CONTENTS OF VOLUME XII.

No. 42.—1891.

General Meeting : December 20, 1890

Members, election of 260

Paper read :— |

“‘ A History of the Ancient Industries of rae i Cw

Paper), by G. WALL, ee F.L.S

Discussion 20

Council Meeting: May 13, 1891

Council for 1891, nomination of

Members, election of soa

Journal, Report on improvement of 500

aeied care Preservation of objects of interest by Goren

ment. 500 560

Archeology : Anurédhapor Bcamation Fund

Other business ... os ot

Council Meeting: May 14, 1891..

Honorary Secretary and mesic cece yorum ce

Annual Meeting : May 14, 1891...

Annual Report for 1890 BAe 960

Balance Sheet, 1890 See se

Office Bearers for 1891, election of ate

Paper read :—

Extract from “ De Hervormde Kerk in Nederlandsch

Oost-Indie onder de Oost-Indische Compagnie (1602-

1795),” translated from the Dutch by F. H. DE Vos,

Ksq., ‘Advocate 56 sey

Discussion

Other business ... 50 500

Council Meeting : May 29, 1891.. oe

Members, election of, ard Honeeal business ...

General Meeting: June 9, 1891...

Paper read :—

“A History of the Dogient Industries of Ceylon

(Fourth Paper), by G. WALL, Esq., F.L.S. Ae

Discussion ae ee

General Meeting : September 30, 1891

Papers read :-—

“Notes on Eggs and Nests of Brachypternus Ceylonus

and Tockus Gingalensis,’ by F. Lewis, Esq. one

Cv)

Papers read—contd. :—

‘A New Method of Preserving and Mounting Zoological

Specimens,” by A. Haty, Esq.

‘¢ Ribeiro’s Account of the Sahin of Ghlowihe in 1655-56," t

translated from the Dutch by D. W. FEerGuson, Esq...

Council Meeting: November 12, 1891 ae oe

General Meeting : December 10, 1891

Papers read :—

‘Buddhist Ruins near Vavuniya,” by J. P. Lewis, Esq.

‘A Contribution to Sinhalese Plant pores by W. A. DE

Sitv4, Esq. ai ane

No. 43.—1392.

Council Meeting : March 15, 1892 oe eae

Resident Members, election of ote wes

Office Bearers for 1892, nomination of alae one

Annual General Meeting: March 19, 1892

Annual Report for 1891 500 ine

Office Bearers for 1892, election of

Address by the Right Rev. R.S8. CopLesron, D.D., luge

Bishop of Colombo, President on ‘The Verification of

the Ancient Chronicles and Histories of Ceylon”

Paper read :—

‘Sinhalese Weights and Measures,” by F. MoDDER, Esq...

Discussion 506 bas sie

Balance Sheet, 1891 Sod ae

General Meeting : August 9, 1892

Papers read :—

“The Identification of the Sirivaddhanapura of the

Mahdwansa, Chapter LXXXYV.,” by the Right Rev.

R. 8. CopLeston, p.p., Lord Bishop of Colombo

“Ritigala,” by J. B. M. Riot, BISQ 2) seems

“Notes on the Nidification of Chr eras anther

derus,” by F. Lewis, Esq.

General Meeting : October 10, 1892

Paper read :—

“The Ethnology of ae i “ L. NEt1, Esq.

Discussion 500 S00 ses

Council Meeting : November 4, 1892

Resident Members, election os 58

General Meeting : November 4, 1892 od *e

Remarks on Mr. Nell’s Paper on ‘The Ethnology of

Ceylon” bc .

List of Members.

PAGE

109

110

111

113.

153

154

155

160

161

173

202

204

205.

206

222

228

230

252

257

259

260

p@- Journals No. 39 (1889), 40 and 41 (1890),

and Proceedings 1889-90, will be issued as soon

as possible.

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* Meteorology, its Botany and Zoology. cy

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a a Tae

JOURNAL

OF THE

NOTE.

THE present Number of the Journal (No. 42,

1891), commencing Volume XILI., is the first issued oe

in accordance. with the Resolution of Council | | y

dated May 13, 1891, upon a joint report made )

by the Hon. Treasurer and Hon. Secretaries

suggesting means towards the improvement of

the form of the Journal itself, and for expediting

its issue.

Tt is hoped that by thus bringing together

Proceedings of Meetings, Papers read, and dis-

cussions thereon, the whole work done during

each year may be presented to Members shortly

after its close, putting an end to the delay— —

perhaps unavoidable—which has generally oc-

curred under the old system.

? H. ©. P. BELL, iY.

March, 1892. Hon. Secretary.

The design of the Society is to institute inquiri

1g and promote inquiries into the Hi

“a aver Literature, Arts, and Social Condition of the present and fee

nhabitants of the Island, with its Geology, Mineralogy, its Climate and

Meteorology. its Botany and Zoology.

COLOMBO :

GEORGE J. A. SKEEN, GOVERNMENT PRINTER, CEYLON.

1892.

JOURNAL

OF THE

CHYLON BRANCH

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,

rook

VOLUME XII.

No. 42.

EDITED BY THE HONORARY SECRETARY.

The design of the Society is to institute and promote inquiries into the History,

Religion, Literature, Arts, and Social Condition of the present and former

Inhabitants ofthe Island, with its Geology, Mineralogy, its Climate and

Meteorology. its Botany and Zoology.

COLOMBO :

GEORGE J. A. SKEEN, GOVERNMENT PRINTER, CEYLON.

1892.

CONTENTS.

General Meeting : December 20, 1890

Members, election of

Paper read :—

‘“A History of the Ancient Industries of Pera

(Third Paper), by GEORGE WALL, Esq., F.L.S.

Discussion

Council Meeting : May 13, 1891 ...

Council for 1891, nomination of

Members, election of

Journal, Report on improvement of

Archeology: Preservation of epee of interest by oe

ment

Archeology : Anuradhapura res Fund

Other business... 5a see

Council Meeting : May 14, 1891 ...

Honorary Secretary and Assistant Secretary, appointment of

Annual Meeting: May 14, 1891 ...

Annual Report for 1890

Balance Sheet, 1890 ans

Office Bearers for 1891, election of

Paper read :—

Extract from “ De Hervormde Kerk in Nederlandsch

Oost-Indie onder de Oost-Indische Roane (1602-

1795),” translated from the Dutch Pee . H. DE Vos,

Esq., Advocate

Discussion

Other business

Council Meeting: May 29, 1891 ...

Members, election of, and general business

General Meeting: June 9, 1891 ...

Paper read :—

‘A History of the Ancient Industries of TePiaeh

(Fourth Paper), by GEorGE WALL, Hsq., F.L.S

Discussion

PAGE

(ae)

General Meeting : September 30, 1891

Papers read :—

‘Notes on Eggs and Nests of Brachypternus Cea sails

and Tockus Gingalensis,’ by F. Lewis, Esq.

‘““ A New Method of Preserving and Mounting Toole

Specimens,” by A. Haty, Esq. ae of the Colombo

Museum

“ Ribeiro’s Account of ie Seige of Colonie: in 1655- 56,” ae

translated from the Dutch by D. W. Frercuson, Esq. .

Council Meeting : November 12, 1891

General Meeting : December 10, 1891

Papers read :—

‘Buddhist Ruins near ees by J. P. Lewis, ae

C.C.S.

nine GantalierRor to Siyhahes pine Lore,” by W. ARTHUR

DE SILvA, Esq. :

PAGE

111

113

JOURNAL

THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCLETY,

CEYLON BRANCH.

GENERAL MERTING.*

Colombo Museum, December 20, 1590.

Present :

His Excellency Sir ARTHUR EH. HAVELOCK, K.C.M.G.,

Governor, in the Chair.

Hon. M. C. Abdul Rahiman, | Dr Wisheoa, -Rimto. hanya

M.L.C. EMS.

Mr. T. Berwick, Vice-President. Tudor Rajapaksa, Mudaliyar.

Mr. A. E. Brown. |Hon. P. Ramanathan, C.M.G.,

Mr. C. Drieberg, B.A., F.H.A.S.| M.L.C.

Mr. A. M. Ferguson, 0.M.G. | Mr. F.C. Roles, M.LJ.

Mr. A. M. Ferguson, junior, Mr. W. Arthur de Silva.

M.R.A.S. Mr. H. van Cuylenberg,

Dr. 8S. Fernando, M.B.C.M. Hi) ING OS

Mr. C. M, Fernando, B.A., LL.B.. Dr. W. G. van Dort.

Dr. H. M. Fernando, B.SC. | Mr. G. Wall, F.L.S., F.R.A.S.,

Mr. P. Fretidenberg. | Vice-President.

Mr. W. T. Pearce. | Mr. D. M. de Z. Wickrema-

Mr. Edward F. Perera. singhe, M.L.A.U.K.

Mr. F. H. M. Corbet, M.R.A.S., Honorary Secretary.

“Though this Meeting was held in 1890, it has been decided to print

its Proceedings in the Journal for 1891, so as to include the third and fourth

Papers of the series on ‘“‘ A History of the Ancient Industries of Ceylon”

in the same Number of the Journal.

991 B

2 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XII.

Visitors :—Mesdames A, M. Ferguson, junior, W. T. Pearce,

R. D. Ormsby, C. Drieberg, A. E. Brown, P. D. Warren,

and Miss Vincent; Messrs. R. D. Ormsby, P. D. Warren,

Gerald Browne, P.s., T. A. Wylie, A. Warren, EK. H. Joseph,

C EK. H. Corea, C. Gray, L. van Dort, G. E. Prins, E. Corea,

J. van Langenberg, Walter Pereira, Gerard A. Joseph, Dr. J.

B. Spence, and several others.

1. The Minutes having been read and confirmed, the

Honorary Secretary announced that at a recent Meeting of

the Council the following gentlemen had been elected Members

of the Society, viz. :—Messrs. Felix Reginald Dias, B.A., LL.B. ;

Francis Crosbie Roles, M.1.J.; Joseph Saunders Addenbrooke,

A.R.LB.A.; George Duppa Miller; Kasim Lebbe Marikar

Abdul Kerim, Mudaliyar of the Gate; William Abraham

Ratnayaka ; and Percy Edward Radley.

2. The Honorary Secretary stated that he had received a

letter from the President of the Society, the Lord Bishop of

Colombo, expressing his Lordship’s regret at being unable to

attend the Meeting.

3. The Chairman said that he had great pleasure in calling

_ upon their venerable Vice-President to read the Paper which

he had compiled for the Society ; and in doing so His Excel-

lency was sure that his expression of pleasure at seeing

Mr. Wall once more among them in renewed health would

be cordially endorsed by all present. With these words he

would ask Mr. Wall to be so kind as to read the Paper he had

prepared as the third of the series on—

A HISTORY OF THE ANCIENT INDUSTRIES OF

CEYLON.

By GEORGE WALL, Esq., F.L.S., &c., Vice-President,

(Third Paper.)

IN the first place, I have to apologise for the long delay

that has occurred in the reading of this Third Paper. On my

own behalf I must plead that it has been unavoidable, as my

time has been fully absorbed in the interval by a duty which

was not contemplated when these Papers were commenced

two years ago.

The First Paper, it may be remembered, treated of the

general principles on which the creation and accumulation

of wealth depend, and on the effects produced by the manner

No. 42.—1891.]° ANCIENT INDUSTRIES, 3

-of its disposal. Some special circumstances bearing upon

these subjects, which are peculiar to this Island, were

also specified for their influence on the industries of the

people. —

The way would then have been clear for the treatment of

the ancient industries of the Island, the special subject of

these Papers, but for a statement made by so high an

authority as that of Sir J. Emerson Tennent that on the

arrival of Wijayo, 543 B.C., when the authentic history

of Ceylon commences, “agriculture was unknown here,

- and that grain, if grown at all, was not systematically

cultivated.” ‘The inhabitants,” he says, “appear to have

subsisted then, and for some centuries afterwards, on fruits,

‘honey, and the products of the chase.” If this were true,

industry, in the common acceptation of the term, was still

‘unknown.

It became necessary, therefore, to show that at the time of

‘Wijayo’s invasion the people of Ceylon had settled forms of

government, courts, cities, a grammatical language, and other

institutions, indicative of a certain measure of civilisation

such as usually denotes the existence of a national

industry.

The history, from which we derive all the information we

possess, respecting the period in question, was written by

‘priests, whose main object was to record the origin and

progress of their religion in the Island. All else is recorded

“only to exhibit this central object of their graphic narrative,

-or to magnify the virtues and achievements of particular

-heroes. We search in vain, therefore, in its pages for any

‘direct account of the industries or the condition of the people.

Nevertheless, the events recorded, and the accessories

of the picture the historians have drawn, afford material

sufficient to establish, by logical inference, the facts stated

in the Second Paper; and the history itself, according to

Turnour, ‘is authenticated by the concurrence of every

evidence which can contribute to verify the annals of any

country.”

B 2

4 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). PMO, 2D Ls,

Moreover, the argument in proof of the facts as described

in my last Paper does not depend upon the verbal accuracy

of the details of the history, nor is its force impaired by

some obvious Orientalisms of the narrative, but rest upon

undisputed facts. In short, if Wijayo really landed in

Ceylon and obtained supreme rule over it, or a considerable

part of it; if his ministers dispersed and established his.

dominion over several distant parts of the Island; if

Panduwo, king of Madura, a few years later sent his

daughter to renowned Sihala to be Wijayo’s bride, accom-

panied by noble Pandiyan ladies and an equipage befitting a

royal personage ; if, in fact, the whole history be not a myth,,.

—the conclusions therefrom in the Second Paper are un--

questionable, notwithstanding some possible numerical

exaggerations and flights of Oriental fancy indulged in by

the historians to embellish their work. The large number

and advanced condition of the people stand attested by the

nature of their institutions themselves, even more than by

any details or colouring of their number and magnitude

affected by the historians.

For the present purpose the period to which the argument

relates is comprised within the first century and a half after

Wijayo’s rule, Whatever works of national importance were

done during that period must have been effected by means of

resources pre-existing, as that sovereign and his seven hundred

followers could not have created new national resources.

Their utmost efforts could only have been exerted to utilise:

the means they found ready to their hand, and to employ

the people who were in occupation of the country.

It follows that any hypothesis which may be tested to-

account for the wealth of the Island, ard the sources from

which it was derived, must be consistent with the existence

of the courts, institutions, language, and forms of govern--

ment that have been proved to have existed then.

History and experience would point to agriculture as the

most probable origin of national wealth, and would naturally

be the first hypothesisto be subjected to the test of research ;.

‘No. 42.—1891.] ANCIENT INDUSTRIES. D

but as Tennent has pronounced positively against that

theory, it seems necessary to try other possibilities, and to

-consider whether, for example, the gems, pearls, and mineral

resources of the Island would suffice to account for the state of

the country and the conditions that have been proved to

eXist.

Referring to all that is known of tribes of people now

living, without agriculture, on fruits, honey, and the products

-of the chase in Australia, California, Nevada, and the Cape,

where mineral wealth once abounded and might have been

‘collected on or near the surface, they all—Red Indians, Bush-

men, and Hottentots alike—neglected the precious minerals

‘and wandered in a perpetual state of warfare and intertribal

strife for the possession of the hunting grounds that supplied

the necessaries of life. The treasures they value are scalps

and skulls, their dress skins, feathers, and war paint, and

their dwellings are caves and wigwams bearing no resem-

blance to anything recorded of the people of Ceylon or

their mode of life. In vain do we search for a parallel, or

even for any approach, on the part of nomadic tribes who

eschew agriculture to any such conditions as those postulated

-of the Yakkhos at the time when Wijayo, enamoured of the

Yakkhini princess Kuvéni, made her his wife, listened to

her treacherous counsel, and established his rule on the ruin

of that of two sovereigns who had assembled their courtiers

for the friendly purpose of celebrating a wedding festival in

honour of the respective scions of their houses. |

According to the principles specified in the first of these

Papers, wealth can only be acquired by means of labour, for

even the countries most richly endowed by nature yield up

their stores of natural wealth only in response to toil. The

gold fever in Australia has already been cited to show that

gold, even when collected on or near the surface of the

ground, gave but a moderate return, on an average, to those

who crowded to the diggings. If, therefore, it were assumed

that gems and precious metals had been as plentiful and as

accessible in Ceylon as was gold in Australia, it could nothave

6 JOURNAL, B.A.8S. (CEYLON). E ViOiieeexerie

enriched the people beyond the extent of the narrow margin

of time and labour that could have been spared from the

pursuit of the chase and the other precarious sourees of food

supply. . Food, shelter, and some clothing must first have

been provided before any labour could have been employed

for other purposes. It is obvious, however, that a large

population, such as must have been necessary to create the:

conditions prescribed, could not have been maintained by

wild fruits and the products of the chase in any country

even if their whole time were devoted to the pursuit. It

follows, therefore, that if the people were engaged in mining,

they must have derived their food from foreign sources, and

the only available surplus would be that between the value of

their minerals and that of their imported food. The neces-

sary interchange of these commodities, moreover, implies the:

existence of regular commercial relations and a free inter-

course with other countries, of which no evidence exists in

history, and which could not have existed without its.

being betrayed in the course of the historic record. The-

possession of mineral wealth, in any such profusion as.

would have sufficed to produce the conditions which have

to be accounted for, could necessarily have afforded a kind

of booty that would have brought to the shores of Ceylon

other invasions than those that history records. These all

had for their object the possession of power, and occa-.

sionally, in times subsequent to that now in question, the

plunder of the temples, on which precious treasures were:

lavished in token of the religious zeal of the monarchs who.

had so embellished them.

The only positive arguments against the existence of

regular agriculture with which I have met are two: first,

that Kuvéni entertained Wijayo and his retinue with rice

from wrecked ships ; and secondly, that amongstthe splendid

presents sent by Dhammasoka to Dévanampiyatissa were

one hundred and sixty loads of hill paddy—the other articles ;

a chowrie, diadem, sword of state, golden parasol, slippers

a golden vase (anointing), sandalwood, a crore of cloths.

No. 42.—1891.] ANCIENT INDUSTRIES. 7

(asbestos), a right-hand chank of Ganges water, a royal

virgin, golden vessels, and costly drugs, &c.

Regarding the condition of the country, as postulated, and

the very considerable population necessary to the attainment

and maintenance of such a condition, the idea that the

country depended upon such a precarious and slender

resource as that of casual wrecks appears to be scarcely worth

arguing. At any rate, it is not an argument which could hold

ground without some stronger evidence and support than

that of-a passing mention, under circumstances that lend it

no collateral force beyond the brief statement itself.

The second argument is equally inconclusive. The idea

of this comparatively paltry contribution to a country

supposed to be dependent upon foreign supplies of rice,

would seem, as an item in an otherwise sumptuous royal

gift, as a very insulting suggestion. Moreover, the fact that

the present was of paddy, and not of rice, indicates that it

was intended for seed, especially ‘as it is described as hzll

paddy—a special product which was probably unknown in

Ceylon, or a particularly valuable variety such as it would

become a king to send to a neighbouring monarch. What-

ever may have been the object of this particular gift, it can-

not be reasonally urged, as valid evidence, that the country

depended for its food supply, or for rice in particular, upon

foreign sources, or that it had no regular and systematic

cultivation of grain. Even if collateral circumstances were

not, as they assuredly are, quite inconsistent with the

dependence of the people on foreign supplies of food, these

two trivial incidents, casually mentioned in the historic

narrative, would not be regarded as possessing any inherent

force. Considering that they are not only quite unsupported,

but are in themselves out of keeping with the tenour of

the narrative, they may be dismissed.

Before concluding the argument for the incompatibility

of Sir Emerson Tennent’s theory, in any form, with the

proved facts of the situation when Wijayo ruled the realm,

it may be mentioned that the annual value of the gems

8 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CHYLON). [ Vou. XII.

raised in Ceylon is estimated on his authority as not exceed-

ing £10,000; and it is a suggestive fact that the province

that is richest in this source of wealth is one of the poorest

in the Island. Nor is this surprising when it is considered

that the soil that yields these precious treasures gives as

it were but one harvest, and that often at great cost,

whereas the husbandman reaps one or more crops every year

from the same field until its cumulative yield of grain

infinitely outweighs in value the one precarious crop of

gems that may or may not reward the gemmer’s toil.

All that has been said of gems and precious metals asa

source of wealth applies equally to pearls. These all, how-

ever valuable as adjuncts, fail to fulfil the conditions required

of primary resources capable of superseding agriculture as

the main spring of national wealth.

Having now shown that other resources, independently of

systematic agriculture, could not have sufficed for the attain-

ment or maintenance of the order of things that prevailed

when Wijayo ruled in Ceylon, it remains to show that in

that agency, which Tennent denied, the whole may be easily

and naturally accounted for.

In the first of these Papers it was demonstrated that

wealth is the surplus product of labour over and above what

is necessary to provide for the labourers the necessaries of

life, food, shelter, and raiment. The surplus, represented by

the conditions proved in the Second Paper, must therefore

have arisen after providing for the wants, not only of the

labourers themselves, but also for those of a host of priests

and monks and the retinue of the court, besides supplying all

the numerous services requisite for the maintenance of a

regal state.

The foregoing argument of the present Paper seems to

leave no doubt that the ancient industry, by means of which

the advanced condition of the Island had been attained, was

agriculture, seeing that no alternative means is tenable. On

the other hand, on this hypothesis all the results for which

it is necessary to account flow naturally in obedience to laws

No. 42.—1891.] ANCIENT INDUSTRIES. )

that are familiar in history, and have produced like results,

wherever the cultivation of the soil has been pursued

intelligently and under favourable natural conditions.

It.may be suggested, at this stage of the argument, that

Tennent’s conclusion, which has had to be rejected, however

reluctantly, may have been due to his regarding Yakkha as

‘a Synonym for Vedda, whose mode of life he describes. This

is manifestly a mistake, as has already been pointed out.

However his conclusion may have originated, it is worthy of

note that the glory of a subsequent period of the Sinhalese

history is referred by him to the splendid system of agri-

culture which was then engaging the attention of the most

renowned of their kings, and was giving rise to some of the

grandest works of irrigation that have ever been accom-

plished by man. The task undertaken in this Paper is to

show that those great achievements are but a higher develop-

ment of the same industry which had, even in Wijayo’s

time, already made Sihala renowned, and caused it to be

selected by Gautama Buddha as a specially suitable field for

‘the introduction of his religion.

The food of the people, rich and poor alike, is continually

specified in the history of the period in question, both in

reference to the rations served out by the people and the

‘State to the priests and monks, and also as the staple food

of all classes, from the king on his throne to the labourer in

the field. This article of food, rice, therefore was the parti-

cular product to which the agriculture of the period was

devoted. This it was that yielded the revenues of the State

and gave to the country the institutions and advanced

condition that is reflected in the works of which some ruins

yet remain to attest the truth of the historic record. Con-

tinually as the items of rice, rice cakes, rice broth, milk rice,

recur, it is remarkable that no other grain is mentioned, nor

other food, except butter, curds, sugar, and honey. Rice in

a golden dish was served to the king, and the same viand, in

-a less sumptuous form, was also the food of the priests and

the people.

10 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIT.

A large population such as is essential to account for the

conditions described was an insuperable difficulty, with the

hypothesis of the wild mode of life ascribed to the people

by Tennent, but is an essential factor of an agricultural

system adequate to fulfil those conditions. Much of their

efficiency as a wealth-creating people would necessarily

depend upon their character and disposition, their industry

and submission to authority.

Fortunately, the data afforded by the narrative of the

historians leave no doubt on this important subject. That

they were a peaceful people is indicated by the facility with

which Wijayo established his rule overthem. History gives

special prominence to all warlike demonstrations such as

occurred in later times, but records no opposition to Wijayo’s

assumption of power. His massacre of the assembled

courtiers at the famous wedding festival is the only

occasion on which he appears to have had recourse to arms,

and that was no battle, but a surprise in which his victims

fell without formal resistance.

The dispersion of his principal ministers into various

distant parts of the country, where they established their

courts and the supreme authority of their chief, is a con-

clusive proof of the pacific disposition of the people; for

these officers would not have ventured to separate from

Wijayo and each other if the inhabitants had not manifested

a ready acquiescence in the new order of things. Such a

' dispersion of the small party would have been practicable

only amongst a perfectly peaceful population. i

Further evidence to the same effect is afforded by the —

passage through the country of the cortege that accompanied

Panduwo’s daughter and her retinue of noble ladies and

their attendants, bearing valuable presents. Such a party,

unaccompanied, as they appear to have been, by any armed

force, would have afforded a rare opportunity for plunder to

a wild, nomadic tribe pursuing the mode of life ascribed to-

them by Tennent. The fact, moreover, that Panduwo, who.

described Ceylon as renowned, ventured to despatch the

No. 42.—1891.] | ANCIENT INDUSTRIES. 11

bridal party in the manner described, shows that he knew the

inhabitants to be of a peaceful disposition.

In this connection it is worthy of note that Gautama

Buddha, who had previously visited the Island, and must

therefore have had some knowledge of the disposition of

the Yakkhus, chose it as a specially favourable sphere for

the reception and propagation of his religion. This choice

affords indirect additional evidence that they were not wild,

wandering tribes, but a settled people engaged in regular

pursuits.

The foregoing considerations appear to establish the

peaceful character of the people, and that, in turn, affords

strong evidence that they must aiso have been industrious,

for it isno new attribute of him who has always been the

employer of the idle to find them mischievous occupation.

Tt is easy to imagine that such a people as we have been

describing would thrive apace under the influence of a

settled supreme government as compared with that of

separate petty chiefs. It is not surprising, therefore, that

under the mild and righteous rule established by Wijayo and

his ministers, the country made rapid progress; that the

national industry flourished ; that the principal cities were

endowed with civilised institutions ; that public edifices rose

in quick succession; and that material progress advanced in

the manner the narrative implies.

The difficulty of identifying some of the localities where

Wijayo’s ministers settled leaves us in doubt as to the exact

extent of country over which their more direct influence

prevailed, There is no doubt, however, that the part most

thickly peopled, and that over which they exercised the

most direct influence, was the rich tract in the north and

north-central portions of the Island. Elsewhere, though

the new dynasty may have been formally acknowledged, it

does not appear that effective rule over the whole Island

was concentrated in one supreme head until a somewhat

later date. Till then, therefore, the entire resources of the

Island could not have been brought to bear upon any great

12 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VOL. XII.

national works, nor could the new religion be formally

inaugurated as that of the whole Island.

It follows that the national industry—the cultivation of

rice—must have been pursued up to the time we are review-

ing by comparatively primitive methods. The essential

feature of the enterprise, even in its simplest form, was that

of collecting-tanks, which were indispensable, especially in

the places above specified, where the sparse rainfall required

always to be husbanded with the greatest care for the use of

the cultivators. ‘These necessary works must have had small

beginnings, such as each village could compass for itself, and

have gradually assumed larger proportions, requiring the

combined forces of several villages or of a district; they

must also have been collateral in number and in the area

over which they were spread with the growth of the culti-

vation itself, and with the increase of the population engaged

in it. Hach of these works, however simple, having to serve

a number of people, the dependence of each community

upon acommon supply of the primary necessity of their

living would be likely to beget an accommodating habit and

a spirit of union amongst them. This circumstance may

probably have fostered, if it did not actually engender, the

pacific disposition that characterised the people, and was so

essential to the success of their labours and the progress of

the country.

Reading the pages of the national history of that period—

the smooth progress of events; the ready acceptance of the

new rule; the facility with which the Buddhist religion

obtained the homage of the whole population ;—all seem

rather like a fiction than the history of a revolution, for

‘such, in truth, the new regime really was. The only parallel

within our knowledge is that of the Tartars in China, whose

dynasty, though first established by force against a show of

resistance, was quietly accepted by the Chinese people.

It will be observed that the political situation, as we have

endeavoured to show it, though forming an incidental feature

of the history that is not even once specially mentioned, is

No. 42.—1891.] ANCIENT INDUSTRIES. 13

nevertheless of primary importance to our purpose, inasmuch

as it enables the reader to perceive how the wealth of the

country had been created, and to account for its rapid growth

and development under the new conditons specified.

The introduction of the new religion, with its captivating

ceremonial observances and festivities, and the progress it

made, not only without opposition, but apparently also with

even more than the characteristic acquiescence the people

had shown in the new political order, afford conclusive proof

of the settled nature and successful pursuit of the national

industry. For it cannot be denied that the whole fabric,.

both religious and political, depended for its existence upon

the success of the national enterprise that furnished the

erowd of willing worshippers, the host of priests and monks,

and the regal state that gave eclat to the new order.

Hence the encouragement of agriculture naturally became

a primary object of the attention of the early monarchs

of the new dynasty. Accordingly the priestly narrative

mentions the construction of several tanks amongst the

achievements of their heroes. These works were evidently

made by the resources of the State, in token of the sympathy

of the new rulers with the pursuits of the people, in which

they naturally perceived lay the sources of their revenue

and the interest of the country. They thus consolidated

their power and enlarged their influence over the people by

the encouragement of the national industry.

It may here be mentioned, that the manner in which the

historians record these works plainly indicates that they

were not new in character, not imported from abroad, but of

a nature similar to those the people had constructed for

themselves, and which were in universal use. It has already

been shown that the nature of the national irrigation works

must originally have been of the simplest character and

construction, and that, at the period under review, they

could not have been developed beyond the stage at which

they were compassable by the efforts of the villagers indi-

vidually, or by small combinations, seeing that as yet the

14 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XIT.

resources of the State could not have been concentrated upon

such larger undertakings as those of a later date. That the

first royal structures were of the same character as those

previously in use, is shown by the terms in which they are

recorded. The historians, in describing the achievements of

their heroes, were profuse in their ascriptions of praise, and

they enlarged in inflated terms on the grandeur of the works

accomplished by the kings. They described, not without

manifest exaggeration, the magnitude and splendour of the

edifices erected and the deeds performed by the rulers.

They would not therefore have passed over, with a bare

mention, a fact so important as the construction of a tank, if

it had been of a novel character, whether for the grandeur

of its dimensions or the novelty of its construction. It may

therefore be safely assumed that the tanks first mentioned in

the history, as made by the early kings, differed in no

respect, that was worthy of record, from those common

throughout the country. The fact that in a single reign,

and that not a long one, a dozen or more of these structures

are recorded, proves plainly that they were of the simple

type of those pre-existing ones by which the cultivation had

always been carried on. Nevertheless, though the irrigation

works were of that simple character, the extent to which

the national industry had been carried, and the vast number

of people who were engaged in it, are amply indicated by

the state of the country, the thousands of priests and people

that crowded the cities, the pleasure gardens, the royal

retinues, and the public buildings that were supported by its

means.

These exponents of the surplus wealth of the Island, after

providing for the ‘food and requirements of the labourers,

show that the national industry to which they all owed their

existence must have attained great development, and have

embodied the labour of a vast number of people. Yet up to

this time the whole system must have depended upon those

simple works which the people carried out themselves, each

village or small district by its own resources.

No. 42.—1891.1 ANCIENT INDUSTRIES. 15

The gigantic works which began to appear shortly after-

wards could not in fact have been constructed, except by

means of the combined national resources wielded by

monarchs whose rule was fully established over the entire

Island. Nor indeed could works of the gigantic proportions

of those whose ruins have excited the astonishment and

admiration of all beholders, have been undertaken until

means adequate to such vast undertakings had been accu-

mulated. It follows that these great works were the

offspring of those simple ones by which alone the means of

constructing them could have been provided, and on which,

even to this day, the practical working of the paddy lands

in the drier provinces depends.

The undeniable fact that the wealth necessary to enable

the kings of old to construct the first of such colossal works

as those whose ruins have been lately partially restored

must have been acquired by means of the smaller tanks,

suggests an inquiry as to the need for the larger and more

‘costly works ; and this again leads to a consideration of the

‘different nature and functions of the two classes of works—

the former, collecting, storing, and husbanding the local

rainfall ; while the latter conveyed from afar the rainfall of

the mountain regions. The necessity for the former is

primary, and in every case indispensable, while the function

‘of the latter is supplementary and secondary. By these the

national industry was consolidated and relieved toa great

extent from the uncertainty of local rainfall and effects of

season.

It may be fairly assumed that the general character of the

‘climate of those parts of the country where these great works

were constructed is much the same now as it was in Wijayo’s

time, and that therefore particular parts would in certain

seasons fall short of their accustomed rainfall. In that case

the dense populations of those spots would suffer severely: in

proportion to the number of people that were dependent

upon the normal supply of grain. Such deficiency of the

usual harvests would tell heavily on the national granaries.

