges that had been conceded to them and

sworn in their favour. They could legally renounce them :

but the prince could not renew, alter, diminish, nor increase

the absolute power, inasmuch as he could not do what he

wished, but only what was just.

Our General made use of dissimulation, concealing certain

things which were of importance to the State, so as to

make use of them when both the time and occasion were

ripe; for if fraud and deceit destroy kingdoms he had to

temporise skilfully to preserve them. The idolater of Candia,.

being a perfect master in cunning, falsehood, trickery, and

No. 41.—1890.] REBELLION DE CEYLAN. Dol

vain imaginations, Constantino de Sa used such stratagem

that he foiled them without falling into the same error

himself; for neither God nor men allow of falsehood in a

high minister who represents his sovereign.

For these reasons, as if he already found himself surroun-

ded by the enemy, he considered that the whole defence

of the Island was in keeping up our fortresses. That of

Galle being one of the principal, he went on with the forti-

fications until they were complete; for he had suspended

them the year before for want of funds. He also saw the

dangerous pretensions of the King of Candia towards

Jafanapatan; and fearing that it would be exposed to the

first outburst of the war which was sure to break out in that

part, to insure his entrance thereto he erected another

fortress in the island of Cardiva, which was subject to

Jafanapatan and a port of that kingdom.

With equal forethought and care he built on the point called

St. Lawrence in the roadstead of Columbo a strong curtain

of masonry and lime, eighty-six arms’ lengths in circuit, and

demolished the old one it held. He mounted it with eleven

pieces of artillery ; and as the royal treasury was so exhausted

and so small that it could scarcely meet the pay and salaries

of the army, he availed himself of the lands and estates

belonging to the citizens of Columbo, who assisted him with

all the money he spent in that work with great zeal and

liberality. For it is true that nothing induces so much the

will of the people and vassals to serve the prince with their

own property as the belief in the necessity of his demands

and that he spends it in the public cause. Our General

knew how to bring them over to his requests by his courtesy

and gracious manners; and as he justified his petitions with

the results of his work he never found the people unwilling.

In their eyes there is nothing more pernicious than

money thrown away in useless expenditure or lavishly wasted;

since when necessity and a just cause presents itself, they are

obliged to help by new impositions because of the want

produced by excess and abuse ; and such demands upon them

938 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

are only justified on urgent emergency when it presents

itself in such a manner that makes it obligatory. But when

the prince squanders away the public revenues in gifts and

frivolous expenses, he has no justification whatever, since

they are incurred by his own excesses and carelessness ;

so that comes to be a greater sin in ministers who

govern, and, under cover of the public good, spend the

money for their own private ends,—a sin they often fall into,

and which deserves severe punishment. If, however, the

service which the vassals give is for a sure and fixed pur-

pose, it affords both the minister and themselves satisfaction,

and in time of necessity it will be easy to find help; but

when the ministers turn it to their own profit, and the

subjects give for only trivial and worthless objects, in their

zeal to assist the public necessity, they feel deeply grieved

by such deception, and feel themselves released from any

obligation in future.

With the moneys he received he made another curtain of

thirty arms’ length, as necessary as the first, and with all

these works he so insured the defence of the roadstead of

Columbo that there was no opening without protection for

the ships which anchored in that port.

The whole study of Constantino de 84 was to see if he

could lighten the State of the great expense it was put to for

the security of the Island, and that his government and the

carrying on of the conquest might be kept up by proper

forces. He built a gunpowder mill and factory, which was

worked by the water of the lagoon surrounding the city, and

turned out five avrobas a day; so that in case they fell short

it would be certain to give them sufficient supplies for the

whole Island. The Governor paid for this work also out of

his own salary, for he had such zeal and so little egotism

that he only traded and made profits for the service of his

God and his king.

Such a pure form of government was hated by many

ministers, who, carried away by their covetousness, ambition,

and lust, usually placed their own interests before those of

* No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. D39

the public good of the kingdom, giving cause to the enemies

of the Portuguese nation, in a time full of religion and

virtue, for endeavouring to justifiy themselves in defaming it.

It is a theme worthy of tears which a serious author

refers to, who confesses that he never reads without shedding

many, of other Republics and States that in the beginning

were well and justly governed, acquired by valour, extended

by force of arms, and preserved with so much care and

prudence, but afterwards all lost, or in great danger of being

lost. To all this the Portuguese had arrived in the different

parts of India. For allowing themselves to be carried away by

those passions which sapped their courage, weakened their

valour, and confounded their reason, they forgot the respect

due to their honour, their nobility, and their laws : lost to all

beauty and truth, and to God himself, heaping disgrace on the

Portuguese reputation and on the government and princes

who governed them, insulting the faith and the very name of

Christ, when it should have been most reverenced. These

complaints and the carelessness of the ministers had been

almost irremediable, and perhaps God permitted them to be

instrumental to the decline of those States.

They also afflicted the Island of Ceylan when Constantino

de Sa arrived to govern it; so that all trade and commerce

was lawful as long as it was profitable to them. In proof of

this, it is a fact that the excesses of some bad Christians

had reached such a pitch, that they had imported ship-loads

of armsand material of war to sell them to the hostile princes

and rebels in the Island, and especially to the idolater of

Candia when he was waging a desperate war against us.

Thus bringing down upon their heads the censures and

punishments imposed in the Lord’s Supper, which they had

abused and spurned, as well having tarnished their honour,—

passing with ease from contempt to neglect of conscience,

which told them that among the virtues which Christian piety

produces, is not only to be devout, but also to be honourable ;

that to be faithful to God and his commandments is also to be

true to the sovereign, and even more so to the country.

O7T—93 I

540 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). LO, 201,

Amongst these were the Portuguese Disawas, who not only

consented to such abuses, but in time of war held on their own |

account, in the midst of their camps, public markets, which

the Zingalas called bangagais, where they sold their

merchandise, first monopolising at great prices, a thing

unworthy of Christians and soldiers, and still more blame-

worthy in Portuguese, considering the sober modesty,

disinterestedness, and valour with which their forefathers

began these conquests.

All this is gathered from a treatise by a Jesuit monk which

came into my hands, to whose person and cloth no little credit

is due. It was written in Ceylan in the year 1514.*

But that zeal of religion which comes from firm belief and

faith was so ardent in Constantino de Sa’s breast, that he

detested these disorders and vices which cost him such

trouble toreform ; for they had been allowed so much licence

that they had made them a custom and law: and when vice

steps in and takes the place of virtue, it is the greatest curse

that can befall a State. But the uprightness with which

he went about this work enabled him to do a great deal, a

ereat many abuses were gradually removed, and Ceylan

arrived at the condition we have said.

The great integrity of his disinterestedness and the —

anxiety with which he watched the growth of that conquest

obliged him by this time to introduce new measures for the

administration of the royal treasury.

The antiquated practice introduced by the government of

Don Juan de Castro was in existence. King John III.

had placed in all his fortresses and conquered provinces

Veedores de hazienda, which they administered independently

of the Generals and Captains. This practice had its incon-

veniences, and more so in our land, for the rents of the fisc

were very limited, and not equal to the expenditure, The

post of the Generals and Governors was so despotic that it en-

joyed more power sometimes than their King. But they had

* The very name of the work and of its author remain unknown.—B.,

Hon. See,

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. D41

a great deal less hold of power and authority than the others

(Veedores) had to bring a Province under their arbitration ; so

that even to the smallest item the dispositions and sinews

of war depended not on the absolute person who governed,

but on another and inferior person in rank, who was often

opposed to the good designs of his Governor, or on the

indiscreet zeal of a bad minister, who confined himself to

his own personal interests and endeavours to thwart and

impair the best and most important schemes in which he

had no part. That great Governor of India, Martin Alonso

de Sosa, a minister who took the greatest care of the profits —

of the royal revenue, said that there were many officers to

collect it and only one to spend it. A number of ministers

with equal powers and authority is the death of a State: a

few well chosen for their merits nourish it; but too many

serve to confound and ruin it.

The Veedor de la hazienda in Ceylan was one named

Ambrosio de Freitas, a man whose character and services it

is not my purpose to notice, and still less the causes which

made him leave his post, which I presume was owing to the

encounters he had with Constantino de Sa and the

animosity with which he vupposed him; so much so that he

sent in his resignation to the Count-Admiral. The General,

rather than that the King’s service should suffer, proposed to

undertake it himself and carry out the war and conquest

of Candia without other help from the State than Portuguese

troops; and what was more he sent to Bacora on His Majesty’s

account two hundred bares of cinnamon in merchandise.

To transact this business he sent his procurators to Goa, and

so-great was his zeal that he did more for his sovereign than

he did for his own private affairs and property, which he

pledged and consumed in public undertakings. Both offers

appeared so just and advantageous to the Count-Admiral

that he allowed them to pass, informing His Majesty of his

proceedings, whose royal warrant he hoped finally to receive.

For in matters of such importance it required a firm de-

termined policy: delay was always mischievous, and it

542 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

appeared to him most inconvenient to put it off for so long

a time; although in that remote Government it was a very

common evil, and for that reason the ultimate success of

- many undertakings was marred, a thing easy to remedy if so

powerful and distant an official as the Viceroy of India had

taken upon himself to administer the power and juris-

diction of the Sovereign both in grace and justice. |

If merit gives the highest posts of the kingdom, itis useless

to elect the prudent, the wise, and the most valiant when

they are only made the executors and not the arbitrators:

especially if the last orders and ultimate resolutions are

formed from the opinions of other ministers whose know-

ledge is gathered from information and reports which so

often arrive distorted and mutilated into their hands that

they render abortive the execution of them. Because in a

State there are many defects and shortcomings which demand

different remedies: sudden and unexpected ones require

prompt measures, and those which are more troublesome

and widespread require more time. But well-applied reme-

dies all require a perfect knowledge of the evil, whatever it

is, an experience of the cure and full understanding of the

treatment ; and these things are so essential that if anything |

is left out the whole success and life of an undertaking

upon which might depend the welfare and safety of king-

doms is at stake. For many ill-applied remedies, without

proper care or forethought and without regard to time, are

often more disastrous than the evils themselves.

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 543;

CHAPTER X.

CONSTANTINO DE SA EXPELS THE MOORS FROM THE

FRIENDLY PARTS OF CEYLAN. DESCRIPTION OF THE

KINGDOM OF CANDIA. ORIGIN OF ITS PRINCES, AND

THE CLAIM THE PORTUGUESE HAD FOR UNDERTAKING

ITS CONQUEST.

Most fortunate is the prince who in time of peace and war

employs successful ministers, for such men often change

errors into successes. Contrary to all India’s expectations,

when a thousand evils were foretold of this resolution, the

year 1626 had already begun when Constantino de Sa suc-

cessfully brought about the expulsion of the Moors from

Ceylan and its neighbourhood. Christianity called for it, and

it was executed with courage and prudence, making wonder-

ful not only the good effect, but dispersing the vain fears

spread about by politicians, who always prefer profitable to

religious affairs. 7

His Catholic Majesty Philip IV., inheriting with the

Empire the Christian zeal and holy piety of his religious

father, in order to imitate him and his forefather King

Don Ferdinand, whose works gave him the name of “ the

Catholic” (as Ginebrardo testifies), at this time ordered

the expulsion of the Moors from Ceylan, knowing how

pernicious was their intercourse with the idolatrous islanders,

and how they impeded their conversion ; for this evil had

more weight with His Majesty than all the pretexts that

could be brought against it.

For upwards of 130 years before our arrival in India, this

infernal sect of their perfidious Muhammad was scattered

throughout the East by the Moors, Persians, and Aumes,

who with other merchandise from their lands, and with

money that the devil had supplied them with, had got to

have such hold over this blind people, that there was scarcely

a part of the land which was not infected by this evil

p44 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XI.

doctrine. It was either through the zeal by which his

followers resembled them, or it was from the ease with which

these idolaters received them, owing to their sympathy with

and their uniformity in the depravity and corruption of their

lives and customs ; for there being in the whole cult two parts,

one which teaches belief and the other which deals with

works, the Moors in all these agreeing with the heathen,

they were easy to be dissuaded from the first, which was all

the Muhammadans desired. For the worship of many idols is

against all natural reason, it being evident that as much as

things are more or less alike, so much it is more or less easy

to pass from one to the other; and for that reason the philo-

sophers say that the air takes fire quicker than water, and

that water filters through more easily than fire.

The blind faith of the Moors is so like the superstition of

the heathen idolaters (both children of the same father,

who is the devil), that it wasremarkable the ease with which

they were induced to embrace their religion ; after which they

remained in almost the same state as they were before,

and even worse in the freedom of vices, that lead man

more astray than anything else, and which renders so

difficult the propagation of the law of the Gospel, owing to |

the difference there is between it and that taught by these

wicked sects,—a great proof of its purity and perfection,

and because its very holiness, reason, and justice counsels

and admonishes all, giving equal power to all by its divine

gifts, to worship the same God, in such a way that no other

change is sufficient to make a pagan idolater a Christian :

inasmuch that throughout all nature there is as much

difference between an infidel and Christian as there is

between the brute beasts and man.

This difficulty had helped the Moors to introduce their

religion into the Island, by which means they impeded

the gentle and softening effects of our doctrine; and the

Zingalas being naturally not so amenable to believe in our

persuasions as the other races of India, it appeared to be most

impolitic to allow in their midst a race so opposite to ours as

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 545

the Moors were, who were not only the inveterate enemies

of our religion, but also our mortal foes ; who not only tried

to convert the Gentiles, but to be masters of the seas as well

as of the many great and vast provinces within the Hast.

It is not possible to ascertain the exact number of these

barbarians who were expelled by Constantino de Sa. We

only know that he carried out the royal commands with

skill and with greater success than he had anticipated. It was

a deed worthy of great praise, and for which His Majesty

expressed himself well pleased and beholden.

The King of Candia, who invariably watched all our actions

in order.to make use of them when convenient, now wished

to keep us more than ever in continual fear and anxiety.

He gave shelter to the exiled Moors, as they were enemies of

the Portuguese, and admitted them into the principal posts of

his kingdom, placing in that of Batecalou a garrison of 4,000;

giving to understand by this disposition the fear he had of

what we had done in these parts by that other fortress of

Triquilimale which had completely closed the kingdom of

Candia from all provisions and supplies ; so that he was as

it were blockaded and shut up within his own territories,

whilst the Portuguese remained masters of all the seaports

in the Island.

More than once had His Majesty given orders to the

Captains-General of Ceylon to erect a fortress at Batecalou,

but finding that harbour to be shallow and incapable of

sheltering any large vessel, and no eminence or commanding

site whereupon they could erect a battery, they had deferred

a work which was most important for the carrying on of the

conquest.

Constantino de 8a had received the same orders but more

pressing, and seeing the difficulties in the way were false, he

desired above all things to carry them out, although he had

suspended them so as not to disobey what His Majesty had

also ‘ordered, namely, not to be the first to break the

treaties of peace and declare war. But the King of Candia

had broken through almost every clause of them, and

D46 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL XI.

ultimately threw off the mask by the reception he gave and

the favour he showed the Moors: thus affairs became so

strained that war appeared compulsory to us.

But before we follow it up, itis proper that we should say

something about the claims the Crown of Portugal had to

Candia, and why it undertook the conquest of that kingdom ;

also about the wickedness, treachery, and perfidiousness of

its princes, its orgin, and the beginning of one of the most

obstinate wars we have ever undertaken in the Hast, and in

whose prosecution our General gloriously fell and ended his

life.

The kingdom of Candia, which the natives call Canda uda,*

signifying “high lands,” issurrounded by impenetrable masses

of mountain range, which serve it as a wall and defence.

It is situated in the centre of the Island, which is the most.

rugged and loftiest part, so that all the passes leading thereto

are most difficult of access, more especially those from Columbo,

owing to the precipices and perpendicular rocks which shut

it in, as if the very land itself vented its hatred against the

Portuguese and gave security to its treacherous inhabitants.

Although they keep to the country within this mountain

circle, which forms the heartas it were of Oeylan, they have

nevertheless outlets to thesea by the ports of Panivaand Cotiar.

The kingdom of Candia is the largest in the Island,

and as thickly populated as the Provinces of Old Castile and

the Asturias are in Spain ; but the Hollanders were mistaken

when they made it out to be so large and powerful a country,

and gave out that there were fourteen tributary kings in it,

for only those of Batecalou and Triquilimale were at one

time tributary. The land is fertile, the climate varied,

the people warlike, and so given up to military service that

they easily forsake the cultivation of the fields, which are so

productive that they produce the finest fruits in the world in

great abundance; but they owe more to nature’s beneficence

* Cf. Knox (loc. cit., p. 2) :— “in one word Conde Uda, which signifies

On top of the Hills, and the king is styled the king of Conde Uda.” [Sin..

kandu uda.|—B., Hon. Sec.

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CHYLAN. 547

than to any other artificial means. For the natives give

all their time to the exercise of arms and military discipline,

in which they excel all the other infidels of the Hast.

They neglect and scorn to work in the gold and silver mines

thay have. This was encouraged by the king, who would not

permit any of his officers to benefit by them, so that they

might not be corrupted thereby ; and that their natures might

be hardened by continual warfare, he would not allow any

diversion or idleness in time of peace, but only in the freedom

of war: in which way it became one of the most perilous and

dangerous wars the kingdom of Spain was ever engaged in.

For the Zingalas of Candia, naturally callous of life, were

both valiant and sturdy, and by the continual use of arms

had become disciplined, and so proud and haughty that their

subjection might be compared to the Dutch rebellion; and

what is more is, that they excelled them in activity, courage,

and endurance, considering their mode of warfare is so totally

different. For they know not thediscipline of Europe, nor of

the numerous engines orstratagemsinvented by human malice;

neither have they the writings which antiquity has bequeathed

to mortal beings as to how to take vengeance and how to

protect themselves against the hate and evil passions of their

enemies. But the impetus and fury they display in the face

of the greatest danger is due more to inborn courage than to

_ barbarism ; for they have no more defensive armour than

what nature has given them. As for offensive weapons

they are almost the same as in Hurope: they usea kind of

artillery, which at present is the best and finest in the world,

for the curious and artful way in which they cast and turn

it out, The dexterous manner in which they handle the bow

and shoot their arrows is marvellous; the arrows are poisoned

by rubbing certain herbs on them, so that the wounds they

inflict are deadly. Strange is the way also in which they

handle the pike, which is only seven palms in length,

whereasin Europe it is twenty-five. In fact they lack nothing

wherewith to kindle their animosity and natural ferocity

against us, whose cruel enemies they always were.

548 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (VoL. XI.

Candia formerly was ruled by lords before she had kings,

with no other right to dominion than that derived by force

of arms and what tyranny marked out of the empire by

power and cupidity.

In the reign of Parea Pandar, King of Ceylan, in 1547,*

when the Portuguese had been forty-two years in the Island,

they entered into ‘negotiations with Jurira Bandar,f{ the

eldest brother of Wadune, who, under pretext of his conver-

sion, asked King John III. for priests and for arms to

uphold and carry out his intentions. Three Franciscans

were the first to be sent from Columbv to Candia on this

mission. The name of only one of them, that of brother

Pascoal, is given by Diego de Couto.

Don Juan de Castro then governed India. Being informed

of the idolater’s resolution, and fearing that his baptism

might stir up strife amongst the Gentiles, as often happens

on the introduction of anew religion, he sent Antonio Moniz

Barreto (a distinguished soldier, and afterwards Governor of

India) with some ships of war, presents, and promises of

further aid if necessary. Barreto, disembarking at the port

of Batecalou with 120 Portuguese, marched to within a short

distance of Candia. he idolater had repented of his former

wish of becoming a Christian, and imprisoned the Franciscan

Brothers, who managed to inform Antonio Moniz of the

ambush that awaited him. He therefore turned in the di-

rection of Zriquilimale, when he was surrounded by a body

of 8,000 Zingalas. After bravely defending himself for

three whole days he managed to cut his way through to

Ceytawaca, and ultimately reached Columbo without losing

amen. He then took ship to Goa, to the great anger of

the barbarian, who reaped the fruits of his wickedness and

utterly failed in his treachery.

His great hatred against our religion now openly mani-

fested itself, which up till then he had carefully concealed,

*Don Juan Dharmmapala, the roy féeneant of Kotté, 1542-97 a.D—

B., Hon. Sec.

+ Jaya Vira, king of Kandy. He was related by marriage to Maya

Dunné.—B., Hon. See.

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 549

and vented his wrath on the prince, his son and heir, whom

he foully put to death.

This prince, whose name we cannot find out, had with the

help of a Portuguese slave, name also unknown, sheltered

and favoured the Christians, with the intention of becoming

one himseif. But he received instead at the hands of his

cruel father the baptism of blood with the same resignation

and joy as he would have received the baptism by water.

God afterwards confirmed the martyrdom of his servant by

miraculous signs; for there appeared over his tomb a

most beautiful cross of large size, cut out and traced upon

the earth as if it had been artificially made. The infidels,

unable to bear the dazzling light which radiated from it,

and which convinced their very eyes of their errors,

became more obdurate than ever, and shielding their eyes,

covered up the glorious sign with earth; thus attempting to

stamp out by human means the Divine impression, and the

admirable and marvellous things God shows his saints. But

incontinently it returned and became more lustrous than

ever, as if the holy bones were bursting up and renewing

the living rays of the cross. Twice they returned and

covered it up with earth; but it ever returned and

renewed itself—an event truly marvellous, and to which

| great belief ought to be attached, because of the authority

and the religion of the author who wrote it. Moreover he

says that many Gentiles, beholding both heaven and earth

testifying to the mysteries of the Cross and to the truth of

our Holy Faith, received it with baptism in spite of the

tyrant, whose anger rekindling with renewed fire put a

great number to the sword. These creatures, filled with the

power of grace, exhorted and convinced one another of the

faith, and from catechumenists became preachers.

In this work a sister of the king distinguished herself, and

by her persuasion her nephew, son of the same barbarian, a

brother of the martyr and his first cousin, son of this princess,

became Christians, who, fearing the king’s anger, came to

Goa, where they were received by Martin Alonso de Sosa, at

550 ‘JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XI.

that time Governor, and entertained according to their rank in

the college of St. Paul. And many of the noblest Zingalas of

Candia, who followed in their train, after being instructed in

the doctrines of the faith, were received into it by baptism.

As to the other prince of Candia, also son of this tyrant—

if he is not the same we have just referred to, and many

conjecture to be that king of Candia mentioned by Padre

Gonzaga in his History of the Franciscans, page 1208, who

was baptized about this time in the year 1540; for I do

not find another, nor was he more than the hereditary

prince, although he (Gonzaga) makes him out to be father-in-

law to King Don Juan Periampandar of Ceylan. who, accord-

ing to Diego de Couto’s account, set free the Franciscan

monks imprisoned by his father, and who had converted him

to Christianity together with a great many other vassals.

Threatened by the king, his father, who sought his life, and

had given over the inheritance of the kingdom to another

bastard son whom he greatly loved, he fled to the Uva

mountains, where he declared war against his father, and

asked assistance from the Governor Jorge Cabral; who

having previously sent Don Jorge de Menezes (whom they

called Baroche) to the relief of the King of Cota against -

Madune, ordered him, when this expedition was over, to

march on Candia and punish that barbarian for his treachery

against Antonio Moniz Barreto, and to aid the son and help

him in his plans. But the Candian, aware of his danger,

sent word to Don Jorge at Cota that he desired peace, and

wished to be reconciled to the prince, his son; and as he

always made use of our religion as a cloak to his treachery,

he begged that some monks might be sent to baptize him.

Don Jorge, in spite of our friend the King of Cota’s counsel,

and fully believing in all these lies, left for Candia, sending

in advance, as an earnest of his resolve, a party of twelve

Portuguese under a Captain Frances ; and by these he brought

about thenew conspiracy by which the Candian was preparing

to entrap Don Jorge. When abouta league from Candia they

showed him the way where he was to pass, and the barbarian

No. 41.—1890,] REBELION DE CEYLAN. DOL

finding no other resource, sallied out with a large force to meet

him, and cut to pieces seven hundred foot soldiers, amongst

whom were four hundred Portuguese. Don Jorge seeing him-

self betrayed, hastily withdrew to Cota, and from thence

returned to Goa.

No heathen throughout the East ever treated us with such

treachery as the King of Candia. Yor the unlawful purposes

of his wickedness he made use of religion, hospitality, and

friendship, the laws and precepts of which he trampled on,

against everything human and divine, boasting of the

number of times he repeated his treasons, and making a

bridge of the first plot to carry him on to the rest; for he

found us so confident and trusting in all his words, asif time

and occasion would not discover them to be all false and lying.

And the Portuguese had made it a point of honour never to

suffer injury, however small, from these barbarians, knowing

full well that over-forbearance breeds contempt. It was a

still greater wonder to see the kingdom of Candia so free

of our arms, when the Candians were by their rebellions

and treasons the fatal downfall of our armies; from which

resulted such proud emulation and glory to them, who,

instead of being vassals to us, made themselves rivals and

competitors for the sovereignty of the empire with a valour

and obstinacy as though they had been our equals, threat-

ening our dominions with their levies.

But God, who punishes such wickedness, although long in

doing so, took for His instrument the famous Raju, lord

of Ceitavaca ;* who, arming Hastana against the king of

Candia, deposed him from the kingdom, and obliged him

as a last resort to deliver himself up with his sons and

family and to embrace the Faith of the Portuguese.

When he found himself abandoned and pursued by his

own followers, he took passage to Goa, where he was pro-

tected as an exile by Don Luis de Ataide, who at that time

was Viceroy; and whilst treating for his restoration the

Candian died, leaving two sons already baptized and very

young, whose names were Juan and Catalina.

* Raja Sinha I., 1581-92 a.D.—B., Hon. Sec.

502 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). | [VoL. XI.

Among the other Zingalas who followed the fortunes

and shared the exile of their prince was the young son of

a Modeliar, greatly valued by the king, who was educated

in our religion and customs, and growing up a man of great

thought called himself‘ Don John of Austria,” so as to suit the

name to the spirit within him. He was sent to Columbo to

serve on the frontier in the war against Candia, where he was

well treated by us and made a Modeliar. He behaved him-

self with such courage, tact, and dissimulation, that after

gaining great renown amongst his own countrymen he per-

_ suaded them to conspire against the tyrant, and treacherously

kill him.

Don Juan, assisted by our troops, entered that kingdom,

and seizing the crown he continued the under-hand deceitful

policy which his predecessors used against the Portuguese,

his first action being to break the faith he owed to God by

baptism ; and soon afterwards breaking asunder all ties of

friendship and education for which he was indebted to us,

and rejecting all obedience he owed as subject to his own

native prince, he changed his name from “Don John of

Austria” to that of Kimala Drama Suri Ade,* which was

his native name. He did not, however, become another man -

with his new destiny ; for although his condition changed,

his character did not. From a vassal he finally made him-

self prince, from a Christian turned apostate, and from

being a poor exiled lord became the absolute ruler of an

Empire: from all of which may be remarked how true are

the wise words, that Divine Wisdom makes a plaything and

sport of the universe ; since on this world’s stage we see to-day

a king who was yesterday but a slave, and falling into

miserable servitude one who was born a prince and whose

word was supreme.

Raised to the throne and acknowledged King of Candia

he declared war against the Portuguese, just when Matias de

* Don John, afterwards Vimala Dharmma Stiryya I., 1592-1604 a.p.—

B., Hon. Sec.

No, 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. D090

Alboquerque landed as Viceroy in India with stringent

orders from His Majesty to punish the apostate.

Alboquerque ordered Pedro Lopez de Sosa, at that time

Captain in command at Malaca, to proceed to Ceylan with an

army of one thousand two hundred Portuguese, and the title

of Governor and Captain-General of the whole Island. He

was the first (as remains to be said) to place the young

Catalina, just ten years old, in possession of the kingdom

of Candia.

Yor her brother Juan, who had been brought up and edu-

cated by the Franciscans in their doctrine and customs, had

gone over to Spain, renouncing his rights to the kingdoms of

Candia and Jafanapatan, and placing them at His Catholic

Majesty’s disposal. He was ordained a priest, and lived an

exemplary life with an income of 8,000 ducats, which the

king gave him out of the ecclesiastical grants: although,

with the advice and counsel of Don Jeronimo de Azevedo,

he many times urged Ayres de Saldana, then Viceroy of India,

to introduce him into the kingdom of Candia, and by his

means reduce the Island to our obedience.

It was also heard said by some persons of note that Pedro

Lopez had orders to marry Catalina, after she was crowned,

to a Portuguese, and it was for this reason she was chosen,

and not her brother: for by this means the reduction of

that .kingdom would be facilitated, and there was no

other smoother way towards governing the Island. Since

under the shadow of a native princess the rebel’s power

would be weakened and easily destroyed, and a new

Zingala empire formed, which would not appear so

servile, and yet would not allow them such freedom ; so

that gradually the Portuguese prince would populate the State

with Mestice (half-caste) children, mixing with the natives

in marriage, and amalgamating with the blood would by rela-

tionship and family ties gradually doaway with the customs

and evil practices of barbarism. -

But the apostate, afraid of the numbers of Portuguese that

Pedro Lopez de Sosa brought with him (which was the

D94 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). | [ Vou. XI.

largest number that had ever been seen united together in

the Island), came out to meet him with all the demonstra-

tions of arepentant and most obedient vassal. He kissed the

hand of Catahna, acknowledging her with every sign of

submission and recognition as his lawful queen and mistress,

and with great cunning and dissimulation showed himself

most officious and pressing in giving quarters to our soldiers ;

so that the whole army entered within the walls of the

city of Candia* with confidence and assurance. Pedro

Lopez being completely deceived by all these outward

demonstrations of loyalty, on a Sunday of the year 1591,

at about the same hour that the French suffered at the

Sicilian Vespers, he (the apostate) put to the sword all our

troops, the General Pedro Lopez being the first to pay the

penalty of his over-confidence, when he was carelessly en-

joying the hospitality and trusting to the great faith of the

Zingalas. F

“It is said that the Portuguese, when they entered Kandy, began to

abuse their power, which they seemed to think irresistible, and on every

occasion openly manifested their contempt for the natives by numerous

acts of injustice and oppression. The wives and daughters of the natives

were compelled to minister to their passions, and if any resisted such

deeds of violence they were butchered by these merciless wretches, and

their villages burnt to the ground.

Ribeyro’s account of this expedition of De Souza differs considerably from

this of De Sa.

+ One of the barbarous and brutal customs mentioned by Knox was on this

occasion resorted to by Don John, and, according to Ribeyro, before the

whole army, to ensure the permanent possession of his captive’s person, and

she was compelled by this public disgrace to accept him as her husband.