16 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIT..

Hence the idea of supplementing the local supply of water,

by draughts from the perennial streams from the interior,

would naturally follow, and the accumulated wealth (whether

of labour or its equivalent in value is immaterial) would be

freely devoted to the Herculean task of bringing in sup--

plementary supplies of water for the purpose of consolidating

the national enterprise and insuring more regular harvests.

It will form the object of a future chapter to describe

these great works and their functions more particularly than

could be conveniently done in the present Paper. It may

be mentioned, however, that the water which the greatest of

these works could supply would not suffice for the culti-

vation of any such area of land as would justify their

prodigious cost. This fact alone suggests that their functions

were supplementary, and that they were not intended to

supply a given area with its requisite quantity, but to:

supplement the deficiencies over a far larger area. The

design of the greater number of them at least, so far as it

has been yet discovered, seems to show that they were

intended to supplement deficiencies of the supply of the

primary working tanks that had long pre-existed, and had

even, when unaided by their supplemental contributions,

raised the country to a condition of wealth such as rendered

the construction of these larger works possible, and supplied

the means of executing them.

The Hon. P. RAMANATHAN said that in the valuable Paper

which Mr. Wall had read the state of agriculture in Ceylon

at the time of Wijayo’s landing had been ably considered

upon what might be called inferential arguments based on

the political situation of the country. Mr. Wall's conclusion

was that in the sixth century before Christ agriculture was

in a highly advanced condition. ‘Sir J. Emerson Tennent

thought differently, on the strength of explicit statements

found recorded in the Mahawansa.

Neither Mr. Wall nor Tennent had referred to the

Ramayana, which described Ceylon as it was under the

Rakshasa King Ravana, at a period long anterior to the

landing of Wijayo. Like the Homeric poems, the Ramayana

No. 42.—1891.] ANCIENT INDUSTRIES. 7

was supposed by some European scholars to contain nothing

but romance and myth, but that opinion could no longer

be maintained. The J/iad and the Odyssey, the Ramayana

and the Maha Bharata, must be admitted to describe

largely events which had actually occurred. Rama, the

hero of the Ramayana, came to Lanka, which is Ceylon,

in order to punish Ravana for the rape of Sita, and the

description given of the Island in the Ramayana proved

the existence of a very advanced type of civilisation. Agri-

culture and commerce and various arts and sciences were

in a highly flourishing condition. The question was how

far anterior was Ravana’s age to Wijayo’s? The belief

among Tamil and other Hindu scholars was that Rama and

Ravana lived several thousand years before Christ, but

Kuropean savanis placed their era in the thirteenth century

before Christ.

Admitting this computation to be the more acceptable

to the Members of the Society, there was a period of seven

centuries between Ravana and Wijayo. It being recorded

in the Ramayana that the great army of Rama had de-

molished almost every vestige of civilisation in the Island,

we are bound to conclude that, though agriculture had been

ina very flourishing condition under Ravana, yet Wijayo

found the country in a truly primitive state, as recorded in

the Mahawansa. There was no room for inferential argu-

ment when it was explicitly stated in that historical work

that “Lanka was not habitable for men,” and that the rice

which the Yakkhini distributed among Wijayo’s followers

was rice which she had gathered “ from the wrecked ship of

mariners who had fallen a prey to her.”

The Island was then in the possession of the Yakkos, not

the ferocious yet luxurious Rakshasas whom Rama destroyed.

The Yakkos were a less turbulent and less advanced commu-

nity, and did not deserve the name of men because they

devoured men. If the country was as civilised as Mr. Wall

contended, the question arose, why the Pandiyan king, with

all the paraphernalia of a complete civilisation, including

large armies and ships of war, on the adjoining coast of

India, within a few hours of sail, did not invade Ceylon ?

If he did not it must have been either because the Yakkos

had the necessary appliances for resisting invasion, or were

in the occupation of a country which then afforded no

attractions to a conqueror by reason of its natural resources

or the disposition of its inhabitants. The latter alternative

is inadmissible, because the Yakkos were easily conquered

by a handful of Wijayo’s followers. It was quite worth

while on the part of a lawless exile like Wijayo to establish

himself in a mlechcha country as Ceylon then was, but the

98—91 C

18 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XII.

Pandiyan king thought it wise to refrain from wasting his

energies on the redemption of a people who were given to

black magic and cannibalism. His Tamil subjects could not

possibly coalesce with such a community, even if he con-

quered them,

Under these circumstances Mr, Ramanathan contended

that the balance of evidence was with the Mahawansa and

Sir J, Emerson Tennent on the issue whether agriculture

was pursued or not by the Yakkos at the time of Wijayo’s

landing in Ceylon. Wijayo might have received his supplies

of rice from the traders of the Pandiyan kingdom just as

easily as he secured brides for himself and his courtiers

from that king.

Mr. A. M. FERGUSON, C.M.G., pointed out that it was not

merely Sir J. Emerson Tennent but the Mahawansa which

Mr. Wall impeached in disputing the inference to be drawn

from the statement that Kuvéni was compelled to resort to

rice from wrecked vessels wherewith to feed Wijayo and

his followers. It seemed incredible, too, that if the ab-

origines were so numerous and so advanced as Mr. Wall con-

tended, they should have been so easily conquered by a

party of 700 invaders. As regarded the accounts given

respecting wealth in precious stones and pearls, they all knew

what Oriental exaggeration was in such matters.

His (Mr. Ferguson’s) inclination was in favour of Sir J.

Emerson Tennent’s views, and those of the writers who

believed that Dravidian influence could be traced in the ©

irrigation works and other monuments of an ancient civili-

sation in Ceylon. It seemed probable that from the Pandiyan

kingdom, whence successive monarchs of Ceylon obtained

their wives, they might also obtain the assistance of men

skiled in hydraulic engineering. The one qualification

of his belief in this theory was the high opinion entertained

of the engineering and architectural skill of the Sinhalese

by agentleman of so much learning and ability as Mr. Henry

Parker. On the other hand, Fergusson, the great writer on

Indian Architecture, had pointed out that the design for the

Brazen Palace at Anuradhapura, said to be of celestial

origin—nine superimposed circular stories and all of similar

Size—was simply impossible. He (Mr. Ferguson) would be

glad if any one of the Sinhalese gentlemen present would

break a lance with him on the subject. It was certainly

now the opinion of Oriental scholars that Dravidian civilisa-

tion had made great advances prior to the flow of the

Aryan wave from Central Asia into Northern India. The

Dravidians, it was now known, possessed what was sup-

posed to be a peculiarly Aryan institution, the village

eommunity.

No. 42.—1891.] ANCIENT INDUSTRIES. Jes

On the other hand, the fact that the names of the leading

mountains and rivers in Ceylon were Sanskrit—except where

the Tamils had permanently established their power—

seemed to prove that the people whom Wijayo and his

followers conquered were akin to the conquerors in blood

and language; and, if so, it was surely a very curious

phenomenon that such a race should be found in such a

position a thousand miles away from their Aryan brethren

in Northern India. They must not forget, however, that

with all the value of the Mahawansa, its early chapters

were (as Bishop Copleston had pointed out, when he and

Mr. Wall had previously discussed this question) largely

mythical, and that the historic period did not commence for

some centuries after the era of Wijayo. He (Mr. Ferguson)

had been astonished at two things: Mr. Wall’s mention of

Gautama Buddha’s visits to Ceylon, as if there was not full

evidence that Gautama never was in the Island; and that

Mr. Ramanathan should have based what he deemed the

authentic history of Ceylon so far back as 1300 B.c., on the

myths of the Ramayana, seeing it was certain that the

Indian prince Rama had never set foot in Ceylon. This he

felt safe in asserting, although Mr. Ramanathan had Forbes on

his side as well as such names of places in Ceylon as Sitavaka.

Mr. C. E. H. CoREA said that if Mr. Ramanathan looked

closely ito the matter he would find that the king of Pandiya

referred to by him was nota Tamil king. The balance of

evidence of which the honourable gentleman spoke pointed

to the fact that the Pandiyan country at the time of Wijayo

was an Aryan principality, governed by an Aryan dynasty.

And further, there was every historical evidence to show

that Madura itself, its capital, had been founded by an

Aryan prince. If then the Pandiyan throne was occupied by

an Aryan prince, it was but rational to conclude that he had

Aryan subjects. And more especially as the Mahawansa

distinctly says that it was from the royal family and the

nobility that Wijayo’s colony was supplemented.

Nothing was clearer than that if South India had any

claims to the credit of the civilisation of the Wijayan,times,

such claim belonged not to the Dravidian, but to the Aryans

who had settled there, and who were of the same blood and

family as Wijayo’s followers.

Mr. Ramanathan wondered why the Pandiyan king did

not invade Ceylon. Sufficient reason was to be found in

the fact of the comity which existed between the Pandiyan

kingdom and Wijayo’s fatherland, and also the probable

kinship of the two princes.

As regarded the engineering skill of the Sinhalese, which

Mr. Ferguson challenged one of that people to defend, they

20 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XII.

had admirable monuments of it in the shape of ruins and in

the irrigation works spread all over the country. Though

they had Mr. Ferguson’s word for discrediting everything

that the Mahawansa records, and even if, as Mr. Ferguson

seemed to think, the Brazen Palace of Anuradhapura was a

myth of Oriental fancy, still they had other edifices, though

in ruins indeed,so that they could not but be reconciled

to the idea that these edifices had existed, as the Mahawansa

says they did, atthe period to which Mr. Ferguson referred.

These ruins of so many palaces were sufficient evidence in

themselves that the Sinhalese at the time they were built

excelled in engineering skill.

In conclusion, Mr. Corea said that it was his duty to

thank Mr. Wall, inasmuch as he knew that he had under-

taken the compilation of his Paper as an apology for a people

who had not many friends, and who, the speaker could not —

help saying, had been much maligned. The Sinhalese owed

Mr. Wall their best thanks and a deep debt of gratitude.

The Hon. Mr. RAMANATHAN said that Mr. Ferguson had

perpetrated a joke which had been misunderstood by Mr.

Corea. It was not right that Members should be taken to

espouse sides simply because they, belonged to certain

nationalities. For his own part, he forgot for the time that

he was a Tamil, and had spoken as one who was dissecting

evidence from a disinterested point of view. He was of

opinion that the balance of evidence on the subject lay with

Tennent.

Mr. WALL answered briefly. He said that the conviction

which he had embodied in his Paper was forced upon him

by the reading of numerous books, more particularly that of

Sir J. Emerson Tennent, who he maintained was a very high

authority, as he had the advantage of earlier writers. When

he read the account in the Mahawansa regarding the dis-

persion of the ministers who accompanied Wijayo and about

their forming courts, the idea at once struck him that there

must have been a great many people who had to be sup-

ported. The Hon. Mr. Ramanathan endeavoured to explain,

in answer to his query, that the means by which the people

obtained rice was through its being imported from the

neighbouring continent ; but the hon. gentleman had for-

gotten the fact that imported rice had to be paid for, and

that one did not get out of the difficulty that way, for the

rice that the people consumed was equal to the purchasing

of their rice. It seemed to him impossible that such a state

of things as was reported to have transpired at the time of

Wijayo’s landing could have been brought about by any

other means than by the customs of the country and of a

very considerable population supported by a local industry.

No. 42.—1891.] ANCIENT INDUSTRIES. 2]

The materials that Wijayo had to work upon resulted in

certain works of which the ruins still remained to show that

the account given of them was not an exaggerated account.

It was inconceivable to him that they should spring up out

of nothing, in view of the fact that the great buildings also

bore dates upon them.

The Hon. Mr. RAMANATHAN wished to know what

Mr. Wall thought of the stone at Mihintalé, referred to by

Turnour, dated 262 B.C., in which was recorded that the

custom to be observed in regard to the work (speaking of an

irrigation work) should be according to the customs of the

Tamils, or words to that effect.

Mr. FERGUSON said that it would have an important

bearing on the discussion if the date of the formation of

the first great irrigation works could be ascertained.

Mr. WALL said that there were no large works existing

during the period covered by his review, but it was sub-

sequent to that period that the Tamils were in actual power.

Elala might have been the author of that inscription.*

Mr. BERWICK said thatthe subject that had been discussed

was a very interesting one to every one who studied the con-

ditions and devolopment of ancient industry, and particularly

interesting to the people of this country. It seemed to him

that Mr. Wall’s views derived a considerable degree of pro-

bability from the fact that it was only such a comparatively

short time ago as twenty-five centuries since Wijayo landed in

Ceylon, and therefore it would seem prima facie extraordinary

if none of the inhabitants had then the industrial civilisation

required for agriculture. Twenty-five centuries must be

considered a very short time back in the history of industries

seeing the remote geological periods to which our scientists

are now, with great plausibility and almost proof, carrying

back art industries, let alone food industries and the very

Aryan race itself. And it must be remembered that the

people with whom Wjjayo came in contact on landing here

were probably not the aboriginal forest tribes, but people

not only living close to the industrial civilisation of India,

but themselves descended from Indian Dravidian settlers

who, in all ages we have account of, have streamed over to

Ceylon, as the Ramayana illustrates.

A previous speaker expressed himself a good deal as-

tonished at many things, but he (Mr. Berwick) confessed

that he was astonished too, and indeed almost shocked at

the gentleman’s disbelief in, and attempt to sap our faith in,

* The inscription was wrongly assigned by Turnour (Ceylon Almanac,

1834) to “ about the year of Buddha 805, A.D. 262,” from a mistake regarding

the identity of the King Sri Sanga Bo mentioned in the first line. The

record belongs to Mahindu III. (997-1013 a.p.).—B., Hon. See.

22 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XII.

the Ramayana. It seemed to him impossible to travel from

the north of India to the south without everywhere finding

the invasion there spoken of confirmed by story and sculp-

ture, and for his part he believed the epic of the Ramayana

to have as substantial a basis in history as the stories of ancient

Egypt and ancient Greece.

He agreed with the Sinhalese gentleman who spoke so

thoughtfully and intelligently in his correction of Mr. Rama-

nathan. The Pandiyan rulers always claimed to be of the

Lunar, if not the Solar race, and therefore to be Aryan in

origin.

But he was afraid he was wandering somewhat from

the purpose for which he rose. Whatever differences of

opinion might exist on the subjects discussed, there could be

no difference of opinion as to their obligations to Mr. Wall

for the Paper he had read, and he begged to move a cordial

vote of thanks to that gentleman for the very interesting and

valuable Paper he had given the Society.

Mr. C. M. FERNANDO said he had pleasure in seconding

the motion. Mr. Wall’s Paper had not only been carefully

listened to, but had provoked considerable discussion, and

whatever the opinions of those present might be in regard

to the subject discussed by Mr. Wall, they,whether Europeans,

Sinhalese, or Dravidians, were all thankful to him for his

very interesting Paper.

His EXCELLENCY THE GOVERNOR, in congratulating

Mr. Wall on the unanimous vote of thanks awarded to him for

his Paper, said that he had derived much instruction from the

amusing and interesting discussion carried on that night. His

Excellency was of opinion that Mr.Wall terminated his Paper

in a particularly judicious manner, in that he had left his

. audience at the threshold of a very interesting and important

subject, the history of the great irrigation works, and they

looked forward to his Fourth Paper, which he proposed to

read. to the Society, with the greatest interest and expectation.

He was happy to think that it was not a part of his duty to

decide the merits of the very interesting question about

which there was such divergence of opinion, but he must

repeat the fact that he was greatly interested in listening to

Mr. Wall’s able Paper.

Mr. PHILIP FREUDENBERG thanked His Excellency, in the

name of the Society, for his presence, and said that, as the

Society depended for its success upon the attitude assumed

towards it by the ruler of the Colony, he hoped that His

Excellency would continue to take an interest in it and

would preside at future Meetings.

Mr. WALL seconded the compliment, and the proceedings

terminated.

No. 42.—1891. ] PROCEEDINGS. 23

CoUNCIL MEETING.

Colombo Library, May 13, 1891.

Present :

Mr. George Wall, F.L.S., F.R.A.S., Vice-President, in the Chair.

Mr. Henry Bois. Hon. P. Ramanathan, C.M.G.

Mr. W. H. G, Duncan, Hono- |} Mr. W. P. Ranasinha.

rary Treasurer. Hon. A. de A. Seneviratna,

Mr. S. Green. M.L.C.

Mr. F. H. M. Corbet, M.R.A.S., Honorary Secretary.

Business.

1. Read and confirmed Minutes of the Meetings of the

Council held on August 5 and December 20, 1890.

2. The Honorary Secretary stated that the Members of the

Council who had forfeited their seats under Rule XXX. by

reason of least attendance were :—

Dr, H. Trimen,

( Mr. A. M. Ferguson,

{ Mr. Henry Bois ;

and by reason of seniority—

Dr. J. L. Vanderstraaten,

Mr. Philip Fretidenberg.

‘

He added that Dr. Vanderstraaten had, moreover, tendered his

resignation as a Member of the Council. Messrs. Ferguson

and Bois being bracketed together, it was resolved that the

former should be deemed to have retired by reason of least

attendance, and should be nominated for re-election for 1891.

Resolved also that Dr. Trimen be nominated for re-election.

do. Moved by Mr. Wall, seconded by Mr. Ramanathan,

and carried, that the Lord Bishop of Colombo be nominated

President for 1891. é

4. Moved by Mr. Ramanathan, seconded by Mr. Senevi-

ratna, and carried, that Messrs. George Wall, F.L.S., F.R.A.S.,

and Thomas Berwick, be neminated Vice-Presidents.

24 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CHYLON). [ Vou. XII.

). Resolved to nominate the following Council:—Mr.

H. Bois; Mr. H. H. Cameron; Colonel the Hon. F.C. H.

Clarke, R.A., O.M.G.; Mr. A. M. Ferguson, C.M.G.; Mr. 8.

Green; Mr. J. P. Lewis, ©.0.8.; the Hon. T. B. Panabokke,

M.L.C.; the Hon. P. Ramanathan, C.M.G., M.L.c.; Mr. W. P.

Ranasinha; Mr. E.S. W. Senathi Raja, M.R.A.S., &c.; the

Hon. A. de A. Seneviratna, M.L.c.; Dr. H. Trimen, M.B., F.L.S.

6. Moved by Mr. Ramanathan, seconded by Mr. Senevi-

ratna, and carried, that Mr. W. H. G. Duncan be nominated

Honorary Treasurer.

7. It being proposed that Messrs. H. C. P. Bell and F, H.

M. Corbet be nominated Honorary Secretaries, the latter

stated that he could not undertake the duties of Honorary

Secretary in 1891, as he was about to leave Ceylon on a visit

to Europe, and that he would not ask any one to act for him.

Resolved that Messrs. H. C. P. Bell, C.c.8., and J. P. Lewis,

C.C.S., be nominated Honorary Secretaries, Mr. Lewis’s seat

as a Member of the Council not being filled up, pending the

Meeting of the Council on May 14.

8. Considered applications received from the following

candidates, and resolved that they be elected Ordinary Resi-

dent Members of the Society, viz. :—

Messrs. Jeronis William Charles de Soysa; Alfred Joseph

Richard de Soysa; Charles Edgar Henry Corea; Walter

Pereira, Advocate, Supreme Court; James Walter Senevi-

ratna; Abraham Mendis Gunasekara, Mudaliyar; and Mr.

Hugh Fraser.

9. Considered an application from the following eandi-

date, and resolved that he be elected an Ordinary Non-

Resident Member of the Society, viz. :—

Pandit Gopi Nath, of Lahore.

10. The Honorary Secretary submitted a Report dated

February 19, 1891, which had been circulated, addressed to

the Council by the Honorary Treasurer and Honorary

Secretaries, embodying their views regarding the best means

of expediting the publication of the Papers read before the

Society.

CIRCULAR.

Colombo, February 24, 1891.

To the Council of the Asiatic Society of Ceylon and Ceylon

Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.

I HAVE the honour to circulate a report by the Honorary Treasurer

and Honorary Secretaries regarding the Journal and Proceedings.

F. H. M. Corset,

Honorary Secretary.

No. 42.—1891.] PROCEEDINGS. 25

Extract from the Minutes of a Meeting of the Council of the Asiatic

Society of Ceylon and Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society,

held in the Fort Library on Tuesday, August 5,

1890, at 4°30 P.M.

8. Mr. Ramanathan deprecated the delay which takes place in the

publication of the Journals of the Society. The Honorary Secretary

urged that Papers contributed to the Society should be printed before

being read. Aftersome discussion it was resolved that the Honorary

Treasurer and Honorary Secretaries be requested to submit some

proposal to the Council for expediting the printing of the Journal,

accompanied by a memorandum of the cost.

True copy,

F. H. M. Corset,

Colombo, February 19, 1891. Honorary Secretary.

JOURNALS AND PROCEEDINGS.

Colombo, February 19, 1891.

GENTLEMEN,—IN accordance with resolution VIII. passed at a

Meeting held on Tuesday, August 5, 1890, empowering us to make

some proposals for expediting the publication of Papers read before

the Society, and to state the cost, we now tender a report embodying

the conclusions we have come to.

2. Instead of the Journals and Proceedings (which have hitherto

respectively contained Papers read and accounts of the Meetings) being

published separately as hitherto, we would suggest that they be

published together under the designation of the “Journal of the

Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.”

3. The Amalgamation of the Proceedings with the Journal offers

the following advantages :—

(a) Its appearance will be improved.

(6) It will be more handy for readers.

(d) It can be issued more expeditiously.

4. Persons interested in the subject dealt with in a Paper naturally

prefer to peruse the report of the discussion on the Paper at the

Meeting at which it was read in immediate connection with the Paper

itself, instead of having to turn to separate Proceedings for the argu-

ments, &ce.

5. It detracts from the value of a Paper if criticisms made upon it

by Members are not published with it. The Proceedings when inserted

in their proper place in the Journal are more likely to be read than

when published separately. At present they are of comparatively

little use and are almost lost sight of.

6. Itis proposed to follow the practice of many leading Societies,

2.é., to print Papers before they are formally read at General Meetings,

and to circulate proofs amongst Members and others likely to interest

themselves in the particular subjects dealt with. By this procedure, as

soon as Papers have been read and finally revised by the writers, they

can be printed off, together with a report of the Meetings at which

they were read.

26 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XII.

7. It has been found that once a Paper has been read, and the

writer has received his meed of thanks, the subject loses its interest

even for him. To this cause is probably attributable the delay on the

part of some authors in returning proofs of Papers read by them,

whereby the issue of the Journal has been greatly hindered.

8. The circulation of proofs of Papers before reading would not

only enable those who propose to be present at the General Meetings

to prepare themselves for such discussion as may arise, but it would

afford outstation Members the opportunity of contributing notes and

criticism of value.

9. Finally, it should be added that the Government Printer has

expressed himself in favour of the above suggestions, and is of opinion

that they need entail little or no extra expense.

We have, &c.,

ie tel, G. DUNCAN,

Honorary Treasurer.

Eo Ch Py iBri

F. H. M. Corser,

Honorary Secretaries.

To the Council of the Asiatic Society of Ceylon and

Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.

On the motion of Mr. Seneviratna, seconded by Mr. Rama-

nathan, and supported by Mr. Bois it was resolved to adopt

the report.

11. Laid on the table correspondence between the Society

and the Government regarding the preservation of objects

of Archeological interest.

ARCH ZOLOGY.

No. 109. _ Royal Asiatic Society,

Colombo, August 20, 1890.

Sir,—lI am instructed by the Council of the Ceylon Branch of the

Royal Asiatic Society to solicit the attention of the Government to

the manner in which objects of Archeological interest are protected

and conserved in India, and to respectfully suggest that the,Govern-

ment might with advantage adopt in Ceylon rules similar to those in

force in the neighbouring continent.

2. A copy of aState Paper on the subject published by the Govern-

ment of Madras, under number 373, and date the 27th day of April,

1889, is forwarded herewith for reference.

lam, &c.,

F, H. M. Corser,

Honorary Secretary.

To the Hon. the Colonial Secretary.

{

No. 42.—1891.] PROCEEDINGS. 27

ARCHAOLOGY.

No. 130. Anuradhapura, November 21, 1890.

Srr,—I HAVE the honour to annex for your information copies of

letters Nos. 129 of 20th instant and 131 of this date, addressed by me

to Government in connection with your letter to the Hon. the Colonial

Secretary of the 20th August, regarding the better preservation of

objects of Archeological interest.

Jam, &c.,

To the Hon. Secretary, Ceylon Branch, H. C. P. BELL,

Royal Asiatic Society. Archeological Commissioner.

ARCH ZOLOGY.

No. 129. Anurddhapura, November 20, 1890.

Str,—I HAVE the honour to return the enclosed letter and G. O.

(Madras) No. 373, 1889, Archeology, received with your letter of

August 27, 1890, and to offer the following remarks thereon, for the

consideration of Government :—

1. Itis generally admitted by those interested in the question of

the preservation of antiquities that more effective action than has

been heretofore exercised should be taken to put a stop to the undue

appropriation or misuse of ruins throughout the Island.

2. Some orders to this end were, it is believed, issued a few years

ago, but it is doubtful whether they were given that publicity or

enforced with the strictness essential to their efficacy.

3. In addition to those orders, the Legislative Enactment touching

the question is Ordinance No. 17 of 1887. This Ordinance follows in

some respects the Indian Act, No. VI. of 1878, but in others departs

from it materially.

4. It is needless that I should enter into a close comparison of the

Ceylon Ordinance with the Indian Act. I shall limit comment to one

or two salient points wherein I venture to think the Ordinance No. 17

of 1887 requires amendment on the lines of the Indian Enactment.

5. Clause 1. This, the ‘Interpretation Clause,” is not sufficiently

comprehensive. It might be made to run: ‘ For the purposes of this

Ordinance Treasure Trove should mean money, coin, gold, silver,

plate, bullion, precious stones, antiquities, or anything of any value found

hidden in the earth or in anything affixed thereto.’ ‘This broader

definition, as with Act VI. (India), Clause 3, would cover sculpture,

remains of buildings, and other objects of antiquarian interest, as well

as coins and articles of intrinsic value.

6. So long as Government continues to assert absolute property in

all Treasure Trove, irrespective of its value, and to limit the finders’

reward to half the value as a minimum, it would be a mere work of

supererrogation to recommend a more equitable treatment of the

question. The more summary, if less liberal procedure, of our Ordi-

nance relative to the obligation of finders and _ possessors, the

magisterial inquiry, penalties, &c., meets all practical requirements.

7. On the other hand, if the Government is prepared to reconsider

the terms under which treasure is claimed by the Crown, an approxi-

mation to the Indian policy is greatly to be desiderated in public interest.

28 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XII,

8. The Hon. Mr. E. C. Bailey in his speeches on the Treasure

Trove Bill (November 29, 1876 ; February 13, 1878) put the case very

forcibly. There is perhaps little buried treasure in Ceylon, but other

antiquities of historical or archeological value abound in many districts.

‘““There was much hidden treasure in India, and much was being

perpetually brought to light in various parts of the country, and a

very large portion of it was of importance as illustrating either the

history, the social habits, religious beliefs, or the artistic skill of the

races who inhabited the country in past times. It was therefore an

object to prevent articles of this kind being lost or destroyed, and the

provision the Bill proposed to make was, he believed, sufficiently

liberal to secure to Government an opportunity of purchasing such

articles as they might consider of real public interest. Special

provisions nad been largely introduced into legislation in Europe for

this purpose, and had the effect of preserving for national use much

valuable property and articles of great historical importance which

would otherwise have been destroyed.”

9. The outcome was the insertion of a provision in Clause 16 of

Act 16 of 1878, giving ‘“‘the Government aclaim, on the payment of a

specified percentage in excess of the intrinsic value, to the possession

of such articles as it should consider worthy of preservation” on

historic or artistic grounds, in the National Museum.

Such wise and openhanded inducement to finders to render a true

account to Government Officers of all treasure (including antiquities)

has worked well in India, and might equally well be tried in this

Island. The just statement of the case by the Governor-General in

Council cannot be gainsaid. ‘“ Due liberality ” and ‘‘ a proper considera-

tion for the natural claims and expectations of the finders of treasure”

must be exercised, and ‘‘ the object in view will be defeated if those

who may discover treasure are not induced by the prospect of a sufficzent

reward to make their discoveries known to the Officials of Government.”

10. In this view, I submit that all that is required is a short

amending Ordinance, varying the “ Interpretation Clause” as above

suggested, and modifying the terms of the 6th Clause by declaring

the intention of Government to pay the: full value of the materials of

any treasure trove (as distinct from their adventitious value as

objects of archeological interest) plus one-fifth of such value, whenever it

is decided by Government to acquire such treasure, or any portion of it.*

11. Asafurther step towards making the policy of Government

regarding the conservation of objects of archeological value more

widely known, I would recommend that the Instructions I., IL,

IIT., (Appendix 11. to G. O. 373, page 4) should be printed, mutatis:

nutandis, and issued to all Heads of Departments, with directions to

give them every publicity.f

12. Copies of the Treasure Trove Ordinance in the vernacular

should be freely distributed among the headmen throughout the

Island.

Tam, &c.,

H. C. P. Bett,

The Hon. the Colonial Secretary. Archzeological Commissioner.

* An amended Ordinance (No. 3 of 1891) has since been passed on the

lines suggested.— Hon. Sec.

y+ See annexed Government Circular No. 57, of June 26, 1891, drafted by

Mr. Bell.—Hon. Sec.

No. 42.—1891.] PROCEEDINGS. 29

ARCH ZOLOGY.

No. 131. Anuradhapura, November 21, 1890.

Sir,—In connection with my letter No, 129 of yesterday I have the

honour to supply an omission.

It should have been added that some further protection than is given

by the Ordinance No. 17 of 1887 is provided for in the Forest Ordi-

nance (No. 10 of 1885) by ‘forest produce” being somehow stretched

so as to cover ruins.

It may be as well not to expunge “ruins” from the Ordinance of 1885,

having once found a place there, for their preservation is thus addi-

tionally safeguarded. But in any case the importance of extending

the interpretation clause of Ordinance 17 of 1887, by inserting the

words suggested by me, demands attention.

The Forest Ordinance does not touch the question of remuneration

to finders of objects of archeological value.

Tam, &c.,

H.C. P. Bett,

Archeological Commissioner.

The Hon. the Colonial Secretary.

GOVERNMENT CIRCULAR No. 57.

Colonial Secretary’s Office,

Colombo, June 26, 1891.

Str,—I Am directed to issue for your information and guidance the

annexed instructions relative to the better preservation of objects of

Archeological interest throughout the Island, and to impress upon

you the desirability of taking prompt and effectual steps in accordance

therewith for the due protection of ruins, &c., already known in your

district, and of any that may be discovered hereafter.

Tam, &c.,

— EK. No—EL WALKER,

Colonial Secretary.

Preservation of Antiquities.

1. an discoveries of Ruins and other objects of Archeological

interest should be reported without delay to the Government Agent or

Assistant Government Agent of the district within which the discovery

is made. When such report is received, the Government Agent will

issue orders for the proper preservation of objects discovered in situ,

or for their removal to a local Museum (where such exists) or to some

other suitable place.

2. Asa general principle the Government is entirely opposed to

the removal of any object still in situ. The great majority of

Archeological discoveries consists of the remains of buildings, massive

pillars, &c., which cannot be removed, and should for other reasons be

preserved where they stand. On the other hand, isolated remains

(capitals without their shafts, stray pillars, figures, inscribed slabs, &c.,

the original site of which is unknown, or such as are lying neglected

about the country and liable to be mutilated by the people, may with

propriety be removed, in order to save them from future injury, to some

30 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. XII.

Museum or other safe place of deposit, where they can be seen and

studied by all who take an interest in the ancient art, religion, or

language of the Island.

3. If the arrangements necessary for securing any object worthy

of removal to a local Museum cannot be made without much difficulty

or expense by local officers, a special report should be addressed to the

Government.

4. Government Agents will furnish the Government with a

descriptive catalogue of the contents of any local Museum within their

Provinces, and will report all fresh antiquarian discoveries.

5. Government Agents are at liberty to arrange with the Com-

mittee of the Colombo Museum, either for the transfer to the Museum

of any object the Committee may wish to acquire or for obtaining

casts or other impressions of it. In dealing with such cases due

weight should be attached to the desirability of completing any

particular Archeological series of importance.

12. Read letter dated December 16, 1890, from the

Archeological Commissioner, Mr. H. C. P. Bell, ©.C.S.,

suggesting that the whole of the unexpended balance of the

“ Excavation Fund,” or some portion of it, be voted for the

prosecution of some further Archeological work at Anu-

radhapura of a permanent and generally interesting nature :—

ARCHEOLOGY.

No. 148. Anuradhapura, December 16, 1890.

Sir,—lI HAVE the honour to address you regarding the unexpended

balance of the ‘“ Excavation Funda” in the hands of the Honorary

Treasurer of the Society.

IT understand that this fund has remained untouched since the

expenditure incurred by Mr. 8S. M. Burrows in excavating the East

Chapel of the Mirisawetiya Dagaba, and that the balance amounts to

nearly Rs. 650.

It may be assumed that the money has been allowed to lie dormant

so long, owing to no desirable and legitimate use for it having been

suggested to the Society.

In this view it has occurred to me to move the Council of the

Society to vote the whole balance, or some portion of it, to the prose-

cution of some further Archeological work at Anuradhapura of a

permanent and generally interesting nature.

For my part I shall be glad to be of any service to the Society in

supervising the carrying out of such work whilst stationed at Anu-

radhapura, and to furnish the Society with a statement of results and

expenditure.

Among many alternative undertakings, all attractive, I venture to

propose three for the consideration of the Council. The Government

Agent (Mr. R. W. levers), with whom I have already discussed the

question, permits me to state that he coincides fully with the selection—

(1) The restoration of one of the two “Pavilions” near the

Ruwanweli Dagoba (Lawton, vol. II., 171-72 ; Hogg. 32).

(ii) The restoration of some portion of the unique ‘“ Buddhist

Railing ” recently discovered by me near the Abhayagiri.

No. 42.—1891.] PROCEEDINGS. ol

(iii) Further excavation at the Jétawandrama, or some other of

the principal yet less known ruins.

Should the Council feel disposed to vote the money for all, or any

of the above works, and to entrust me with the supervision, T shall be

prepared to engage the necessary labour force and start operations

from January 1, 1891.

Tam, &c.,

Hon. Secretary, Ceylon Branch, He) Pa BELL)

Royal Asiatic Society. Archeological Commissioner.

Resolved, that the whole balance be placed at the disposal

of Mr: Bell to be devoted to the objects for which the money

was originally subscribed.

13. Read a letter from K. Dharmmarama Sthawira,

Principal of the Widyalankara College at Kelaniya, pr esenting

a copy of his edition of the Janikiharana to the Society, and

asking if the Society would distribute copies of the work in

India : and Europe.

Resolved, that whilst conveying the thanks of the Council

to Dharmmarama Sthawirafor his donation, he be informed

that the Council cannot undertake to distribute copies of

his work.

14. At this stage of the proceedings Mr. Wall left the

chair, which was taken by Mr. Bois.

15. The Honorary Secretary moved the question of the

representation of the Society at the forthcoming Ninth

Congress of Orientalists. There not being sufficient materials

before the Meeting, no action could be taken in the matter,

but Mr. Corbet was requested to make inquiries on the

subject when in England, and to communicate to the Council

any information he may obtain regarding the Congress.

16. The Honorary Secretary submitted his draft Report

for 1890, stating that it had been hurriedly drawn up, and

required careful revision. There not being time to consider

the Report at the present Meeting, it was resolved, with the

Honorary Secretary’s consent, that Mr. Ramanathan be re-

quested to revise the draft on behalf of the Council.

17. Agreed, that the Council should meet again the

following day in the Museum Library at 8.30 P.M.

32 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XII.

COUNCIL MEETING.

Colombo Museum, May 14, 1891.

Present :

Mr. A. M. Ferguson, C.M.G., in the Chair.

Mr. W. H. G. Duncan, Hono- | Hon. P. Ramanathan, M.L.c.

rary Treasurer. Mr. George Wall, F.L.S., &c.,

Mr. 8S. Green. Vice-President.

Mr. F. H. M. Corbet, M.R.A.S., Honorary Secretary.

Business.

1. The Honorary Secretary stated that Mr. J. P. Lewis

declined to undertake the duties of Honorary Secretary, to

which post he had been nominated the day previous,

2. Resolved, to nominate Mr. E.8. W. Senathi Raja, B.A.,

LL.B., &c., an Honorary Secretary of the Society in lieu of

Mr, J. P. Lewis, C.C.S.

3. Moved by Mr. Ramanathan, seconded by Mr. Duncan,

and carried, that Mr. F. H. M. Corbet, M.R.A.S., be nominated

a Member of the Council in the place of Mr. Senathi Raja.

4, The Honorary Secretary explained the necessity for

having a paid officer to assist the Honorary Secretary.

5. Mr. Wall arrived at this stage of the proceedings.

6. Resolved, that an Assistant Secretary and Librarian

be appointed provisionally, and that Mr. Gerard A. Joseph

be offered the appointment for six months at least,—the

Society paying him an honorarium for his services.

The Meeting then broke up. ,

No. 42,—1891.] PROCEEDINGS. Dor

ANNUAL MERTING.

Colombo Museum, May 14, 1891.

Present :

George Wall, Esq., F.L.S., F.R.A.S., &c.,

Vice-President, in the Chair.

Hon. M. C. Abdul Rahiman, | Mr. C. E. Jayatilleke.

M.L.C. Hon. P. Ramanathan, ¢c.M,G.

Mr. W. N.S. Asserappa. Mr. F. C. Roles.

Mr. B. G. L. Bremner. Mr. HK. S. W. Senathi Raja,

Mr. W. H. G. Duncan. B.A.,L.L.B.(Cantab.),M.R.A.S.

Mr. W. Arthur de Silva. H. Sri Summangala, High

H. M. Fernando, M.D., B.SC. Priest.

Mr. A. P. Green, F.E.S. Subhuti Terunnanse.

Mr. Staniforth Green. Mr. W. van Langenberg.

Dr. Lisboa Pinto, F.E,A.,L.M.S.| Mr. N. D. M. de Z. Wickre-

(Bombay), F.B.G.8. (Lisbon.) mesinghe, M.L.A.U.K.

Mr. F. H. M. Corbet, M.R.A.S., &c., Honorary Secretary.

Visitors: four ladies and six gentlemen.

Business.

1. The Honorary Secretary read the Minutes of the last

General Meeting (December 20, 1890), which were confirmed,

and announced that ata Meeting of the Council held on the

previous day the following gentlemen were elected Members

of the Society, viz. :—

Resident Members :—Messrs. J. W. C. de Soysa, A. J. R. de

Soysa, C. EH. H. Corea, Walter Pereira, J. W. Seneviratna,

A. Mendis Gunesekara, Mudaliyar, and Hugh Fraser.

Non-Resident Member :—Pandit Gopi Nath of Lahore,

India.

2. The Honorary Secretary read the Council’s Annual

Report on the progress of the Society’s affairs during 1890.

ANNUAL REPORT FOR 1890.

THE Council have the honour to submit the following

report on the progress of the Society’s affairs during the year

1890 :—

Members.

The Society has received such considerable accessions to its

ranks of late years that at the end of 1890 there were on the

98—91 D

34 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XII.

roll :—? Honorary Members, 14 Life Members, 215 Ordinary

Resident Members, and 1 Ordinary Non-Resident Member.

This makes a total of 237 Members, which is without prece-

dent since the foundation of the Society in February,

1845.

The number of Life Members and Ordinary Members in

1880 was 72; in 1888 it had risen to 202; in 1889 the number

was 211, and in 1890, 237, The Council reports with regret

the death of the following Members :—

C. Chellapapillai, G. F. Jayasooriya, and the Hon. W. H.

Ravenscroft, C.M.G.

Mr. Ravenscroft was elected a Member in 1879 and Presi-

sident in 1881. At the General Meeting held on July 19

it was resolved “to place on record the sense of regret

of the Meeting at the loss the Society had lately sustained

by the death of the Hon. W. H. Ravenscroft, ©.M.G.,

ex-President, who had taken a deep interest in the Society.”

The following Ordinary Members have resigned, viz.,

William Blair and C. Eardley Wilmot, C.C.s.

Twenty-four Ordinary Members have been elected,

viz.:—A. EH. Buultjens (B. A. Cantab.); W. A. de Silva; Hilarion

Marcus Fernando, M.D., B.SC. (London), Fellow of the Univer-

sity College, London ; Frank Hudson Modder; Charles

Edward Jayatilleke; 8. D. Mahawalatenne, Ratémahatmaya ;

the Hon. M,C, Abdul Rahiman, M.L.c.; Tudor D.N. Rajapakse,

Mudaliyar ; J. V.G. A. Jayawardene ; Dullewe Loku Banda,

Adigar of Tamankaduwa ; William Chapman Dias Bandara-

nayake ; George Ronaleyn Campbell Gordon Cumming ; Don

Solomon Dias Bandaranayake; Peter Manuel Lisboa Pinto,

F.E.A., L.M.S. Bombay, F.R.G.S. (Lisbon) ; E.S. W. Senathi Raja,

B.A., L.L.B. (Cantab.), M.R.A.S.; M. Kaviraj Shymaldass, M.R.A.S.,

&c., Member of the Historical and Archeological Committee

of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Member of the Royal Council

of Meywar, Rajaputana [the Non-Resident Member elected

in accordance with clause 45 of the Rules]; Felix Reginald

Dias, M.A., L.U.M.; Francis Crosbie Roles, M.1.J.; Joseph

Saunders Addenbrooke, A.R.1.B.A.; George Duppa Miller ;

K. L. M. Abdul Kerim, Mudaliyar (Governor’s Gate) ; William

Abraham Ratnayeke ; Percy Edward Radley.

At the General Meeting in August the Hon. Sir Arthur

Hamilton Gordon, G.C.M.G., was elected an Honorary Member

in recognition of his distinguished services to the Society.

Hachange of Publications.

The exchanges of our publications for those of other Socie-

ties are now made on a more organised system. Numerous

No. 42.—1891. ] PROCEEDINGS. 3D

and important additions have been obtained for the Library

at a slight expense, and the Society is placed in correspon-

dence with many scientific and learned institutions. The

following is a list of the principal Societies now on our

exchange list :—

New Haven .

Baltimore Johns Hopkins University.

Batavia Genootschap van Kunsten en Weten-

schappen.

Bombay Anthropological Society.

Do. Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.

Calcutta Asiatic Society of Bengal.

Do. Indian Museum.

California Academy of Natural Sciences.

Davenport do. do.

Hague Bijdrajen tot de Tadl-Land en Volken-

kunde van Nederlandsch-Indie.

Leipzig Deutsche MorgenlandischeGessellschaft.

London Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain

and Ireland.

Do. Royal Colonial Institute.

Do. Anthropological Institute of Great Bri-

tain and Ireland.

Do. Geological Society.

Do. India Office Library.

Madras Literary Society.

Montreal Geological and Natural History Survey

of Canada.

- Melbourne Royal Society of Victoria.

Moscow Société Imperiale des Naturalistes de

Moscou.

American Oriental Society.

New York ... United States Geological Survey.

Paris Musée Guimet.

Do. Societe Zoologique.

Pekin ... Oriental Society.

Philadelphia Academy of Natural Sciences.

Do. -- Wagner Free Institute of Science.

Shanghai China Branch of the Royal Asiatic

Society.

Singapore Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic

Sydney toe

Society.

Royal Society of New South Wales.

Trenton Academy of Natural Sciences.

Tokyo Asiatic Society of Japan.

Vienna K. K, Naturhistorischen Hofmuseums.

Washington Smithsonian Institution.

Do. Bureau of Education.

36 JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON).. [Vou XIT.

General Meetings.

Five General Meetings were held this year.

At a Meeting held on May 23, Mr. H. C. P.. Bell, C.C.s.,

Archeological Commissioner, Honorary Secretary, read ex-

tracts from his “ Report to Government,» Historical and

Antiquarian, on the Kégalla District,” the. first fruits of the

newly inaugurated Archeological Survey of Ceylon.

On July 19 a translation by Mr. F. H. de Vos of the

“ Report by Henricus van Bystervelt of his Hmbassy to the

Court of Kandy in 1671” was read.

At the Meeting on August 30 a short Note by Mr. Frederick

Lewis on “ The Nidification of the red-faced Mal-koha”

was read. Mr. Frank H. Modder read an illustrated Paper

on “The Animal-shaped Rocks of Kurunégala: ther

history, legends, traditions, d&c., with Notes on Temples

standing thereon, or connected therewith.”

On November 22 Mr. Donald W. Ferguson, M.R.A.S., read

his Introduction to and a resumé of Lieut.-Col. St. George’s

translation of “ Juan Rodriquez de Saa y Menezes’ Rebelion

de Ceylan, y los progressos de su Conquista en el gobierno de

Constantino de saa y Norona.”

On December 20 Mr. George Wall, F.L.S., F.R.A.S., read

his Third Paper on “ The Ancient Industries of Ceylon.”

Ancient Literature.

It is to be regretted that but little progress has been made-

during the year under review in collecting ola MSS. for the

Government Oriental Library.

The Council went fully intothe matter in their Report for

1889, and they trust that their recommendations will be-

carried out by the Government.

Mahawansa.—The. long-looked-for translation of this

valuable work was published. The translation has been

much appreciated by Oriental scholars and others interested

in Sinhalese literature. The following from Triibner’s

Record regarding this important work will be read with

interest :-— :

‘‘In a remarkable letter which Sir W. H. Gregory, after quitting his.

post as Governor of Ceylon, addressed to the Earl of Carnarvon on

August 1, 1877, concerning the literary and scientific work undertaken

during the five years of his Government of that Colony, we find among

the important recommendations made to his successor, Sir James

Longden, the following :—‘ That the editing of the Mahéwansa may be

thoroughly completed by the translation into English of all that has.

been left incomplete by Turnour. That the text of the first part be

revised, the variants inserted, and a translation be made of it into.

No. 42.—1891.] PROCEEDINGS. 31

‘Sinhalese, to correspond with what has been done in the case of the

second part. That the ‘Tika, or early Commentary, be revised and

translated into Sinhalese and English.’ The edition of the Pali text

of the second part, together with a :translation into Sinhalese by the

High Priest Sumangala and the Pandit Batuwantuddéwe, had then

already appeared, and that of the first part was passing through the

Government Press, while arrangements were in progress with the

Maha Mudaliyér L. de Zoysa for continuing the translation com-

menced by Turnour. Unfortunately, the Maha Mudaliyar was for a

long time unable to make any progress in the translation through

failing health and loss of sight, and as he was anxious to complete his

catalogue of MSS. in the Temple Libraries of Ceylon, the task of

furnishing the translation of the second part of the Mahavansa was

entrusted to Mudaliyar L. C. Wijesinha, who has acquitted himself

of it ina scholarly manner. L. de Zoysa, Maha Mudaliyar, died in

March, 1884. The length of time that has elapsed since is amply

compensated for by the excellence of Mr. Wijesinha’s work. What

still remains to be done is a critical edition and English translation of

the Tika, and we trust the Ceylon Government will not lose sight of

this important part of Sir W. H. Gregory’s programme.

“The translator rightly follows the printed text, iand gives his

reasons whenever he deviates from it; see his note B on chapter

XXXIX., and his notes on chapter LX VI., 150; chapter LXXVI., 30,

91, 171, 327; chapter LXXVIL., 52. He also reproduces Turnour’s

translation, marking, however, in italics the faulty words and passages,

for which he substitutes in foot-notes his own rendering. The changes

he has thus proposed are obviously important and numerous, and he

deserves our warm acknowledgments for the pains he has taken in

this revision.”

Several ancient works have been printed and published for

the first time; amongst them are :—

Dakshina Vibhanga Sitraya (Pali), edited by M. Nanissara

Sami.

Sevulsandésa : Cock’s Message (Sinhalese), probably loth

century, by J. Samaradiwakara.

| Visuddhimargaya (14th, 15th, and 16th Parts), (Pali, oth

century ), of Buddhaghosa Thera, by M. Dharmaratna.

Saddharmalankaraya, Part I. (Sinhalese), by M. Nanissara

Unnanse.

Dhdtuwansaya (Sinhalese), by Kakusandhi Maha Théro.

Abhidhamma Atthasdlini Attayana (Pali), by K. Paiiia-

sekhara Sthavira.

Samanthakita Warnana by W. Dhammananda Ther and

M. Nanissara Unndnse.

Mahabddhiwansd (Pali), by Pedinnuwe Sobhita.

Moggalléyana Vydkarana (Pali), by H. Déwamitta

Thero.

Vritta Malakhyava (Sinhalese and Sanskrit), by Pandit

Batuwantudawe.

Nikdya Sangrahawa (Sinhalese), 14th century, edited by

D. M. de Zilva Wickramasinghe.

Bye) JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XII.

lnbrary.

The number of volumes, including separate parts of

periodicals added to the Society’s Library since the com-

mencement of 1890, amounts up to date to 355. Many of

these books have been presented to, and many others

obtained in exchange by this Society. The names of the

following donors amongst others may be mentioned, viz. :—

The Secretary of State for India.

The Government of Ceylon.

The Government of India.

The Government of Madras.

The Trustees of the Indian Museum.

Director-Général de Statisque la Plata.

The Asiatic Society of Bengal.

The Hon. Sir Arthur H. Gordon.

Messrs. A. M. and J. Ferguson, D. W. Ferguson,,

H.C. P. Bell, F. H. de Vos, A. O. Joseph, George

Wall, and F. H. M. Corbet.

Books registered under Ordinance No. 1 of 1885, consisting

of 100 English, 128 Sinhalese, 8 Pali, 1 Sanskrit, 5 English

and Sinhalese, 6 Sanskrit and Sinhalese, 1 Sinhalese or Elu,.

12 Tamil, 1 Portuguese, 4 Sinhalese and Pali, 2 Pali and

Sinhalese, 1 Sinhalese and Sanskrit, and 1 Malay were printed

in Ceylon.

A new catalogue of the Library is being compiled by the

Librarian of the Society, Mr. de Zilva Wickramasinghe.

The last catalogue was issued in 1882, and since then a

very large number of books have been added to the Library.

The style of the catalogue has been approved by the Com-

mittee of the Colombo Museum, and is in accordance with

the directions given in the standard works of Cutter, Wheatly,

Perkins, &c., on cataloguing. It is propesed to enter the

books (@) under names of authors, or if anonymous under the

first word of the title not being an article, (0) under their

specific titles, (¢) under the subjects they treat of, with

numerous cross references, (d) under the form of literature,

as poetry, sermons, &c. All these entries will be arranged

alphabetically, so that one may know what books the Library

contains by a given author, on a given subject, and in a

given kind of literature. The numbers of editions of books

will also be given, in order to assist the Members in the

choice of books.

Archeological Survey.

It is with feelings of satisfaction that the Council refer to

the progress that has been made during the year in the

systematic survey of the Archeological remains of the Island.

No. 42.—1891.] PROCEEDINGS. 39

It is matter for sincere congratulation that this important

work has been entrusted to so competent an officer as Mr.

H.C. P. Bell, C.c.8.,and that it is being carried on vigorously

and with the care and attention it deserves.

Dutch Records.

The Council have learnt with satisfaction that the represen-

tations made on behalf of the Society to the Government on

the subject of the Dutch Records have led to provision being

made in the Supply Bill of 1891 for Rs. 200 for the preserva-

tion and translation of these records.

Journals.

The following Journals, ably edited by Mr. H.C. P. Bell,

Honorary Secretary, were printed at the Government

Printing Press and published in 1890 :-—

Vol. II., No. 5, 1849-50, reprint.

Vol. X., Nos. 36 and 37, 1888,

Journal Vol. XI., No. 38, 1889, and the Proceedings for

1887-8 are going through the press.

Thanks.

The thanks of the Society are due to the Ceylon Govern-

ment for allowing your publications to be printed at the

Government Press, and to Mr.G. J. A. Skeen, the Government

Printer, and his Assistants, for the care bestowed upon the

work, and the admirable manner in which it has been done,

as well as for their never-failing readiness to serve the

Society.

Prospects for 1891.

The following Papers have been received :—

Translation of extracts relating to Ceylon from “ De Her-

vormde Kerk in Nederlandsch Oost-Indie onder de Oost-

Indische Conpagnie (1602-1795), door C. A. L. van Troos-

tenburg de Bruyn.” By F. H. de Vos, Esq.

“ Ribeiro’s Account of the Siege of Colombo in 1655-56.”

Translated by Donald W. Ferguson, Esq.

Mr. Frank H. Modder, the author of the interesting Paper

on “ The Animal-shaped Rocks of Kurunégala,” is engaged

in compiling for the Society “A Gazetteer of the Seven

Koralés,” dealing with the ancient and modern divisions

of the district, and the villages therein situated ; the

rivers, oyas, and elas, and the mountains and hills lying

40) JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON), [ Vou. XII.

therein ; the architectural and archeological remains, rock

temples, dagabas, statues, carving, inscriptions, tanks, mounds,

jewellery, coins, pottery, and all other antiquities existing in

the district ; the history of the villages, and the legends

and traditions connected therewith; the manners, customs,

habits, and institutions of the people ; the commerce, manu-

facture, revenue, and population ; the castes and religions,

the fauna and flora of the district; and all other useful

information tabulated for the purposes of easy reference and

illustrated with maps.

The Council hope that the monographs now being prepared

by the several Government Agents will materially further

the objects which the Society desires to promote.

Finances.

The annexed statement of the receipts and expenditure

of the Society for this year shows a credit balance. of

Rs. 306°41 brought forward from 1889, and an income of

Rs. 2,843°75, making a total credit of Rs. 3,150°16, which

is more than double that of the previous vear. The ex-

penditure incurred during the year was Rs. 2,347:62, leaving

a balance of Rs. 802-54 carried forward to 1891 to the credit

of the Society.

The amount expended on purchase of books was Rs. 909-32

and on printing Rs. 836°83, as against Rs. 177-26 and Rs. 237°83,

respectively, in 1889.

The thanks of the Society are due to Mr. W. H. G. Duncan,

Hon. Treasurer, for having brought the finances of the

Society to so healthy a condition.

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No. 42.—1891.]

42 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XII.

The CHAIRMAN remarked that the Annual Meeting ought

to have taken place in January last, but circumstances which

Mr. Corbet, the resident Honorary Secretary, could not over-

come had prevented it being held then, and from one

cause or another it had been delayed until the present time.

Though late, the Report which had been read referring to

the year that was past would have interested them all very

much. It at least showed that the Society had extended its

operations abroad as well as locally. It showed that there

was work going on notwithstanding that during the last few

months there had been something like a little stagnation,

and that work as recorded in the Report it must be admitted

was good work. He had therefore to ask whether the

Meeting would adopt the Report.

The Hon. P. RAMANATHAN had much pleasure in moving

the adoption of the Report. In doing so he could not help

congratulating the Society upon the very successful results

which it had achieved during the past year. He hoped that

in future years the Society would be able to show as much

gvood result as in the past.

Mr. BREMNER seconded, and on the motion being put to

the Meeting the Report was unanimously adopted.

3. Dr. H. M. FERNANDO moved the election of the follow-

ing Office-Bearers for the year :—

President—The Right Rev. R. 8. Copleston, D.D., Lord

Bishop of Colombo.

Vice-Presidents.—Mr. George Wall, F.L.S., F.R.A.S., and

Mr. Thomas Berwick.

Council—Mr. Henry Bois; Mr. H. H. Cameron, C.CS. ;

Colonel the Hon. F. C. H. Clarke, R.A., O.M.G.; Mr. F. H. M.

Corbet, M.R.A S.; Mr. A. M. Ferguson, 0.M.G.; Mr. Staniforth

Green; Mr. J. P. Lewis, ¢.c.8.; the Hon. T. B. Panabokke ;

the Hon. P. Ramanathan, ¢.M.G., M.L.C. ; Mr. W. P. Ranasingha,

Proctor, Supreme Court; the Hon. A. de A. Seneviratna,

M.L.C.; Dr. Henry Trimen, M.B., F.R.S.

Honorary Treasurer.—Mr. W. H.G. Duncan, :

Honorary Secretaries.—Mr. H. C. P. Bell, C.c.s., and Mr.

Hy. S. W. Senathi Raja, B.A., LL.B.

Mr. F. C. ROLES in seconding remarked that he thought the

Members should know that the new Members of Council were

Mr. Lewis and Mr. Corbet; the latter’s place as Honorary

Secretary was taken by Mr, EH. 8S. W. Senathi Raja, B.A., LL.B.,.

M.R.A.S. He must not forestall any possible! vote of thanks

that might be passed to Mr. Corbet, but he wished to express

his pleasure that Mr. Sendthi Raja should have consented to

occupy the position of joint Honorary Secretary.

The Office-Bearers were cordially elected.

No. 42.—1891.] PROCEEDINGS. 43.

4, The CHAIRMAN took the opportunity of returning the

thanks of the Society to Mr. Corbet, who was now, for a time

at least, resigning the Honorary Secretaryship, on the eve of

his departure for England. His services had been appreciated

by the Society thoroughly and deservedly. They should be

very glad indeed to welcome him back after his sojourn at

home, and he was sure all joined in hoping that he would

have a pleasant and happy holiday.

>. Mr.CORBET read some extracts fromatranslation by Mr.

Advocate F. H. de Vos of extracts relating to Ceylon from

“ De Hervormde Kerk in Nederlandsch Oost-Indie onder de

Oost-Indische Compagnie (1602-1795), door C. A. L. van

Troostenburg de Bruyn.”

Mr. Corbet explained that the book from which the extracts

were taken was an account of the Reformed Church in the

Netherlands East Indies. The extracts were very volumin-

ous, and those read bristled with statistics regarding the

number of Christians and churches in the Island during the

seventeenth century and the beginning of the eighteenth.

Mr. Corbet remarked that the extracts were so numerous

that it would be impossible to go through them all on

that occasion, and if it was the wish of the Meeting,

the reading of the Paper could be concluded at another

time.

The CHAIRMAN said that the sense of the Meeting might be

taken as to whether the reading of the Paper should be

continued or discontinued. The extracts were largely statis-

tical and such as not to be very readily followed when being

read, and it seemed to be simply a trial of their patience to

continue the reading. When printed the Paper would be

more readily understood and more acceptable than in its

present form.

Mr. A. M. FERGUSON said they should however take care to

acknowledge their indebtedness to Mr. de Vos for the great

pains he had taken in translating a very important historical

document, which would be exceedingly useful as throwing

light on the history of our predecessors in Ceylon.

The Hon. P. RAMANATHAN added that was precisely the

view that struck him. Hedid not know exactly the purpose of

the Paper, because on the card there were lots of Dutch words

strung together, and he did not understand a word of Dutch.

The conversions in those days seemed to have been enormously

great, and his interest was raised in the Paper owing to the

discovery of that fact, and of course he should read it carefully

when be got it in print. They were not able to deal with the

statistics and so on that it contained at present. He wassure

they were executing the wish of the Meeting in acknowledg-

ing the services of Mr. de Vos in preparing so interesting a

44 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XII.

Paper upon this subject. He should like to know who the

author of the Paper was, when he flourished, and when he

wrote it?

Mr. CORBET replied that this was a modern book, but how it

came to be written as though it had been written early in the

century he did not know. It was published only five or six

years ago, The author was Mr. C. A. L. van Troostenburg de

Bruyn, but as Mr. de Vos had furnished no information

regarding the writer, he did not know anything about him.

The CHAIRMAN said he should be sorry indeed if the sugges-

tion he made should in any way reflect upon the merit he

attached to the pains that had been taken and the value of

the work done by Mr. de Vos. It appeared to him as a

listener like themselves that the style of the Paper was not

such as to command the entire interest of the Meeting while

being read. It was for that reason only that he referred to

their choice as to whether the reading of the Paper should be

continued. He thought he understood the sense of the

Meeting to be that the further reading of the Paper sheuld

be deferred. Mr. Ramanathan had been good enough to

refer to the remarkable number of conversions that took

place in those ancient days, and he thought it had been

generally spoken of amongst those who had written on the

History of Ceylon and the progress of religion here that the

action of the Government was calculated to cause people to

embrace the religion of the ruling power perhaps with less

regard to their consciences than would be considered at the

present day.

The Hon. P. RAMANATHAN suggested that it would be well

if they postponed the discussion of the Paper till they had

been favoured with printed copies, so that they might be able

to compare what Tennent had said about Ceylon with the

‘statements which this author made, and otherwise better

prepared to discuss the Paper. He proposed that the reading

of the Paper be deferred till it had been printed and copies

put into the hands of Members who were desirous of raising

a discussion upon it,

Mr. W. H. G. DUNCAN seconded, and this was unanimously

agreed to.

6. The Venerable H. Sri SUMANGALA, High Priest of

Adam’s Peak, then addressed the Meeting in Sinhalese,

Mr. Arthur de Silva acting as Interpreter, He said they

had come to understand that Mr. Corbet who had been in

charge of the Library was about to proceed home. They

wished him a prosperous voyage and hoped he would return

to the Island very soon. They felt very sorry for the time

he was to be away from them. The Library in this place

was of great value to the students of Ceylon, and they

No. 42.—1891.] PROCEEDINGS. 45

knew well that Mr. Corbet took a great interest in giving

that benefit to the young men. Even now a great many of

the students have derived a good deal of benefit from the

Library. Many Buddhist priests—there were about fifty—

took advantage of the Library, and he had come to know that

these priests found it very easy to make their references in

this Library and also their studies. The chief libraries in

Colombo were the Oriental Library and the Library at Mali-

gakanda, which was greatly used by the students of the

Pansala and a few others; the Museum Library was the

public Library where most of the public students went.

In conclusion, he hoped Mr. Corbet who had been working

ali this time in this Museum so well would return from his

trip home, and would resume his work for the advantage

of the public.

The CHAIRMAN wished the interpreter to mention to the

High Priest that the sentiment to which he had given utter-

ance had been already expressed with regard to the services

of Mr. Corbet and the wishes of the Society for his early

return.

7, The proceedings terminated with a vote of thanks to

the Chairman, proposed by the Hon. Mr. Ramanathan and

seconded by Mr, A. M. Ferguson and Dr. Fernando, simulta-

/ neously.

46 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XII.

COUNCIL MEETING.

Colombo Library, May 29, 1891.

Present :

The Lord Bishop of Colombo, President, in the Chair.

Mr. George Wall, F.L.S., | Mr. W. H. G. Duncan,

F.R.A.S. Honorary Treasurer.

The Hon. A. de A. Senevi- | Mr. E. 8. W. Senathi Raja,

ratna, M.L.C, Honorary Secretary.

Mr. Gerard A. Joseph, Assistant Secretary.

Business,

1. There being no record in writing of the Proceedings of

the last Council Meeting it was brought to the recollection of

this Council that on that occasion (May 14) it was agreed

(1) to recommend to the General Meeting of the Society the

appointment of officers, including that of Mr. Senathi Raja

as Honorary Secretary, and (2) on the authority of the Council

under rule xx., to offer Mr. Gerard A. Joseph the appoint-

ment of Assistant Secretary, fora period of six months at least,

the Society paying him an honorarium for his services.

Resolved,—(2) That the Honorary Secretary be authorised

to extract the account of the Annual Meeting of the Society

from the Ceylon Independent of May 16, and insert it in the

Minute Book of the Society as a record of the Proceedings,

subject to the usual confirmation.

Resolved,—(3) On the motion of Mr. Duncan, seconded by

the Hon. A. de A. Seneviratna, that a General Meeting of the

Society be held on June 9, 1891.

Resolved,—(4) That Mr. Wall be requested to read his

Fourth Paper on “ The Ancient Industries of Ceylon,” and

that itis not deemed necessary in the present case that the

Paper should be first submitted to the Council for considera-

tion and approval.

Resolved,—(5) That in view of the Hon. P. Ramanathan’s

proposal at the General Meeting, Mr. de Vos’s Paper (a part

of which was read at that Meeting) be published as soon as

possible.

Resolved,—(6) That the Secretary be authorised to incur for

the present such expense as is necessary for conveying

letters, &c., and getting other work of a similar nature done

for the Society.

Resolved,—(7) That the following gentlemen be elected

Members of the Society, viz. :—Messrs. J. B. M. Ridout, A.

D. Renganathan, T. Sammogam, and James Morell Chitty,

Advocate, Supreme Court.

No. 42.—1891.] PROCEEDINGS. AT

GENERAL MEETING.

Colombo Museum, June 9, 1891.

Present :

The Lord Bishop of Colombo, President, in the Chair.

Mr. Henry Bois. Mr. C. E. Jayatilaka.

Mr. Stanley Bois. Mr. F. C. Roles.

The Rev. W. Charlesworth. Mr. A. T. Shamsuddin.