Through her Don John appears to have obtained a firm hold on the minds

as well as on the persons of his subjects ; the petty chiefs submitted to his

authority, and, with the most abject humility, hastened to the Court with

numerous presents and prostrated themselves before his person in sign of

his supremacy ; and so completely was the power of the Portuguese cur-

bed by this fatal day, that for four whole years they shut themselves up in

Colombo and Galle, unable either to revenge their loss, or to attempt any-

thing of importance. Don John, in the meanwhile, fortified the western

and southern frontier, and formidable obstacles to the entrance ofan army

were created by his orders. Towers were erected at the various mountain

passes, and others in existence put in astate of defence; a new palace

was built at the capital, in the construction of which the Portuguese

prisoners were forced to labour as slaves, while the captured banners of

Portugal waved beneath the Ceylonese standard above them.—Pridham.

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. DOD

By this act oftreachery, which he did to save himself, “ Don

John of Austria” re-established his dominion. For he

married Catalina, his queen and prisoner, making her apos-

tatize before she became his queen, by which she became

incapable of holding the sceptre, and lost the right, if

she had any, during the life of her brother (who remained

faithful and true), by this offence against the Roman

Church, after having been a daughter of it and admitted into

her fold, and in whose defence, and to revenge the loss of so

many innocent lives, the Portuguese most justly undertook the

war for the conquest of Candia. His Catholic Majesty being

its true and legitimate sovereign by the Prince Don Juan’s

(Catalina’s brother) surrender of his claims to His Majesty ;

and more especially because the Candians were the greatest

enemies of our Holy Faith in the whole Island. Their

princes, no more slaves nor barbarians, but educated and

converted, had so often apostatized, demolished churches, and

‘killed the priests who had anything to do with their conver-

‘sion and teaching, and violated with their arms every law of

hospitality and friendship which they had contracted and

sworn to adhere to by so many solemn oaths and inviolable

treaties, which should be sacred to all nations.

Bound by se many reasons, our princes continued the war

with varied success all the time of the tyrannical reign of the

rebel Don John, who was a mortal enemy to our nation and

who enjoyed the fruits of his tyranny for four years. After

the death of Pedro Lopez he gained a great victory over the

General de Jeronimo de Azevedo: and his successes not

ending there, his arms became almost invincible, and over-

shadowed our fame.

He gave admittance to the Hollanders in the year 1601.

Admiral Jorge Spilbergen having arrived in the port of

Batecalou with three ships, he invited him up to Candia and

received him with acclamation, and publicly entertained him,

giving him land and marking out a site whereon to build a

factory, out of hatred to the Portuguese and out of compliment

to (Prince) Maurice (from whom he had a letter), and out of

97—93 K

Dob JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Voie XU

respect to him began to call Candia by the name of “ New

Flanders.” He learnt the French language so that he might

be able to gain over the heretics to his side and drive us out

of Ceylan. |

There is printed in one volume some journals written in the:

Latin and French languages. These and other voyages that

they made to Asia are so full of lies that no dependence can

be put in them about the affairs of the East ; for all their care:

and study was to accuse the Spaniards and to speak evil of

their valour, religion, and industry. As to the credit which

should be given to these historians, he who reads the first

few pages about their qualifications may easily judge ;.

because they are heretics who care not about writing the

truth, as may be gathered in many parts of their discourse.

On the other hand (it is serving God whoever publishes it)

we willexplain it briefly. Embittered by common and mutual

offences towards us, their souls and minds were stirred up by

envy and hatred—two passions which blind more than any

others. They corruptand distort the truth of things, and strive

with such might to bring false accusations against us so as

to bring down the hatred of other foreign and barbarous.

nations upon Spaniards, and by these means gain approbation

for all their discoveries and conquests, which were made

against all human and divine right. For should the sea be free

to every living being as they desired, they ought never to

be included amongst that number, being rebels’ to both

God and their king, and unworthy of reaping the benefit of

our laws, when our own conscience not only counsels but

commands fidelity and obedience to the Supreme Creator of

things and to our natural prince and lord. As a penalty

for their controversy, although they keep the name of reason-

able fellow neighbours, they lose the privileges and benefits

of the Church, having separated themselves from the

evangelical congregation. And supposing this truth not in-

fallible, it was sufficient to make them thieves, considering

the many and lawful titles our princes had gained to the

possession of the navigation, commerce, and conquest of the

No. 41.—1890.] REBELLION DE CEYLAN. » pom

East, with absolute and supreme dominion, so that they can

defend and protect them by force of arms against all who are

not their vassals. For although the navigation of the seas may

be common toall men by right of nations (and for this reason

we are bound to allow free passage and roadway, which the

common law calls “right of way,” not having any other right to

foreign properties which were bordering on ours), this reason

could never hold good with the heretics of Kurope, because

prior to our arrival in India, when we took actual possession

of it, they had acquired no possessions either by conquest or

by inheritance ; and as it is certain they never had any former

right, they could have neither present nor future claim,

insomuch that all legal rights require a beginning to last any

time. Just claims depend upon the justice of them at the

beginning, which by common consent is the universal centre

from which all things come; and to make them on our part

continuous and justifiable, the possession alone is sufficient,

which we now keep up by our arms, fortresses, and garrisons,

acquired in the beginning for such just causes as the pro-

pagation of the gospel, which is every Christian’s duty. For

it is given to every one to take care of his fellow creatures

in countries so remote, where men are separated from true

reason and from the knowledge of God, and are without reli-

gion, grovelling in superstition, enchantments, and sorceries

of the devil; living, when even most civilized, without any

knowledge of celestial things. This right of possession to us

is confirmed by immemorial charters, and for overa hundred

years our kings are named lords, and are entitled to the

navigation and free commerce of Ethiopia, Persia, and

Arabia: for all of which reasons the heretics can have no

right to disturb the legitimate possession and dominion

so established, considering the arms and force it cost.

Although for this very reason it may be argued that it is

these same things which give and take away empires and

dominions, and that which Spain ought to use to defend her

rights ; for there is nothing which can defend them better than

large and powerful fleets, with which she can make herself

; K 2

D08 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). { VoL. XI.

mistress of the seas, and punish those who have usurped

them. These usurpers had within a century got so corrupt m

wickedness and tyranny that they may be looked upon as

- pirates, and their military fame condemned for disloyalty and

treason; since force, robbery, and tyranny were the symbols

of their greatness, having been in antiquity a glorious nation

and throughout a terror to the Romans and an example to

subjects in constancy and fidelity, for which Tacitus praises

their native princes. From Catholics they became heretics ;

from loyal subjects rebels; from virtuous, wise, and noble

men they became slaves to a popular democratic republic, a

servitude under the fictitious name of liberty, worn out by

a long endless civil war under mercenary commanders, who

hated the easy yoke and government of the greatest monarch*

in Europe, their own natural lord and prince for so many

years.

The just indignation which compels me toreply to the lies

with which these Calvinists provoke us may in some way

excuse this short digression.

To return to the Candian barbarian. The friendship and

alliance he contracted with them obtained complete success,

although at the time no’serious evil happened to us, because

it was mingled with fear and mistrust of the Hollanders;

for the Admiral Jacob Necius, returning the following year

to the port batecalou with some ships, the King of Candia set

out from his court to see him. The Admiral, disembarking

with his principal officers to pay the king honour, wanted to

entertain him on board his ships; but these overdone

compliments made him suspicious, for his barbarous mind

measured the heretics with his own, accustomed as he was to

treason ; and his distrust being shared by his own principal

chiefs, he excused himself and avoided any ill-feeling by

entertaining them on shore, taking pains to please all sides.

In this way that apostate kept up the friendship of his great

confederates : he trod upon all the sacred laws of hospitality,

as he had so often done by the sacrifice of so much innocent

* Philip II.

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. D009

blood to his idols, and without putting a stop to his wicked-

ness.

The Calvinists speak of him in their writings as a great

prince only because of his undying hatred to the Portuguese,

who were so justly angered at this that they never more could

trust their word, although they did not openly show their

resentment; for they are a people, these Calvinists, who

think more about their personal welfare than about their

honour, and as they worked so hard to obtain a footing in the

Island, never letting an opportunity slip, they did all they

could to cement the hatred of the Zingalas against the

Portuguese, and to urge them to take the offensive against us.

There was a prophecy amongst them that one of their Jogue

(as they call them) foretold to a Portuguese soldier at the

time when Andre Furtado de Mendoga sacked Jafanapatan

in November, 1591, which happened in this way. The soldier

who was out hunting came across a Jogue who was living

the life of a recluse in a cave. Knowing Portuguese he

ealled him and said that he need not be too elated, because

Ceylan was all in the hands of the Portuguese; for ina

few years another people whiter than they would drive

them out of theIsland. And this saying appeared somewhat

strange, considering that six months before the English, for

the first time, had arrived in Malaca, and it was impossible

that the Jogue could have heard of it from human lips.

The Hollanders made use of this incident and turned to

their account the superstitious belief of the Zingalas, warmly

pressing their claim; when the renegade Don John died

without leaving sons. When he saw himself in the last

gasps of death he married his wife Catalina to his brother

Enarar Bander,* his Changasar, and father of the one who

now reigns : this incestuous custom is the invariable practice

amongst the idolators of Malabar.

Catalina, from this second marriage, had two sons and a

daughter: the eldest was called the Prince of Uva. He

= Senarat, 1604-34 A.D.—B., Hon. Sec.

360 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CHYLON). (Vou. XI.

inherited the vices and courage of his uncle, and the same

hatred towards the Portuguese. The second was now elected

as successor to the throne of Candia. The daughter, after

the death of her mother, which happened about this time,

married her own father: so great is the bestiality and

lasciviousness of these infidels, who are unworthy to be

classed with human beings, and so great is the power the

devil has over them, that the very laws which are by instinct

kept inviolate by the beasts of the field are savagely

trodden under foot and ignored in their vicious lives. .

CHAPTER XI.

AS TO HOW THE CAPTAINS OF CEYLAN WERE EMPLOYED

DURING THE WAR WITH CANDIA. CONSTANTINO DE SA

ERECTS TWO NEW FORTS AT MANICRAVARE AND

BATECALOU. THE VICEROY GIVES HIM CHARGE OF

THE ROYAL TREASURY.

THE King of Candia’s actions were watched with anxiety

by Constantino de Sa; for by thestrict orders of His Majesty’s

Government and of the Count-Admiral Viceroy of India,

on all matters relating to the war in Ceylan, the Governor

had been made its sole arbiter, because of the knowledge and

the experience he had gained in all the incidents relating to

it: although he acted as one in authority, he always bore

in mind that he was still a subject.

In spite of all this strictness the King of Candia kept

adding insult to injury, whilst Constantino de Sa in his

patience increased his reserve and dissimulation, knowing

how deceit increases, and that punishment alone would

stop it; forasmuch that there is nothing which makes those

who govern respected, but by making themselves feared.

Compelled by circumstances and the danger of the moment, ~

he summoned to a Council all the Captains and most

experienced soldiers of the Island, by whose advice he

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 561

considered over all the most important points upon which

depended the whole future of the war of conquests, so

as to justify himself with the Count-Admiral, who had

received orders from Portugal to keep the peace with

Candia; and to make it appear to that prince, without

adding or taking away anything from the counsellors’

words, who with one accord represented how much the

reputation of the Crown had lost by quietly ignoring and

putting up with the insults the King of Candia had openly

offered the Portuguese, taking advantage of our long-suffering

patience, and despising it as cowardice ; who having broken

the peace so much to his satisfaction as we had so impru-

«dently consented to observe it, making that idolator rich and

powerful by commerce and free trade, by which he not only

increased his power and strength with the enemy, but

obtained prestige with his confederates, and throughout the

Island greatly contributing to our confusion and shame—we

who were accustomed to conquer, by our very name and

fame alone as much as by our arms, which in time, weakened

by the idleness occasioned by commerce, would become rusty

and give the enemy a chance of getting into their grasp the

complete mastery of the whole Island ; when also he had by

his boldness begun to divide it amongst his sons, that there

was nothing so bad for the success of the war than per-

plexity and delay, so often the case in all great under-

takings which should be spontaneous at the commencement ;

for upon the execution of this Candian affair depended

the safety of the whole Island, and an example to all the

idolatrous princes throughout the East, giving them a

lesson to treat us with good faith and loyalty; again, to

allow so great an enemy within the Island would make

the Portuguese appear bad soldiers and bad statesmen, for

allowing it to be a harbour of refuge for rebels and robbers,

whatever the public profit might be, for the lies and plots

of the barbarian, the lying olas and fictions he published,

had reduced the minds of the people to such a state that

a peace of this kind required greater caution, and caused

962 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). EVOErs Xe

more fear than the most dangerous war ; even when he was.

the first to break the peace, he carried with him half the

fortune of the war, for he was both warlike and brave and

did not fear our arms; the coalitions and leagues he planned,

the dispositions he made, showed how ambitious his designs

were, and which our patience and forbearance made so easy,

giving him time to become powerful and to hide his wicked

designs ; he stirred up the provinces and the Zngalas who

were still faithful, to rebel and go over to his side; it was

enough to make him wait with great vigilance for the repar-.

ation of so many evils, that which he might expect by the

arrival of the Calvinists, for they were a people not con-

tented with a little, but openly aimed at the universal

dominion over India, and were bent on driving the Portu-

euese from off the face of it ; and to counteract these designs

it was most necessary that His Majesty should continue the

war for the conquest of Candia with all diligence and the

necessary men and money, worthy of so great a monarch, for

if once he could finish with those idolators, always traitors:

and enemies to our religion, and His Majesty remained

absolute master of the Island, the Catholic Faith would take

root and spread glorious rays of truth, which was the principal

end and object of our princes in their wars of conquest ; it

would increase the royal revenues and treasury in provinces

and of vassals, for in name, greatness, and riches Ceylan alone

was more important than all the Indian States belonging to

one master ; since nowhere has the empire so increased in so

much surrounding land, and so many populous kingdoms,

provinces, and cities, such fertility and abundance, being in

short the largest and finest country that the Portuguese ruled

over in Asia ; they had increased its importance ; and it was.

said that to make it the best place in the world nothing

more was wanted but the care and favour of their King, and

it was the constant opinion of its statesmen that, when all

was abandoned, it was sufficient to hold Ceylan for the

Portuguese nation to be still the ruling one in the East;

there was no doubt that the place had many advantages,

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 563

for it lay in the centre of Malabar, Cochin, Goa, and

Diu, with the north coast from Ormuz on one side, and

on the other the coast of Coromandel, Bengala, Pegu, Malaca,

China, and the Moluccas (y Maluco) ; it enjoyed the benefit

of the monsoons (monciones, a term commonly. given to the

prevailing winds, which at certain times of the year blow

from one side or the other), so that fleets can be despatched

from Ceylan to any part at the same time, like another Bima-

ris Corinthus, for on such opposite coasts as those of Goa

and Coromandel they only have the advantage of either the

winter or summer seasons (as it has been said), whilst the

ports of the Island are so many and differently situated that

they can be navigated either from one side or the other the

whole year round, which is not the case with Goa, for it can

only be made use of during one monsoon, thus having a

limited time for sailing purposes; for ships enter in during

the summer season, which lasts from September to the end

of April, and are stopped from May till August, a part of the

year, which notwithstanding the sun isin the ascendant, and

although they lose the influence of that great planet, the

father of life, we know by experience that when it is most

distant the summer commences, and the frequent and violent

storms cease, which during the winter prevent ships going

over the bars without manifest danger, owing to the sand-

banks which surround them and shut them up until the

summer season, when they gradually open out again.