Mr. M. Cochran, M.A., F.C.S. Mr. George Wall, F.L.S.,

Mr. W. H. G. Duncan. F.R.A.S., Vice-President.

Miss Frédoux.

Mr. E. 8. W. Senathi Raja, M.R.A.S., &c., Honorary Secretary.

_ Mr. Gerard A. Joseph, Assistant Secretary.

Visitors : five ladies and six gentlemen.

Business.

1. The Minutes of the last General Meeting (May 14,

1891) were read and confirmed.

2. The accessions to the Society’s Library since the last

Meeting were laid on the table.

3. The Honorary Secretary announced that Messrs.

J. B. M. Ridout, District Surveyor; A. D. Rengandathan,

District Engineer ; Tambeyah Sammogam ; and James Morrel

Chitty, Advocate of the Supreme Court, had been elected

‘Resident Members of the Society at the last Meeting of the

Council.

4, Mr. George Wall, F.L.S., F.R.A.S., Vice-President, read

his Paper on—

A HISTORY OF THE ANCIENT INDUSTRIES OF CEYLON.

By GEORGE WALL, Esq., F.L.S., &¢., Vice-President.

(fourth Paper.)

In the discussion of the previous Paper it was stated by

two of the speakers that the inferences therein were at

variance with explicit statements of the Mahawansa. Refer-

ence was made, however, to only two discrepancies, both of

which had been fully met in previous lectures. One is the

inference that the rice with which Kuvéni regaled Wijayo’s

party was procured from wrecked ships. It has already been

48 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XII.

shown that it would be absurd and contrary to rules of

inference to regard such a solitary fact, even if it were an

undoubted fact, as proof that there was no locally-grown rice.

At best, it is but a flimsy scrap of evidence, which is opposed

to the tenour of the whole history. This argument will how-

ever be reverted to in the sequel.

The other supposed discrepancy specified is that the Island

is said to have been “uninhabitable by men,” and that

Kuveéni, who entertained Wijayo’s party, was herself a Yak-

kini. The answer already given to this argument is that

the behaviour of Kuvéni; the counsel she gave her guest ;

the luxurious bed and other surroundings described in the

narrative ; her entertaining the party with rice and victuals ;

her becoming Wijayo’s wife and bearing him children, all

prove that she was a woman of like passions with women in

general ; and every incident of the history from the landing

to the dispersion and settlement of Wijayo and his ministers

equally prove that the people were ordinary men. If they

were sometimes called devils, so also are we all by our Chinese

neighbours. Snake worshippers of Assam are called Nagas.

Other points raised during the discussion of the previous

Paper were foreign to its purpose. They referred either to

times anterior to the period under review and beyond the

records of reliable history, or to matters outside of the scope

of the present inquiry. It must be clearly understood that

these Papers do not pretend to prove who the people were

that Wijayo found in occupation,—whence they came,—or

what race they belonged to. They are concerned with the

condition of the people,—what they did,—and what were their

means of doing it. Therefore, to follow further the points

raised at the previous discussion would be to lose sight of

the industries of the people and to pursue other topics,

interesting in themselves, but foreign to the inquiry in hand.

It may be remarked incidentally, however, in regard to the

allusion made by a speaker to what Panduwo might have

been expected to do in regard to Ceylon, that the conjecture

was inconsistent with the fact that that monarch, only a very

No. 42.—1891.] ANCIENT INDUSTRIES. 49

few years after Wijayo’s accession, sent his own daughter

and the daughters of several of his nobles to “renowned

Sihala,” the former as bride to the new king, and the latter

to be married to his ministers; a proceeding which proved

that he at least, the closest neighbour, did not believe the

Island to be peopled by savage demons or cannibals. He may

be presumed to have known the real state of affairs of that

period even better than the critic who speculated twentv-five

centuries later on his probable line of conduct,

The authority on which all the inferences in these Papers

rest is that of the Mahawansa, and it is important to show that

such is the fact, but in no case is a conclusion drawn from a

single casual circumstance, nor is such evidence admitted

here unless supported by collateral evidence, and consistent

with the general tenour of the history. To generalise on

unimportant single facts is neither logical nor just.

This inquiry is the first attempt to solve the problem of

the origin and growth of the wealth necessarily implied in the

existence of the courts, institutions, and conditions described

or incidentally mentioned in the historic narrative, and it

would not have been undertaken but for the strong testi-

mony borne by the translator, Mr. Turnour, to the authenticity

of the Mahawansa. The works and proceedings attributed

to the kings of the Wijayan dynasty during the brief period

of their rule, and the skill and resources their works imply,

would have been impossible to any but a settled and partly

civilised people, and are wholly incompatible with the con-

ditions of a people who had no regular agriculture and lived

on fruit, honey, and the produce of the chase, not only when

Wijayo landed, but “ for several centuries afterwards.”

Considering the novelty of the present inquiry, and that

the inferences in the preceding Papers are opposed to those

of the high authority above quoted, it seems desirable, before

proceeding further, to confirm and establish the groundwork

on which all the subsequent chapters must depend.

With this view, further evidence will beadduced to confirm

the conclusions of previous chapters to the effect that the

98—91 E

a0 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XII.

chief industry and main source of national wealth at the time

of Wijayo’s landing and for “‘several centuries afterwards ”

was agriculture, and that it was directed almost entirely to

the cultivation of the staple food of the people. What that

food was will form the first subject of inquiry. An enume-

ration of all the passages that have reference to food in the

Mahawansa will leave no room for doubt on that subject.

They are as follows :—

The first mention of food is that of the repast given by

Kuweni, the princess, to Wijayo and his party, which consisted

of “ vice and a vast variety of other articles.”

The next allusion to food is in regard to a visit of the

young Prince Pandukabhaya to Girikandasiva, uncle of a

rich Brahman, who, at a cost of 100,000 pieces of money, had

raised an army of 1,200 warriors to support the young prince’s

claim to the succession. The words of the narrative are the

following :—

“At that time Prince (Girikandasiva) was superintending

the reaping of a harvest of 100 karisa of land: his daughter,

named Pali, was a lovely princess. She, radient in beauty,

attended by a great retinue, and reclining in a palanquin, was

on her way taking a prepared repast for her father and the

reapers. * * * The princess, descending from her palan-

quin, * * presented the Prince (Pandukabhaya) with rice

in a golden dish.”

This, be it observed, occurred in the reign of Wijayo’s

immediate successor.

In the next reign but one, that of Devanampiya Tissa,

d07 B.C., in an interchange of precious gifts, Dhammasoka

sent 160 loads of “hill paddy” from India to his friend in

Ceylon, accompanied by a diadem, a sword of state, a golden

vase, and a royal virgin, among other articles of great value.

The apparent incongruity of hill paddy in such company

is explained by the circumstance that it is said to have

been brought from some mysterious country by parrots.

At page 16 of the Mahawansa it is described as “royal

food.”

No. 42.—1891, ] ANCIENT INDUSTRIES. D1

_ The same monarch (Dévanampiya Tissa), “‘ making offerings

to the théras,” himself served them with “vice broth, cakes,

and dressed vice.”

Having placed his chariot at their disposal and “spread

sumptuous carpets” for these theras, and “bowed to them

with profound reverence” (p. 53), the repast he himself

served must have been of the best and choicest, and it con-

sisted entirely of “vice.” 307-267 B.c.

Referring to the same period, “the keeper of the royal garden

produced to the king a superb full ripe mango of superlative

excellence in colour, fragrance, and flavour. The king pre_

sented this delicious fruit to the thera and “ had a splendid

carpet spread out” for him, as it was necessary according to

the rules of his order that he should be seated while eating.

In order that no mention of food may be omitted here two

very trivial incidents must be stated, one of an old woman

who put out “paddy to dry ” (p. 82), the other, of a certain

royal lady for whom Duttha Gamani procured honeycomb

to satisfy her earnest longing (p. 86). 161-137 B.C.

The King (Duttha Gamani) having realised certain desires,

is said to have ‘“ exceedingly rejoiced, presenting the priest-

hood with vice dressed in milk.”

On the occasion of the weaning ceremony of the two princes

“this affectionate parent again bestowed the alms of milk-

rice on 9500 priests. The monarch, assisted by the queen,

having collected into a golden dish a little from each of the

priests’ dishes, he puta handful thereof in the mouth of each,

and said: ‘My children, if ye ever become subverters of the

true faith may this food never be digested.’ ”

Ten years later the king “ having entertained the priest-

hood as before,” administered an oath to the young princes,

never to make war with the Damilas, whereupon Tissa flung

the portion from him. Gamani also spurned away his handful

of “rice” (p. 87). The offering to the priests was therefore

also of “ vice” as on the weaning ceremony.

In the narrative of Duttha Gamani’s early career (161-137

B.C., p. 94) it is related that the king said to his minister

E 2

ert

D2 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XIT.

Tissa, “‘ weare famished ’”’; whereupon the minister presented

to the monarch some “dressed vice placed ina golden dish.”

On another occasion “the pious monarch, having offered

them (the priests) seats, presented them with rice broth and |

other refreshments.”

Tissa, the young prince on whose account the foregoing

-presentation of rice was made, was sent back home by the

king “to superintend the agricultural works in progress

there. He similarly employed himself also, calling out the

people by beat of drums.”

On commencing the great work of the Brazen Palace this

munificent Raja( Duttha Gamani) “deposited at each of the four

gates eight lacs to remunerate the workmen, also a thousand

suits of clothing, as well as vessels filled with sugar, buffalo

butter, palm sugar, and honey,” and he paid “the workmen

with money” (p. 104).

A merchant is described as giving the priest four dishes of

“the juice of jakfruit” (p. 107).

On the celebration of the festival (of the building of a

thupa) “ the king caused to be collected there honey, clarified

butter, sugar, and other requisites” (p. 109).

In his dying moments, King Duttha Gamani (137 B.c.),

contemplating and recounting his charities and meritorious

deeds, is represented as saying (p. 125): “Ihave bestowed

at forty-four places rice prepared with sugar and honey ; and

at the same number of places rice prepared with butter; at the

same number of places confectionery dressed in clarified

butter ; at the same number of places ordinary rice con-

stantly * ™ * Ihave caused to be provided for each

priest endowed with the gift of preaching, clarified butter,

sugar, and honey, a ‘nali’ of each ; I have provided a handful

of liquorice, and also two cloths for each * * The chief

théra, Maliyadéva, one of the five priests who had accepted

the kangu mess, dividing the same among five hundred of

the fraternity, himself partook of it.”

A foot-note to the new edition (p. 125) explains that kang

is a sort of millet.

No. 42.—1891. | ANCIENT INDUSTRIES. Do

The passages above quoted comprise every mention of food

that occurs in the Mahawansa, from the time of Wijayo’s

landing, 543 B.c., to the death of Duttha Gamani, 137 B.c.,

a space of 376 (or more probably 316) years, with the excep-

tion of an incidental mention by Pandukabhaya, when a boy,

to the son of a herdsman, when sending him on an errand,

that he would get “ roasted meat’ there. This was the flesh

of a “ wild quadruped” the herdsman had killed, probably

some kind of game, and has little, if any, bearing on the quien:

tion of national diet.

The most striking feature of these quotations is the remark-

able simplicity and uniformity of the fare, notwithstanding

that the occasions to which reference is made are nearly all

such as were sure to bring forth the best that even kings could

command for the entertainment of their most distinguished

guests. In every case, except the last of all, race constituted

the substantial basis of the diet of prince and people, rich

and poor, whether served on a golden dish or eaten off a

plantain leaf. Then, as now, people, high and low, would

probably speak of their meals as eating their 77ce.

In view of this remarkable simplicity of the fare, even on

State occasions, during three to four centuries after the enter-

tainment given to Wijayo by Kuweni, the question arises as

to how this lady came to possess the “vast variety of other

articles” of food with which she regaled her guests. Refer-

ring then to the precise terms in which that feast is described

it becomes more than doubtful whether the vice, which in

this, as in every subsequent feast mentioned in the Maha-

wansa, formed the main item, was included among the spoil

from wrecked ships? It seems from the account, as given in

these words: “She distributed vzce—and a vast variety of

other articles procured from wrecked ships:” that these

‘other articles” unspecified, and not the 7?ce, were what had

been so obtained. On this assumption the difference between

Kuweni’s repast and all others mentioned in the narrative is

simply and naturally accounted for. There is certainly no

such vast variety of viand in any other of the entertainments

o4 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou, XII.

specified by the same author in the same work. At best,

the inference drawn from that solitary fact that there was

no rice locally grown is lame and impotent, but when the

fact itself is shown to be uncertain, as well as inconsistent

with the rest of the history, it becomes still weaker and more

worthless. Regarded as an item of the narrative consistent

with all the rest, the rice given by Kuweni, the only item

specified, should be considered as the rice given on all those

subsequent occasions was, namely, as the national food of

the period. After twenty-five centuries that have elapsed since

the date of Kuweni’s feast rice is still the food of the country.

It has been proved to have been such less than a century

afterwards. Is it then at all probable that a people, so little

prone to change as are all Orientals, should have completely

changed their national diet just at that period when authen-

tic history began its record ? Is it not much more likely that

before, as well as after Wijayo’s landing, rice was the staple

food, and that Kuweni followed the custom of her country

in giving the guests rice along with other things procured

from wrecked ships ? ;

The evidence of the Mahawansa, as given in the passages

above quoted, affords a satisfactory answer as to what was

the national food of the country during the period they

cover, but neither their evidence nor the tenour of that

work gives support to the theory that the people of that

period lived on fruit, honey, and the products of the chase,

A student who should commence the perusal of the

Mahawansa, under the impression of its being the history

of a people subsisting by the chase, would feel some surprise

to meet, on the very threshold, with a princess of the country

engaged in spinning, and surrounded by such luxuries as

the lovely gems and ornaments she wore, the curtained bed

she possessed, and the other accessories of the introductory

scene. Her familiarity with the affairs of neighbouring

courts, the wedding festival she described as about to unite

two princely families, and, above all, the court dresses and

other circumstances of that ceremonial, would increase his

No. 42.—1891. ] ANCIENT INDUSTRIES. ays)

astonishment. In all this pageant he would miss the skin

garments, the feathers and paint, the scalps, skulls, and

trophies that form the familiar accompaniments on such

occasions, of which he had read on accounts of nomade tribes

and “devourers of men.”

Proceeding a little further, to read of the dispersion of

Wijayo’s ministers, to establish his authority, and to found

courts and governments all over the country, the student

would probably pause to consider how such a dispersion of

such men, for such purposes, would have fared among

Hottentots, Red Indians, or Bushmen, the present represen-

tatives of the mode of life ascribed by Tennent to the people

of Ceylon during the first few centuries of the Mahawansa

history !

The testimony of the Mahawansa as to the character of the

people and their mode of life, is not less explicit than the

evidence it affords of the staple food of the Island. The

brief space of time required for the establishing of courts

and governments in various parts of the country for the

consolidation of Wijayo’s rule by his ministers, the embassy

to the powerful monarch Panduwo, the nearest neighbour,

only afew years after the landing, fora wife,—that monarch’s

magnificent response in sending his own daughter, accom-

panied by numerous noble ladies and a splendid dowry,—

and, in short, all the events and circumstances of the

narrative combine to prove that the country was inhabited

by a settled population, engaged in industries widely

different from any pursued by wandering tribes living by

the chase. Proofs do not depend upon isolated passages,

but abound and constitute the whole tenour of the narrative.

The evidence of cities, with cemeteries, royal gardens,

palaces, and tanks is even less convincing than such events

as Citta’s bribing the herdsman’s wife with 1,000 pieces of

money to conceal and keep her babe; the story of the two

native princes who sat in State with Panduwasa, Wijayo’s

immediate successor, on thrones of equal dignity ; the love

scene between young Pandukabhaya and the princess on

26 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. XII.

her way to her father with rice for him and his reapers ;

her descent from her palanquin to offer rice on a golden

dish; the rich Brahman’s espousal of the young prince’s

cause, and his raising and equipping an armed force of 1,200)

warriors at a cost of 100,000 pieces ; these and other episodes

that fall naturally into the current of the narrative are

more eloquent than any formal statements, and they indicate

a mode of life and a character of the people utterly foreign

to those of savage hunters and devourers of men. The

transformation of cannibal tribes from their characteristic

habits, within a century, would be impossible, and is incon-

ceivable ; and still more, that they should have arrived at

the stage of civilisation which is indicated in the foregoing

circumstances, including the use of money and other marks

of advanced social conditions.

The inevitable inference, derivable from the history of

the first four centuries as recorded in the Mahawansa as

regards the people, their habits, institutions, and mode of

life, is that they were a settled and civilised population.

The hypothesis to which the events recorded in the

Mahawansa \ed in the last Paper, namely, that agriculture

was the main industry, and therefore the chief source of

wealth, is confirmed by the fact that a supply of rice adequate

to the feeding of so large a* population as is implied in the

numerous settlements formed by Wijayo’s ministers, and by

the works that were accomplished during the first century,

could not have been procured from abroad, except by pay-

ment, commerce, or barter, of which no evidence exists. Nor

could rice have been so procured except by means of

indigenous wealth far exceeding what would have been

required for its local production. As there is no evidence of

any such source of superabundant wealth, the conclusion

that the supply was locally grown seems to be as certain as

that rice was the staple food. Moreover, this is borne out by

the whole history, and accounts naturally and consistently

for the wealth required for the works that were done, the

institutions established, and the social conditions implied.

No, 42.—1891.] ANCIENT INDUSTRIES. 57

All that now remains, in order to complete the object of

this Paper, is to adduce from the history such evidence as it

affords in confirmation of the hypothesis that agriculture

was systematically pursued during the period immediately

after Wijayo’s landing, and that it was directed mainly,

almost exclusively, to the cultivation of rice and the products

of the dairy.

If it be satisfactorily demonstrated that such were the

pursuits of the people immediately after Wijayo’s landing,

it must be held to have been so also before that event, for

there is not the least evidence of Wijayo’s having wrought

any change, other than to consolidate the government of the

country. He had not the means of doing more. Whatever

was done by him and his immediate successors must have

been done by the people and the agencies he found to his

hand.

The estimation in which agriculture was held, so early as

the time of Wijayo’s immediate successor, is shown in the

scene wherein Girikandasiva, the Governor of a Province,

figures with his reapers, gathering the harvest of his domain,

and receives, at the hand of his daughter, his repast of

rice.

All the circumstances of that pastoral scene show that

agriculture was an honourable pursuit, and carried on upon

an extensive scale by prince and people. Seeing that the

narrative is no formal statement introduced to prove a case,

but is purely incidental, and merely marks an interesting

event of the vicissitudinous life of the young prince, its

value as evidence of the industry of the period is inestimable.

It forms no part of the history proper, but is a simple setting

in which an important event of history is framed.

Similar evidence, introduced into the historic narrative in

like incidental manner in a subsequent chapter, is equally

significant and conclusive. In the narrative of the conflict

and reconciliation of the two brothers, Gamani and Tissa,

the former is represented as sending his offending brother

home, after having pardoned him, to superintend certain

58 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). © [VOL. XII.

agricultural works that were in progress there. The narra-

tive goes on to state that Gamani himself pursued the same

occupation on his family estate, and that he called out his

workmen by beat of drum. Agriculture is thus represented,

by these and other concurrent evidences, as a national and

royal pursuit, carried on throughout the 367 years under

review, systematically and by roll-call,

We must not omit to recount the narrative of the old

woman who was putting out her paddy to dry in the sun,

If it stood alone, or were cited to prove that rice was the

national fare, it would be a mean and paltry scrap of

evidence on which to found a great generalisation; but

occurring as it does, incidentally, to illustrate the paternal

care a certain monarch exercised over the poorest of his

people ; and agreeing as it does with the whole tenour of the

history and the habit of the people, it is well worthy of men-

tion in this connection.

The mention, in a very early part of the history, of herds-

men, also in an incidental manner in the story of

Pandukabhaya’s babyhood, and the part which milk and

butter play in the scenes above described, are significant

indications of the habits and occupations of the people, and

of the prominent position of agriculture as a national

pursuit.

According to the Mahdawansa, horticulture, a form of

luxury and evidence of refinement, received great attention,

even during the earlier part of the four centuries under

review. Flowers and fruits, the produce of royal gardens,

are mentioned as forming so conspicuous and important a

part of religious ceremonials, and on other festive occasions,

that they must have been cultivated, not only in the royal

public grounds, but also much more extensively. Indeed,

luxury is represented as prevailing in almost every form in

which it has been indulged by man in his most highly

civilised condition, such, for example, as court retinues,

pageantry, and pastimes, costly decorations, personal orna-

ments of gems and precious metals, works of art, and

No. 42.—1891. ] ANCIENT INDUSTRIES. o9

such dainties as the cook and the confectioner could prepare

from such simple materials as they could command for the

refined taste of regal and priestly palates.

In a work written as the Mahawansa was, at least as

regards the period under review, by priests, for the purpose of

recording the introduction and progress of the Buddhist

religion in the Island, evidence respecting the industries of

the people is sparse, generally indirect, and mostly incidental,

but it is not the less reliable on that account. On the

contrary, in its record of the events connected with Buddhism

the history is characterised iby manifest exaggeration of an

Oriental type, whereas its references to other’ matters are

apparently free from that fault, in which indeed the writer

had little, if any, temptation to indulge. Several of the tanks

that are mentioned exist to this day, and bear out fully the

allusions and descriptions in the text. The ruins of several

dagabas also witness to the accuracy of the record. Hence

the signs and indications of great wealth, skill, and resource

are indisputable, and the means by which that wealth was

acquired are to be inferred with certainty from such passages

and events as have just been quoted, and they might be

multiplied indefinitely. The pursuit of agriculture by

princes and people, though not once stated directly, is plainly

implied in many passages besides those above quoted. For

instance, when Dévanampiya Tissa marked the boundaries of

the ground that was to be consecrated he did it with a

golden plough, and he is represented as himself holding the

plough shaft.

Similarly, the simple statement that the rice botler of Duttha

Gamani’s gilt palace had a golden ladle is an unmistakable

indication that rice was the food of the prince and peasant,

as is elsewhere abundantly shown. The passage in which

that trivial but significant fact occurs is worth quoting at

length, as follows :—

“The king caused it (the gilt palace) to be provided

suitably with couches and chairs of great value, and in like

manner with carpets of woollen fabric, even the ladle of the

60 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL, XIT.

rice boiler was of gold.” Supposing the throne of ivory and

the festoons of pearls were Oriental exaggerations, there is

the undoubted ring of simple truth in the mention of the

rice bowler.

Such being the facts of the history recorded in the Maha-

wansa, and such the tenour of the story of the first four

centuries, what becomes of the dictum that at the time of

Wijayo’s landing and for several centuries afterwards there

was no regular agriculture, and that the people subsisted on

fruits, honey, and the products of the chase ?

Mr. SENATHI RAJA having expressed regret that being

away from Colombo had prevented him hearing some of the

previous Papers of the series of the “History of the

Ancient Industries of Ceylon” contributed by Mr. Wall,

said that he had found the Paper read that night extremely

interesting, especially from an antiquarian point of view.

He thought it had been shown from the materials found. in

the Mahawansa that agriculture was in an advanced state in

Ceylon at the time of Wijayo’s landing. Any one who

studied the historic incidents recorded could hardly doubt

that fact. They read of tanks and of princes being employed

in agriculture, and perhaps the Island was divided into

several provinces, as England was in the time of the Hep-

tarchy. There was mention also of such towns as Lanka-

pura and Siriwardhanapura. Besides these deductions there

was external evidence that there was agriculture at the time

of Wijayo’s arrival. He believed it was now admitted by

most Orientalists that the Phcenicians had commercial

relationships with Southern India at very early times, as.

early as perhaps the time of King Solomon, and Ceylon

being so near Southern India it was highly improbable that

agriculture should be unknown. Possibly the question

might arise as to who the inhabitants were. They were in

all probablity Nagas and Yakkos, and the coasts were

inhabited perhaps by Dravidian people ; and they read of a

Brahman village shortly after Wijayo’s arrival. It was

therefore highly probable that agriculture was in a very

advanced condition in Ceylon at that period.

The CHAIRMAN (the Lord Bishop of Colombo) said he

might be allowed to offer some criticism of the Paper. And

there was one criticism which he had ventured to make

before, on hearing one of the previous Papers of this valuable

series, and which he would repeat briefly in order to add

something to it.

No. 42.—1891.] ANCIENT INDUSTRIES. 61

He ventured to think that the point which Mr. Wall

had established—and which he had undoubtedly proved—

would be further strengthened if he relied less exclu-

sively upon the language of the Mahawansa. He was not

one of those who thought that that history was altogether

unauthentic : yet he could not but perceive the events

chronicled, concerning the period under review, by the

historical writer were not written by him until 950 years

after. Nor were they aware of earlier documents from

which the alleged events could have been obtained. There-

fore, what was known as an historical setting was absent.

Besides such passages as that Wijayo was said to be the son

of a lion, there were many statements which they must

doubt. It was natural to conclude that the writer could

only clothe his record of circumstances in accordance with

the conditions of life within the knowledge of the historian.

Recently a different spirit had arisen, but the author of the

Mahawansa could not be expected to have done more than

infer the surroundings of the ancient events he was recording

from the circumstances of his own day. It was quite

impossible for him many centuries later to describe accu-

rately the order of things 500 years B.C.

To strengthen the argument as opposed to Sir Hmerson

Tennent’s statement, which seemed no longer tenable, he (the

Chairman) would look alittle outside and see the condition of

the neighbouring countries. The Buddhist books of the

Pitaka bore good testimony to the state of the country to

which they referred, and by 250 A.D. these made it clear what

was the condition of Ceylon,and also who were the people who

had authority in the Island. There was little room for doubt,

owing to these sources of information, that in the earliest

part of the third century B.C. rice was the principal product.

Another form of evidence was, he thought, the existence

of Buddhism in Ceylon. That religion, if he might say so,

was an agricultural religion. It was clearly impossibie that

it could be the religion of those who lived by hunting, He

remembered on one occasion when he was at a resthouse on

the borders of Bintenna, he was engaged in conversation

with an intelligent native and was referring to the people

living on the other side of the river, when his companion

replied that those poor people could not be Buddhists—they

could not grow paddy, but had to live by the chase.

Buddhism always favoured, and was productive of an agri-

cultural condition of society.

His Lordship, reverting to the earlier portions of the

Mahawansa, spoke of the similarity therein of the descriptions

of sculptures and various scenes depicted with those referring

to Northern India in the Pitakas.

62 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). = [ VOL. XIT.

Mr. WALL, in briefly replying to the remarks made by his

Lordship, said he did not think the value of the evidence he

had adduced had been impaired, and was glad to find that

the Chairman considered that he had succeeded in substan-

tiating his point.

With regard to the fact that the Mahawansa, or the

earlier part of it, including the period of Wijayo’s ‘landing,

must be taken ‘with the accompanying fact that it was.

not written until some 800 or 900 years after, this was

the case with many histories, and it must be borne in

mind that the events were not written from memory, but

from documents in existence, some of which they had

amongst them now in the tikas or commentaries. There

were the original inscriptions of the buildings and tanks at

that time also ; this must not be lost sight of, for the ruins of

many of these still existed. The strong confirmation which

Mr. Turnour had given of the authenticity of the Mahawansa

was in the following expression of that eminent translator’s

opinion : “that the accuracy of the work was established by

every evidence which could contribute to verify the annals

of any country.”

There was one argument which he had not included in

his Paper, as the first mention of it at a date somewhat

subsequent to the period he had dealt with on the present

occasion. It was that all the endowments and gifts to temples,

viharas, and religious and secular institutions generally were

made in rice lands, and the villages appertaining thereto,

this cultivation apparently forming the sole permanent and

constant source of income.

Mr. HENRY BOIS proposed a cordial vote of thanks to

Mr. Wall—which he was sure would be carried with accla-

mation for his very interesting Paper.

The motion was unanimously agreed to, and the pro-

ceedings terminated.

No. 42.—1891.] PROCEEDINGS. 63

GENERAL MEETING.

September 30, 1891.

Present :

The Lord Bishop of Colombo, President, in the Chair.

Mr. A. M. Ferguson, C.M.G. Mr. F. C. Roles.

Mr. D. W. Ferguson, M.R.A.S. | Mr. W. N.S. Asserappa.

Mr. E. 8. W. Senathi Raja, M.R.A.S., &c., Honorary Secretary.

Mr. Gerard A. Joseph, Assistant Secretary.

Visitors : one lady and thirteen gentlemen.

Business.

1. Read and confirmed Minutes of the General Meeting

held on June 9, 1891.

2. The Honorary Secretary laid on the table a large

number of new books received. He stated that, besides

several books purchased and others received in the shape of

donations from the Secretary of State in Council for India

and from the Ceylon Government, many new exchanges had

been made, the most notable among which were a complete

set of publications of the Royal Society of New South

Wales (fifteen volumes); a complete set, numbering about

thirty volumes, from Les Memoires de la Societe Zoologique

de France; Smithsonian Reports of the U. S. Government,

and the publications of the Geological Survey.

3. The Assistant Secretary read a Paper by Mr. Frederick

Lewis on—

NOTES ON EGGS AND NESTS OF BRACHYPTERNUS

CEYLONUS AND TOCKUS GINGALENSIS.

By F. LEWIs, Esq.

IN his magnificent work, “The Birds of Ceylon,” Major

Legge says on the subject of the nesting of the red wood-

pecker (vol. I., p. 204): “In the south of Ceylon the red

woodpecker breeds from February until June, and not

unfrequently nests in the trunk of a dead cocoanut tree,

cutting a round entrance and excavating the decaying part

of the tree for some distance below it. I have never been

able to procure the eggs, although the bird is so common.”

During April this year, while engaged in inspecting forest

lots in the village of Madampe, in the Atakalan Kéralé of the

64 | JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XII.

Province of Sabaragamuwa, I had the good fortune to be able

to watch the nesting of a pair of these woodpeckers. The

nest was situated in the trunk of a dead del tree, at a height

of about 20 ft. from the ground. The opening into the nest

faced about south, and entered the stem to a depth of 43 in.,

when its course was directed at right angles downwards to

about 20 in. below the level of the entrance. The hole made

was nearly circular throughout its entire distance, widening

slightly as it became deeper. The bottom of the nest upon

which the eggs were placed was covered with wood chips,

evidently part of the débris formed in excavating the passage

and hollowing out wood for the nest.

The eggs were four in number, of a pure white colour, and

measured as follows: 1:08 in. by ‘76in. to 1:10 in. by ‘77 in.,

and in shape are very nearly elliptical.

Both birds were constantly in charge, so to speak, of the

nest, but upon my taking the eggs they appeared to abandon

the spot altogether, for though I often visited the tree after-

wards I saw neither one or other of these woodpeckers in

the neighbourhood.

I was also fortunate enough to get this year the egg of the

Ceylon hornbill, the nest having been found by Mr. G. W.

Jenkins of “Carney ” estate, in Gilimalé, from whom I obtained

the following interesting particulars :—The nest was found on

March 10 in an alubo tree, placed about 30 ft. from the

ground. The female, which Mr. Jenkins also sent me with

the egg, was “mudded” into the nest, the aperture having been

reduced from 84 in. to 3 in. in diameter, or a thickness of

22 in. averagely. The nest inside the tree measured 16 in.

by 12 in., lined over the bottom with small sticks and twigs.

The eggs were two in number, but being in an advanced

stage towards hatching, one was unfortunately broken in

cleaning. The other measures 1°80 in. by 1°30 in., making a

fairly bro:.d oval in shape. In colour the egg is pale white,

free of an’: gloss, and chalky in texture, almost rough to the

touch over the “broad” end. The shell is thick, and of a

darker colour inside than out.

No. 42.—1891.] ZOOLOGICAL SPECIMENS. 65

The female, who was imprisoned over her eggs, did not

appear to be in a particularly emaciated condition, having

been probably fed by her mate during the period of incu-

bation. It may be worthy of note, however, to remark that

the entire plumage of the bird appeared to be thicker and

softer than when the bird is not breeding. This may be

due to the enforced repose of the bird, or possibly a develop-

ment at this particular stage of the creature’s existence that is

necessary for the preservation of the offspring.

IT believe it is generally considered that the Ceylon horn-

bill is strictly frugivorous in its feeding, but I may here

record that in dissecting an adult bird I found the bones,

head, and bill of a sun-bird (Cinnyris Zeylonicus), besides

the wing-cases of some beetles that were too crushed to be

distinguishable.

I have not been able to gather any information from natives

relative to the nesting habits of Tockus Gingalensis beyond

the very vague statement that they build in holes in trees.

Mr. AMYRALD HALY (Director, Colombo Museum), after

directing attention to the collection of specimens at the end

of the room, which had been lettered and labelled for the

occasion, proceeded to read his Paper on—

A NEW METHOD OF PRESERVING AND MOUNTING

ZOOLOGICAL SPECIMENS.

THIS Paper ought, perhaps, to be confined to reading a

simple recipe, which would only occupy your attention a

minute or two ; but in these days, in which the development

of everything is so carefully studied from fans and lawn

tennis bats to the nebule, I have thought that perhaps a

short history of how the results exhibited in this room to-

night have been arrived at might not be entirely devoid of

interest, although of an excessively technical character. The

plot of my story may be summed up in ¢arbolic acid—carbo-

lic acid as a failure and carbolic.acid asasuccess. _ .

98—91 F

66 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XII.

On taking charge of the Museum in 1875, I had not the

slightest doubt about the success of carbolic acid, and

expected at once to be able to have a good show, easily and

inexpensively prepared, of all our reptiles and fish. My

collection of English fish in London had been kept in a

covered zinc pail in -a solution of 1 in 400, and although the

fish of northern seas have, as a rule, so little colour that

I had not gained much knowledge on that point, there

was no doubt about the preservation of the animals

themselves. I was very soon undeceived. A few experi-

ments on the common fish and lizards of the Cinnamon

Gardens: showed that solutions of carbolic acid in water

do not act in Colombo as preservatives at all, whatever

the strength employed. Such an experience ought to have

warned me not to cry before I was out of the wood; but in

1878 I reported a great success to Government by first em-

ploying alcohol for a short time, and then removing the

specimens to a solution of carbolic acid and nitrate of

potassium.

IT may as well mention at this point that any form of the

substances known commonly as salts, whether as poisonous,

as corrosive sublimate, or as harmless as alum, are all

alike destructive in this climate to any specimens prepared

by them. One of the most extraordinary instances of this

was in avery fine skate most beautifully mounted for the

Museum by the American taxidermist, Mr. Hornaday.

The skin had been brought in brine from Jaffna, and soon

after it was exhibited the fish began to give trouble. It was

carbolicised, it was varnished, it was dried in the sun, it was

painted ; but it slowly dissolved before our eyes, exactly asthe

Cheshire cat did before Alice’s, till nothing was left but its

grin, represented by the curious dental plates on my office

table ; but even these broke up atlast. I need scarcely say that

whenever I saw any solutions described as being used by

other naturalists, I tried them also; they were all alike—abso-

lute and complete failures. The only approach to success

was made by first preparing the specimens by arsenic paste,

No, 42.—1891.] ZOOLOGICAL SPECIMENS. 67

and then mounting in kerosine oil. This was, as we shall

presently see, what is called burning, in the game of hide and

seek. A row of fish prepared in this way was exhibited, and

preserved their form and colours beautifully for about six

months, until one morning I found them nearly all broken

up, and nothing left but a precipitate of muscle and bone at

the bottom of the bottles. I came unwillingly to the con-

clusion that there was no means known, or likely to be

discovered, that would preserve animals with a natural look

about them, and that I should have to content myself with

ordinary museum spirit specimens. There was one branch of

the animal kingdom, however, I had always been very anxious

to make a good show of, and that was spiders. I naturally

looked to microscopical preparations to solve that question,

and amongst them tried an old and longabandoned one : gum

and glycerine. This had been given up because of the great

difficulties experienced with the air bubbles which formed

so abundantly in it; but that did not matter to me. There

was something about this mixture that strongly attracted my

attention. Its action was unlike anything I had seen before,

and I tried our beautiful little gold and red spotted fish in it,

so abundant in the Colombo lake, and which are always my

first test for the colour-keeping properties of any preservative.

I found these little fish become semi-transparent and as hard

as glass, and that their colours seemedas though burnt in.

My health having broken down I was obliged to leave for

England for a year; but I left behind me two rows of fish

prepared in this way, one mounted in kerosine the other in

glycerine, with strict orders that they should not be touched

till my return. I found twelve months afterwards that the row

in kerosine had broken up; but those in glycerine were as

perfect as the day I left. Specimen A is one of them,

mounted in October, 1884. It is exactly the same as on the

day it was put up. The first trouble was the enormous

expense of the process. However, I overcame this to a

certain extent by filling up the bottles with lead vessels

painted white. You will see that all the fish bottles are

F 2

68 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON), [Vou. XIT.

furnished with a lead or tin vessel. This saved glycerine ;

but it was the gum that was so costly, on account of the

troubles in the Soudan. To economise as much as possible,

the fish were first dehydrated in spirit, so that the gum and

glycerine could be used over and over again. B is another

specimen of a very beautifully coloured wrasse. The spots

ought to be emerald green and the bands on the head violet..

I have no doubt they would be, but I see by the label that it

was not placed at once in pure glycerine, but seems to have

been experimented with, how I do not recollect. I suppose,

seeing the colour fading, it was changed to pure glycerine,

but too late to save the more delicate tints. C is a star fish

prepared by the same process some years ago. But here the

usefulness of this process ends. Only very scaly fish, such

as sea perches and wrasses, and a few echinoderms, can be

‘prepared in this way. Ordinary fish, snakes, and frogs are

withered up by it out of all recognition, and rendered as

hard as iron. Was there any possibility of rendering the

specific gravity of the gum and glycerine less? This was a

question to which I devoted myself for a long time. No:

additions of watery solutions of any substances were of

avail. At last I found that by gently mixing with weak

spirit, briskly stirring all the time, that the gum, at first

precipitated in flocculent masses, was re-dissolved, and that

in that way solutions of almost any specific gravity could be

obtained. Dis an extremely rare frog, presented by Mr.

Green, prepared and mounted in 1887 in gum and glycerine

reduced by spirit to the same specific gravity as milk. But

it is only very small specimens that can be mounted in this

way, the medium being too opaque for any larger botiles,.

nor is it a good mounting medium even for them. The

specimen exhibited is in avery soft state. I could not allow

it to be handled, and hence it is useless for scientific

examination. The delicate violet tint of the large blotches.

on the back, is, however, well preserved. If we attempt to-

mount specimens preserved in this way in pure glycerine, they

are shrivelled up quite or almost as badly as if preserved with

No. 42.—1891.] ZOOLOGICAL SPECIMENS. 69

the full strength of the gum and glycerine mixture. Many

attempts were made to reduce the specific gravity of the

glycerine. It may be asked, Why not have tried spirit?

The answer is that some of my very first experiments in this

Colony were with mixtures of glycerine and spirit. They

are most powerful preservatives, and have the inestimable

advantage in this hot climate of not evaporating, or at least

not perceptibly ; but they are absolutely destructive to all

colour, bleaching the specimens with great rapidity. If

watery solutions of salts or acids are used to reduce the

specific gravity, a grand crop of fungus springs up at once.

The only successful chemical was chloral, but it was soon

found that light colours faded in watery solutions almost as

soon as in alcoholic preparations. HE is an example of a

chloralised glycerine solution of about the specific gravity

of milk, three years old; but it is expensive, and has no

particular advantage except that it does not evaporate. My

next experiments were solutions of gelatine in spirit. This

is a very good preservative, but it does not keep bright

colours. There is, perhaps, nothing better for frogs, all the

delicate folds and glandular lines so important in identifying

the species of this very difficult class of animals being

preserved as in life. The mixture is made by soaking a

packet of Nelson’s gelatine in a pint of cold water for ten or

twenty minutes, which issufficient in thisclimate. Dissolving

it by a gentle heat, it is then carefully stirred up with

sufficient cold-proof spirit; the mixture should measure

about 40 degrees below proof. F' is a specimen of a young

example of a very rare species of frog prepared in this

medium, and mounted in chloralised glycerine. Gis another

example of a moderately sized frog, mounted in weak

spirit, which is a better mounting medium. We have now

two processes—one a splendid colour preserver of very

limited use, the other an excellent preservative for very

delicate objects, but not a preserver of any bright colour,

although for dark tints it does very well. I now come toa

very difficult subject : What is the action of the gum and

70 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON), (Vou. XIT.

glycerine? I have long thought, and even reported in one

of my Administration Reports, that the gum was the colour

preserver, and that the glycerine acted first by dehydrating

the animal and then by excluding air and water. I was led

to this conclusion by the fact that the addition of water

destroyed the colours, as I imagined, by again extracting

the gum from the tissues. But 1 am now convinced this is

not the case: the action of the gum is to harden the

tissues against the softening influence of the glycerine; the

real colour preserver is the glycerine, and it preserves because

it excludes air and water.

Amongst some fish presented a great many years ago

by Mr. H.C. P. Bell, C.c.S., was a specimen of a red sea

perch (specimen HL) in arrack, which had a bit of its bright

red colour left where it was tightly pressed against the

glass. This specimen had always had a great fascination for

me, as it is a species in which the colour fades in a few

hours. The idea of finding some process by which animals

would be shut up in some kind of solid led me to try

hardened Canada balsam. J isa Telyphonus, mounted in a

solid glass made by evaporating Canada balsam to dryness

and then re-melting it, and pouring it over the animal. The

heat, however, is too great to make it an available process,

and the exhibited specimens are the only successes I ever

obtained. It was prepared in 1883. Now the fact is the

glycerine, by excluding air and water, does act as a solid

glass, and the only influence at work to bleach the specimen

is light, which, curious to say, as the exhibited specimens

show, does not seem to have much effect. A has been

exposed to the full influence of a tropical light ever since

1884. Reflecting on this action it occurred to me, if the

exclusion of air and moisture is the great ideal to aim at,

could not some substance of a lighter specific gravity than

elycerine be found? Why not some kind of oil ? and of

course in Ceylon cocoanut oil first suggested itself. But

cocoanut oil, far from being likely to be a preservative, would

require preserving itself. How was this tobe done? Would

No. 42.—1891.] ZOOLOGICAL SPECIMENS. 71

carbolic acid mix with it? I found on experimenting that,

carbolic acid mixed with it in all proportions. There was

of course, no idea of using thisas a preservative, the specimens

must be first prepared. Very fluid arsenic paste was used

for silvery fish with some success, and reduced gum and

glycerine and gelatine—of which K is an example—was also

tried; but from the very first it proved a very refractory

mounting medium. It was very difficult to getasufficiently

white oil to begin with, and when I did, it always had a

strong tendency to discolour. Time has proved that I need

not have troubled myself: it cannot be used as a mounting

medium. Mixtures of carbolic acid and glycerine, or

cocoanut oil, attain a deep colour in time, irrespective of any

animal matter in them. TL shows the action in the case of

glycerine ; M in the case of oil. You will see in this latter

case that the toad is in splendid preservation, and the fluid

bright and clear, but the colour is very objectionable.

Whole cases filled with bottles of this tint would be very

ugly, although, if the animals and their colour were well

preserved, they might perhaps be more instructive than

ordinary specimens. There was, however, another difficulty :

a very fine cobra, well hardened in spirit after some months,

broke down from no apparent cause. It was also found

impossible to get a common bloodsucker mounted in this

medium. Neither gum and glycerine nor strong spirit, nor

arsenic paste, nor anything else would keep them. In fact,

the medium appeared either not to be safe or not universally

applicable. In order to study it and learn what its action

really was, I preserved a bloodsucker in it direct, without

previous preparation of any kind, and found that I had a

preservative of form as good as any known, and of colour as

good as gum and glycerine itself. In this case the carbolic

acid is either the dehydrator or, perhaps, combines with the

tissues and preserves them, whilst the oil acts as the atmos-

pheric excluder ; and now you will see why difficult subjects

such as cobras and bloodsuckers, previously prepared, broke

down. The tissues had absorbed from the alcohol or arsenic

72 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XII.

paste, or reduced gum and glycerine, a large proportion of

water, in addition to that naturally contained in them, and

consequently more than the carbolic acid could extract or

combine with, the result being that they had an atmosphere,

so to speak, of their own, which finally led to their more or

less speedy decay. Here is then a splendid medium for the

zoologist, especially in a hot climate. He is furnished with

a powerful and easily used preservative both for form and

colour which does not evaporate. WN, the leg of a fly laid on

a glass slide in a drop of oil, and just simply covered by an

ordinary microscopic glass cover, has remained in the same

state for eighteen months. I need not say what a boon this

will be to the microscopist, who, whilst wishing to study

some subject, does not wish to mount his specimens perma-

nently. But with all these advantages it is of little use for

public exhibition, and I need scarcely say this was a great

disappointment to me.

The spider question solved my difficulties (at least, I hope

so) once more. I noticed how exceedingly hard some spiders

had become in the oil, when it occurred to me that specimens

that had become so firm would resist the dehydrating action of

glycerine ; and that if spiders would, anything would. The

experiment was at once tried—the large rat snake, seven feet

long, some frogs, and the fish, coloured and uncoloured, will

show you with what success.

The oil is also an admirable preservative for large fish

skins that can be mounted afterwards. They require no

varnishing, and retain much of their lustre, and a large sea

perch is exhibited prepared in this way. I have now merely

to read the recipe. Addcarbolic acid to cocoanut oil till the

oil marks 10 to 20 degrees below proof on an hydrometer.

The more acid the more powerful the dehydrating effect,

and judgment must be used. In this climate it is best,

although not absolutely necessary, to remove the entrails.

Place the specimen, carefully wrapped in rag, in plenty

of this preparation. If wanted to mount for show, drain off

the superfluous oil and mount in glycerine.

No. 42.—1891.] ZOOLOGICAL SPECIMENS. (ay)

Mr. A. M. FERGUSON said he felt he was speaking for all

present when he said they had listened with extreme interest

to Mr. Haly’s Paper. They had received a more vivid idea

than they had had before of the vapour bath in which they

lived. They had illustrations of the effect of the atmosphere

by the backs of their books coming off, and the vegetable

growth on their boots and shoes. The result of Mr. Haly’s

great research which he had just given to them would be

very valuable to others in preparing and _ preserving

specimens.

It had struck him, while the Paper was being read, and

they were being told about the keeping qualities of birds

-and butterflies and moths, and other things, that a former

Paper by Mr. Haly, though read to them a long time ago,

had never been published. It was one that dealt with

the snakes of Ceylon* in avery exhaustive way, and was

numerously illustrated. He should like to ask what had

become of it, as it was a work of great interest and value.

He had been reading recently in an article about British

Guiana of the process of growth of the rattle-plates as formed

in the rattle-snake; and this also made him feel that

Mr. Haly’s Paper would be of great use and should be

published. Meanwhile they felt very much indebted to him

for the Paper they had heard read that night.

Mr. HALY, in answer to Mr. Ferguson, said that after the

previous Paper referred to had been read and had been sent

to the Government Printer, it was found that he had not the

type necessary to represent some of the signs. These were

not algebraical, but such as 0!, 07. Since that time the

Government Printer had sent to England and procured the

type required.

The delay, however, had been useful, because a work had

since been published by Dr. Boulenger of the British Museum

on the fauna of India, in which much of the nomenclature

and naming of the head-sheaths of the snakes had been

changed. He would now, therefore, be able to revise his

Paper, and bring it up to the most modern conclusions in

the matter, which would render it of more value. He was

at the present time engaged in doing this; and the Paper,

he believed, would be ready for the Printer in two or three

weeks.

). Mr.D. W. FERGUSON read the following translation

prepared by him of—

* Essay on the Construction of Zoological Tables, with a Tabular

Diagnosis of the Snakes of Ceylon.

74 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XII.

RIBEIRO’S ACCOUNT OF THE SIEGE.

OF COLOMBO IN 1655-56.

INTRODUCTION.

OF the siege of Colombo by the Dutch in 1655-56 we

have no less than four independent accounts by eye-witnesses,,

most of whom took an active part in the stirring events on

one side or the other. Of these, two are written from the

Dutch point of view, and two from that of the Portuguese..

Of the former, that by Baldzeus—who, as one of the chaplains

to the Dutch forces, had exceptional means of gaining reliable

information—is the fuller; and it is also the longest of all the.

four. This is contained in chapters XXIV.-XXXVIII..

of his work on Ceylon, published at Amsterdam in Dutch

and German in 1672, an English translation of which

appeared in vol. III. of Churchill’s Collection of Voyages and

Travels (London, 1704). The second account is by Saar, a

Nuremberger, who served in the Dutch army, and is con-

tained in chapters XII.and XIII. of his Ost-Indianische Funf-

zeherjgahrige Kriegs-Dienst, published at Nuremberg in 1662.

The portions of this work relating to Ceylon were translated

for this Society by Mr. Ph. Freudenberg, and the account of

the siege of Colombo was read at a General Meeting of the

Society held on January 29, 1885. Mr. Freudenberg’s

translation has not yet been published in the Society’s

Journal.* Of the Portuguese narratives of the siege, the first

is also contained in Baldzus’s work. It is given at the end

of the Dutch edition ; the author explaining that after his

book had been printed off this account was placed in his

hands by Matheus van den Broek, who had formerly been.

a Member of the Council of the Indies, and was at that time

Governor of the Dutch Hast India Company. Recognising

the value of the narrative, Baldzus had it translated into

** The delay is due to various causes. The translation will appear in

the Journal for 1890, now in the press.—Hon. Sec. -

No. 42,—1891.] SIEGE OF COLOMBO, 15

Dutch, as he says, “word for word.” Inthe German edition

of Baldzus this narrative is inserted after chapter XX XIX.,

and in the English translation (which was made from the

German version) the same order is followed. This account,

which is, perhaps, the most graphic of all the four, was, as

stated at the end, compiled from the official diary and from

other reliable written and verbal sources for presentation to

the King of Portugal. Baldzeus has added to the value and

interest of the narrative by inserting a plan of Colombo show-

ing the positions occupied by the besieging force. The fourth

account of the siege of Colombo is by Captain Jofo Ribeiro,

and is contained in chapters XXIII.—XXV. of Book II. of

his Fatalidade Historica da Ilha de Ceiléo. This interesting

narration has never been translated, for the version by Le

Grand, which Lee translated into English, is simply a

travesty of Ribeiro’s account. As I have shown in my

Paper on Ribeiro and Le Grand, printed in this Society’s

Journal (No. 36, vol. X., 1888), the copyist from whose

manuscript LeGrand translated compressed the three chapters

into one, and thereby made utter nonsense of a large part of

the narrative.* Ihave therefore translated Ribeiro’s account

of the siege and the subsequent rendition of Colombo by

the Portuguese, as given in the printed edition of 1836,

published by the Lisbon Academia Real das Sciencias. The

style is not polished ; but then it must be remembered that

the writer was a soldier, who, as he reminds the king in his

dedicatory epistle, was more accustomed to the sword than

to the pen. I have therefore made the translation as literal

as possible. In order that the condition of Colombo at the

time of its siege may be better understood, I here translate

Ribeiro’s description of the city, as given in chapter XII.

of Book I. of his work :—

“Columbo, from being a small stockade (tranqueira)

formed of wood, came to be a fine city, fortified with twelve

* This can be seen by omitting the portions of the following trans-

lation which are enclosed within thick brackets, and reading what remains

as a connected narrative.

716 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XII.

bastions: hexagonal, in the old style, certainly, and with little

internal space, but placed where it was convenient. The

walls were of simple mud (taipa), this being sufficient

against the natives, with a moat and a ditch on one side and

the other, which ended in a lake that on the landward side

encircled a third of the city. There were two hundred and

thirty-seven pieces of artillery mounted, of three kinds, from

ten to thirty-eight* pounds. It was situated on a bay capable of

containing many small vessels, and was exposed to the north.

The circumvallation occupied one thousand three hundred

paces. On the point of the Reef, which is on the south, was

erected a large breastworkt (cowraca) with the heaviest

artillery, called Santa Cruz, This commanded and defended

the whole bay; thence the city runs open towards the

south, this part being called Galvoca, which, on account of

the reef, has no need of a wall; at the end of this, on the sea-

side, is a bastion, and at its root commences the ditch, which

extends with a modern wall and another bastion, which are

called those of Mapané,t where is a gate with a drawbridge,

and this same ditch runs along, and the wall, until it ends in

the lake, terminating in the bastion of S. Gregorio. From

the sea to this point was the best fortification that the city

had, and not inferior to that of the said lake, which encircled

it fora distance of four hundred paces. The latter has a

circumference of more than two leagues, and breeds a great

quantity of crocodiles. At a hundred paces beyond the

bastion referred to is another, besides a large house and

powder-mill, and by means of the water extending from the

= Le Grand has “ thirty-six.”

+ Le Grand has “ une espece d’Eperon,” which Lee translates “a small

battery.” This couraga was built by Constantino de Sé in 1625.

{ In LeGrand’s plan of Colombo this name is wrongly given as “Mapassa.”

As to the meaning of Mapané Mr. L. C. Wijesinha writes to me :—“ I think

there is no mistake that the first syllable Ma is an abbreviation of maha ;

pane, I presume, means pitiya, a plain; so that the name is significant,

meaning the great plain. I believe the terminations mtiya, dne, mane, pane,

in the names of villages, are synonyms, and mean an avenue, plain, &c.

I was not aware that the Galle Face was called Mapane. I believe it is

now called, or used to be called, Polatupittaniya.”

No. 42.—1891.] SIEGE OF COLOMBO. 17

said lake every day two quintals were manufactured.*

Thence runs a brook, which traverses the city in the midst,

with two bridges for its traffic; thus the wall runs down

skirting the lake, until it ends at the bastion of S. Hieronimo,,.

where it terminates, in the middle of this portion being the

bastion of Madrede Deos.t Beyond isthe gate,which is called

da Rainha [the Queen’s], and the bastion of S. Sebastiao,

at the root of which commences the ditch, which extends

along the foot of the bastion of Santo Estevao, and ends at

the gate and bastion of S. Jofio,t with another drawbridge,

which is where the city ends to the north, and from ita

strong stockade of sharp stakes along the shore to the sea.

From here the bay runs to where stands a handsome breast-

work (couraca) in front of the College of the Company [of

Jesuits]. Further on the bastion of the custom-house ; thus

_ the wall runsalong until it ends with the Santa Cruz breast-

work$ (couraca). The portion of the city which is divided

from the part on the south by the brook that comes from the

powder-mill is the strongest thereof, by reason of a hill

that isin the midst,|| where stood the convent of St. Augustine,

in the garden of which we had a large vaulted house built,

in which were stored one hundred and twenty large jars

of powder, in which it kept wonderfully, without need of

renewal. We had two other houses besides, not of so great

a size, but also vaulted : one in the house of St. Francis, the

other in that of the Capuchins, likewise filled with jars of

powder. There were in this city nine hundred families of

noble citizens, and more than one thousand five hundred

** This powder-mill was erected by Constantino de $4 in 1625. The Dutch

continued the manufacture of gunpowder, but worked the mill by wind.

Saar in his narrative relates how he and a number of other Dutch pri-

soners were forced by the Portuguese to work in this mill.

+ This would seem to mean that the bastion of Madre de Deos was on

the lake-wall ; but as a fact this bastion was on the eastern wall, between

the bastions of S. Hieronimo and S. Sebastiao. Le Grand puts the bastion

of S. Hieronimo after Madre de Deos, the Porta da Rainha, and S. Sebastiao.

{ Lee turns these into the gate and bastion of St. Thomas.

§ Le Grand translates cowraga by “ esplanade.”

|| Le Grand renders this : ‘‘and this place is not the least strong of the

southern part of the town,’ which entirely reverses Ribeiro’s statement.

78 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI1T.

various officials and merchants, all within the walls; two

parishes, that of the Mother Church and that of St. Lawrence ;

five convents of monks, that of St. Francis,* St. Dominick,

St. Augustine, the Capuchins, and the College of the

Fathers of the Company, with classes in Latin and philoso-

phy ; the house of the Santa Misericordia, a royal hospital ;

and outside the walls seven parishes. All the inhabitants

were enrolled in companies, the Portuguese in some and the

natives in others; all took their turns as guards at the

bastions and posts with their arms, with which they were

expert, and well ammunitioned. When a company of

Portuguese went on guard, if there were eighty or ninety

men, they made it two hundred, all armed, because the

servants and followers on these occasions accompanied their

masters and lords.”

Saar gives the following description of Colombo at the

time of the siege :—

“The city is prettily situated on a plain, and is quite open

on the sea side. Large ships cannot enter the harbour, and

must remain lying halfaleague therefrom. Onits right side

it is provided with a large water-fortt called S. Croix, on

which, when we come before it, were sixteen metal cannon,

which could command the sea and the harbour. On the

shore on the right hand,t before one came into the city, was

the gate called the Elephant, over against which stood the

Vice Roy’s residence. Along the shore there it was enclosed

by a low wall, where was also a small bastion by name

S. Vincenz, not far from which was a small water-port, and

near it the bastion Adlegresse. Further along, on the shore,

stood the bastion of S. Joan, built high with stones, and the

last bastion on the harbour, which it could half flanker and

half also the land, near which also a large gateway led into

** Le Grand says “ of the Cordeliers.”

+ In the original Wasserpasz ; in Dutch Waterpas. (See Daalmans’

‘description of Colomboin C. B. R. A. S. Journal, No, 35, vol. X., 1887, p. 163.)

j Saar is describing the city as viewed from the harbour, and he makes

the circuit from right to left ; Ribeiro takes the opposite direction.

No. 42.—1891.] SIEGE OF COLOMBO. 79

the city. On the land side, again, was erected a large bastion

entitled S. Stephan, on which likewise stood sixteen metal

cannon. After this a small bastion called S. Sebastian, near

which again a large gate, the King’s gate,* led into the city,

and not far therefrom was another bastion named Madre Des,

or the Mother of God, on all of which bastions, round about

the city, were bells, with which when anything happened

it was speedily made known in all parts. From the bastion

of Madre Des there was a large brook near the house

Hieronymus, where also a battery was thrown up, and two

cannon mounted thereon loaded with grape, together with a

small bastion called Capoccin, from the Capuchin monastery

situated near it. Further on stood the powder-house, and

near it the great bastion of Hieronymus, and again a large

gateway by name Mapan, arched above, which also had its

cannon on it; lastly, the bastion S. Augustin, also so called

from the Augustine monastery adjoining it. Where the

ditch has an end was a stone breastwork, by name S. Jago,

about an eighty-foot long, extending as far as a rock, on

which, as at Piinte de Galle, one can fly a flag, Outside

the city were the monasteries ; first, that called Acqua di

Lupot ; second, the monastery of S. Sebastian, near it a

small chapel; thirdly, at a mile’s distance therefrom, the

monastery of Misericordia.”

If these descriptions are compared with each other, and

with the plans of Colombo given by Baldzus and Le Grand,

and the more elaborate one in Barretto de Ressende’s Librodo

Estado da India Oriental, 1646 (Sloane MS. No. 197 in the

British Museum), a number of discrepancies will be observed,

which, with our present knowledge, it is impossible to

reconcile in every case. For instance, if we tabulate the

————

** This should be “ the Queen’s Gate,” the Portuguese name being Porta

da Rainha. By a most incomprehensible blunder Baldzus in his own

narrative, and in his transiation of the Portuguese diary, makes it “the gate

of Rajuha.”

+ This represents the Portuguese Agoa do Lobo (“the wolf’s pond”),

which the Dutch adopted and adapted as Wolvendaal (“the wolves’ dale’).

The natives still call the Wolvendal church Adilippu or Adirippu Palliya

(or kovil),

80 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XIT..

names of the twelve bastions as given by Ribeiro, Saar, and

the Portuguese narrative in Baldzus, we arrive at the follow-.

ing result :—

Ribeiro. Saar. Baldeus.

Sta. Cruz . S. Croix ... Holy Cross

Galvoca ... [BreastworkofS. Jago] Galvoca

Mapané .. S. Augustin ... 8. Augustijn

S. Gregorio ... Great bastion of Hiero- —*

nymus

[Unnamed ] ... Capoccin ... [ ? Conceipcaon]

S. Hieronimo ... Battery near House

of Hieronymus... S. Hieronymus

Madre de Deos ... Madre Des ... Madre de Deos

S. Sebastiaio ... 9. Sebastian ... S. Sebastiaan

S. Estevao ... S. Stephan nee ie

S. Joao .. S. Joan .. S. Jan

Couraca in front of... Allegresse ... Couraga of S. Fran-

_ Jesuits’ College cisco Xavier

Customhouse bastion... S. Vincenz

In comparison with the writers of the other three accounts

of the siege of Colombo, Ribeiro laboured under the serious

disadvantage of not committing his narrative to paper until

nineteen years after the events recorded had taken place.

Hence it cannot be wondered at that his account is not so

detailed as those of Baldzeus and the anonymous Portuguese

writer. His narrative, however, is of great value and

interest, several facts being recorded therein which are not

found in the other descriptions.

From the four narratives above mentioned, a detailed

account of the siege of Colombo in 1655-56 might be com-

piled. An essay in this direction was made some years ago

by Mr. Alfred Clark of the Forest Department, and was

published as a supplement to the Ceylon Observer of April

28, 1884; but unfortunately Mr. Clark had to depend for his

information chiefly on Le Grand’s caricature of Ribeiro and

the faulty English translation of Baldzeus: hence this

*“ The other three bastions mentioned are S. Anthonio, S. Jacob, and

Laurens ; but I cannot locate these. Baldzus also speaks of the bastions.

of Clergos and S. Philippo, near that of S. Sebastian.

No. 42.—1891. ] SIEGE OF COLOMBO. — . 81

generally excellent summary is marred by a number of errors

in names of places, &c. Forany future attempt of this kind I

hope that the following translation will be found of service.

In the two chapters, preceding those which I have

translated, Ribeiro records the arrival at Galle in September,

1655, of General Hulft’s fleet ; the siege of the fort at Kalutara

and its capitulation on October 14; the disastrous defeat of the

Portuguese under Gaspar Figueira on the seashore at

Moratuwa three days later; the retreat of the survivors to

Colombo ; and the advance of the victorious Hollanders on

the doomed city.*

CHAPTER XXIII.t

Of the Siege which the Hollanders laid to the City of Colombo,

and an Assault which they made on tt.

That day} the enemy encamped in N. Senhora da Vida, ! §

a post which lay at little more than a cannon shot from the

city. The Captain-General on the following day, the 18th,

formed into companies those who had escaped from the

battle ; and seeing that the bastion of 8S. Jofio was the one in

closest proximity to the enemy, and the space therein very

limited, Eowing to its being old-fashioned, and octagonal,

and that it was not capable of resisting the batteries, ? he

ordered it to be overlaid with earth and fascines on the

outer part, ? and in order that the enemy might not hinder

this work, they having a garrison * in the houses that stood

in S. Thomé [> where they had made a commencement at

once, to this end he ordered acaptain, who was stationed at

the same bastion, being in command of five companies, to

garrison it, and the gate of the city and the casemate.

These occupied the seashore which lay between the enemy

* For a translation of chapter XXVI., describing the siege and capitu-

lation of Mannar and Jaffna in 1658, see Ceylon Literary Register,

vol. V., p. 202.

tT This and the two following chapters form chapter XXI. in Le Grand’s

translation, with the heading “Siege of Colombo.”

t October 17, 1655. |

§ The small figures refer to “ Notes” at page 104 ct seq.

goo, ERG

82 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. XII.

and the fortress, where the soldiers made pits in the sand,

and from these kept up such volleys, that not only were the

enemy unable to prevent their overlaying the bastion, but ’

they harassed them in the battery,J in which relief work

they were engaged for five days, in which time it was

overlaid, [as was intended. Daylight of the 26th saw the

battery finished, and in it five demi-cannon and a 38-pounder,

with which they battered us the whole of that day, whereby

we suffered some loss in that same bastion, more from the

ruins of the parapets, which were of unhewn stone, than

from the balls of the enemy. And in order as speedily as

possible to return their battering, we formed a platform on

that part of the seashore at the foot of the bastion of S. Joao,

avery convenient position, in which we placed two demi-

cannon and also a 38-pounder, with which we knocked

down the houses that were close to their battery, where they

had their quarters, and obliged them to protect themselves

with an entrenchment. The firing from one and the other

side continued for some days, on one of which both the

38-pounders were fired at the same time, and the balls struck

each other midway: that of the enemy turned its course

backwards, and entered the mouth of its own cannon, and

knocked it to pieces. At the beginning of November they

had made good progress with the approach, an affair of

thirty paces, where they set up another battery with six 24-

pounders and two “borers,” © and with both they con-

tinued to batter away vigorously until the 12th. Their General

Giraldo Holfot, seeing that with such slow progress he would

not for a long time attain to the end of his hopes, determined

that on the next day an assault should be made on the city,

and disposed his forces in the following manner. ¢

He ordered that two strong ships * should be got ready,

provided with good infantry, and that these at the time that

the assault was being made on land should enter the bay,

and should set to work to batter the Couraca of Santa Cruz,

and that in the thick of the conflict they should, by means of

their boats, seize that position, which was very convenient

Te ee

No. 42.—1891.] SIEGE OF COLOMBO. 83

for them, and as it was situated overlooking the sea on a reef,

appeared to them to be without a garrison. He also caused

to be placed on the lake inside a number of small boats, °

with which he had come provided for this purpose. That

night 1 he gave orders for a thousand foot soldiers to cross

the bridge which spans an arm of the same lake, which

forms the entrance to the road that leads to the Porta da

Rainha; and he placed two thousand near his batteries, in

order that a thousand of them might go along the seashore

and get across the stockade, of whom fifty were to go to the

casemate gate of 8. Joio and platform ; the other fifty to go

to a couraca 4 on the seashore, in front of the College of the

Company ; and the other thousand to attack the bastion

of S. Joio and the stretch of wall which runs thence to that

of S. Estevao. These men were not got ready so secretly

that it was not notorious to the whole city that they intended

to make an assault, from the positions in which we discovered

these bodies of men ranged in the morning, and thus we

had the opportunity of preparing to receive them.]