[Such are the wonders of nature, and the wonderful differ-

ence the coasts and lands undergo in the Hast, causing such

contradictory opinions amongst our philosophers as to the

causes of the Winds and the seasons, that what the prophet

says is true, that God makes the seasons and the summer

like unto a sculptor, who makes out of wood or clay the

body of parts and members so dissimilar. |

To these considerations Constantino de Sa, in his letter

to the Viceroy, also added that it would be as easy and as

safe for the King’s ships to go direct to Columbo as they did

to Goa, leaving Portugal so as to arrive about the middle of

564 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

October at the latest, for at that time ships came from Cochin

to Goa and Columbo, and with the same wind the vessels

could sail, and much easier, for about Cape Comorin the wind

blew more away from the land. They had besides these

advantages other very good reasons why they should make

it the metropolis of India, for in climate, fertility, and

healthiness there was not its equal anywhere. Belonging

moreover to one master only, whose property they pretended

brought in more than a million every year, but in these

times not exceeding more nor less than a hundred and three

thousand zxarafins, and would load with cinnamon, pepper,

and many other dyes, drugs, and merchandise the vessels of

the kingdom, and eight times less distance of coast for them

to make. It had also quantities of timber, iron, and all the

necessary materials for the building of ships, with large

harbours and wide roomy bays, and even if Nature was

left unaided by art in the cultivation of the fields by thelong

wars which were enough to destroy the best of countries,

such was the abundance it produced naturally that there

was no richer land, nor one more full of the luxury and

abundance of the goods of this world.

They discussed with many forcible arguments the many

times that Viceroys of India, holding the supreme power of

the State, passed over to the Island for far less cause ;

since there was the Governor Lope Soares de Albergaria,

who came only to lay the foundations of Columbo, and

afterwards Don Constantino de Braganca and Don Alonso

de Norofia, who, after the assault on Jafanapatan, came to

the help of the King of Cota against Madune; and again,

Martin Alonso de Sosa, Antonio Moniz Barreto, Don Jorge

de Menezes el Baroche, Andre Hurtado de Mendoga, Pedro

Lopes de Sosa, and many other Captains and Generals, who

raised powerful armies simply for light affairs of commerce

or revenge, or to obtain satisfaction for some friendly prince

or ally in the Island. It was most proper that His Majesty

should listen and give the necessary forces to obtain satis-

faction for the many treasons that the barbarian of Candia

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. D69

had committed against the honour of God and his royal

service, profaning temples, murdering Christians, and putting

to the sword so many Portuguese without any one to take

their part, and to demand from him an account for such

treachery and wickedness, and lastly for having given

shelter to the Moors who were expelled, and to thieves and

vagabonds and rebels to the Crown of Spain, no doubt with

new designs and expectations.

Asa pledge to their opinions the Captains offered their

lives, liberty, and property to the last mite, wishing for no

other reward, if happily successful, than the feeling of

having served and given their best advice to their lord and

king. It was evident that they were the first to face danger,

and the last perhaps to reap reward. They had a valiant,

honourable, and true Commander, loved by the natives, of

great knowledge and experience in war. He was both res-

pected and feared by the enemy, wel! versed in all their art

and trickery, but using all courtesy and kindness with his

friends and allies.

Hither the Count-Admiral had not the power or the skill

-of a great minister to give his final decision, or he did not

wish to take upon himself the responsibility of deciding on

so great an enterprise. He would wait and see how matters

turned out, when the progress of events would absolve him

from giving his decision, and therefore abstained from using

his authority,—a perilous school, in which many proud and

rash ministers have perished, refusing their prince and his

counsellors that help and recognition which in grave matters

are So necessary, acting as a subject and not as a companion,

showing that the art of governing rightly in grave and

important affairs depended on the attitude of the prince and of

hisservants and counsellors who assisted him, thus preventing

jealousy, ambition, envy, and other State crimes, which are

so many traps and stumbling blocks to their preservation and

increase: because to govern alone without a superior, and to

hold only an office under Government, or to act only as the

king pleases, are two very different things.

566 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. XI.

Thereupon the Count-Admiral sent the votes of the Ceylon

Captains to the King, and on the part of Her Majesty ordered

Constantino de Sa with great urgency to erect a fort as soon

as possible at the port of Batecalou, which had been already

chosen. For after the King of Candia had entrenched himself

in that town and garrisoned it, as already mentioned, the fort

was not only useful, but absolutely necessary, requiring fewer

ships than was wanted for the coast of 7’riquilimale, and

much less expense for preventing reinforcements to the

Candian’s allies and friends. :

Constantino de Sa replied to the Viceroy that it was more

important before erecting a fort at Batecalou to throw up one

first at Manicravare, the usual standing camp of our army,

which would not only serve to secure it, but be a protection

against any sudden attack; for being on the borders and

frontier of Candia it remained exposed to the first onslaught,

where it was very probable that the Candian would begin

the war, angry as he would be at our fortifying Batecalou,

the most useful port he had.

To carry out so important an affair he wanted money, the

most necessary thing for all their resolutions, for Ambrose

de Freitas, in this year of 1627, still occupied the post of

Veedor de hazienda, and it was he who placed impediments

in the way, because of the expenses, which in some respects

were perhaps exceeded.

Constantino de Sa, however, with the approval of the

Count-Admiral, and helped by the liberality and valour of

his soldiers, raised three thousand, and being the first in the

work to show the most zeal and vigilance, he made the

fortifying of Manicravare so easy, that in a few days it was

finished.

On the way he repaired the fort at Malbana, which was

almost in ruins and without protection; on this work he

spent, according to his will, 10,000 xarafins.*

He made this a stepping stone to the fortification of

Batecalou, the most capacious maritime port in the Island,

* Narafin, a coin worth 300 vets, Portuguese.

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 567

into which could saila large Indiaman fully loaded, contrary

to the common opinion of the Portuguese, who knew little

about its depth. The city, which gave its name to the whole

kingdom, is two leagues from the shore and ten from Candia,

to whom its king was subject, conformable, as the Calvinists

say in their relations of the year 1622, to a private feudatory

prince as well as to the Portuguese.

It was incredible the valour and continual watchfulness

which the General displayed in this expedition and at the

making of this fortress, which he began and finished at the

sword’s point, for the King of Candia continually harassed

him during the work. Hecame down upon him with all his

power to impede it, and not daring to invest the Catholics,

thinking our forces were stronger than he had imagined, he

retired to his own territories, and sent a secret message to

Constantino de Sa, offering him 80,000 xarafins if he

would desist from the enterprise. But Constantino was

always deaf to bribery ; he curtiy answered that the offer was

an insult, and that he would have satisfaction for the affront

against his honour and reputation. On the erection of this

fortress 8,000 zarafins were spent out of his own income, so

that at the same time they offered him so much, he might

_ show he was not less ready in serving his king. Hehad spent

the most he could out of his own pocket, but his excess of

zealand fidelity offended both his friends and enemies; for

the same spies which the Candian employed against the

Governor’s life at this time, put the officials who administered

the royal treasury against him, placing at the head of the

civil conspiracy the Overseer of the Revenues himself.

The Count-Admiral, aware of the advantages which would

result by the collection and payments of the rents passing

through the General’s hands owing to the breaking out of the

war against Oandia, gave his approval, without waiting for an

answer from Portugal, to that which the Attorneys offered on

their side, which was in the interval of receiving the final

orders from Spain, that Ambrose de Freitas would have joint

licence and still remain at his post.

568 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

Just about this time arrived at Jafanapatan the Captain

Felipe de Oliveira ; it was the month of March, when a great

storm of wind and rain for several days swept over the Island,

causing great inundations, doing great damage with loss of

life. The Captain, who was recovering from a serious illness,

publicly did penance, and with tears prayed to God to remit

the public punishment and turn it on himself. In three

weeks God took him, to the great grief of every one in the

Island, for he was a man of great parts in religion and of

ereat valour. He had destroyed more than 500 pagodes; as

much a conqueror of people as of souls, so that the natives

called him “god of the sword Tiranquera of iron.”’*

CHAPTER XII.

MOVEMENTS WHICH PRECEDED THE WAR WITH CANDIA,

ITS COMMENCEMENT AND OBSTINACY, WITH RELATION

OF SOME OF THE EVENTS RELATING THERETO.

WITH the fortress of Batecalou Ceylan was almost en-

circled by our arms and garrisons, for those we held were

the best ports in the Island, being eight in number, a number

sufficient to secure it from whatever invasion the enemy

made, and so well placed as to command the whole of it, and

make the Portuguese masters of the entrances to it for the

commerce and navigation of those seas, and shut in the

King of Candia most effectually, leaving no open space.

We hemmed him in so that he was obliged to submit to our

orders to be able to exist, and the tribute which he paid then

appeared more like an indemnity than a feudal tax.

The principal forts were Columbo, Negumbo, Manar,

Jafanapatan, Triquilimale, Galle, Beligao, Calturé, and

* The original is: de suerte que los naturales le llmavan Dios de la

espada Tiranquera de hierro. What Tiranquera means I cannot find out.

Should be Tranquera, “ bulwark,” I think.

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. D069

Batecalow, and many other strongholds, redoubts, and castles

of less size and armament scattered over the Island, so that

the Portuguese nation appeared to be the absolute master

of it.

Already menaced from every direction, and fighting for the

existence and freedom of his kingdom, as he had done up:

till then for the supreme lordship of Ceylan, the Candian

king took up arms against the Portuguese and commenced

hostilities on the frontiers, devastating the outlying lands.

with all the rancour and impetus of a declared enemy. To

repair this injury Constantino de 8a went in person to the

rescue with wonderful swiftness and with very little over

five hundred Portuguese, and compelling the idolater to

retire, the war was openly declared, which began with the

year [1]627 with great animosity and fury on the part of

both nations.

It is probable that about this time the King of Candia had

bought over the fidelity of the four Zingalas of Columbo,

who were the ringleaders (as we will tell further on) of

those who were conspiring against the General. Constantino:

de Sa had foreseen this. In a letter he wrote to His Majesty

from Columbo on the 3rd December, [1 ]626, upon the break-

ing out of the war with the king of Candia, were these

words :—

‘But it is certain, according to what has reached the ears of the

most experienced in this Island, that if the king of Candia breaks

out he will not be without favour with those natives who are obedient

to your Majesty.

And by other conjectures it appears that the traitors delayed

the execution of their evil plans for three years after they

had conceived them and arranged with the Candian. But

they were so slowly and so secretly hatched, with such cun-

ning and caution, that these very same men were those who

showed themselves most ready and obedient to the General,

who took them into his favour and confidence, by which

means it appeared that he had insured their fidelity ; for

whatever they knew or thought in their heart of hearts

never once made itself known. On the Portuguese side it

YAY JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

was marvellous the zeal which they displayed in this under-

taking, offering themselves to face the greatest dangers,

satisfiedjwith the care and punctuality the General showed

to the army in paying them in advance after he had taken

over the duties of Royal Treasurer, Superintending the pay-

ments himself, he relieved the revenue otf many superfluous

expenses ; but fully recognised that the military forces were

the very:basis and foundation on which depended the safety

of the State and the ultimate success of the war, on the

prosecution of which so depended the interests of the service

of Godiand His Majesty, and which had hitherto been

retarded for this very reason: for it is evident that every-

thing was lost by the army being badly paid. How many

empires are lost through discontented soldiers even more

than by the enemy ! And as those soldiers who served in

the Island had not the same advantages as those who served

in Europe, they were more careful in guarding their quarters

and not wasting their supplies nor abandoning their colours;

for these quarters being only in the garrison as it were, there

was not a soldier in the whole Island who valued anything

more than his pay, which was the only reward for his work

and for the blood he spilt, and on which depended the very

necessaries of his life. He therefore felt it keenly when his

pay was denied him or deferred, especially as there was

nothing else he valued. It waseven worse when administra-

tors (as it happened sometimes in Ceylan), through whose

hands the payments were made, spent the money and

wasted it in vain ceremonies for show and ambition, only

neglecting that on which depended the true greatness of

kings.

This was the most important service Constantino de

Sa performed in this matter, bringing over the hearts of

the soldiers to a better state than that they had been in, des-

pising their Commanders for being poor and of little help

to their cares and miseries. And what was more, he showed

the King that he had enough money to hold the Island and

continue the war without any obligation to the State; for

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. a7

what is more vain than conquests, when the expenses exceed

the revenue, and to preserve them it is necessary to bleed

the State ; so that instead of enriching and making it greater

they drain and weaken it. It is also evident that there is

nothing more forlorn than the Royal Exchequer when it is

administered with cupidity instead of integrity: itisa death

blow to the kingdom whose rents have been squandered

instead of increased; and if they fail, how can peace be

secured, how can war be sustained? Ceylan suffered many

interruptions because of its distance from the king, and

because of the obstacles and hindrances placed in the way

by ministers, and the tricks they used in collecting the

rents of the property of princes; for without it they would

be reduced to common subjects and to live without esteem

or respect, abandoned by friends, insulted by enemies, and

despised by all. Great was the consideration to be held in

esteem by such subjects, and there was not a place where

the zeal and fidelity could better be tested of a Christian

minister honoured and beloved by his king, as was our

General.. :

War with Candia declared, nothing could surpass the obsti-

nacy and valour with which the Portuguese fought during

the two following years, [16]28 and [16]29, obtaining over

the idolater many famous victories after the most bloody

and terrible engagements, in which they appeared to be more

like wild beaststhan men. For our men were possessed with

an overpowering thirst for vengeance, and the enemy were

driven to bay in defence of their lives and homes, so that

fury was the ruling spirit in all. They fought more like

borderers than conquerors, making no distinction of time

nor place, always unequal in numbers, but fired by the same

spirit of undying hatred. The continuation of this kind of

warfare considerably weakened our forces: they were so

reduced in numbers that they could not protect themselves,

even after the successes they had gained. But with the

peril increased the fame of the General, and encouraged

him to follow up his victories when the enemy believed

97—93 L

BYP” JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. XI.

themselves more at liberty. Trusting their safety to our

small numbers, should they be driven to the last extremity,

to the natural defence of their impenetrable forests and

jungle clad mountains, they withdrew themselves to the Uva

mountains, the most remote and rugged highlands of all, and

the less known.

These fastnesses Constantino de Sa suddenly entered with

only fifty Portuguese, specially chosen for this service ; and

so great was his undaunted courage that after he had

penetrated into these mountains and scoured the forests,

cutting down all who opposed him, he descended unex-

pectedly upon the kingdom of Candia, laying a great part

of it waste, and putting numbers of Zingalas to the

sword. ‘The success of this expedition appeared marvellous

indeed, considering its casualties and the rapidity of his

movements.

After this he returned to Columbo and was received amidst

the acclamations of the natives, who called him nothing less

than “the god of the Island”’: so great isthe impression made

on mankind by any extraordinary turn of fortune, that they

hail mortals as divine beings. During this expedition were

performed many deeds of valour by the arms of our Portu-

guese, whose blows, in imitation of their General, over-

powered the enemy and filled them with dread. Hastening

the intrigues of the conspiracy, it saved his person and the

kingdom, but nothing would have availed him if our power

had not equalled the Governor’s fortune. For what could he

have done, weak and disarmed, without money or men,

hampered by officials who, stung with jealousy by so many

successes, tried to tarnish the glory of them, keeping watch

over every thing he did, prying into expenses so as to pick

holes in the waste and profusion of them, and the diminution

of the royal treasury. But headministered it with great care

and moderation. It was so small that he tried to increase it

by curtailing his own expenses, even to the selling off of his

own goods and chattels to supply in some measure absolute

necessities ; even this was censured by the envious, so as not

No. 41.—1890.] . REBELION DE CEYLAN. D713:

to display their own cupidity and avariciousness. And there

is no doubt that as often as Constantino de Sa entered Candia

victorious he was obliged to keep troops toretain what he had

conquered. For our regiments would always keep under that

idolatrous rebel, owing to the valour of the few Portuguese

that were left, their superior discipline and steadiness

in adversity, their patience in suffering and confidence

in danger, the rapidity of their movements and the other

military virtues which they possessed in the highest degree,

so that there was nothing they could not undertake nor

overcome ; and considering the little help they received

from their prince and his ministers, who wasted oppor-

tunity, they might have made themselves masters of the

whole Island.

Notwithstanding such odds, Constantino de Sa did not

cease from war, although he still listened with great caution

~ and reserve to the overtures of peace which the King of

Candia offered. He both appeared to reject and to accept

them, so as to show that he was in no urgent necessity,

and to make use of them in case he needed ; and in order to

conceal his hand, being rather straitened, he resolved to

return (in March, [1]629) and attack the enemy within

Candia itself. He undertook this expedition with the

determination to die or conquer, for when he was set

eut on it he made his will and testament, in the first

clause of which he clearly showed what state he was in,

and his courage and valour in exposing himself to such

dangers. These are his words :—

The expedition which I undertake against Candia is so profitable

to the service of God and His Majesty that I am determined this very

moment to set out upon it, although with forces far inferior to the

enemy. It is only God I fear, and in Him alone do I put my trust for

any success I may obtain, since I fight for a cause as much His as for

every Christian and mortal who fears death, which comes at all times,

and has no respect for age: and therefore recommending myself to

Almighty God, I place my soul in His divine hands.

So woes the will. Then he goes on discoursing with great

Chri stian fervour, of which we shall say somewhat hereafter,

L 2

574 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VOL. XL

In these admirable words it is well seen the obligation he

was under to place himself in such apparent danger, so as not

to sully his reputation nor give courage to the idolater:

having withdrawn only to gather strength and renew confi-

dence, and to procure better terms of peace, should it be

concluded. Never without his sword by his side, as an

experienced and great soldier should always be, he returned

to the fight with the same spirit and courage he commenced

the war.

In the re-opening of this campaign the Portuguese suffered

ereat privations from the inclemency of the weather and the

bad roads, which tried their strength to the utmost. Beingeold

and wet, as is usual in the kingdom of Candia and its confines.

the weather was so bad that many died of cold, and were

besides exposed to the sudden attacks of the enemy, who

laid ambuscades on every side. They were scarcely able

to defend themselves in the stagnant morasses and rivers

over which they waded up to their necks with the greatest

difficulty and fatigue: marching barefoot and almost naked,

they came out with their feet torn and lacerated, bitten

by leeches and other reptiles, which breed and swarm in

these waters.

The General did not spare himself through all this danger-

ous expedition. He was always in front, for he left his

andor (a kind of light litter carried by men), which those in

authority use in travelling. He was the first to wade across

the rivers, so to encourage the rest, his companions, and to

dispel all fear from their hearts; and came out usually

bitten all over by these poisonous reptiles. Thus throughout

it all he was for a long while in the greatest danger of losing

his life. :

Warfare in this Island, in the opinion of the most expe-

rienced in the art of war, is the most laborious in the world ;

for it is not practised according to the methods of Hurope:

neither are the sieges, battles, and assaults carried on in the

same order, but with sudden onslaught and fury. The

companies are formed up without depth of numbers : their

No. 41.—1890.] REBELLION DE CEYLAN. 515

line is long and straggling, owing to narrow and difficult

roads: if they are attacked and a fight begins there is no

room for any order of battle, and only a confused mags of

hand to hand fighting: the same occurs in all the battles, so

that it is example that rules, and not obedience. What

are most common and usual are ambuscades, for which the

forests and steep mountains, of which the Island is full,

provide every advantage. Marching is as difficult and as

dangerous as are the battles ; for the roads, or rather paths,

are closed up and narrow, notwithstanding that always

numbers of pioneers with picks and spades are sent in

front to clear the way, The companies cannot march,

as in Europe, in fours or fives abreast, but in Indian

file—one after another—because of these obstructions.

They travel on foot; for the country is so overgrown with

jungle and so full of swamps that horses cannot be used :

the force therefore consists only of infantry. The soldiers

wear no armour to speak of; their ordinary arms are

arquebuses, short spikes, and bows and arrows, and for

close quarters some have small broadswords, which are

called Calachurros.

The General marched with his bodyguard and all his staff

and household in front, each one according to their standing,

and close to his person was the Sergeant-Major to take and

convey his orders. He had with him as a badge of royalty two

Modeliares with white shields, and a great number of drum-

mers and trumpeters. The Disawas and the Camp Captain-

Major accompanied the General as private gentlemen; for they

exercise no command nor authority except in his absence.

The position he holds in the army is not always the same,

nor those who carry the colours, as is the usual custom in

our time : these are placed in the centre of the company as

the safest and best guarded position. Whena halt is made

in a town or village the place in which they are placed is

covered with an awning of woven palms, with distinctive

marks on the streets, houses, or tents in which they are lodged

with less safety than comfort.

D146 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VOn, XE.

CHAPTER XIII.

CALAMITIES OF THE WAR. THE IDOLATER OF CANDIA

SUES FOR PEACE. HE SETS THE COLUMBO CONS-

PIRACY ON FOOT. THE GENERAL’S SUFFERINGS :

His WILL AND DISPOSITIONS.

IT is grievous to write about the misfortunes of a minister

through evil luck and not through any fault or misgovern-

ment on his part ; for misfortunes in themselves do not take

away from the merits of those who suffer, if they have acted

with carefulness and prudence: because God sometimes makes

things fail for some hidden reason of His own, and not for any

fault of the minister who does them. It is, therefore, unfair

to judge of counsellors, either good or bad, by the results of

their undertakings without careful thought and reasoning.

Constantino de Sa wisely concluded that to put on a

bold front and strike terror into the Candian idolater

would do some good at least to the cause, and would keep up

the reputation of hisarms so long as his forces were increased

by the aid he expected from the State ; when he hoped to

continue the war with all the means he had in his power.

For this reason he undertook the expedition against Candia,

which we have just related, showing himself more active

than ever. Asa brave, gallant soldier, he marched through a

great part of that kingdom without the enemy ever once

daring to come out and fight him in the open, although he

harassed him with ambuscades, which were nothing to the

awtul loss we caused his people and vassals, whose deaths,

tribulations, and danger made the idolater tremble with fear,

so that with all submission and humility he made overtures of

peace, in the hopes of entertaining and diverting the General

until the conspiracy was ripe for execution.

The cold wet season had set in with vehemence, and the

rugged country and bad travelling had so tired our main body

that Constantino de Sa, after he had listened to the Candian’s

proposals, was glad to receive them, but waived all decision

until he got back to Malbana. Heretired so weak and ill that

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. D177

he caused not only anxiety to his friends, but to everyone in

the Island whose interests were centred in him. His illness

was malignant and most tedious. But as he was a valiant and

undaunted soldier, he was even more so a great Christian

all his life. Of most religious habits during all the years of

his administration, he lived in close friendship and intimacy

with the Jesuit Fathers, whom he greatly loved, and by

whose advice he managed all things that related to his own

‘spiritual welfare, and carried them out most devoutlyas a true

son of the Church. Headded anew codicil to his last will and

testament, and after other arrangements added these words,

which I quote as an example of his zeal and goodness :—

I have never served the king in peace or war for the sake of my own

interests : the Veedor de la hazienda, they say, charged me otherwise, and

falsely accused me. Iwrite here, that I pardon him, as God forgive me.

It is the greatest proof of a Christian, deeply wronged,

thus easily to pardon injuries. In the same codicil it

appears that he asked His Majesty to draw from his own

salary 22,000 xarafins—another great proof of his integrity

and disinterestedness;: for when a minister becomes his

sovereign’s creditor, he is deserving of the greatest praise

and rewards. But he showed by not coveting these (although

he thoroughly deserved them for all his work, labour,

and fatigue), that he did all, and thought of nothing but,

for the service of his king, even to increasing the public

treasury at his own expense, and without a thought of

profit for himself. The little he gained during his admi-

nistration, says another clause in the codicil—to which can be

given the more credit, for being the words of a man full of

virtues, who knew he was about to die, than the malice of

-evil tongues and of those even worse inclined. He says :—

I leave nothing for alms, not even forthe mass and requiem of

my soul ; for I die so poor that I have neither clothes nor jewels that

I have not given away.

And in another place :—

As to my servants I have nothing to leave them for all they have done

for me, nor to compensaie them for all their love and all the help they

have rendered me. The annuity which I receive as Captain-Major

D718 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XT..

of India will serve to pay my debts—if His Majesty has nothing

wherewithal to discharge them. since nearly all of them were contracted’

in his service.

If this is how so virtuous and good a Christian knight made-

his last confession at the time he was on the point of death, and

there only remained to him acoffin to bury all his hopes, it

is most evident that he had nothing to gain by burdening his

conscience with falsehood when he was doing all he could

to relieve it. And if the sovereign at the beginning of the

government of new ministers only caused a list to be made

of his property, renewing it every year, so that he might know

what they had had and what they had expended, neither

malice nor adulation would have been able to have de--

ceived the royal ears by under-rating such generous works as

those of Constantino de Sa; and by this means would be able

to award either punishment or reward, which are the poles

on which revolve the existence of the kingdom. Itiscertain

that his debts and obligations were contracted in the posts he

occupied for His Majesty’s service, having always lived in

the most economical and modest way, without any pomp

or extra expense, even if they blame his liberality in

allowing some latitude to the soldiery. He knew very

well how wise it was, so as to endear them to him, and

thus make them ready to help him in any sudden emer-.

gency; for it was the most forcible way to bring them

over to his cause. It would have been a great fault in a

Captain to have been avaricious in this: it would have cast

a slur on his best actions to have acted niggardly by his

soldiers for the help they gave him; because gratitude is

stronger than courage.

In the midst of all his sufferings and pain Constantino de

Sa did not lose sight of the conquest of Candia, and mixed

up its affairs with his own spiritual concerns. He says,.

speaking about it :-—

The peace with Candia must be made in the manner I have

already stated, charging the blame to me—for it is easy to condemn

the dead ; but that is not to say that it is confirmed ; for this Island

is for His Majesty alone, whose chief end is to make it Christian..

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 579

The peace must be an armed one; which will be a power ready

prepared : and tell the King of Candia that unless he agrees this very

moment he will lose both himself and his children.

I notice many things in these words. He proposed peace ;

but he neither advised it nor condemned it, principally

because he knew our arms were weak, and he wanted to

secure that which he always had at heart for His Majesty to

obtain possession of the whole Island. He pointed out the

ways and means by which peace should be made, asa great

soldier, taking upon himself all the blame, so as to make

it easier to obtain it. What greater mark of love could there

be in a subject and minister to do all the work and to take

all the blame, leaving the glory and certainty of success

to the king; which all desired and knew was due to him.

Lastly, he counsels the idolater, perhaps to induce him not

to respond, since these hard times would not allow us to

be courteous. Moreover, the counsel was so far friendly

as not to be thought inimical. Since princes of such small

States as Candia ought to do all they can to preserve

themselves rather than seek acquisition ; as Livy observes

in his remark about the tortoise, which as long as it remains

within its shell thinks itself safe, but when it comes out is

in danger. |

This last codicil was written the 23rd of January [1]630.

At this time it pleased God to listen to the prayers of the

poor people of Ceylan (many of whom had given up every-

thing) for the restoration to health of Constantino de Sa.

He obtained it, although late, but never such as before ; for

the continual watching, want of sleep, and incessant worry

and care—the usual inheritance of governors,—had done its

work on his attenuated frame and weary soul. An adminis-

trator wants nothing who keeps his health: he has no pleasure

without it, and with it there is no work that cannot be done

and made tolerable.

With his convalescence the treacherous designs of the con-

spirators revived, for the King of Candia became more than

ever afraid of the General, whose indefatigable courage

O80 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). —*«[ VOL. xa.

foretold ruin to him, if he did not manage to bring about his

death beforehand. He therefore secretly bound himself

over to them, and the traitors, fearing that they would be

discovered in time, commenced their machinations in the

following manner.

CHAPTER XIV.

THE CONSPIRATORS PREPARE THEIR PLOT IN COLUMBO.

THEIR METHOD OF PROCEEDING.

THE authors of the conspiracy were four of the richest

and most influential Zingala Modeliares of Columbo, who

had been favoured by, and were on intimate terms with, the

General ; by whose liberality they had been made headmen

of many villages, with rents varying from 3,000 to 4,000

xarafins. ‘They had been baptized when they were eight

days old, and brought up in the Christian religion and in

the closest friendship with the Portuguese; and having

many family relations through intermarriage, the Governor

had favoured: and courted their society ; so that by long

service and experience he had known them as friends.

He never treated them with suspicion nor distrust; but

trusted them as much as it was possible for ministers to do

who live with their officers—only with these he made a

perilous exception: although I have it for a certain fact that

with all this he acted with caution, and that already they

could not do what they once did. They called themselves

Don Cosmo, Don Theodosio, Don Alexo, and Don Baltasar.

Kor three years they had been quietly and comfortably

hatching their wicked plot, and having command of the

lascarins, they were always with the army going in and out

of Candia, so that they were.,within easy communication

with the King of Candia and the Prince of Uva, his eldest son.

Determined on rebellion they began to exhort one another

with mutual zeal and hatred, and tried to draw over to their

No. 41.—1890.] | REBELION DE CEYLAN. d81

opinions all the Zingalas of Columbo, so that they might

carry out their dark designs in greater safety. But as it was

dangerous for them to trust too much to these, they did not

join them openly; and in order to avoid suspicion, whenever

they met in public they spoke to each other as usual, never

letting out a word or making any sign that might betray that

they were planning anything extraordinary. They more

than ever flattered and fawned on the Portuguese, assisting

and serving the General with all their usual obsequious

demonstrations of fidelity and affection, never once showing

any sign or look of enmity. Such dissimulation and hypo-

erisy was enough to lull the minds of the most suspicious,

how much more so the Governor who never once had the

least suspicion or hint about it in time to circumvent

them.

The first man they got over to them-was a Motiar (which

means a Secretary) of the General. On this man they laid

great importance, for through his hands passed all the cor-

respondence of the affairs of the Island, and he gave them

all the necessary information for the execution of their

infamous plot.

Another Zingala also joined them, a Modeliar of distinc-

tion, one of the richest and of the highest caste in Columbu,

and on whom the General had placed such confidence that

he made him his shield-bearer (Rodelero), which was a post

considered by the Zingalas one of the highest and most

confidential that could be given. No other cause could be

attributed for their treason but their natural malice and

depravity ; for their position and the esteem in which they

were held by us, the villages and riches they possessed,

appeared great stakes for them to risk and leave to the

arbitration of fate, which is always more powerful than

anything else on such occasions as this.

Delighted with these two additions, the four chiefs also

got over to their side a Negro, who was a Master Armourer,

whom they knew to be both industrious as well as brave and

bold, and the very man for their work : he was, moreover, of

582 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XI.

the Moor’s creed,and had been baptized according to custom

after the expulsion of his friends and kindred (as we have

already related). He had ever since then remained a mortal

enemy of the Portuguese. This man they elected Chief of

the Moors (Rey de los Moros), to bring him more into their

evil snares; and they recommended him to join arms so

that he might better conceal the perpetration of the plot

under the shadow of office.