It chanced that at 8 in the morning of the 13th ! of Nov-

ember, 1655, the tide afforded them the opportunity of passing

the stockade by the seashore. From one battery they gave

a signal with three shots, and all at once they swarmed

out all in order and very quietly, affording us the chance

before they arrived of giving them two volleys. 1! [The

ships had already set sail with a fresh breeze, making short

tacks; and as soon as they saw the signal they turned their

prows to the bay. One of them entered it, and cast anchor

alongside of the Cowraca of Santa Cruz; the other remained

outside at a good distance in order to escape the danger.

Each of the squadrons reached the position that had been

assigned to it, and the only ones who did not succeed were

the thousand who were coming tothe bastion of S. Joao and

the wall,as they came upon the ditch; however, having

divided, the one part went to the bastion of S. Estevao, and

the others going by the seashore lent a hand to the five

hundred who had reached the platform and casemate which

84 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou XIT.

extended along the portion of the wall that ran as far as

the couraca. ' They all set up the ladders and ascended

them with great determination, in order to see if they could

make themselves masters of any of those positions, throwing

numbers of grenades ; but everywhere they were beaten back

by us, both sides fighting doggedly ; and those whom we

hurled from the ladders renewed the ascent with greater

fury, not being frightened at the large number who fell

dead by reason of the traverses and musketry ; nor did the

thousand who had gone to the Porta da Rainha and

bastion of S. Sebasti#o work less hard. ' The Captain-Major

Gaspar Figueira was assisting in the defence of the Porta

de S. Joao, and the casemate, where, in the midst of the

conflict, he was informed. that the enemy had entered the

couraca of the seashore, and in order to cope with that danger

he ordered a captain, in whom he had confidence, to go to its

assistance. This he proceeded to do; and thinking that the

soldiers would follow him, at the entrance he found only

one who followed him, and that place deserted by the

inhabitants who had been garrisoning it. The two attacked

those of the enemy who had already entered, and made them,

against their wills, jump back on to the seashore, opposing the

rest who were entering; and the enemy, imagining that

those who had come were more in number, threw in numbers

of grenades, which set fire to the pots of gunpowder with

which all the bastions were prom®ided in large quantity, so

that the captain did not escape being burnt. At this conflagra-

tion there hastened thither several soldiers and inhabitants

of those who had deserted that post, whom the shame of seeing

that two alone had driven the enemy out caused to return

to the defence. At the same time a report got about that the

enemy had entered into the city. This put everyone in great

trepidation ; no one, however, left his post, as all were busy

in defending it.jJ Antonio de Mello de Castro had under

his charge a hundred soldiers, and was with them in the,

middle of the fortress, 4° in order to hasten whithersoever

necessity should require him. As soon as they told him

Ee ee ee

No. 42.—1891.] | SIEGE OF COLOMBO. 89

where the enemy was, in avery short time he was at that

part [followed also by several inhabitants and a company of

Topazes, and he came upon a squairon of three hundred

who did not know whither they were to march, and only a

monk 17 was opposing them.jJ They were at once surround-

ed by our men, and [of the three hundred, sixty-two were

spared ;} the rest were put to the sword. 1* [These

three hundred had entered by means of a low wall which

enclosed the city near the lake, a quarter which neither

had nor required a garrison, and they reached it in the

boats which they had brought for that purpose. 1% At

all the posts they were beaten back by our men with great

valour ; and the enemy, seeing the large number of men that

they had lost, and at all points strong resistance, began to

retire at midday, leaving the foot of the walls and the

bastions covered with corpses. The ship 7° that had entered

the bay set to work to batter the cowraca of Santa Cruz, and

was in a short time sent to the bottom by the latter, and

several who had not lost their lives therein, thinking that

they would escape in the pinnace; it was however sunk by

a ball; and of all who were therein only the captain and

two others were able to escape by swimming; the others

came on shore. These were of service to us, as we got from

them thirty-eight pieces of artillery, which were of use to us

at several posts, and three casks of Canary wine, some barrels

of meat, and a quantity of rigging of which we availed our-

selves in the form of match-cord, so that our posts might

have fire at all times.J |

The enemy lost in this assault more than two thousand ?!

of the best men that they had, and if our soldiers had not

been newcomers Eto the Island and consequently little versed

in such occasionsJ, not a Hollander would have been able

to retire. [When in the midst of the combat a married

woman heard that the cowvaca was entered by the enemy,

such was her anguish that it forced her to seize a halberd,

and resolutely she went to that post, and remained there as

long as the enemy did not retire ; and without doubt if they

86 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XIf.

had got in she would have acted the part of a well-trained

soldier. She was married to an honoured citizen, by name

Manoel de Sousa Bigodes, whom the gout rendered almost

helpless. )

We ordered the dead to be buried, and as there was a large

number, pits were dug outside the wall, which held many

wherever they were found, that they might not cause us

any contagion. The enemy, after having retired, remained

several days without making any movements, so that it

seemed to us that they meant to retire; and there is no

doubt that if we had not had to give them battle, in which

we lost so many and such good men, and if we had had

these wherewith to sally forth against them, not one would

have escaped being put to the sword; but we were so few

that we had not the garrison for the posts, and on this

occasion we had ninety 7? killed and wounded. After ten

days had passed in silence they re-commenced with the

batteries and advanced with the approaches, where they

set to work to form other new ones, there being six, all

at the bastion of 8. Jo&o, and some of them along the ditch,

in which by night they placed a gallery, with the intention

of mining the bastion by means of it; and though the

_ darkness was certainly very great, they did not escape being

observed, and incontinently some of our men leapt into the

ditch and killed eighteen who were engaged in this work,

and destroyed the gallery. In the morning we took care

to make a dike in the same ditch, in which we placed a

piece of six pounds to oppose any engine which the enemy

might seek to place therein ; and seeing that we had prevented

what they had designed, they commenced advancing an

approach towards the front of that same ditch, without our

being able to hinder their carrying on this work by many

and frequent assaults, which we made on them, even setting

fire to them; and in order to prevent our doing this, and

to defend those who were at work, they made three fortlets

in that part; but withal we were in nowise neglectful, and

resisted them in-every way that was possible to us, on.

No. 42.—1891.] SIEGE OF COLOMBO. 8T

account of the danger that threatened us.J In this struggle

we lost many soldiers of great worth ; and although we used

all the energy, and [even more, that] our limited forces

permitted us, we could not prevent their continuing the

approach ; [and on bringing it as far as the place where we

destroyed their gallery, they threw such a quantity of earth

into the ditch that they soon filled it up, having done which

they broke down its wall, and began te mine below the

earth, and made things so impossible for us that neither

from the dike nor from the bastion of S. Estevio could we

harm them.

Thirty paces in front of the Porta da Rainha they set up a

battery of eight demi-cannon,with which in seven days they

levelled the stretch of wall which ran therefrom to the

bastion of 8S. Sebastiao, and made such a clean sweep of the

whole, that not a sicn of a ruin remained, as all was built of

taipa, like the rest which protected the city; for which

cause everyone set to work to cover over the piece that ran

from the bastion of 8S. Jofo to that of S. Estevaio with earth

and palm-trees, a not unnecessary precaution, as that was

where the enemy was making the most vigorous attacks ; but

in order not to leave the city defenceless at that part, we

make a stockade of pointed wood, with ribands nailed at two

places, and it was so well finished off, and so strong, that a

wall was unnecessary, and the flanks which joined the gate

and the foot of the bastion were guarded by four pedereros.

The enemy had determined to make an assault at this point ;

however, the soldiers who frequently deserted from us

dissuaded them from this intent.J

The whole time that this siege lasted they threw into the

city a large quantity of bombs, [of an immense size, and in

the house into which any fell the least that it did was to

carry away the upper part, and leave it open, only the walls

remaining ; the uneasiness and horror that they caused being

more than the deaths that resulted from them. There was

another kind of bomb that they manufactured. These were

much smaller, but covered with plenty of tow and inflam-

88. JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). =[VOL. XII.

mable ingredients, and made in such a manner that in the

lower part in the midst of the tow they carried from twenty

to twenty-five barrels, like those of pistols, loaded to the

muzzle with two balls; and putting these bombs into the

mortars, they fired with such accuracy that on reaching the

height of a fathom or a fathom and a half above us, those

barrels went off on all sides, these same barrels doing as

much harm as the balls, and finally the bomb exploded. With

this device they killed several of our men. What did us

most harm, and only the devil himself could have brought

to light such an invention, was, that in place of bombs they

filled the mortars with sharp-cornered flints, and large stones,

and in the same manner and with the same elevation that they

gave to the bombs they fired them, generally at night,7] and

with this [infernal] ** device they killed a large number of

our men, Ewho, as they did not carry muskets, not a person

was safe, nor left his post, but each one simply took pains to

commend himself to God, expecting sorrow as his lot; for

with one mortar alone they killed seventeen of us at the

bastion of 8. Estevao. Following their example we brought

out from a magazine in which it lay the mortar that D.

Filippe Mascarenhas had ordered to be cast, and had taken

to Negombo, with which we threw the coconuts into that

fort, °4 and even though it was small, we did not fail with

stones to cause them considerable loss of men, who were

helping in the fortlets and batteries, not giving them an

hour of rest the whole night; and they were in a continual

state of uneasiness.J Out of the Island we could not venture,

nor enter any boat, without being captured, [as the eighteen

ships were anchored, and extended across the mouth of the

bay ; and when it was night, the pinnaces came and anchored

nearer to the land, and in this form the smacks were arranged,

which were followed by the launches which were already

close to the shore ; a half-moon being formed by the whole,

and on the outside went the sloops well armed, forming a

patrol, and at daybreak] all proceeded to cast anchor along-

side the ships. 25 |

No. 42.—1891.] ‘ SIEGE OF COLOMBO. — 89

CHAPTER XXIV.

Which continues the same sulject of the siege.

' As we could not prevent the enemy’s continuing to mine

beneath that rubbish which they had thrown into the ditch,

that they might thereby mine the bastion of S. Joo, which

was already so scarped that not half of its interior space

remained, by reason of the many breaches. which we had

made in it to form parapets, and to repair those that the

continuous firing of the batteries had ruined, for which

reason we made with all haste at the foot of the same bastion

a countermine, and through it we met: *6 [this work was of

no little use for our defence on account of the impediment

and hindrance that we caused to that at which they continued

so industriously, depriving them of the hopes which they

formed.J At the breach we fought with them obstinately

during an afternoon ; and as the passage that they had made

through the earth was two fathoms in width, many hastened

to the defence, of whom a large number were killed, [and

as the breach which we had made was very small and dark,

they could not do us harm. The only arms that could be

used in this place were blunderbusses and pistols ; and when

it was night there was a cessation of the fray on one side

and the other, and the enemy covered themselves with

certain boards, which they had got in the forests, in which

they had made loopholes. Our men with all haste dug a pit

in the space between us and the enemy, in which we buried

a large case of powder of the length of six spans, leaving a

span and a half of the fuze connected with the vent above

ground; and it was a miracle, the firing into that place being

for a long time so continuous, that a spark did not blow it up

Having done this, we enlarged the breach to such an extent

as could contain a man when standing from the breast to the

shoulders ; and in order to have persons specially set apart

for guarding it, the Captain-General ordered some reformado

captains who had given good satisfaction to be called, to

whom he said: that as that post was the one where there

was most risk, it was not proper that they should trust in

90 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL, XII1.

any person whatsoever, but only in their own selves; and

therefore he asked them to take upon themselves the defence

thereof, on account of its great importance to the service of

His Majesty, who would remunerate them for it with great

rewards ; and that only by such means would all be free

from uneasiness, having such honoured gentlemen as defen-

ders ; because the most that that trouble and siege could last

was a month, since in the following one (March), when the

monsoon had set in, help would reach us.

Of those whom he chose for this occupation, eight accept-

ed with great zeal and willingness. To each two it fell to

take two watches in that post, one by day and the other by

night, because there was only room for two persons to be

there, and these separate. In the inner part of the interior

space, and at the mouth of the countermine, was made a

doorway, which scarcely allowed one man to pass; and when

the two who were going to act as sentinels came to it,

before entering they disarmed themselves of all their arms,

because if they took them they would only serve as an

embarrassment to them, and so each one took nothing but a

blunderbuss; and when they entered the doorway they

locked it with a key, and reported themselves to the captain

commanding the bastion; the two walked that distance

under the earth to a place where there was scarcely room for

the body, and in such dense darkness that all reckoning was

lost. When they had reached this on the left hand there was a

cave, formed by the ruins of the bastion, whither one of the

two ascended to the height of two spans, and placed himself

under some planks which happened to be there, and which

must have been used when the bastion was overlaid. In this

post that sentinel remained, whilst the other proceeded further

forward, a distance of two fathoms, which was where we

had an encounter with the enemy, who protected themselves

with the boards, there being between this sentinel and them

only seven spans of earth, where was buried the case of

powder. The enemy placed in that guard-post twenty-five

carbineers, who usually played pranks with this sentinel ;

No. 42.—1891.] SIEGE OF COLOMBO. 91

for of the one who remained in the first post they had no

knowledge; some of them indecent, and others more sensi-

ble, according to the humours that moved them ; oftentimes

they threw fruit, tobacco, and after similar things ; however,

generally there was one with the muzzle of his carbine

placed in one of the loopholes that were in the boards, and

being careless of our sentinels, several were killed, serving

as a warning to those more cautious, so that they might be

aware that as soon as they approached the dark opening they

would certainly be promptly fired upon. In this place,

where this sentinel was, there was only room fora man to

stand sideways, and with his right eye he had to watch the

loopholes of the planks. His other companion, who

remained at the first post, acted the sentinel lying face

downwards on the ground, not being able to do otherwise,

and kept a lookout between those boards, this place being

above the enemy. The orders that they had were, that if

the enemy advanced by that way on the bastion, they were

to discharge their blunderbusses upon them in such a man-

ner that the fire would strike the touch-hole of the case of

powder. This post was so dreadful and dangerous, that even

those of greater courage did not fail to be dismayed, and the

stoutest heart also became fearful ; not only on account of the

great danger, but also from seeing themselves cooped in; and

most of the nights they were not relieved, an intolerable

task. Wherefore some of these captains of whom there was

a good opinion, through not being able to endure it abandoned

that post and deserted from it to the enemy; by which it

became so dangerous, that the one did not trust the other,

through fear of being killed by their companions or betrayed

to the enemy ; for he who was in the first post could easily

manage this ; and for these reasons not only did that first

zeal of those who were chosen for this occupation become

extinguished, but it lasted only until the fifth nomination,

and of all only three endured this terrible and insupportable

task to the end, which exceeded three months. One of them,

Manoel de Sousa, a native of Villa Vicosa, who, being small

92 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XII.

of stature, was called o Sousinha; another was Francisco

Pereira, a native of the Island of Terceira; and the third a

captain born in this city.]

As the enemy were at the foot of the bastion, it was very

easy for them to take it ; and in case they should succeed in

doing this, we made close to them in the inside a counter-

bastion of earth and wood to oppose them therewith, and we

placed therein two cannon of six pounds ‘ach. 7’ [We

lacked match-cord everywhere ; wherefore the soldiers tore

up their shirts, and those who had none looked for rags of

white cloths, with which they remedied this deficiency ;J

and as the enemy did not make approaches on the Mapane

side, nor had guards posted, because the ground was stony,

and the bastion, wall, and ditch all in the modern style, one

morning two hundred of us sallied forth, taking the slaves

of the inhabitants and a great many hatchets, and we hasten-

ed to the wood of N. Senhora dos Milagres, which was half

a league distant from the city. There we cut down as many

trees of the bark of which rope is made as all of us could

carry, and without hindrance we returned; and the enemy,

becoming aware that we had made this sortie, made a strong

entrenchment, and placed therein sufficient garrison to

prevent our making another similar one. 78

CHAPTER XXV.

In which the same subject 1s continued.

IN order to relate minutely all that happened during this

terrible. siege, large volumes would be necessary, and J

therefore only relate briefly some more noteworthy events, and

which time has not blotted out of my memory, as is the case

with allthings in this world. 7° [Nota little to be wondered

at is that which presents itself to us, and this can but serve as

a reminder to us to consider the great misery of our frailty,

a true mirror of what we are in this life.J On the day on

which we fought that battle with the Hollanders on the

seashore of Maroto, Ewhich was on October 17, as I

have shown, and on the following, the 18th (to this great

No. 42.—1891.] | SIEGE OF COLOMBO. 92:

heed should be given by the captains who govern fortified

places, principally those beyond the seas, in order that

another such event may not happen to them in similar

cases) :.J the Captain-General heedlessly and without con-

sideration allowed during those two days as many people of

the country who dwelt in the seven parishes to enter into the

city as there were in the suburbs; all were useless and of no

service. We did not realise this great and culpable careless-

ness until the beginning of March, when food became scarce,

there having been until then more than enough, and it was

sold publicly at a rather higher price *° than usual, but one

that was not exorbitant ; and as it failed suddenly we endea-

voured to find a remedy, by driving out of the city at night

a large number of those people, [of both sexes¥ *! and all

ages, on four occasions, from fifteen hundred to two thousand,

in order that they might go to the country in the interior ; and

as the enemy had guards everywhere, they soon made them

turn round and go back towards the city, without allowing

any of those miserable creatures to allay the great pangs of

hunger which they were suffering, simply in order that we

might make an end of consuming Ewhat little there might

be, ®? and when they reached the gates of the city we would

not allow them in; and those unhappy ones, seeing that in

neither one direction nor the other was there shelter, as the

only refuge began to throw themselves into the moats,

where, without their continuous cries and groans availing

them anything, they all perished. [Of all these people there

was left, when we surrendered, nothing but the bones near

the lake; the most horrible sight that could be seen in the

world ; nearly all being Christians, brought up amongst us,

and living under our protection.

With famine there also came upon the city a terrible

pestilence, not only on the poor, but it also had no respect

for the rich and noble: through it some became swollen

like those with dropsy, others without pain or illness

fell dead. From the 15th of March, 1656, when this disease

commenced, until the 20th of April, when the dead were

94 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XIT.

buried, there were counted twenty-two thousand and thirty

persons; and it is not to be wondered at, for there were

households that numbered sixty, and those that were small

had twelve or fifteen. Thenceforward whoever buried the

dead died: and such was the horror and misery, that all

wished themselves buried ; for few as were the soldiers left

there was not enough to satisfy their hunger. Many people

went about the streets begging for the love of God that

someone would give them a little hot water; for they knew

well that with nothing else could they get relief. Onaccount

of these insupportable miseries, a hundred and twenty

soldiers deserted from us to the enemy, among them some

who guarded posts. These gave them true information of

the strait in which we were ; and as what they heard appeared

to them impossible, they gave it no credit, and also because

it was the statement of men who wished to justify their bad

behaviour: and in truth there was much more that they

might have told. God permitted by his just judgments

that, while it rains in the Island two or three times a day,

it being very near the equinoctial, the whole time that the

siege lasted it did not rain, and caused such heat that even

with shoes on it was impossible to go along the streets,

which were covered with corpses swarming with noxious

flies, which caused a horrible stench. Dogs were slaugh- —

tered publicly, and he who managed to get a pound thought

it great luck. The elephants that died were eaten even to

their skins; and in order to get a chance of this, some were

killed secretly ; and of fifteen that there were, which were

used by us, only Ortela escaped on account of the affection

that all had for him: ** in the same manner also not an

unclean animal escaped which was not eaten. In the case

of several honoured Portuguese families the whole of the

members were found dead in their own houses.J

A woman, a native of the country, [whose husband the

enemy had killed,j finding herself constrained by the need

from which all were suffering, and having a little one at the

breast. her own child, whom she was nourishing, her milk

No. 42.—1891.] | SIEGE OF COLOMBO. 95

failed her; and it appearing to her that without doubt it

would die, this wretched creature, entertaining these thoughts,

desired to make use of it for her sustenance. Putting this

into execution, she cut its throat, and having cut it open for

the purpose of disembowelling it, there came a neighbour

into her house, who happened to be wanting a light, and

wondering at what she saw asked her what she was doing

with her child; [and as the robber, who is generally

found with the stolen article in his hand, gives no other

excuse than that of necessity, so did] this poor woman, [and]

confessed unreservedly : the neighbour horrified ran out of

the house, and made the matter public, of which word was

soon brought to the Captain-General, who with all brevity

ordered an adjutant to seize her, and to take her to the

bastion of Mapane, where he was to have her tied to the mouth

of a gun. EThis event became known throughout all the

city, and the punishment which she had been ordered to

undergo, upon which several kind-hearted monks came, and

by reasoning persuaded the Captain-General to remit the

punishment, saying that that woman could suffer none

greater than that of being obliged by hunger to kill her own

son, the greatest misery of this life, [and one so repugnant

to nature itself ; whereupon he hushed up the matter, in order

not to set a bad example in such a time of distress: several

similar cases, when that became known, followed in that

distress ; however, I relate only that which I know for

certain.

The enemy continued incessantly with their batteries,

bombarding the bastion of 8S. Joio alone with six, as I have.

said, some of them of eight demi-cannon, and at the Porta da

Rainha they had the one with which they had razed the

portion of the wall which has been referred to. At this

place, on the 4th of May, they had completed another of six,

and that night they were to place artillery in it, in order

therewith to raze the bastion of S. Sebastiao, which being

limited and much ruined they could do without much

trouble. In the city and siege there happened to be a monk

96 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XII.

of the Company of Jesus, *4 a man who was indefatigable

and of notable courage ; seeing that if the enemy attacked us

with this battery in a few days the city would be open, and

they would without much trouble make themselves masters

thereof; because already at this time there remained very

few defenders: he asked some of those who he thought

would accompany him in any enterprise, as he had done in

others, to come with him; and without revealing what he

intended, he obtained a promise from thirteen * that they

would assemble at the hours of midday, and having obtained

leave, which he himself asked of the Captain-General, he

sallied forth in command of these few, and without being

perceived gained an entrance to the battery, where the sword-

blows gave the alarm, so that some were able to save

their lives, and in the space of an hour he destroyed the

battery, which was constructed of palm-trees and fascines,

and having set fire to the whole, was able to retire with

those who followed him without any harm, leaving the

enemy astonished and confounded; and there is no doubt,

that if it had been three hundred who were with him, the

courage of our monk would have left not a Hollander alive.

On Sunday, the 7th of May, at eight ** o’clock in the

morning, only the captain of the garrison, a sentinel, anda

eunner *” being in the bastion of S. Joao, the enemy rushed

up on to it, which was not difficult for them, it being so

ruined by the batteries, and scarped, that they could do it easier

than they could have done with a hill, and having killed the

three, without opposition became masters thereof : immedi-

ately the alarm was beaten, and all hastened to their posts,

those that there were having been hearing mass, and some

thirty coming up met the enemy descending the street, where

they were set upon by our men with such doggedness that

they were evidently determined to sell their lives dearly, and

such a hard fight was it, that seventy-six of the enemy were

killed, among them three captains, and the rest retreated to

the bastion, leaving five banners, without being bold enough

to descend any further down the street. As the enemy had

No. 42,.—1891.] SIEGE OF COLOMBO. 97

captured that place, the small garrison that we had at the

other posts was collected, and altogether we numbered one

hundred and fifty, and in a body we advanced three times

that day to dislodge them from the bastion with a large

quantity of pots and goglets of powder, some of us occupying

the counter-bastion which we had made of wood, and with

the two cannon ; and we threw among them many pots and

goglets of powder, without any of them setting fire, and at

last one set fire and did them great damage; for when

that powder came amongst them without their being fore-

warned, they were set on fire in such a manner that we saw

hats and pieces of banners flying burning through the air.

Towards the evening, the enemy, not being able any longer

to bear the many shots and the large quantity of fire, by

which they had lost the greater part of the men whom they

had in their force, left the interior space of the bastion, and

set themselves to defend it from without, the same parapets

serving them; which, as it was so scarped, they were well

able to do. With the large quantity of powder that we used

to make up for want of men, it could not but happen that

someone was set on fire, which caused a great conflagration,

several persons of note amongst us being killed, and the fire

attacked the wood of the counter-bastion, which having the

rubbish as a foundation, the cannon came tumbling to the

ground. We lost on that day more than eighty soldiers and

captains, in which all displayed great valour and zeal in

defending the place : nor was that small which was displayed

by the Captain-Major Antonio de Mello de Castro, Gaspar

Figueira de Cerpe, Diogo de Sousa de Castro, Ruy Lopes

Coutinho, D. Diogo de Vasconcellos, and other gentlemen

and captains, who with valour lost their lives in this siege:

and to name them and recount in detail the great amount that

each one performed is not possible for me; nor less deserv-

ing was] Father Damiao Vieira, a monk of the Company of .

Jesus, for he worked [during the whole siege more like a

careful and watchful captain than might have been expected

from a monk by profession, for there was not an assault in

98—91 H

98 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XII.

which he was not the first, and of many he was the author,

all with good success, it being he who led the attack Eby

the three hundred who gained an entrance by the lake in

the first assault,7] and he who destroyed the battery *° Eat

the Porta da Rainha: with confidence I say that the company

may be proud of such a soldier, and the soldiers of sucha

captain. By 9 o’clock at night we no longer had sufficient

troops to drive them back, and if they had returned to attack

us in the street without doubt they would with little trouble

have killed the few that remained.

That night they brought a large quantity of fascines and

earth, with which they formed breastworks before the city,

and by morning they already had their artillery in position,

which being seen by us, a council was called in order to

determine thereat what was to be done in the state and

circumstances in which we found ourselves: at this there

were some votes, that the few women and children that

there were should betake themselves into a church, and that

fire should be put to it, and in like manner to the whole city,

and that the few who remained should die sword in hand in

the midst of the enemy, in order that there should be no

trace left of the people of that city, and that they should not

be able to boast as conquerors. The Superiors of the Religious

Bodies took part in that assembly, and puta stop to such a

proposition, saying that it would be a heathenish and

entirely barbarous act, condemned by divine and human

laws; that we had to reconcile ourselves to what God dis-

posed, without seeking to oppose his divine decrees; that

supposing His Majesty had strongly recommended the defence

of that Island, he would have to call his Ministers to account

for not having during all that time sent any succour. On

these arguments, and with some tears, all agreed, that seeing

that we had no other remedy, a parley should be held with

the enemy, and that we should send and treat for honourable

terms: on the 9th of the same month this was carried out,

and until commissaries were appointed we continued

fighting. They permitted that all the men of war should

No, 42.—1891.] SIEGE OF COLOMBO. 3 99

leave the place with their arms, matches burning, banners

unfurled, drums beating, and should march with four pieces

of artillery to Nossa Senhora da Vida, the General’s quarters,

where they were to pile their arms; and that the captains

should not be deprived of their ordinary arms, and that then

they with all the infantry should enter in in our place from

that position ; and thatthe men of war should let their clothes

remain in the houses of the inhabitants, in order that each

one might take his own, when they should embark ; that the

two Generals with their movables and servants should place

them in whatever place they wished, and they granted the

same to all the inhabitants and their families, and that for

the space of a year they might freely sell all the movables

that they could not or did not wish to take away, and they

eranted to all at this time passage in their ships: to the

monks consequently, and that they might take all the articles

of divine worship; they requested however of all that no

one should publicly carry away jewels, gold, or silver, or

similar things, in order to avoid rash acts on the part of their

soldiers. All the above was agreed to with Adriano

Uvandremed, *® the General who succeeded Giraldo Holfot,

who was killed in the siege by a carbine shot.j

CHAPTER XXVI.

How the city of Columbo was entered, and the men of war

were sent to Negapatéo.

On the 12th of May, 1656, at three o’clock in the after-

noon, we left that city ; seventy-three *! men of war, very

thin, and these were all that remained there, among them

being several maimed, without arms and legs; and all looked

like corpses. We marched in single file through a crowd of

natives, who came from one side and another to look at us,

and as these were almost all from Candia, Eour enemies]

they showed in their faces the feeling [that possessed them]

at seeing us in that condition. *” We left the four pieces

behind at the gate of the city, as we had no one * to bring

them, and ‘having arrived at N. Senhora da Vida * [the

H 2

100 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XII.

quarters of their General,J we piled all our arms [in the

gsuard-house,]J [the chief officers and captains retaining their

swords,] which having been done we went up to the house

where we found the General and the major, * who received

us with undisguised joy, ** [and drinking a toast to us they

desired to take their leave, saying that we might remain at

ease, and that before it got later they wished to go and

receive the infantry and the Generals; we answered them,

that their honours might go and receive the Generals, but

that all the men of war were present. At this reply they

changed colour, the great joy with which they had received

us giving way to evident chagrin, and after speaking to one

another in their own tongue for a while, they said to us:

“It appeared to us that Your Honours were the superior

officers”’; and so it was of necessity, for on our having an

officer of any post killed, his place was at once filled up,

so that of the seventy-three there were as many officers as

soldiers. #7 (As soon as they had gone towards the city

there came a captain, who politely asked us to follow him,

and took us nearer to the fortress, putting us into some good

houses, which had the convenience of a walled garden, and

at the gate he placed as guard a band of soldiers, who served

us right willingly, bringing us what we had need of: here

we passed two days, at the end of which came their Camp-

Master-General, offering us many apologies that his duties

had not permitted him to be able sooner to look after our

comfort, and that he was sure we must have fared badly

through want of necessaries. He took us by that road

towards the city very slowly, conversing, and saying what an

account we should have to give to God for allowing so many

men to perish, in order to maintain what we were not able to;

that he had gone over the posts that we had defended, and

that it was not possible that they could be garrisoned by less

than twelve hundred soldiers; that he had read of many

sieges that had taken place in the world; but that none

could compare with that, since others had lasted a longer

time, but not with the miseries and other incidents of this :

No. 42.—1891.] | SIEGE OF COLOMBO. 101

and that all those who had deserted to them had told them

what were the sufferings inside the city, and they did not

believe them, as it all appeared to them impossible. He

took us inside their works to show us the fortlets and

batteries, and during the conversation we had the opportunity

of asking him the quantity of balls and powder that they had

used: of balls, he said, the number was not known, for

beside a large quantity coming to them on three occasions,

they had made use of ours; and of powder he mentioned

such a quantity that we were astounded ; I donot state it, as

I do not trust my memory : that there were engaged in that

siege, including reliefs, eight thousand three hundred and

fifty men, all from Europe, and of these there remained one

thousand two hundred who carried arms, and seven hundred

wounded and burnt; that all the rest were dead. With this

he brought us into the city, lodging us in the Church of the

College of the Company, and in taking leave he said to us

that we could bring our clothes there, and each one transact

whatever business he had, because three days from then we

were to embark.

At the door of that Church he ordered a company to be

placed on guard, in order that not a soldier of us should

receive injury, and any time that we wished to go out to

transact any business we did so without hindrance: only at

night they would not allow it, lest any accident should

happen to us: and on the Camp-Master-General’s coming

across some soldiers who were trying to enter the house of a

rich citizen, he cut one to pieces with his sword, and two

were hanged; and because of this he appointed four

watches, with very strict orders that no injury was to be

done to a single person of our people. Three days after

that he ordered us to embark, putting us on two ships with

some citizens and poor widows, but he would not allow us

to embark boxes or trunks, in order not to overload them ;

wherefore each one packed his clothes in bags and sheets.