In this business Don Cosmo showed himself the most

active of them all. He acted with the greatest caution and

dissimulation; and having much influence amongst his own

people he got a large concourse of them together at the

house of Don Manuel, to whose daughter he had married

his eldest son, Don Antonio by name. Here all his pent-up

passions burst forth against us, and he commenced to

harangue them in these words, or in terms of similar

import :—

How long, O countrymen, will ye be slaves to these vile Portuguese,

under whose cruel yoke you have suffered so many years, with only

such liberty as they chose to give you? Isit possible you can continue

to live like this, contrary to all reason? Is liberty—the most precious

gift to mortal man—is it of so little value in your eyes, that when you

can be free and your own masters, you will exchange it for slavery ?

You think not of what our ancestors held in this Island, or else the

memory of it would kindle some noble thoughts! If you have

forgotten it through ignominy and weakness, think of your children ;

if to-day the Christians permit you to enjoy what is your own,

to-morrow they will take it away, with your lives, and those of your

children: you will believe in your folly when you see yourselves sold

as slaves in the market place, banished from your country, and torn

from wives and families. You have forsaken your religion, trampled

on your nobility, exhausted your wealth. What means all this, country-

men—such neglect, such supineness, such cowardice in things which so

much concern us? Already your race has lost its empire, its name,

and its honour, its courage and its industry ; all that remains for you

is to leave your land and seek another, where you may exist vile and

dishonoured, miserable and nameless. Tell me what other nations of

the East can give when you disregard by your actions what your ancestors

did? Think-ye not it an insult to see yourselves slaves and at the

mercy of enemies, who hamper your lives with laws, but do not save

you from death? Are you not ashamed to see how few they are,

and the arrogance with which they presume to make themselves lords

No, 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. d83

of the World? Already are they possessors of the fat of our land,

_Imasters of our commerce and our ports: all that remains for them to

do is to drive us from it. And think you that will not be done

when they crown their success by the conquest of Candia? This is

no doubt what saves you to-day. Look at the tyrants, who will not

allow any other nation except themselves in the Island under pretext

of religion. Is it right you should help them with your arms, and

shed the blood of your native princes, so that all may see your shame ?

Tell me, what you will gain by living amongst these Portuguese ?

Who keeps up their wars of conquest, but your own arms? Are they

not these, to your shame, which have made them glorious by such great

victories? Is this General’s Government so prosperous? Who,

perchance, exempts you from tribute? Who from gratuities? Your

rubies, your ivory, your cinnamon, in short the wealth of your own

Island, is it not more yours than the Portuguese? Who, if not

they, collect the treasures of your arts, the work and labour of

your artists? There is not a year that passes, but all there is in

Ceylan is sent to Goa, aud from Goa to Portugal! Many more

reasons I might urge to persuade you to stand to your honour, your

homes, and your religion ; but I see repentance marked in your faces

for your past negligence. Make use of the present moment, friends,

brothers, countrymen, which you know well if lost will not return.

The few wretched Portuguese whom we see in tatters and disarmed,

with a General badly paid; the many friends we have got to help

us, a prince so powerful as the King of Candia, only waiting for

our call to come to our assistance, and confident of the friendship

of his son, our enemy’s bitterest foe, the generous and valiant prince

of Uva, whose valour gives us most certain hope for the restoration

of our ancient and glorious empire. What wait ye for? What

keeps you back? Let us take up arms as conquerors before we

are discovered ; since Heaven, fortune, and opportunity all alike

favour us.

Don Cosmo continued giving more reasons with great

impetuosity, almost beside himself with rage, when the

silence, which until then kept these barbarians’ tongues tied,

was broken by shouts and cries demanding with one voice

that the rebellion be declared, and calling down vengeance

on their enemies with vehemence and unanimity. And that

everything might declare their determination and wishes,

they held a council amongst themselves as to how it should

be brought about. .

In the first place they decided to send a message to the

Prince of Uva, giving him an account of what had taken

O84. JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI..

place, and asking him to come down from the mountains.

with his power and ravage the lands belonging to the natives. .

who were faithfuland friendly to the Portuguese ; for stirred

up to vengeance by so unforeseen an accident they could

gather them more easily into the net they had all ready

prepared, and thus successfully carry out their insurrection.

With this decision they gave orders to the Moor armourer,.

who had already notice of the rebellion, to surround the

Portuguese and Mestives (half-castes in Columbo), and make

himself master of the Fort, leaving Don Manuel to open the

gates of the city to the King of Candia and hand over the

Government to him.

Having thus arranged the conspiracy they above all recom-

mended secrecy, the most important thing in all emergencies

of the kind, and being most cunning in their evil designs, they

were many days waiting for the Prince of Uva’s coming.

It is true how wonderful time is, and what time does: it

is more wonderful than all man’s caution, for with every

day of delay the danger increases to those who meddle with

great stakes ; for many an accident may occur which may

reveal all. For the number of the conspirators was great,

and the vigilance of the General and his Captains was none

the less; the intercourse too, and close friendship which

existed between a great number of the Portuguese and

Zingalas, of whom so many were married with Mestices: so

that in this way great secrets and underplots are often

discovered. But, notwithstanding all this, so marvellous

was the secrecy of these infidels that not a whisper of

information was let out about the compact that existed

among themselves, as if it had been the will of Heaven:

because in the beginning great evils might be avoided, as

so often has been the case in this Island. But when were

the ways of God not kept secret to us blind mortals? It

seems by these means that God, as the author of the evils

of punishment but never of crimes, wished to punish our

sins during the days of our prosperity in Ceylan ; for by His

secret judgments He brings about from time to time the

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 589

downfall of kingdoms, the defeat of armies, the deaths of

chiefs, the failures of administrations. He allows temples

to be destroyed even at the expense of Christianity, and

His holy name to be blasphemed and insulted to the great

exultation of the idolaters and to the ignominious dis-

erace of the faithful, either to punish them or to teach

them, or else to try them; but praise be unto Him for ever,

for He alone knows His works and what is best for the

blessings and welfare of our souls.

CHAPTER XV.

EVENTS WHICH OCCURRED DURING THE REBELLION. THE

CONDE DE LINARES APPOINTED GOVERNOR OF INDIA.

THE CONDE DE LA VIDIGUEIRA IS RECALLED.

THE Prince of Uva did not stir out for many days after

he received the traitors’ message, the better to cover up and

conceal the conspiracy. He then came down with great

power fromthe mountains, and for the space of about a

month he harassed our lands, burning and consuming all

that belonged to our faithful allies; for he went about

freely, without opposition or resistance of any kind. From

these raids he returned victorious, and then took to entrench-

ing himself in Ratule,* the chief town and capital of his

kingdom, at a distance of forty-five leagues from Columbo.

The news reached this city first, and althongh the damage

which the Prince of Uva had done was not a little, the

distance and rumour, which always makes things greater

than they are, exaggerated everything so much that they

made the traitors appear in the light of public benefactors.

Concealing their evil conscience they presented themselves

before the General. They came with their faces suffused

with tears, then with loud cries and vociferations professed

* Baduila, once more the capital of the Province of Uva.—B., Hon. See.

586 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). — [VoL. XI.

their fidelity and zeal to the service of God and honour

of the king, and that they had the reputation of the

Portuguese at heart, asking the General’s permission to go

at once and seek out the enemy. They were obsequious

and threatening by turns; then putting on a bold front

and lashing themselves into a kind of fury they desired

to be confronted with him, adding strength to their

duplicity by their gestures as well as by their words, and

leaving nothing undone that might in any way assist their

plot. Studying every movement and all their outward actions

in order to conceal it, they. with one accord fell down

prostrate on the ground, and, whining and creeping up to the

General, clasped him round his knees, entreating him that

he would allow them to avenge the insult and audacity of

the Prince of Uva, who in the pride of his victory taunted

as cowards the subjects of the Crown of Portugal, and

challenged them to battle, which to refuse would be infamy,

and timidity, cowardice; that if they did not strike quickly

and rigorously at once, it would be the prelude of still

greater audacity ; that it was not right that the reputation

of Portugal should perish by the hands of such a vile enemy,

when the existence of the Portuguese Empire in the Kast

depended more on it than on the small force which guarded

so large a dominion ; that the idolater, grown insolent with

success, would no doubt besiege us in Columbo, the very

attempt at which would double the insult. They begged that

His Highness would not delay to take up arms for the

support and credit of his king, his nation, and his own

reputation ; for there was no other way to insure the safety

of the lives of his subjects, their honour, and their properties.

There are no hearts more easy to deceive than the hearts of

the loyal, especially so true a one as that of Constantino de

Sa, in whose soul dwelt no duplicity nor the thought of

treachery. He graciously listened to the Zingalas, and

thanked them for the zeal and courage they showed in this

struggle: and although he greatly loved the reputation of his

king and the credit of his arms, having, up till then, always

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 587

‘seen them gloriously upheld, yet, with it all, he did not

wish to stake his fortune, because of the limited power he

had; so well might the prosperity of past victories have

blunted him and lessened his modesty and moderation. For

there is no doubt that blindness more than adversity had

made the Captains hasty and sometimes venturesome, trust-

ing more to fortune than to their power. But whois so madas

to hope to find in the fortune of war either safety or constancy,

when the smallest accident might put an end to everything ;

for nothing is more subject to time and its vicissitudes.

Considering all these things, he proposed the expedition to

the Captains who served with him; but there was great

diversity of opinion amongst them.

Some of them said it was not right to put faith in the

information the Zingalas gave, for it might be full of deceit

and lies; because they were traitors by nature, and were

now more than ever disloyal and inimical to the Portu-

guese, who had the souls of idolatrous infidels caged up in

Christian bodies; and to be sincere, considering our smail

numbers, it would be more prudent to tolerate an insult we

could not punish, since forbearance in times of danger and

difficulty worked out what valour could not do.

Other Commanders were for taking up arms, for which

they gave many reasons, saying that success was happiness

but defeat was misery; that the good star of the Portu-

guese, together with their valour, were enough to supply

all deficiencies they had in numbers; that what so many

affirmed must be true, and that they would have to wait

until the enemy came and insulted them at their own door.

There was never more righteous cause for war: it was there-

fore only fair to hasten up to the relief of their faithful allies

and subjects; but if they left them to their fate, what an ex-

ample it would be: it would putan end to all the hopes that

were set forth in our correspondence, and the Prince of Uva

being a man of ambitious ideas and the greatest enemy the

Portuguese had, his audacity and presumption would be

97—93 M

588 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI..

enough to disturb the whole Island and endanger the safety

of the whole Portuguese Empire; it would bring on a new

persecution of the Church, for he was a great enemy of the

Christians.

They gave their votes for the General’s decision, who,

aware of the necessity of the expedition and its danger,

hesitated not in coming to a speedy determination’; for he.

was afraid that there was some treachery, from a letter he

had received from the Viceroy of India. Notwithstanding

his suspicions against his better judgment, he prepared for

the campaign.

Suspicion, says the great Philip II., is like some poisons,

which when tempered and given in small doses become

medicines, but taken simple and largely kill. It isan ordinary

fault of the Portuguese, which is excusable in them because

inborn, and as it springs from honour it serves to preserve it..

It is needless to say that after Constantino de Sa had

decided on the expedition he had some inkling of the.

conspiracy, and on finding out the truth he began it with great

distrust. He acted, therefore, with caution and prudence, for

if he had shown his suspicion by any sign he would have

lost the best opportunities. He in fact placed all his care in

investigating and searching, but found nothing he could lay

his hands on: although, as Plato says, there are no small

things in great matters; and this being of such importance

the slightest suspicion should not be overlooked. For

in all secret and hidden treachery the truth is most difficult

to find out, unless the unity of the conspirators is undermined

by some servant of theirs; which often happens, and then

the whole conspiracy is discovered and the plot laid bare.

In March of the year we write of, [1]630, Don Miguel de

Narofia, Count de Lifiares, arrived in India to govern with the

title of Viceroy, bringing with him favours, presents, and

promises from His Majesty. He was a man of great parts,.

endowed with ability and integrity, and in everything he did

in the king’s service he behaved as a true knight. He

succeeded the Count de la Vidigueira, of not unequal merits.

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. d89

Before he arrived there had been an interregnum between

the two Governorships of a year and a half, under the ad-

ministration of the Bishop of Cochin, Don Fray Luis de Brito.

Thirty years before he had governed India for the first

time, and afterwards being President of the India Council

in Portugal, and assisting the government of the States for

many years, he acquired great knowledge in negotiation ; so

that he governed them for the second time with great’

prudence and foresight.

It appeared to the Count de Lifiares, in all the gallantry

of his soul, that it was obligatory for him to show the

princes of the East, at the beginning of his government,

the sharpness of his sword by following up conquests and

continuing wars, under the pretext of making the arms —

of Portugal appear formidable to her enemies, when they were

thought most fallen, and to restore to them that ancient

renown which had built up and preserved her Empire until

then. Many most discreet and careful persons thought this

resolution @ wise one, making it appear that the whole suc-

cess of the government depended on the fame he acquired

in the beginning, since the other contingencies which may

happen depend upon it: but there were not wanting others

who condemned it as somewhat hasty, considering the state

of the Spanish Monarchy, which was almost in its death’s

throes by the number of losses and public calamities, and

the expectation of greater evils; although they thought it

prudent that in the districts where war was inevitable it was

right to make it for the ultimate ends of peace; and our

forces in India being only an appearance, without substance,

the faith and reputation of the Portuguese so many times

trampled down, and the sacraments profaned, which theinfidels

had once venerated, For knowing whence came our power

it would be wise to encourage industry and to dissemble ;

because sometimes it was necessary to allow of toleration, for by

it alone, both in time of prosperity and of adversity, can States

be governed so far away from king’s reliefs, with possessions

so seattered apart and far distant: much more so if the

M 2

990 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (VoL. XI.

Portuguese were not masters of the seas, it was the only secure

way of preserving them, and for the present that which was

most important and which concerned us most was for our

arms to protect and keep up our trade, and not to extend our

conquests nor to add new kingdoms or dominions. It was

better to purify the States we already had from the luxuries

and vices which offended so against God, and which prevailed

to such an extent in their midst and reduced them to such

miserable ruin, and from the corrupt customs which had been

neglected and even allowed by the authorities, and in our

negligence never punished. Butall misery and calamity, ruin,

loss, and afflictions of all kinds which happen te kingdoms

are punishments sent by Heaven to awaken them to repen-

tance and reform.

And this reminds me of what I have heard from a very

grave personage whom the Hollanders had taken captive on

his way from the Indies, that their General, a person held in

great respect and a man of repute amongst them, had told

him that he might tell His Majesty that he should undeceive

himself, that the prosperity and success they had gained

were not because of the strength of their forces, since they

had confessed the little they could do in respect to Spain ;

but all appeared as if it was a punishment sent by Heaven

upon that Monarchy for its sins and vices.

It was rumoured that the Count-Viceroy desiring with this

purpose to continue the war with Candia (little knowing

the state of affairs in Ceylan), wrote twice to Constantino

-de Sa in somewhat harsh terms, blaming him for his silence,

which seemed as if he was avoiding the enemy, and telling

him that the Generals of the Island should mind war rather

than trading.

The Count showed in this correspondence, if it be true, the

little knowledge he had of the valour and disinterestedness of

Constantino deSa. But it is not to be believed that in order to

arouse them he made use of such censures ; and from what I

know myself of his person, his friendship, his faith, the

nobleness, courtesy, gentleness, and the kindness of his

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. IL

disposition, 1 cannot persuade myself that it was his inten-

tion to offend a knight so honoured and respected, of

such distinguished services, occupying the second position

in India, a Governor and Captain-General of the king. It

might have happened when the Viceroy was gathering

information about the state and affairs of India that he

listened to men who were hostile to the General: and as

there is nothing more common than envy in mankind, and

less noticed because of the disguises under which it lurks

(sometimes hiding its venom under the cloak of zeal, at other

times under that of modesty, often under that of friendship,

only to obtain its ends), it may-be that under these

appearances, in order to deceive the Viceroy, they did all

they could to tarnish the General’s actions which had made

them so envious ; for there is nothing which foments envy

more than success, courage praised, and virtue applauded.

The Island of Ceylan was, as we have said, well governed ;

and although the King of Candia’s hands were strengthened

by the conspiracy of Columbo, he was kept in check by the

fortresses ; and although he was not actually beleagured, yet

was he not quite free. The Governor, therefore, until he

heard of the Prince of Uva’s coming, had been proceeding

slowly with the war in the hope of gathering strength, and

that His Majesty would assist him after what the Captains had

represented to him, so that he would bring about the conquest

and end the war once and for all ; and to do that which would

please him most, to stamp out the name of the idolater of

Kandy,and bring the whole Island under one rule. Through

it all he judged it best to seem ignorant of the conspiracy,

and to tolerate the insult that the Prince of Uva had offered.

When the second letter from the Viceroy reached the General

the Zingala traitors were working out their evil plot to its

end ; and with diffidence he decided to follow the way to his

destruction. All things seem to help in misfortune; the

most diverse ways seem to conform when God brings about

the punishment.

Just at this time Ambrosio de Freitas resumed the duties

592 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. XI,

of Veedor de la hazienda, which was another cause of

annoyance and trouble added to the misfortunes which had

come about; for in revenge for former disputes he com-

menced to embroil himself with the Governor, who until then

had managed the exchequer. His aim was to have an equal

share in the administration ; and disputing everything that

was proposed, the discord increased and grew into hate, De

Freitas magnifying every charge of falsehood which was

brought against the character of the General, who in his will

so generously pardoned him ; and whose actions were always

so clear and manifest to all that there never was anything

which could be impugned.

There are some politicians who advise their prince to

encourage enmity amongst his ministers; for by this means

espionage is encouraged one against another, and a life of

secrecy and fear is the result ; since according to the maxim

of a certain philosopher, more is due unto enemies than unto

friends ; for the former make men careful, whilst the latter

make them careless. This advice cannot easily be followed

out in the monarch’s service, still lessin his absence, because

of the great loss which such disputes usually entail; for

ministers are either good or bad: if good, that is for

both king and country, it is indispensable that they should

love one another, and as their end is the same, to be true to

each other, there should be no enemies amongst them: but if

they are bad, it is ground for the sovereign to hate them and

to cast them from his side as the greatest pest that could

befall the republic.

Thes2 dissensions caused a great deal of mischief. The

soldiers were the worst sufferers ; for they were deprived of

their ordinary pay, and the Portuguese army was reduced to

a miserable state.

In spite of all, the General decided on the expedition to

Uva, and ordered the traitor Modeliars to enrol their

lascarins, who marched in to the number of 13,000 men ;

and including the Casados (married men) of Columbo,

together with all the recruits, there were scarcely 500

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. D938

Portuguese, and amongst these there were a great many boys

and old men, and not more than 200 who were capable of

bearing arms.

He left Manicravare in search of the Prince of Uva, the

20th of August, 1630, having made his arrangements before

leaving about the Government of the Island during his

absence. The care of it he gave over to Lancarote de Freitas,

who was a man of trust. Taking with his army a number

of priests and confessors to help the temporal with spiritual

arms, he sent out an edict for his soldiers to confess and

receive the Holy Sacrament of the Eucharist before they

made a step in advance. Afterwards he gave orders te

‘march in the name of the Holy Cross, to which he was so

devoted ; for it was always his device in all his enterprises,

fighting under that glorious tree of life, whose symbol he

always had painted on his standards as a declared Knight of

the Military Order of Christ.

CHAPTER XVI.

DESCRIPTION OF THE KINGDOM OF UVA AND THE CAUSE

WHICH OBLIGED THE GENERAL CONSTANTINO DE SA

Y NORONA TO TAKE TO THE MOUNTAINS. THE PRINCE

OF UVa’S SKILFUL RETREAT AND HALT AT RETULE.

THE GENERAL HEMS HIM IN AND FORCES HIM TO

FIGHT. THE CONSPIRACY OF OUR DISAVAS WITH THE

PRINCE AND THE CANDIAN AGAINST THE GENERAL.

THE DETERMINED RESOLUTION HE MADE AGAINST THE

KINGDOM OF UVA, PUTTING IT TO FIRE AND SWORD.

HE FIGHTS WITH GREAT ODDS AGAINST THE PRINCE

AND THE KING OF CANDIA. THE DESERTION OF OUR

LEVIES, AND DEATH OF THE GENERAL FIGHTING

GLORIOUSLY IN BATTLE.

THE Kingdom of Uva issituated in the middle of Ceylan,

a country bordering on Candia and subject to its king,

whose eldest son bears the title of “Prince of Uva.” The

steep rugged mountains amongst which it lies renders it

inaccessible. Its court and chief city they call Retwle, which

ood. JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

lies forty-five leagues distant from Columbo over difficult

and dangerous roads. It is perched ona lofty eminence, most

difficult of access.

The General did not halt until he arrived (at Retule) to

besiege it; for his spies had advised him that the Prince of

Uva was awaiting him with great bravery. But the prince

changing his plans, and pretending fear and small numbers,.

so as to draw Constantino de Sa more into the mountains,

abandoned his capital and fled to the most inaccessible part of

the highlands. Our troops set it on fire ; and soon afterwards

the General halted in front of it to rest and refresh his men,,

who were footsore and weary after so toilsome a journey.

In the meanwhile the traitors had time to communicate

with the King of Candia, and to settle what they had to do.

Barbarism is unworthy of the name of kings. This the

Romans so abominated in the murder of Viriatus (that

formidable enemy of the Republic), which was brought about

by treachery rather than by the valour of Servilius Scipio.

But the glory and strength of barbarians rest in trusting

more to the prosperity of fortune than to their bravery ; for

they hold treachery in great estimation, by no means looking

upon it as infamous. So did these men make use of it,

because of the respect and fear in which they lived of

the General. They thought it best to liberate themselves by

this means from the fear and danger in which they lived of

being discovered ; and although it was dishonourable it was.

the safest thing they could do, because they placed the

Empire of Ceylan in jeopardy, when they were most cast

down and hemmed in.

The traitors after these secret interviews, in which they

arranged the plot and the manner it was to be carried out,.

returned to the camp and intermingled with our men,.

amongst whom a rumour already got about as to their designs.

And at this time there came to tell of them to the General

a Zingala Arache, whose name was Don Jeronimo Idruma-

raturi, a most faithful friend of the Portuguese, and it was.

matter of no small wonder to have one good man among so:

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 595

many bad, and one loyal amid so many disloyal. He

informed the General of all that was passing ; and in assur-

ance of his fidelity offered to die fighting by his side

rather than to live among traitors, and to exchange for a life

of infamy an honourable death. It is impossible to find »

out how this Zingala came to know of the business, and, as

it was the common property of all, why the knowledge of it

came so late tohim. Even when he came to the General with

the news, another version was handed to him in an ola

written in the Zingala language, and couched in the usual

metaphors they make use of. As the General was dependant

on the Motiar who deciphered it, and as he suspected he was

telling lies, he took no further notice of the warning ; although

he knew that it was not prudent to depreciate things which

were in the mouths of so many. It is also said that

there came another ola into the hands of the General, the

very letter of the King of Candia to the conspirators, which

contained the whole plan of the plot, and when placing it

before his Captains, as men who from experience knew the

scheming and treacherous idolater, they were of opinion that

it was acontrivance to throw suspicion on the Zingalas, and

to put the General on his guard against them. By thisalone,.

after he had listened to Don Jeronimo, he came to the con-

clusion that his fate was sealed: then having a thousand

ways of intercepting it, it seemed to him as if Heaven was

either allowing it or doing it as a punishment for a cause

God alone knew.

Don Jeronimo advised the General, before the affair got

known, to seize the conspirators, summoning to him on

some pretence or another, and then by punishing them it

would be easy to prevent free communication with the

lascarins, who were perhaps ignorant of the treachery,

The General following his advice called a Council of all

the Captains, and amongst them summoned the con-

spirators. But either he had laid bare his heart, which

almost had a presentiment of the future, or their consciences

smote them, which were darker than that of any tyrants :

596 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

for, as a philosopher has said, whosoever smothers his con-

science it will never trouble him. They did not wish to obey

the General’s mandate; although afterwards, as if repentant,

they came to his presence in company with their advisers

and comrades, whom they brought with them as a guard,

and from their words and bearing, which seemed to show

forth their treachery, the General gave himself up for lost.

But he concealed his feelings so well and appeared so trust-

ing that he never allowed them once to remark the least

suspicion, nor at the same time the slightest insight into

what he was resolved to do; because the guard they had was

a strong one, which showed the mood they were in. In order

to disguise his own mind the General asked them what he

should do on the occasion. They replied that it would be best

for him to go back to Columbo, since the insult he had

received from the Prince of Uva had been fully revenged.

His Highness should be content in having destroyed and

razed to the ground the principal city of his State, and

compelled him to retire into a corner of the mountains, with

great loss of reputation for having fled from such unequal

numbers, and that it was a warning to him henceforth not to

attempt any further attack. He did not deserve such whole-

some counsel from such weak minds. With this they

retired, thinking they had left the General satisfied of their

obedience.

Our army was formed up on the summit of a mountain

facing the city of Retule ; and on its slopes the enemy appeared

in such an array of barbarism that they spread over the

whole mountains and country round about, being in such

numbers that, according to some accounts, they swarmed

in increasing numbers every instant in order to surround

us. Some make the number of the enemy to have been

80,000 fighting men, others less; but there is no account

that says they did not exceed 20,000. Now they form up

in a circle, now they divide into companies, and soon after,

although they area good way off, they threaten the Christians

by discharging arquebuses, as men expecting orders to

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. O97

advance. But by this time it had got dark, and the General

presumed that during this cessation the barbarians would

not dare to attack before the traitors had given the signal for

the declaration of rebellion. With this misgiving, after

| seeing his own men placed in the very centre of all, he

spoke to them in words like these :—

_ My friends and comrades! You are now aware of a conspiracy of

traitors. It came late to our knowledge, because there is nothing so easy

as to deceive a loyal heart. The only remedy we have is in God’s

hands, to whom we ought to pray first of all, and then our constancy

and steady resolution will not fail us in the last extremity. I confess

that great is the peril of the present moment; but the greater the

danger the greater will be your courage. The memory of the many

victories we have gained over these barbarians should verily, O comrades,

give us hope. These are the same enemies whose backs we have so often

seen: they fight with numbers on their side; but we have valour.

Heaven, whose cause we fight for, will not forsake us, inasmuch as we

have always found it favourable. Unless we had experience of the

cowardice of these barbarians, it was sufficient demonstration of it to

see how their princes make use of traitors to carry out their plans. It

shames me to think that, for the space of even a night, they should be

allowed to remain in our midst ; for there is nothing more hateful to the

good than evil companionship. But the light will soon come which will

separate us from this contagion, and then we shall be able to distinguish

the traitor from the obedient, the infamous from the faithful. If God

spares my life, I hope that there will be no rewards wanting for some

and punishments for others. With this fervent wish I give you my word

not to forsake you. Here you see your General, your friend, and your

comrade : may he bea refuge to you in this great peril. ‘These bar-

barians will not delay more than beyond the night their attack on us,

nor the traitors in leaving us. It is better that we should give up all

but our arms, for we shall be the lighter to use them and less impeded

for whatever might happen. We shall only reserve a little rice sufficient

to last us two days, and just enough to be carried in the girdle: the rest

will be given to the flames ; for should we come out conquerors, what

greater riches do you require than victory? If, with all, God will be

served by the triumph of our enemies, we shall find the greatest

happiness in so honourable a death ; since we shall die so gloriously,

doing our duty for the service of our religion and our king.

The faithful with great alacrity obeyed their General, and

with great protestations and oaths swore to die by his side.

After this they immediately made a pile of everything they

had brought with them for their food and comfort and put

398 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. XI.

fire to it, spending the night in preparing themselves for the

feast they expected on the following day. There was not

one who, in imitation of their General, did not confess more

than once thatthey were determined to sell their lives dearly,

and show the enemy that the Portuguese, with the same

valour they disregarded life, despised death. The General,

glad to see such fidelity and courage in his men, after he

had spoken to each of his Captains in turn, exhorted those

Zingalas who still remained faithful, but whose numbers:

he could not tell. All that is known is that they were very

few who feared to die, since it was the means to reap the

reward for all the toil and trouble they had suffered to

preserve the faith in that Island, in whose defence they were

to die like true martyrs of Christ.

Day was beginning to dawn when the traitors, the safer

to carry out their wicked plans, came up to the General, still

presuming to deceive him, and asked him that they might

be allowed to lead the vanguard from the camp in order to

display their courage in receiving the first onslaught of the

enemy at the foot of the mountain; and as they were in

such numbers he did not think it prudent to refuse them

what they asked. It now being about the eighth hour of

the morning he raised camp and commenced his march in

the following order.

Don Cosmo led the van, and after him followed his

three companions, Don Alero coming last with the rest of

the lascarins. The Portuguese formed one squadron, their

flanks covered by a few of the most reliable Zingalas ;

and the General, without keeping to one post, went about

from one division to another, exposing himself wherever

there was most danger. The enemy seeing us come down

prepared to receive us in such numbers and with such

impetuosity that it was necessary for the Christians to keep

well together so as not to throw the whole into confusion.

Don Cosmo then seeing what was passing, so as to

throw all doubt of his treachery to the winds, killed a

Portuguese named Fulano Bernades, who happened to be

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 099

nearest him at the time, and cutting off his head placed it

aloft on a pike, tying a handkerchief round it, which

to the enemy was to be the signal of the rebellion. The

lascarins who were ignorant of it, now aware of their

Captain’s intentions, faced about and mixed up with the

Portuguese; and Don Alexo ordering his men to run down

the friendlies with their pikes, these were compelled to

follow their comrades, who, uniting together, attacked us in

front, whilst the enemy fell on our flanks.

The traitors already giving us up for lost, some of them

made off for Columbo to place their houses and families

beforehand in security against the fury of their opponents,

who, although they were friends and bound to them, would

be in such numbers that it would be difficult in the first

onslaught to distinguish friends from foes. The General

had written to Columbo of the peril he was in, and had

prepared as much as he could for the defence of that city,

on which depended a great district not to be lost.

The Portuguese and the few Zingalas who still followed

them fought the whole of that day with incredible valour,

without one moment’s respite; forthe barbarians, continually

reinforced by numbers, fought with great bravery, and

although they had lost considerably, there were so many

still alive that they made no account of the dead. At last

cutting through all this press, our men came down the

mountain side, forcing the enemy to retreat with no little

loss. But against such swarms what could avail? Num-

bers of our men had fallen, and those who remained were

nearly all wounded. The General had no place to entrench

his men, but open country, nowhere to retreat, nor place

where he could erect a fort or redoubt wherein to shelter

himself from the enemy who surrounded him on every

side. Holding him encircled the barbarians came on like

a pack of mad dogs, who, craving to bite all who pass by

them, whenever attacked run, but anon return and bark

at a distance, importunate and furious until they seize their

prey.