In this manner we embarked, and in a few days arrived at

Negapatiio, where they freely gave liberty to all those who

102 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XII.

had been prisoners at Galle, and had been divided between

the ships. Towards the Generals and all the citizens they

fulfilled the terms of capitulation scrupulously, showing

great courtesy to all. .

When we surrendered there was not a piece of bronze

artillery left that had not some damage, on account of their

all being either without trunnions, or with the muzzle-ring

gone, or cracked, and the touch-holes were wide enough to

contain an arm, and many of the iron ones broken, and only

some, and the pedereros that were at the flanks, had not

suffered this damage ; for though in many parts of the city

there were no batteries, those that were in these posts were

moved about, and thus not one that was in a fit state had any

rest. We used in this siege three thousand seven hundred

and twenty-nine quintals of powder ; when we surrendered

we had twenty-four and two arrobas.]

The King of Candia, as soon as they besieged us, came

down thither, bringing forty thousand men of war and

service, with whom he assisted them ; and when he saw that

the city had capitulated, he sent some of his men into it with

sreat promises, in order that they might come over to him.

48 EMost of the sons of the soil and some Portuguese with

their families did so, and in their company several of the

clergy, and to all these, and to those whom he held prisoners in

Candia, he distributed towns in the territories of this Crown,.

so that all might live with liberty, in our religion, without

forcing anyone to adopt any other rite.*® He was very

urgent with the Hollanders, that they should deliver up to

him Gaspar Figueira de Cerpe, and he promised for him a

large amount of money: to which end they held a council, at

which they resolved not to deliver him up to him, and sent

a reply to the King, that they could not do it, as it was for-

bidden to them by law; because, beside that we had

surrendered under terms of capitulation, it was a great crime

and abomination to deliver up a Christian man to one who

was not: and in truth they punish severely the crime of

exchanging cattle ; 5° the fact being that they did not do it

No. 42.—L891. ] SIEGE OF COLOMBO. 103

expressly on this account, inasmuch as they understood that

he wanted him for his captain, and therefore they at once

arranged for him to embark, and during the days that he

remained they placed a body of soldiers in guard over him,

not allowing him to leave the house, bragging to him of the

favour of not delivering him up. The King had sent to

make offers to this same Figueira; but he did not care to

give heed to his many promises, although he knew well

that he wanted him more to take command of his army than

to do him harm for the victories that he had won over him ;

and he was mourning over the last one up to the time when

we surrendered.]

On the 19th of the same month the King broke peace with

them and fought a battle with them in the great stockade,

in which he was the victor, and he would no longer

grant the terms of peace which they solicited, because

with this war he remained absolute ruler of the whole

of Ceilaéo, and the Hollanders retained possession of only

the forts [and some towns which were near the seashore ;3

which derive nothing from the interior country: and

should the King have to come to an agreement with them,

of necessity he would have to give up to them all the

lands that belonged and still do to the Crown of Portugal :

in such manner that in order that the King may remain ruler

of Ceilaéo, he has to carry on war with the Hollanders, and

there remains to them more of loss than of gain. The

advantage that they have is that the little cinnamon that is

produced by the Island is at their disposal, and they can

ship it, because the King does not trouble about it. *1

104 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). . [VOL. XII.

NOTES.

Le Grand has altered this to “nuestra Sefiora d’ ajuda,” thus

substituting Spanish for Portuguese, and turning ‘“‘ Our Lady of Life”

into ‘Our Lady of Help”!

2 Le Grand has simply “& qu'il n’étoit point terrassé,’ which

Lee translates “and that it was not sloped off from behind,’ which is

scarcely correct. The MS. used by Le Grand omits the words in

brackets.

? Lee, misled by Le Grand, makes Ribeiro state that the fascines

and earth were used for sloping off the bastion behind !

4 Le Grand’s MS. has “ estar alojado” (being lodged) instead of

“ter guarnico.’’

* The thick brackets here, as in other places, mark omissions in

Le Grand’s MS.

6 In the original “ furadores.’

7 Compare the details givenin Baldzeus. |

8 They werethe yachts “ Maaght van Enkhuyzen” and “ Workum.”

9 Chinese sampans, according to Baldeus.

‘0 Rather the night of the 11th. See note ”.

Baldzeus makes the Portuguese narrator whose diary he trans-

lated speak of “the Acouras,’ and the English translator has “the

gate of Acouras.”

2 This should be the 12th, according to both accounts in Baldzus.

In Saar the date is given as ‘“‘2,”—a printer’s error, doubtless.

3 Le Grand being puzzled how to connect this sentence with

what preceded it in his MS., not being aware that the copyist had

omitted a long passage, translates it as follows:—“ & as the sea had

retired very far, they [the Hollanders!] had made a stockade, on which

they had planted a battery of three pieces of cannon: & it was from

this battery that they gave the signal of attack.” This is ingenious,

but of course utterly incorrect.

4 This body of besiegers was led by Major van der Laan.

16 These troops were led by General Hulft in person, and he

had to retire, being wounded in the thigh.

16 Or “ market-place,” praca having various meanings. Le Grand

translates it ‘‘ place d’armes,” which Lee renders “‘ esplanade.”

47 This was Father Damiado Vieira. See Baldeus.

18 Following his defective MS., Le Grand connects this sentence

with the one that follows the portion enclosed in brackets, and translates

thus :—“ ... so that having heard the disturbance that was taking place

on that side [Lee adds ‘towards St. Thomas’!], he ran thither, and

having cut off the enemy who had advanced too far, he killed more

than three thousand of them ; and if our soldiers had been more used

to warfare, not a Hollander would have escaped ”!

No. 42.—1891.] SIEGE OF COLOMBO. 105

19 Saar was one of those who took part in this unsuccessful attack,

and was severely wounded. (See his account. )

70 This was the “‘ Maaght van Enkhuyzen.”

21 The Portuguese narrator in Baldeeus says that the Dulas loss

was computed at 1,000; but the Dutch themselves made the number

much less. Le Grand’s MS. has “‘ trez mil” instead of “ dous mil.”

#2 The Portuguese narrator in Baldeus says that not more than

thirty Portuguese were killed.

#3 The copyist of Le Grand’s MS. was obliged to omit this word,

having left out Ribeiro’s description of the “ infernal device.”

24 This is recounted by Ribeiro in chapter XV. of Book II.

2> On account of the omission in his MS., Le Grand renders

this sentence as follows :—“ finally, they blockaded the port so well,

that we could no longer have any communication by sea, & they

captured all the boats that we tried to send out, or that sought to

enter, & obliged them to lie alongside their ships.”

76 Le Grand renders this sentence :—‘‘As we could not prevent

the enemy from advancing their trenches, & as they had already

established themselves at the foot of the bastion of St. John, we

made several embrasures in this bastion.” The reason why he does

not mention the countermine is, that his MS. reads ‘“‘cortina” instead

of “‘ contramina,’ thereby making nonsense.

* In consequence of the lengthy omission in his MS., Le Grand

connects this sentence with the one which commences the chapter,

omitting some intervening fragments which the copyist had spared.

8 Le Grand renders this sentence as follows :—‘‘The enemy

were also near another bastion, which was on the Mapané side, but

as this part was fortified in the modern style, they did not attempt to

attack us in that direction, and therefore there were few men there :

we perceived this, and made a sortie which succeeded so well

that we opened up a road for ourselves to go to a forest which was

quite near, & where we cut wood which we needed. We had taken

with usall the slaves that were in the City, & who were of great service

to us on this occasion. We re-entered the City with less trouble

than we had had in going out, because the enemy, who had known

nothing of our design, did not believe that we would return ; but

afterwards they made lines of countervallation round this fort, &

placed sufficient men there to guard them.” It will be seen that, in

consequence of the copyist of his manuscript having omitted the first

portion of the sentence, Le Grand makes Ribeiro say that the expe-

dition was made to obtain wood (Lee makes it fire-wood) instead of

match-cord. 'This sortie seems to be the one referred to as follows by

Baldzus (English translation) :—“ The 12 Decemb. 200 Negroes

being seen to sally out of the Gate of Mapane, keeping along the

Seashore, three Companies were ordered to attack them ; but they no

sooner espied our People advancing towards them, than they retreated

in haste to the City. However, three of them deserted to us, and

106 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIT.

gave an account that the reason of their coming out was only to cut.

and fetch some Faggot-Wood for the repairing of the Bastions of

S. John, 8. Stephen, and S. Philippo; and that they had made

betwixt the two former a retrenchment, in case they should be forced

to quit the Bastions.’ Here, it will be noticed, the statement is made

that the wood was required for repairing the bastions. Doubtless this

was the case, the bark being utilised for matchcord.

29 Le Grand has transposed this opening sentence to the latter

part of the chapter, joining it on to the reference to Father Damiao

Vieira. (See note 38.)

30 Le Grand’s copyist has altered “prego” to “ tempo,” making

nonsense.

31 A characteristic omission of the Le Grand copyist.

32 This isan example of the apparently objectless omissions which

oceur all through the Le Grand manuscript.

38 In Book I., chapter XVII., Ribeiro says :—“ Seeing that we

are speaking of these animals [elephants], it is not right that we

should pass them over in silence: at least we should say something, and

because [many ]|* have written of them. We shall do so only of one

which we had in our possession with sons and grandsons: this was the

handsomest animal that can be imagined, and was used by us only in

any urgent need, because there were others that performed the ordinary

service, and we made use of him solely for hunting the wild ones of

the forest: this one was called Ortelé, which also endured the famous

siege of Columbo, carrying palm trees by night and day for us during

the seven months that it lasted, to repair the ruins caused by the

continuous firing of the batteries ; and of fifteen that we had, he alone

was not eaten, the others being eaten. The King of Candia sent to

take it from the Hollanders who had it at Betal, and if they had

asked of him great sums for it he would have given them all in order

to have such a possession, which brought His Majesty every year

more than fifty thousand} patacas ; and as some will hold this state-

ment to be fabulous, before going further it will be right to explain in

what manner.” He then proceeds to describe the manner of

' capturing elephants, in which Orteld took a leading part.

% Father Damiao Vieira.

35 The Portuguese narrative in Baldzeus gives the names of nine.

36 ~The Portuguese narrative in Baldeus says ‘“ about six.”

37 According to Baldzeus’s translation of the Portuguese account,

they were “ the Captain Don Diego de Vasconcelhos, with two School-

Children, Don Constantino de Meneses and Diego Jaques, both less

than fourteen years old.”

*Le Grand’s MS. has ‘“m.” (for muitos) ; the printed edition has no

governing word.

+ By an error Lee has ‘15,000 crowns.”

No. 42.—1891.] | SIEGE OF COLOMBO. 107

38 Le Grand had to make the best sense he could out of the

fragments of this sentence left by his copyist, which he did by adding

to them the opening sentence of the chapter as follows :—‘ I should

never have done, if I tried to recount all the details of this sieye, the

principal circumstances of which have already escaped my memory ;

but I hope that the Father Damien Vieira Jesuit, who performed in

this siege every duty of a Soldier & a Captain, & who distinguished

himself more than anyone, will be able to give us a relation so much the

more exact, as there was not an action of importance in which he was.

not found among the first.” The hope expressed here is fathered on

Ribeiro by the worthy Abbé, who, as he tells us in his preface, found

Father Damiao’s journals among the documents lent him by the

Count d’Ericeyra.

39 Adriaan van der Meyden.

40 Le Grand alters this to the 10th.

4t Le Grand alters this to sixty-three. Baldeus says ‘14 Com-

panies and 36 Captains,” while the Portuguese narrative in Baldzus

says ‘90 soldiers and 100 armed inhabitants, including officers.”

“ In consequence of Le Grand’s copyist having omitted the

words “our enemies,’ the Abbé makes Ribeiro say that the natives.

“seemed to have some regret at seeing us leave,” which is the very

opposite of Ribeiro’s statement.

48 Le Grand alters this to “ neither oxen, nor mules, nor horses.”

“4 Le Grand has “la chapelle de ndtre Dame de la vie,” which Lee

enders “‘ the chapel of Nuestra Senora della Vida”’ !

46 Lee translates Le Grand’s “‘avec grandes demonstrations dejoye’”” -

as ‘“‘ very kindly,” which alters the sense entirely.

47 Le Grand abbreviates this sentence as follows :—“ He changed

colour on hearing this reply, & engaged for some time in conversation

with the Officers who were near him.”

48 Le Grand renders this incorrectly as follows:—‘The King

of Candy was present at this siege with forty thousand men. He

asserted that the Hollanders were bound to hand this fortress over to

him, & he even sent persons to sign the Capitulation in his name, but he

could obtain nothing.” Le Grand joins this sentence to the concluding

portion of the chapter, his MS. having a long omission.

49 In the last chapter of his book Ribeiro states that at Ruwan-

wella, which the King of Kandy granted to them for that purpose,

there were settled not less than seven hundred Portuguese with their

families ; and that in all the villages where they settled they had their

priests to carry on their religious rites.

50 In original passar gados. (Gados strictly means cattle or sheep,

but is here used figuratively.

51 Le Grand connects this concluding portion with the first

sentence of the preceding paragraph (see note 48), and translates it as

follows :—‘ & on the 19th he fought a battle which he gained &

108 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XII.

would no longer listen to any word of a treaty, inasmuch as being

able, with all the men that he had, to hold the field, he obliged the

Hollanders to remain shut up in their fortresses, & on the other

hand if he had entered into a treaty with them, he would have been

forced to give up to them the territories that we possessed in that

country ; so that on both sides they found themselves engaged in a

continual warfare, & at much expense, the Hollanders being able to

gather only a little Cinnamon that grows around their fortresses,

to which the King does not have access so easily.”

The CHAIRMAN said they were very grateful to Mr.

Ferguson for the care with which he had prepared his very

interesting translation. It was a very graphic description of

a very terrible siege, and while they were living in such

peace and quietness now it was awful to think of the horrors

which had been enacted in and around Colombo—horrors

to find a parallel for which they must go back to the siege of

Jerusalem. Mr. Ferguson had not read some portions of his

Paper, but when the whole was printed the Members would

be able to see what useful historical information it contained.

It would be a very valuable addition to the foundation of a

complete history of the period.

6. At the Chairman’s suggestion the reading of Mr. J. P.

Lewis’s Paper on “ Buddhist Ruins near Vavuniya” was

postponed, time not permitting of its being read at this

Meeting.

7. A vote of thanks to His Lordship the Bishop for pre-

siding was moved by Mr. ROLES, seconded by Mr. A. M.

FERGUSON, and agreed to unanimously.

HIS LORDSHIP in responding said that it was the intention

of a gentleman present to propose a vote of thanks to

Mr. Ferguson for his Paper, but as that vote of thanks had

been overlooked, whilst a vote had been passed to the chair,

he must ask the Meeting to take it that a vote of thanks had

been recorded to Mr. Ferguson for his Paper.

8. His LORDSHIP also stated that it had been the intention

of the Secretary to make special mention of a Sinhalese

Grammar by ‘Abraham Mendis Gunasekara, Mudaliyar,

received by the Society and laid on the table. The Grammar

had been just completed and issued from the press. Apart

from the real value of the book itself, it did great credit to

the Ceylon Government Press that such a work should have

been turned out in so neat and artistic a style.

The Meeting then terminated.

No. 42.—1891.] PROCEEDINGS. 109

COUNCIL MEETING.

Colombo Library, November 12, 1891.

Present :

The Lord Bishop of Colombo, President, in the Chair.

Mr. Henry Bois. Hon. A. de A. Seneviratna,

Mr. W. H. G. Duncan (Hon. M.L.C.

Treasurer). Dr. H. Trimen, M.B., F.L.S.

Mr. W. P. Ranasinha. Mr. G. Wall, F.L.S., F.R.A.S.,

Vice-President.

Mr. E. S. W, Senathi Raja, Honorary Secretary.

Mr. Gerard A. Joseph, Assistant Secretary.

Business.

1. Read and confirmed Minutes of Meetings of the Council

held on May 13, 14, and 29, 1891.

2. Resolved,—That the following candidates for admis-

sion as Resident Members be elected, viz.:—Messrs. John Peter

Samarasekara, G. Grenier, Thomas Cook, E. A. Muttu-

coomaru, W. H. Dias, A. Visuvalingam, James Lemphers,

and Advocate Nagapper.

3. Laid on the table a letter from the Honorary Secre-

taries of the Ninth International Congress of Orientalists

to be held in London in 1892, requesting the Society to

officially nominate a delegate or delegates to attend that

Congress.

Resolved,—That the further consideration of this question

be postponed.

4, Laid on the table letter No. 113, of September 3, 1891,

from the Archeological Commissioner, annexing copy of a

circular drafted by him* and lately issued by the Government

relative to the better preservation of objects of archzo-

logical interest.

5. Read a letter to the Council dated June 16, 1891, from

the Royal University Library of Upsala, calling for an

exchange of publications.

Resolved,—That the offer be accepted. |

* See page 29.

110 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XII.

6. Laid on the table a Paper on “A Contribution to

Sinhalese Plant Lore,” by Mr. W. Arthur de Silva.

Resolved,—That the Paper be referred to Dr. Trimen for

his opinion. |

7. Laid on the table correspondence, and submitted a

draft letter for the approval of the Council, relating to the

privileges of franking which had been recently withdrawn

from the Society by Government.

Resolved,—That the matter be allowed to drop.

8. Resolved,—That a General Meeting of the Society be

held on the 10th proximo.

GENERAL MEETING. |

Colombo Museum, December 10, 1891.

Present :

His Excellency Sir ARTHUR HE. HAVELOCK, K.C.M.G.,

Governor, Patron, in the Chair.

Mr. J. H. Barber, M.R.A.S. Mr. F. Lewis.

Mr. C. Drieberg, B.A., F.H.A.S.| Dr. H. Trimen, M.B., F.R.S.

Mr. W. Arthur de Silva.

Mr. B.S. W. Senathi Raja, M.R.A.S., &c., Honorary Secretary.

Mr. Gerard A. Joseph, Assistant Secretary.

Visitors: Messrs. Gerald Browne, W. Nock, P. 8S. Rodrigo,

P. P. Goonewardene, A. M. Perera, and several others.

Business.

1. Read and confirmed Minutes of Meeting held on

September 30, 1891.

2. The Honorary Secretary announced the election of the

following as Resident Members, viz.:—Messrs. J. P. P.

Samarasekara, Assistant Inspector of Schools; G. Grenier,

Deputy Registrar, Supreme Court; Proctors Thos. Cook, Jas.

Lemphers, HE, A. Muttucoomaru, W. H. Dias, and A. Visuva-

lingam ; and Mr. Advocate Nagapper-.

No. 42.—1891.] BUDDHIST RUINS. 111

3. The accessions to the Society’s Library since the last

Meeting were laid on the table. The Honorary Secretary

stated that the books received were valuable ones. Some

were obtained by purchase, others by exchange and presenta-

tion. Amongst those received special mention was made of

the publications of the Geological Survey of the United

States Government, and the publications issued by the Asiatic

Society of Bengal, “The Bibiliotheca Indica.”

4, Mr. GERARD A. JOSEPH then, on being called upon by

His Excellency, read a Paper entitled—

BUDDHIST RUINS NEAR VAVUNIYA.

By J. P. LEwIs, Esq., C.C.8.

THERE are the ruins of an ancient Buddhist monastery or

some establishment of the kind in the jungle near the spill

of the Madukandatank. Madukanda,or Mandukoddai,as the

Tamils call it, is a Sinhalese village about three miles south-

east of Vavuniya, off the Horawapotdna and Trincomalee road.

The following description of the ruins is based on the

Ratemahatmaya’s official report dated October 16, 1890.

An embankment of considerable size encloses a square of

about 200 yards’ length of sides. The inner slope of the

embankment is faced with rough slabs of stone. Thesquare

is divided into two by a cross embankment, part of which is

not now discernible.

In the western half is another square enclosure with the

remains of a wall of brick and rough stone. Close up to the

western wall of this smaller enclosure there appears to have

been a pond, the bed of which is now filled with broken

bricks and other débris. On the other side of the pond

are to be seen the remains of what was probably at one time

the Viharagé, all that is left of it now being a single upright

pillar with a carved top, and another broken one just opposite

it, with five or six others lying nearby. Many broken bricks

and fragments of stonework lie scattered about the place.

If the other half of the large square was originally a vila

(tank) for growing lotuses in, it does not appear how, with

an embankment on all four sides, it could have obtained a

112 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XII.

constant supply of water. But, on the other hand, it is pro-

vided with a sluice or culvert just in the centre of the eastern

embankment. This sluice is constructed of rough slabs of

stone, which form the sides and covering of two parallel

channels, each a few feet in width and one or two deep.

Besides this sluice there are no signs of there having been

any other channel through the embankment. It may have

served merely as an outlet for rain water collecting within

the enclosure.

If this half of the enclosure was not a tank, it may have

been the part allotted to the priests’ residence or arama, the

western half being that set apart for religious purposes only.

This may account for the fact that there is more débris of

masonry in the western half than in the other.

The eastern half is covered with thick jungle, but there

do not appear to be any ruins of buildingsin it. On clearing

away the jungle in the western half, and excavating the

neighbourhood of the pillars already described, a good many

fragments of tiles and earthen pots were discovered, and

among them, completely buried, what appears to be a sort of

earthenware oven, divided into two compartments, was

found. The greater portion of it was intact, ene end only

having been found broken. The face is ornamented with a

pattern of lines.

I annex a sketch of it.* It has since been removed to the

Colombo Museum.

The back wall of one compartment is broken and detached.

The length of the front, which projects an inch or two

beyond the side wall at each end, is 16 in., the height 6 in.,

and the depth of the chambers about 6 in.

I think the site of these ruins was once surveyed. If so, a

correct plan might perhaps be obtained from the Surveyor-

General’s Office.

5. Mr. W. ARTHUR DE SILVA then read his Paper on—

* Not printed.

No, 42.—1891.] SINHALESE PLANT LORE. 113

A CONTRIBUTION TO SINHALESE PLANT LORE.

In dealing with the subject of Sinhalese Plant Lore, I shall

attempt in this Paper to collect together some of the stories

and traditions current in different parts of the Island among

the Sinhalese relating to the members of the vegetable

kingdom.

I.—THE PRINCIPLES OF THE SINHALESE NAMING

OF PLANTS.

The Sinhalese names which are applied to different species

of the vegetable kingdom are connected more or less with

certain ideas which are prevalent about the individual

species. Their origin, habit, locality, nature, description,

form, and properties are one and all more or less expressed

in these names, as will be seen in the sequel.

Origin.

Certain terminations or prefixes in the names of plants

point out toa great extent their origin, whether they are indi-

genous or recent introductions. For example, we have the

prefixes, rata, “foreign,” and mé-rata, “country,” before the

names of a largenumber of plants: as Rata-del (Artocarpus

incisa), Mé-rata-del (A. nobilis).

Instead of mé-rata the term gam is also frequently used :

as Gam-del.

But when either the term rata or mé-rata is used to denote

a species when it is exotic or otherwise, the converse prefix in

the opposite plant is optionally omitted : as Rata-lunu (Bom-

bay onion), Allium cepa and Lunu (onion), Alliwm, Miris

(chillies), and Mé-rata-miris (pepper). Again, the term

mé-rata or gam does not usually occur when there is no exotic

species in existence which is similar in character to a native

one:as Kaluwara (ebony), Diospyros ebenum; Dan, Eugenia

yambolana. In like manner the prefix rata is rarely used

when there is no indigenous species resembling the one intro-

9891 I

114 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XII.

duced : as Té (tea), Camellia thea ; Kokoa (cacao), Theobroma

cacao. Comparatively a small number of species of plants

appear under the last two categories, as so many have at

onetime or other been imported to the Island from various

foreign lands, and the nature of the imaginative power is

such that similarities are easily struck out between any one

plant and another, and a plant introduced is almost always

associated with its counterpart in the Island. Asan example,

if we take the common native plants, say, the food products,

it is no easy task to find plants without their rata associate :

as Wi (paddy), Oryza sativa; Kos (jak), Artocarpus integri-

folia; Pol (cocoanut), Cocos nucifera; Batala (sweet potato),

Batatas edulis; Mé (bean), Phaseolus vulgaris. All have

their rata counterparts.

Habit.

A certain class of terminations employed in the naming of

plants divide them into three great divisions according to

their habits,—gas, “trees,” wel, “creepers,” and pald, “herbs,”

respectively. Examples of this class are numerous, but I

may mention here Kos-gaha (jak tree), Mé-wela (bean

creeper), Tampala (Amarantus),

In the pala class the term is frequently omitted: as

Aswenna (Alyssicarpus monilifers), But, on the other hand,

when a plant is a tree or a creeper, the terms gaha and wela

are seldom or never omitted.

As most of the common herbs of Ceylon are edible in one

form or other, the term pald has come to be used as a

general term.

Sometimes plants possessing more or less similar forms

are found as trees and creepers, when the terms gas and wel

always serve to distinguish them: as Gas-keppettiya (Croton

lacciferum), Wel-keppettiya (C.aromaticum); Gas-ruk-attana

(Alstonia scholaris), Wel-ruk-attana (Allamanda cathar-

tica), &¢.

Situation.

The site of growth is also expressed by various prefixes

attached tothe names. Thus, we have plants beginning their

No. 42.—1891.] SINHALESE PLANT LORE. 115

names with goda, “land,” diya, ‘“ water,” mudu, “sea coast” :

as Goda-para (Dillenia retusa), Diya-habarala (Monochoria

hastefolia), Midu-kaduru (Ochrosia borbonica).

The term goda is only used when there is another species

resembling it growing in moist situations or on the sea coast.

But the terms diya and miudu are more widely used, as

eomparatively few species belong to the two last classes.

Description.

We come now to the class of prefixes and suffixes in names

which more or less serve to denote some physical descrip-

tion or other that aids in the identification of a particular

plant. The words may either denote the form of the plant

or any particular position of it or its organs, or other

‘characteristic marks.

Among those of the first-stated variety—the terms which

denote the form of plants—we have hin, “small,” and maha.

“oreat”: as Hin-béwitiya (Osbeckia octandra), Maha-

bowttiya (Melastoma malabathricum).

The terms hin and maha are used in the naming of such

plants which are generally of the same genus, bearing almost

.the same characteristics, with the only difference of having

the different organs smaller in size to those of the other

species. In almost all instances, when we meet with either a

hin or a maha plant we are certain to have its opposite, as

these two terms are very seldom used when their opposites

are not found.

Next we come to that class of terms which describe a plant

by any unusual colour exhibited by it or any of its organs.

We have such terms as ela or sudu, “white,” ratu, “red,” ni,

“blue,” kaha, “yellow,” and ranwan, “gold-coloured,” &c.

Among ela or sudu plants we have Hla-wé-wel (Calamus

Roxburghit), with a light-coloured stem ; Hla-nitul (Plum-

bago zeylanica), with white flowers; Hla-batu (Solanum

Xanthocarpum), with light-coloured fruits; and Swudu-

tampalé (Amarantus gangitecus), possessing light-coloured

leaves.

116 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. Xi.

In the ratu (red) class we have Fat-kihiri (Acacia catechu),.

with red-coloured wood ; Rat-mal (Izxora coccinea), with red

flowers.

Such examples as Nil-katarodu (Clitoria ternatea), with:

blue flowers ; Kaha-petan (Bauhinia tomentosa), with yellow

flowers; and Ranwan-kikirindi (Wadelia calundulacea),.

with gold-coloured flower heads, represent other varieties:

of colours.

The class of plants which Botanists describe as Diacious,,

as they bear the staminate and pistillate, or pollen-bearing

and fruit-forming flowers, on different plants, are distin-

guished by two simple terms, which occur along with their

names, viz., mal, “flower,” gedit, “fruit.”

These two prefixes not only show that the species belong to:

the Dicecious class, but they point out definitely which

are staminate or pollen-bearing, and which are pistillate or

fruit-forming, mal and gedi standing for them respectively =

as Mal-tumba and Gedi-twmba (Momordica diecea).

Next we pass to the consideration of plants which have

such prefixes as potu, kirt, katu,dara, dat—“ scaly,” “milky,”

“thorny, “angular,” and “dentate,” respectively. These:

terms describe the appearance of plants formed by different

modifications, and the names make it a very easy matter to

distinguish them. Thus we have Potu-pala (pomea

uniflora), Kiri-walla (Holarrhena mitis), Katu-kurundu

(Scolopia crenata), Dara-wetakolu (Luffa acutangula),.

Dat-ketiya (Ophiorrhiza mungos).

We have also such names as Nidi-kumba (Mimosa pudica),

Chanchala (Desmodium gyrans), Agamula-neti-wela (Cas-

sytha), which denote some special characters of the plants.

The term nidi, “sleepy,” is applicable to Mimosa, as the

leaves contract, or apparently go to sleep, at sunset or on the

slightest touch. |

The name Chanchala, “moving,” has a very significant

meaning, and this plant, which is known as “the Telegraph

Plant,” is characteristic for the motion of some of its leaves,

which always keep turning round at a very slow rate. The

No, 42.—1891.] SINHALESE PLANT LORE. d17

next name, Agamula-neti-wela, used for Cassytha, at once

marks its character, the Sinhalese word literally meaning

“creeper without end or roots”; so it is with the

Cassytha,—it is a parasitic creeper devoid of leaves and

made of thin thread-like stems, The plant, though portions

are found on the ground, has no roots, so to speak, but

obtains its food from its host, the cinnamon, through the

suckers which it sends out. In the above-quoted instances

the names disclose to the student almost the whole history

of these particular plants.

. Properties.

We have terms in the names which denote certain pro-

perties possessed by different plants, either showing their

economic value or their characteristic taste, &c. Among the

former we have the terms el, “oily,” and patta, “fibrous” :

as Tel-kekuna (Aleurites moluccana), the seeds of which

produce a large quantity of oil, and Patta-beli (Paritium

tillieaceum), a common hedge plant which produces a very

fine fibre.

In the other class, which distinguishes certain plants,

we have titta, peni, lunu, kahata—“ bitter,” “sweet,”

“salt,” “astringent,” respectively: Z%tia-kinda (Tinospora

erispa), Peni-waraka (sweet jak), Lunu-midella (Melia

dubia), Kahata-gaha (Careya arborea).

Before concluding the consideration of the names of plants

I will mention another class which have terms prefixed

to them, such as yak, nay, et, wru, &c.—* devil,” “serpent,”

“elephant,” “ pig,” respectively. These terms are prefixed to

the names to represent certain ideasabout them. For instance,

itis well known that the devil is something evil, a serpent is

venomous, a pig is ugly-looking, and an elephant is huge in

size. So, when any of these occur along with the names of

plants an idea is at once formed of certain characters possessed

by them. Thus, Yak naran (Atalantia zeylanica), Nay?-

miris (Capsicum fastigiatum), Et-demata (Gmelina arborea),

Urugenda (Portulaca tuberosa).

118 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XII.

Il.—THE SACRED AND MYTHOLOGICAL TREES.

The Sinhalese hold the Bo tree (Micus religiosa) in the

highest veneration, and respect it as a remembrance of certain

acts in the life of the illustrious founder of their national

religion. Hence, wherever the tree is found great care is

bestowed on it, and its vicinity is always kept clean. The

great Bo tree at Anuradhapura, believed to be a scion of the

tree at Buddhagaya, is, according to the Mahawansa, 2,000

years old, having been introduced into Ceylon in the reign

of Devanampiyatissa.

There are certain other trees, a list of which I append

hereto, which are considered to be sacred, inasmuch as they

provided the first resting-place where so many Buddhas

obtained their wisdom :—

Names of Buddhas. Trees.

1 Dipankara

2 Kondania

3 Mangala

4 Sumana

5 Révata

6 Sobita

7 Anémadassi

8 Paduma

9 Narada

10 Padumuttara

11 Sumédha

12 Sujata

13 Pryadassi

14 Attadassi

15 Dammadasi

16 Siddhattha

17 Tissa

18 Phussa

19 Vipassi

20 Sikhi

21 Vessabhu

22 Kakusanda

23 Konéagam

24 Kassapa

25 Gautama

Bi-nuga (/%cus mysorensis, Heyne)

Sala Kalyana

Na (Mesua ferrea)

Kumbuk ( Terminalia tomentosa)

Sona

Sarala

Bakmi (Sarcocephalus cordatus, Miq.y

Bamboo (Bambusa)

Puwangu (Myristica Horsfieldiz)

Sapu (Michelia champaca)

Ratkarandu

Kinihirya (Cochlospermum, gossypium,,.

D.C.)