600 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

Although night had set in they were still hovering round

with ferocious yells, sometimes retiring to throw spears and

shoot arrows, which although they did not do much damage,

were yet sufficient to annoy. The General, ever vigilant

throughout all this distress, having lost that night the best

soldiers he had, never once gave up hope: his courage never

flagged, but seemed to increase with the danger. After

looking to the wounded he encouraged every man, and

made them lie down and eat what they could whilst the

darkness continued: then he left them to repose, after having

eaten so much as was necessary to recruit their bodies after

such toil and watching, which had weakened and taken away

the strength they so much needed. Scarcely had our men

commenced to eat, when a great thunderstorm burst over

their heads with torrents of rain and hail, as if Heaven itself

was conspiring against these poor wretches, and as if its .

anger would not allow even that brief repose, assisting in

their ruin and helping the barbarous infidels to bring about

our destruction—means which God invariably sends as a

punishment for the happy and profitable justification of his

Catholics.

These considerations often make me smile at our human

frailty, when pride and blind error tries to search for

mortals the unfathomable and hidden mysteries, when it

is better for them to trust with firm faith than to inquire

in ignorant curiosity. For the afflictions and calamities

which the Christians suffered, and the successes which the

infidels gained, appear to our ignorance an argument in

favour of Divine impiety, careless as to reward or punish-

ment, without examining the merits of each; the truth being

that there can be no fault in the equality with which

Providence singularly governs things. Inscrutable are the

judgments of that First Cause of Causes whom we worship

under that infallible name of God: although many are

mysterious, noneare unjust. Who, forthe greater justification

of His elect and predestinated, and for the eternal damnation

of the reprobate, desires that his Church Militant should

No. 41,—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 601

suffer, and that the heathen should triumph, so that after-

wards it would return triumphant; the heathen suffering

eternal pains, and His Church triumphing in everlasting glory. —

Carried away by ignorance and the want of the light of faith,

which lead us to believe this as truth (without ever having

known truth, as says Tacitus and many other moral philo-

sophers), that human eventsare governed by chance. Andthis

blindness was so great that they came to blaspheming their

gods, calling them unjust and revengeful,and saying that they

had no interest nor care for mortals, seeing that they allowed

the good to suffer and the bad to prosper in happiness, the

ignorant erred, and the philosopher and priest were silent ;

because, knowing the falseness of their deities, in that they

were either of stone, wood, or marble, of which they were

made, how could they contain sentiments of vengeance or

any other feeling, divine or moral? But as our true God,

Supreme Maker, Creator, and Preserver of all things, on

whom all things depend as they depend upon His providence :

all is ordained, all true, all harmony, all symmetry. And

this being a true, infallible, and certain thing in this case,

asin other examples throughout time, we see that God

punished us in Ceylan perhaps for the sins our people have

committed in this Island, and allowed the death of these few

because He found them prepared for salvation; inasmuch

that He always carries out His will by means of the passions

of men, and by means of their iniquity He manifests the

justice of His judgments. This is why we marvel at this

hidden vein of wisdom which we cannot solve ; and we know

that all punishments are for ultimate good, although our

blind understanding cannot see it, and is so sluggish that it

cannot follow it, because to us the true goalis hidden and

unseen, to which we arrive without our knowing it; like

some rivers which lost to sight flow underground to the sea,

which is their final home.

Returning to the thread of our history. The storm, which

lasted many hours, caused the greatest distress amongst

our men: there remained neither provisions, powder, nor

602 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XI.

ammunition which were not saturated, rendering it absolutely

impossible for them to use their arquebuses in their defence ;

so that they gave themselves up for lost, looking upon

this last calamity which had befallen them as if it was from

thehand of God. They reconciled themselves, and gave thanks

unto Him, spending the remainder of the night in preparing

for death like Christians. It was comforting to see how they

exhorted one another, and how the General went about

encouraging all not to fear so ordinary a thing as death,

inasmuch that he looked upon his own as a triumph to be

obtained above all titles.

The priests, both Jesuits and Franciscans, went about the

camp like true Apostles, inspiring courage into the souls and

minds of those poor Portuguese, of whom there barely

remained more than 300, and a small number of Zingalas.

The most conspicuous of them all for his zeal was the

Padre Simon de Leiva of the Company of Jesus, a man of

great virtue and unblemished life, the General’s confessor,

whose side he never left until he gave up the ghost.

At about the first watch of the night came Luis Gomes

Pinto, one of the principal and bravest Captains of Ceylan,

who had many times served as Disava and Captain-Major of

the Camp, to persuade the General to make use of the

opportunity and escape to Columbo, having chosen 50

soldiers to escort him: with these, taking advantage of the

few hours that remained to them of night, he could elude the

enemy, and making a rapid retreat, place himself in safety.

He begged the General to consider the loss his death would

be, and that for many years there had not been another man

of such renown and valour as Constantino de Sa found in

the king’s service. He told him that it was not a new thing

for great Captains to retreat, considering we had a thousand

examples amongst the most renowned and bravest Captains

of the world, who had good reason for so doing ; because the

safety of kingdoms depends on the lives of the great men

who sustain and exalt them, and sometimes the greatest

defeats are restored in this manner when there is no other

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 603

way open. The General, although he well knew the zeal and

bravery of Lwis Gomes (for he had offered his own person

instead to remain at the post of danger to the last), listened

to him with some degree of impatience, understanding that

he was to save himself alone. He replied with his face full

of anger :—

He did not love his life so much as to preserve it at the expense of

his honour. He was aware that he could save himself, yet as he had to

give an account of his army to his king, and to leave a good name to

the world: to die would not be a fault, but to live would be, if

they saw that the General had saved himself. What if he took away

fifty men, when they were so few already,—what would the rest do,

abandoned by their best comrades ? Columbo and the fortresses of the

Island had sufficient garrisons to defend themselves if honour and

zeal actuated their Governors and Captains. As to the enemy, what-

ever glory remained to them they could not forget that they got it

only by treason and treachery on their part, and for that reason now

more than ever they had to fear the arms of the incensed Portuguese,

burning under insult. Thatfor the post of General there would not be

wanting happier and more fortunate subjects who would do credit to

the Portuguese nation, and who would revenge the present disaster.

Tt concerned him for that nation to die at his post fighting bravely,

and doing his duty faithfully to his God and his king. Heaven would

not allow him to desert his Portuguese in their last extremity, when

they had followed him and suffered with him through all the dangers

gone through in this Island: their fortunes were his, and he would

live or die with them.

With this firm resolution, as soon as day dawned the

General raised his camp and commenced his march in the

same order as before. The barbarians came swarming round

him with renewed fury, and in the form of a half moon,

which gradually spread out intoa complete circle. Our little

force remained in the centre hard pressed and confounded.

They tried in vain to discharge their arquebuses, for their

powder was wet and useless, and their slow matches extin-

guished. They marched on,astonished at the skill with which

the enemy wounded them from afar with their arrows and

arquebuses ; and having recourse to their swords, which alone

they couldfreely use, the barbarians dared not come to close

quarters, for they were killed as soon as they came up to

our ranks.

97—93 N

604 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VOL. XI.

The General seeing his men now thrown into confusion,

after he had done all he could asa brave and experienced

Captain, amid the groans of the wounded and the remon-

strances of his Portuguese soldiers, the bravest of whom were

already dead, and the few faithful Zingalas that were left,

as a last resource took up a position with two of his own

retainers, who exchanged arquebuses with him, and with

these he kept firing, inflicting such losson the enemy that

none of them dared approach him. They all desired to take

him, for the enemy’s princes had given strict injunctions

and offered great rewards to whoever would take him alive,

thinking it the only way to secure victory. it was wonder-

ful the activity the bravest barbarians displayed to obey

their king; but as love of life is more powerful amongst

them than fidelity, they would not venture near, but kept

at a safe distance, astonished at the undaunted courage with

which he held them at bay over a pile of dead bodies. At

last his two retainers who helped him with their arquebuses

were killed, and lifting up his sword like a brave lion he

rushed into the thick of the enemy with the courage of

despair, and with his own arm killed seventeen of them

before they managed to wound him: such was the havoe

he made that they declared he sent sixty of them to hell

before he had done. The barbarians informed the King of

Candia of this death roll, assuring him that the General’s

valour was sufficient to destroy the whole of them; for

some exaggerated his skill, others his strength, and every one

of them his valour, as he never missed a stroke, and rushing

into the press wherever there was the greatest danger, he

seemed to recover strength, and in the wholesale slaughter

of his adversaries to find new life and renewed courage.

With this the idolater of Candia gave permission to kill him;

then they rained shot and arrows on the General ; and one

having traversed his breast, and another his back, leaning

upon his confessor, and whilst on his knees receiving his last

absolution, came an arrow which clove through both their

heads, when their united spirits fled to Him who created them.

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 605

The barbarians, mad with rage and cruelty, then rushed on

the body of the General, cutting it up and hacking it so that

they only left the head, which they brought in great triumph

to the King of Candia. After it had been held up for all to

see that they might know that he was dead, and to remove

from them the terror of his name, it was carried from one

end of the kingdom of Candia to the other, and afterwards

nailed to a high tree in the Seven Corlas, in the centre of

other heads of famous Portuguese Cabins who had also

perished in this fight.

It is miraculous what I have heard said by persons of

eredit who were in Ceylan at this time that six months

after this unfortunate disaster the General’s head was found

still fresh and pure, with a beautiful colour on it, and with-

out any injury from time or other accidental causes, whilst

those of his companions were dried up, and the skulls laid

bare, quite disfigured from what they were. And what is

more worthy of consideration is that it has been affirmed

that from the first day it was nailed upon the tree it shed

blood, so that it could not be dried up—a marvel which caused

such veneration amongst the barbarians that they did not

wish to give it up for ransom ; for his own soldiers loved

him so much that even when dead they offered large sums

to have it back. It is not my intention to invent miracles,

nor qualify with such this event. I would prefer to doubt

in the probability and examine the causes of similar cases,

but in a thing so marvellous we cannot put it down to

natural causes. It would be right that, by command of His

Majesty, it should be verified for the glory of God and for

the honour of such a vassal who died in manner so becoming a

Christian, as a knight and soldier of Christ and of his king.

Such was the death of Constantino de Sa y Norofa,

glorious by many titles, and so much so that it can be justly

called a martyrdom rather than a death; inasmuch that it

is to be believed that by these means he passed away from

this worn-out perishable life to the eternal and blessed one.

It happened on the 20th of August of the year 1630, at the

606 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

flourishing age of forty-four—a short life no doubt if

reckoned by the number of years, but a very long one if

we regard the number and glory of his deeds which

made him illustrious in India. There was not one in the

land who did not deplore this event; for now more than

ever were the hopes of those belonging to his government

gone. They had lost a man whose loss alone was enough to

weaken the Portuguese prestige in these States; for eighteen

years he had served them, occupying, as has been related,

the highest posts in war with valour and experience ; twice

Governor of Ceylan—the highest and most important post in

India.

To these considerations of the public welfare may be

added other particulars which were not the less felt. Those

were the noble qualities which were united in the person of

Constantino de S4 as a knight, a soldier, and a statesman,

not because thev were uncommon and were difficult to find

in any other subject, but because he was also a true Christian,

liberal-minded, courteous, easy,and affable in his manners. He

was at the same time cautious and prudent, upright without

egotism or avariciousness, ambitious only of his honour. He

was a good man, above all things zealous for the propagation

of religion and for the service of the king, in which he

performed acts of love and kindness not often practised

by other subjects, respected, obeyed, and looked up to for

his gifted mind. He hada gallant bearing added to a shapely

well-proportioned form and figure, tall and strong, with an

expression at once pleasing and manly; his body was a

natural fortress of great strength and perfect health.

Such were the parts and such the person of Constantino de

Sa y Norofia,a man whose greatness may without a doubt be

compared to the greatest men celebrated in the histories of

our conquests in Asia. He was the equal of them all in

discipline and the art of war, and kept up the Portuguese

reputation when it had most fallen, when the glory of their

arms had faded, and their name was almost ignored, when their

declining power was contested by their greatest Huropean

No. 41.—1890.] REBELION DE CEYLAN. 607

enemies, the competitors and usurpers of their Kastern

Kmpire. He served his king for no reward, giving up his

home and leaving wife and family, and last of ali his memory

exposed to the criticism of the evil tongues of idlers, who |

qualify actions by the results, their jugerien: being without

licence and full of envy.

It is true that the philosophers do not condemn nor

._pronounce judgment on things by their results, but only

by the causes and beginnings, because the former are due

to fortune, or rather to Providence, which governs and

disposes all things according to Its will; but the latter are

framed by man’s own reason, and begun according to the

care he takes as to the best means to bring about success.

It is evident that Constantino de Sa behaved as a true

and honourable Cavallero: trusting traitors when he was

ignorant of treason, he was more unfortunate than culpable.

The success or failure of an enterprise neither gives nor

takes away from the glory which is due to a hero whose

deeds and virtues have made him illustrious to his country.

How full is history of the misfortunes of the most invin-

cible Captains. They are more as examples of the wonderful

vicissitudes of fortune than an attempt to tarnish their glory.

Pompey conquered, Hannibal defeated; Francis, king of

France, taken prisoner ; the defeat and sinking of his oppo-

nent Charles the Fifth’s fleet at Algiers : none of these

events wiped out the famous deeds of their soldiers, who, in

spite of these misfortunes, deserved the name of Great,

because of their steadfastness in suffering. Nor are they

worthy of less praise who fell by the sword, or by poison,

at the hand of traitors or of enemies, or by the violence

of fate, as happened to Variatus, Julius Cesar, Henry IV.,

Alexander, and Germanicus, and in our own times in India

to the Almeidas, father and son ; in Africa, to the Menezes

and the Atraides; and lastly, to the numbers of great men

and valiant soldiers who in our wars of conquest met

with tragical deaths, always mournful but glorious ;

for their fame was not buried with their bodies nor their

608 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XI.

merits obliterated, although their princes might have

shown shortcoming in the rewards they owed for their

Services.

Our General surpassed all in the manner of his death

since he revenged it beforehand by the numbers of enemies

he killed by his own hand, the odds against which he

fought, the immense numbers of the enemy—not an enemy

without a name, nor without valour, like the Western Jews,

nor effeminate cowards like most Oriental nations, but

barbarians looked upon as the bravest and most warlike in

the world. Onthe other hand, he had not been subdued by the

enemies’ strength and power, but for the temerity and small

numbers of the Portuguese, the infidelity and treason of the

Zingalas, the difficulties of the ground, the tempestuous

weather, the irremediable dangers that surrounded him—

not a single thing that did not conspire against his life: he

at last fell sword in hand, and was cut to pieces in the

service of his God and his king ; for which he rendered his

name glorious and respected by posterity, the memory of it

putting to shame those who tried to slander him in the ears

of his sovereign,—those whose duty it was to have informed

him of the meritorious deeds,—because they saw themselves

exposed to the freaks of fortune by the example of the

services he (Constantino de Sa) rendered their country.

But low as envy could tarnish the merits of Constan-

tino de Sa, they could not deprive him of the monument

my pen now erects to his fame, which will last as long as our

writings. He will enjoy throughout eternity eternal bliss,

although his body lies without a tomb (the last calamity that

could befall a Roman), his valour instead of reward having

the recognition due to his virtues—virtues worthy of such a

guerdon and of everlasting praise.

Laus Deo.

CEYLON

PRINTED AT THE GOVERNMENT PRESS

COLOMBO

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