Piyagasa

Nelhi (Lerminalia emblica)

Palol (Stereospermum suaveolens)

Ktamba (Magnifera indica)

Sal (Shorea robusta)

Sirisa

Dimbul (/%cus glomerata)

Nuga (cus altisssima, Bl.)

Ksatu Bé (Ficus religiosa)

No. 42.—1891.] SINHALESE PLANT LORE. IY,

Most of the trees which grow to large dimensions, such as

the Hrabadu (Erythrina indica), Diwul (Feronia elephan-

tum), &c., are believed by some to be the abodes of certain

Devatavo and Yakkhu, both good and evil spirits. Villagers

often light lamps and burn fragrant substances under these

trees to invoke the aid of the supernatural beings who are

supposed to inhabit them.

There is a belief that certain plants exist in the abodes of

the gods. Among these are mentioned the Parasatu and the

Kusa.

The Parasatu is said to be a heavenly tree which pro-

duces most beautiful and sweet-scented flowers, and many a

story is related of the Dévas offering or presenting the

flowers from this tree as a mark of respect. We read in the

Kusa Jataka(a Buddhist birth story) that among the presents

received by the Queen Silavati from Sakra Déva was the

““sweetly-blossomed flower from the tree that grows in

heaven.”

The other heavenly plant, the Kusa grass, is held

in great veneration, and the belief is that the grass is

found both here and in the heavens. It is mentioned that

Gautama Buddha was presented with AKwusa grass by a

Brahmin, which he spread under the Bo tree to serve as a

seat. Kusa grass is also one of the presents which Queen

Silavati brought from heaven along with the Parasatu

flowers.

Mythological Trees.

Coming to the mythological trees, some of those commonly

spoken of are the Kapruka, Kalu-nika, Visa-kumbha, and

Damoa.

Now the Kapruka is a tree which is supposed to come

into existence once in a kalpa, or millenium, during a happy

period of the world’s existence.

This tree is said to produce any and everything which one

may desire to possess, be it the most valuable jewels or the

120 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XII.

most precious stones, the rarest metal, the costliest silk or

cotton fabric, or the choicest food. All these are obtained

by a wish on the part of any individual. The Sinhalese

poets have in all times compared the generous man to the

Kapruka, and vice versd. We read in Sri Rahula’s Kdvya-

sékhara :—

58D Oh & ravi)

BOQ, EQ EG ayo

Seas 5B aya

OGBO Qdo GA HER © oO

Ru siru guna sita

Sura tura dint deta

Vilasin vinita

Lovata kulunen sadisi mata.

That is—“ In personal charms (she) was as Princess Sita (the

Queen of Rama); her hands excelling (in generosity) even

the wishing-tree (Kapruka), her deportment. exemplary,

and in her charity she was verily a mother to the world.”

_ Then there is the Kalu-nika. The Sinhalese Nika is the

Vitex, a medicinal plant common in the Island; but no

one pretends to have seen Kalu-nika (or the black Vitex),

though the superstitious have a firm belief that it does exist in

certain jungles. Itis reported not to be found inalljungles,

but only in such places as are noted or connected with the

doing of some heroic deed.

The plant when met with and accidentally partaken of

by an old man, is said to at once restore him to health and

youth, his gray hairs disappear, and the’ youthful vigour of

mind and body return to: him; while the ugliest man or

woman who partakes of this wonderful plant is said to

be transformed into a most beauteous and perfect creature.

This belief does not exist only among the Sinhalese people,

but also among the Indians and the Chinese. It is perhaps

fortunate that we do not come across this plant at

the present day, for who knows what comedies of errors it

would produce. It is natural for both men and women to

desire to acquire or regain youth and beauty. The plant

No. 42.—1891.] SINHALESE PLANT LORE. 121

would be freely partaken of, and we should constantly

be put to great difficulty to find out elderly relatives or

acquaintances.

But there is also another belief that portions of this plant

can be secured by any industrious man who will follow

certain prescribed directions. If any one wishes to obtain a

twig of this “tree of life” he will be able to get it through

the intervention of a certain bird. There isa bird known in

Ceylon asthe Hti-kukula (Centropus chlororhyncus), and this

bird is said to build its nest on the sides of mountains, where

it lays its eggs. After finding such a nest, the person who de-

sires to obtain the Kalu-nika should watch it till the eggs are

hatched and the young birds come out. Before these quit

the nest, wire made of an alloy of five metals should be used

to fasten the young F/ti-kukulu to the branch on which the

nest is made. Neither the little birds nor the old ones are

able to break this magic metal string, unless they bring to

the place a piece or pieces of the Kalu-nika plant. They

know to a certainty where it can be procured. In order to

unloose the metal wire they bring twigs of the plant to the

nest, when the metal strings give way and the young ones

are enabled to fly off. Thus a patient man will be able to

find to a certainty twigs of Kalu-nika in the nest. But

the birds make it a difficult task for one to distinguish

the real plant, for they also bring to their nests twigs similar

to those of the Kalu-nika from other species of plants. If

the whole nest and the pieces of sticks in it be taken and

thrown into a stream piece by piece, and the person who

does so wishes it, the Kalu-nika twigs will float against

the current,—so it is said ; and by this process any person

can procure the Kalu-nika, which bestows youth, beauty,

and long life.

Then we come to another imaginary jungle tree called the

Visa-kumbha, or the plant which is an antidote for all

poisons, the mere act of touching it being sufficient not

‘only to cure one of the effects of a poisonous bite or sting,

122 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XII.

but tomake him altogether poison-proof. Some believe that

this plant is a large tree, others a herb, and others a creeper. |

But no one actually knows what it is, until he accidentally

comes across it. A man possessing the secret of this plant is

said never to divulge it, as the knowledge is asource of much

profit to him, qualifying him to successfully treat any one

suffering from snake-bite. When a man is bitten by a snake,

and, as is often the case, is none the worse for it, it is

believed that by some chance or other he must have at least

trod on the root of the wonderful poison-curing tree. It is

also believed that the mongoose (Herpestes mungo), which

is a great enemy of the cobra, which he attacks with

apparent fearlessness, possesses the secret of the knowledge

of this plant, and hence does not feel the effect of the poison.

The mongoose is supposed to bite the Visa-kumbha before

and after it attacks a snake. But here also the animal would

appear to be very jealous of his knowledge, as he does not

allow man to know his secret, for he not only bites the

particular tree, but nibbles at all kinds of trees which he

comes across, so as to puzzle any individual who may think

of following him and discovering the secret.

We have likewise an evil-producing tree, which is also

dwelt on in folk lore. This is known as the Damba tree.

Damba is called yambu in Sinhalese, but the particular

Damoba is quite different from any of the species which are

known as Damba (Hugenia); for the former is commonly

believed to be a milky plant. It is said that this tree is

always inhabited by a host of evil spirits, who, the instant a

man approaches, unless he possesses an effective talisman,

kill him on the spot. This may be compared with the

fabulous Upas tree, which was supposed to kill all mortals

who approached it.

There are many stories in which it is set forth that kings

and queens, when they wish to be rid of any person or pay

off a grudge, order their victim to procure something from a

Damba tree ; and unless a talisman is possessed by the unwary

No. 42.—1891.] SINHALESE PLANT LORE. 123

person he always falls avictim. In almostall these tales the

intended victim has escaped miraculously by means of some

talisman which a knowing royal lover had put him in

possession of, and the intentions of the wickedly-disposed

persons have been frustrated.

III —LEGENDS OF THE ORIGIN OF A FEW VALUABLE

FooD PRODUCTS, AND OF THEIR NAMES.

There are many stories which account for the origin of

certain trees whose products are widely used; thus, we

have stories regarding the origin of rice, the cocoanut, and

the sweet potato.

To start with I will take paddy, or the rice-producing

plant, since rice is the principal food of the natives of this

Island. The story relates how in the beginning of this

kalpa the earth was inhabited by two beings who descended

to our sphere from the Brahma-loka, and how they and their

children had at first no difficulty in obtaining their food, as

the soil itself was rich and fruitful, and they ate of it gladly

and thankfully. But as time went on those qualities which

made the soil bear palatable food ceased to exist, and a

erowth, an edible fungus, sprung up, that these early inhabi-

tants were put to the trouble of collecting as their food ; hence,

it is said, the necessity for work arose, for the reason that

wickedness began to appear among the members of this first

earthly family, who had originally nothing but good in their

hearts. And as the world grew older its inhabitants grew

more wicked, and in proportion the greater was the

difficulty in obtaining food. For the first growth, which had

merely to be collected and eaten, gave place to another,—a

species of plant bearing naked grain, in other words, rice,

which the people were put to the additional trouble of collect-

ing and cooking before it was fit for eating.

Later on, as the inhabitants grew more numerous and more

wicked, “rice” developed a covering or husk and evolved

itself into paddy, thereby causing man greater trouble in

124 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). . [ VoL. XII.

having to separate the grain from the husk. But this was

not the last of the troubles to the future agriculturist, for

now the paddy plant ceased to grow perennially with no

help or attention on the part of man, and then came the

necessity for the preparation of fields and the sowing of

the grain in order to obtain the crop.

This is the story of the paddy plant, which, as such, has a

charming simplicity about it. But on looking closer we find

a moral significance in it, inasmuch as it attempts to show

how labour, trouble, and care were the outcome of evil, and

how they increased in proportion as the human race grew in

wickedness, Again, there is as it were a scientific glimmer

' about the account, for it is evidently intended to indicate,

after a crude fashion, that law of agriculture according to

which deterioration must eventually result when no attention

is given to the soil, so that those qualities may be preserved

upon which certain desirable effects depend.

The Origin of the Cocoanut Tree.

The story runs, that at one time there lived in a kingdom

of the East a mighty king, resplendent with glory and

surrounded by a large retinue of ministers, among whom

were several wise men—both physicians and astrologers.

These latter, by observing the stars and the courses of

heavenly bodies, professed to predict events and fix on

“lucky ” days and hours, and made reports of the results of

their observations tothe king. The astrologers royal, though

well remunerated, were in no little dread of His Majesty,

who, if ever their predictions proved incorrect, immediately

condemned them to be beheaded.

One day a learned astrologer of the Berawéya (tom-tom

beater) caste, noted for his erudition, discovered, after careful

observation and calculation, that a certain day was exceed-

ingly “lucky” for planting trees—in fact he went so far as

to declare that anything, no matter what, planted ata certain

hour on that day would be sure to grow into a tree, which

would be a great boon to humanity. The king having been

No. 42.—1891.] SINHALESE PLANT LORE. 125

informed of this, though much gratified, was yet not

altogether pleased with the bold assurance of the man, and

thinking to puzzle him, inquired whether the astrologer’s

head, if laid on a stone, would there develop roots and grow

into a tree, The answer was in the affirmative ; and to the

great astonishment of the astrologer the king forthwith

ordered the experiment to be carried out, The severed head

was accordingly laid upon the stone, and after a time, lo!

the noble cocoanut palm—the tree of a thousand uses—sprang

up. And to this day it is supposed the resemblance of the

cocoanut to the head of the astrologer is preserved, for, taking

the husked nut as representing the head, the fibre represents

the hair, with the top-knot (kondé), while the eyes and

mouth are also supposed to be represented by the three

depressions.

There are different accounts of the origin of this palm:

the Cochin people have one account and the South Sea

Islanders another.

The Origin of the Sweet Potato (Sin., Batala).

The story regarding the origin of this plant starts with a

widow and two daughters who lived together in comfortable

circumstances till the marriage of the two latter, one toa

man of wealth the other to a husband of moderate means.

Bad times coming upon the widow, she paid a visit to her

rich daughter, hoping to get help from her, but though she

arrived faint and hungry, the ungrateful child offered her no

refreshment ; and even when a request for food was made

the answer was that there was nothing in the house to eat.

At first the old woman was inclined to pity her daughter,

who, she thought, must have become poor like herself ; but

soon she became suspicious of her child’s ingratitude, and

when the latter left the house for a while she looked about

and discovered that a pot full of rice had been hidden away.

Full of sorrow at the thought of her daughter’s ingratitude

she wept bitterly, with the result that some of her tears fell

126 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XII.

into the pot of rice. Then she left and sought her other

child, who received her with all hospitality. The ungrate-

ful daughter was pleased on her return to find her mother

gone, and proceeded to partake of her meal alone, when to

her astonishment she found the rice reeking with blood.

Such was the punishment for her want of filial affection.

But the strange sequel is the important part of this account,

for when the bloody meal was thrown away an unknown

plant sprung up from the place whereon it fell, which in

course of time developed a tuber, to which was given

the name Batala, derived from bata, “rice,” and le,

“blood” —an unpleasant-enough etymology for so estimable

a food.

The Origin of the Names of some Plants.

Among a great number of crude stories current as to the

origin of the names of certain plants I will here give

those connected with the names of two well-known

native products, jak and coffee, and that of a medicinal

orchid, Naga-meru-alé, “the yam that killed the younger

sister”? (Habenaria macrostachya).

The Jak Tree (Herali-gaha).—Like most economic planis,

the jak tree was originally found growing wild, and its value

as a food was known to none. It was in fact considered to

be a poisonous growth till the god Sakra made its value

known by a strange method. The divine benefactor is

related to have descended to earth, having assumed the form

of an old man, and, carrying a large-sized jak, to have present-

ed himself before a village housewife, entreating her to boil

for him the fruit he carried. With some persuasion the

woman was induced to do the service asked for. After

delivering his burden the old man went away on some pre-

tended business, giving the woman strict injunctions not to

taste of the fruit. The strange plan of the god succeeded

well, for, with the proverbial curiosity of woman, the house-

wife, like her mother Eve, was most inquisitive to know

what the fruit tasted like, for the aroma of the boiling jak

No. 42.—1891.] SINHALESE PLANT LORE. 127

rather pleased her. Having cautiously tasted a portion of a

seed, she was quite fascinated by its agreeable flavour, and

eventually partook of the greater portion of the boiled fruit

before the old man arrived. The transformed god on his

return seeing what had occurred, accused the woman, calling

her Hera-liya, “thief wonan,” and disappeared. Since that

time the jak has been known by the name of Hera-liya,

while the fruit has become a favourite food with the

people of Ceylon.

Coffee—tThe coffee berry, as it originally grew in its wild

state, was looked upon as a poisonous fruit. It is related

that a certain woman, after having quarrelled with her

husband, made up her mind, in a fit of anger, to put an end

to her miserable existence by taking some poison in his

absence. Making her way into the neighbouring jungle she

found a tree laden with red berries, and gathering some of

the fruit peeled off the outer husk and attempted to eat the

seeds; but these were so unpalatable that she decided on

roasting them first. The roasted berries, however, proved

more bitter and distasteful than the raw beans, and being

unable to swallow them, she conceived the idea of reducing

them to a powder, and, after mixing this with water,

drinking it down. By astrange chance there happened to

a pot of hot water near at hand, and this water she poured

over the coffee powder, drank off the infusion, and prepared

herself for death. To her astonishment, however, the

enraged wife found that the coffee, so far from acting as a

poison, seemed to enervate her, and at the same time to

calm her rage, till she felt ashamed of her cowardly

attempt to take her life. On the return of her husband

She went to him in contrition and confessed all, and he,

after mildly rebuking her for her weakness, decided to try

the infusion of the berry himself, which having done he

pronounced it excellent. Henceforward coffee became a

favourite beverage, and the berry was called Kope, “anger,”

since it was the anger of the woman that was the means of

discovering its virtues.

128 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIf.

Naga-meru-alé (“the yam that killed the younger sister’’),

Habenaria macrostachya.—Various stories are current as to

the origin of the name of this plant: one is the following.

It happened that a Vedda and a younger sister on their way

to another part of the country had to pass through a forest.

The Vedda, who was armed with bow and arrow, and his.

sister, tired after a long day’s walk, sat down to rest,and the

former laid aside his bow and stuck the arrow in the ground.

The sister, asking her brother for a little lime to chew her

betel with, the Vedda gave her the lime on the point of the

arrow. Scarcely had she chewed the betel when to his amaze-

ment and horror she approached him with amorous gestures.

Deciding that death alone could remove the disgrace of her

conduct, he drew his bow and shot her. Subsequently the

unhappy Vedda found the cause of this strange behaviour

was owing to the arrow having been tainted with the

juice of a yam which it had pierced when stuck in the

ground.

This yam has since been knowa as the Naga-meru-aleé,

“the yam that killed the sister.”

Two versions of the story are given by Mr. Nevill in the

“'Taprobanian,” vol. IT., p. 3.

Plants in Folk Lore Tales.

There are several folk lore tales current among the Sin-

halese, in which trees are mentioned as having played an

important part. I will here relate one.

There lived in a certain village a gamarala and his wife.

They had a child named Kirihami. The gamarala was a

well-to-do man, possessing fields and gardens, which he regu-

larly cultivated and filled his atu with their produce, so that

the family were in comfortable circumstances. It happened

that the gamarala’s wife once got ill, and the husband and

his daughter were put to no little anxiety owing to her

illness, as she grew worse and worse daily. The woman

loved her daughter very much, and she thought, if she were

No. 42.—1891.] SINHALESE PLANT LORE. 129

to die, her daughter would suffer a good deal, for she knew

well that the gamardla, being a comparatively young man,

and possessing extensive fields, would take unto himself a

second wife after her death, and she had a presentiment that

the step-mother would not treat her daughter well. The

woman got worse and worse and was dying, but her thoughts

were centred on her beloved daughter. Before breathing

her last, witha great effort she told her daughter she would

get on by pleasing any step-mother she might get, and

that she (the mother) would be transformed into a white

tortoise and inhabit a pond in the vicinity, and requested

her daughter to think of her whenever she was in distress.

The woman died, and, as she had rightly guessed, the

gamardla very soon married a second wife. This woman

proved herself to be very kind to the step-daughter, but all

this kindness disappeared when she got a daughter of her

own. Henceforth Kirihami led a miserable life; she was

made to do all manner of irksome work, and was vexed in

many ways. Remembering her dying mother’s injunc-

tions, she repaired to the tank, where the white tortoise saw

her every day, bathed her, dressed her, and gave her choice

food. The wicked step-mother was soon told of all this by

her own daughter, and determined to put an end to the

tortoise. With this idea she pretended ill-health, and when

the gamarala questioned her what remedy would cure her,

she informed him that she would become perfectly well

if she could have the flesh of a white tortoise. So the white

tortoise was caught and brought home, put in a boiling pot

of water, and Kirihami had to cook it for her step-mother.

The tortoise, who loudly lamented not its own death, but

the fact of having to leave Kirihami behind, instructed the

daughter, before dying, to preserve a piece of bone and throw

it in a certain place, when it would spring up into a mango

tree, which would supply her with fruits and anything she

was in need of. The girl did as she was told, and the tree

sprang up in due course of time. Whenever she went near

the tree the boughs, laden with sweet fruits, bent down, so

98—91 EK

130 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). | [VOL. XII.

that she was able to pluck and eat as many as she wished ;

but when the daughter of the other woman approached the

tree the mangoes became very sour and infested with grubs.

This also came to the ears of the wicked step-mother, who,

determining to get rid of the tree, pretended ill-health, and

entreated her husband to get her the stem of that very

mango tree for firewood, when she would get better. This

the man proceeded to do, but before it was cut down the

transformed mother, with her wonted kindness, instructed

Kiribami to possess herself of a small twig, which she said

would act as a talisman, and give her whatever she wished

for. So the wicked woman’s malicious designs against her

step-daughter were frustrated, for Kirihami left home and

procured for herself all sorts of jewellery and riches, and

eventually became the queen of a mighty prince.

1V.—SUPERSTITIONS CONNECTED WITH PLANTS.

Repeating the Names of Plants.

There are certain plants which bear fruits which have some-

times a bitter taste and on other occasions are quite pleasant to

eat. Among these we havethe Dummélla(Trichosanthes cucu-

merina)and Kekiri (Zehenariaumbellata). The popular belief

is that the bitterness is felt if the name is pronounced before

eating them. So people take special care not to pronounce the

names of these plants until they have partaken of the fruit.

The same belief exists in regard to certain acrid plants,

such as Habarala (Alocasia macrorhiza). There are several

species of Alocasia the yams of which are used as food.

When cooked and eaten they generally produce a rasping

sensation on the palate, owing to the presence of certain

acrid properties. Some varieties are more acrid than others,

but cultivation improves them a good deal, making them

valuable food products. It is believed that the Alocasia yam,

though it be from one of the worst varieties, will not give

the rasping sensation if its name is not pronounced by

the eater or any one in the eater’s hearing. As soon as the

name is uttered the sensation comes on.

ys Le

No. 42.—1891.] SINHALESE PLANT LORE. 131

Superstitions connected with Forests.

In different parts of the Island, where there are unexplored

jungles, there is a common belief in the existence of what I

may calla “god’s orchard.” The god is said to be Saman, and

“< Saman Deviyannagé Uyana”’ is said to exist inthe heart of

the jungles where no man isable to penetrate. These gardens

are said to be replete with all varieties of delicious fruit, which

hang on the trees in abundance. It is also said that if

a person loses his way in the jungle and wanders about,

he generally comes across the orchard, where he can eat

any quantity of the fruits, but is not able to take away

anything from it; for if he happens to take any fruit with

him he will not be able to find his way out of the garden

until he throws it away.

Effects of certain Plants on Animals.

We have the Burulla (Leea staphlya), which is supposed to

bea very noxious plant for cattle of all sorts. No cattle-keeper

will ever, even in the greatest emergency, usea Burulla stick

for driving his animals. It is also believed that when an

animal is hit with one of these sticks it sickens.

. The Burulia plant is considered to be the devil’s plant, and

in devil ceremonies its leaves are used for decorating the

‘bodies of the dancers. :

The Kuppameéniya (Aclypha Indica), another plant, acts

like a charm on cats. These animals, when brought in con-

tact with one of the plants, get as it were mesmerised, and

‘will not move away for along time. The popular belief is

that the plant is a special medicine for the animal, and hence

it loves it so much that it does not wish to leave it.

Plants in Devil Ceremonies.

Plants and flowers are commonly used in devil ceremonies,

‘and flowers of different hues are used in offerings to dif-

ferent devils according to certain prescribed rules. White

and fragrant flowers, such as Jasmine and Idda (Wrightia

zeylanica), are used for such evil spirits as are supposed to

be comparatively mild in their dispositions. Red flowers

K 2

132 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). { Vou. XIT.

always indicate devils who are noted for their evil disposi-.

tions, and the commonest flower thus used is the Rat-mal

(Ixora coccinea). Inthese ceremonies young cocoanut leaves

and plantain stalks are commonly taken, and sticks from

bitter (Awrantius) plants are used as the magic wands,.

commonly known as the arrows, or the ?-gas. Limes are

cut after various charms to cure diseases and to drive away

evil spirits, and these fruits are sometimes burnt, after they

are cut, in a fire made of five kinds of bitter woods.

Again, we meet with different kinds of creepers and leaves

used in these ceremonies. There are said to be one

hundred and eight varieties. The leaves of the mango tree

are used to drive away evil spirits. Betel, rice, and

flowers are also used as offerings to the devils. Trees which

grow to a large size, as Hrythrina, Bo, Nuga, &c., are

considered to be the abodes of a certain class of spirits.

Various Phenomena in Trees,. &e.

The flowering of a Tala tree (Corypha umbraculifera) is

considered to bring misfortune to the village in which it

occurs, and any unusual appearanees in trees are considered

also to bring on evil results. To avoid danger on the:

occurrence of such phenomena the devil-priests perform a

ceremony known as gara-yakuma.

Again, when certain epidemics. prevail in villages, pol--

gehuma (cocoanut-fighting) is resorted to. In this ceremony

the people in the village divide themselves into two parties,.

and assemble at a certain spot, taking with them a

number of nuts, and each party in turn hits the cocoanut

which the other side throws, till all the nuts of one party are

broken. The other thus wins, and the people parade the

village in procession chanting certain verses and invoking the:

aid of deities to prevent any catastrophe occurring.

Even in the planting of trees there are various super-:

stitious beliefs. First, it is understood that plants which are.

expected to bear fruit should be put in the ground in the

forenoon, and those which produce yams in the afternoon..

‘No. 42.—1891.] SINHALESE PLANT LORE. 133

It is also commonly believed that those who plant arecanuts

will be subjected to nervousness or shivering fits.

As regards the plucking of fruits, the Sinhalese have a

popular belief that the plucking of dates is a cruel act,

because by that means the birds are deprived of a favourite

food, while those who pluck do not gain much profit.

When chewing betel people generally break off the ends,

the pointed apex and the piece of petiole at the base. It is

supposed that the petiole is to some extent poisonous, as the

‘betel is said to have been originally brought from the Naga

‘world, and that when a ndga (cobra) was bringing it hither it

held the stalk in its mouth; while the apex is thrown away

-because it is considered to be below one’s dignity to chew it.

The hair-like lichens which are met with on the stems of

jungle trees are called “ Devil’s-hair,” and it is said that devils,

when they walk about with their legions in these unfrequented

jungles, leave them there.

The Diya-talaya (Maxtixia tetrandra) tree is considered to

be a plant which grows in places where there is water below

and the name itself signifies a water-vessel. In boring wells

the tree is taken as a sign of success. The same properties

are ascribed to the Kumbuk (Terminalia tomentosa) tree.

Snakes are said to love sweet-scented trees and flowers.

‘The sandalwood tree is popularly associated with snakes,

which are said to encircle its stem ; and the screwpine flower

is also said toharbour them.

The Tora (Cassia tora), wherever found growing, is con-

sidered to be a sign of the fertility of the land, while a village

where this plant is not found is popularly held in contempt.

‘Children when touched by the nettle (Givardrini apalmata)

usually resort to a Tora plant and rub its leaves on the part

of the body touched, repeating “Tora kola vise neta

kahambilyaye vise eta,’ “Tora leaves are the stingless :

kahambiliya leaves (nettles) sting.”

Another form of superstition is the kema, when the

applier of a medicine, which consists generally of the part of

a plant, keeps perfectly silent all the time till he finishes his

treatment. This sort of treatment is known as a hema.

134 | JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VOL. XII.

In connection with devil ceremonies, the water which is

used for charming purposes is prepared by mixing some

fresh turmeric, Curcuma longa,and is known as kahadiyara

(turmeric water). The threads which are charmed are also

likewise coloured with a piece of turmeric.

In slicing arecanuts for chewing purposes the first slice,

which is that which contains the scar, is called the ““widow’s

slice” (kKanavendum petia). ‘There is an idea among some:

people that a woman chewing it constantly will become a

widow very soon.

The paddy cultivators have a belief that there is a certain

devil known as Kohomba Yaka (“margosa devil”), who

removes the rice from the threshing-floor, and hence the

ceremonies connected with it.

When epidemics prevail, and especially contagious diseases,.

the barks of some trees are tied on the fingers or the hands

of persons as a protection from the disease. The bark of the:

Bo (Ficus religiosa) and Bombu (Symplocos spicata) are thus.

used to prevent the contagion of sore eyes, and some people

have a firm belief in their efficacy.

There is another belief which is prevalent, that certain

trees when growing opposite a house bring good fortune

while others bring misfortune.

Among the fortunate trees the following are included:—

Na (Mesua ferrea).

Palu (Mimusops hexandra).

Munamal (Mimusops Hlengt).

Sapu (Michelia Champaca).

Pomegranate (Punica Granatum).

Margosa (Melia Azedarach).

Arecanut (Areca Catechu).

Cocoanut (Cocos nucifera).

Palmyrah (Borassus flabelliformis).

Jak (Artocarpus integrifolia).

Shoeflower (Hibiscus Rosa-sinensis).

Idda (Wrightia zeylanica).

Nutmeg (Myristica).

Midi (Vitis vinifera).

No. 49,—1891.1 “SINHALESE PLANT LORE. 135

The following list includes some of the plants which, when

grown near a house, bring misfortune to the occupants :—

Imbul (Hriodendron anfractuosum).

Ruk WMyristica Horsfieldia).

Amba (Mangifera indica).

Beli (#gle Marmelos).

Ehela (Cassia fistula).

Siyambala (Tamarindus indica).

Buruta (Chloroxylon Swietenia).

Rat-kihiri (Acacia catechu).

Ktteriya (Murraya exotica).

Penela (Sapindus emarginatus).

Among the Sinhalese astrologers each nekata (lucky

moment) is associated with a particular tree. There are

twenty-seven ofthese nekat.

A firm belief exists that certain signs which a person meets

when starting on a journey portend good or evil. Among

the products of the vegetable kingdom which are said to be

lucky signs some are noted in the following verse, which I

quote from the Selalihini Sandésa of Sri Rahula :—

OE Mg HE S5QQ GQoi Wo

HC One DHo Ga Saanse ocsiam

BC HE OHO6 odasd BSeamrEea1

AC LADO O569@Q DNWHVSI

ey Y &

Nala mudu suwanda pirikumbu miyuru ambagedi

Pulahela kusuma liyapiyatepala rankedi

Sala sudu semara sésat gijindu nodawedi

Bala suba nimiti peramaga nekatatat wedi.

Look at thine outsets for auspicious signs

H’en better than the nekata, white fans,

Waving umbrellas white, king elephants,

White flowers in fullest bloom, and sweet-voiced maids,

Gold pitchers, gentle breezes perfumed,

Overflowing jars, peacocks, and mango fruits.-— Macready.

Some plants or parts of plants are said to act as talismans,

preserving the possessors from the attacks of different

136 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XII.

animals ; for instance, the possession of a piece of the root

of the Naga-darana (Mariynia diandra) is said to protect a

man from snake bite, and that of a fern growing in the

Vanni is said to be similarly used as a protection from bears.

V.—PLANTS IN POETRY.

The Sinhalese poets appear to be especially fond of drawing

their descriptions from the vegetable world. Perhaps this

is in a great measure due to the large number of species

of trees found in the Island. They have drawn upon the

members of the vegetable world, not only in making their

comparisons, but in describing the virtues and personal

charms of men and women. I quote instances of this

practice from a few standard Sinhalese poems.

The world is compared to a tree anda town to its flowers

in the following verse from the Selalihini Sandésa of Sri

Rahula of Totagamuwa :—

S dD 66 We DOGS YE EQOHA S

OGD DO Hag aa Syn OCED 6

o 2&5 85 nd696 Asi mG E 6

OG BD OMHWST SIH wSEO Sa fo)

Pav rada kanda nalo mul digatu bara

Lev turu susedu yasa mini mutu mal patara

Sav sirl piri sura purawan Kelani pura

Dev mehesun Vibisana surinduta pawara.

Give this message to the exalted god Vibhishana at Kelaniya-pura,

which is filled with all prosperity like unto the city of Dévas, and in

which are the full-blown flowers of renown freely hanging on the tree of

the world that has for its root the Nagaléka, for its stem the Mahameru,

and for its branches the points of the compass.

In the same book the poet sings of the sky and the sun :—

DEG Ha HC HKOSM EQDD CE

Onmnd2ss BIE TMA NAD 55 Ee

SHE st C26G6 HiTSoOnsI DOWWN E

SEQ Dd wOsI ee 83 OF S5Od C

Wadi min savasa nala hesirena digatuwala

Sobaman sunil mini nil nubaturu vipula

Patasan awaragiranetiyen wetenakala

Wilikun surat pala weni wé rivimadala.

No. 42.—1891.] SINHALESE PLANT LORE. 137

Then, like a ripe red fruit, the sun appears

Near to its goal, while falling from its stem

Awaragiri in the huge heaven tree,

Beautiful sapphire blue, where evening airs

Wander among its eight outspreading boughs.— Macready.

The colour of the robes of Buddhist Bhikkhus is described

by Alagiyawanna in the Kusa Jataka :-—

AEONsY 26

AQEVEDHDSO OC

O@GSO EEN ODI

Da) OHOHO Von HKVOG

Rendu net 1a rasa

Banduwadakusum patalesa

Depata andanaya tosa

Wada temadulu wasa nisilesa.

&€& &

A double, gold-red robe that draped navel and over knee

He wore : and fitting robe it was, and glorious to see !

Rich was the dye, a richer never graced fabric of the loom,

Its colour mocked in brilliancy the choicest garden bloom.—Steele.

The same is described by Sri Rahula in Kavyasékhara:—

CONES CBSE €

VAOND SST 1918

DQASCVS aM

O86 Ma) BYS SKROLHOE

Rasudula ratpalasa

Wasnev ran egépasa

Nugapalawan sakasa

Perava matu sivura risiyenelesa.

& & $

Having put on the Nuga-fruit-coloured robe gracefully with care,

as if covering part of a festoon work of gold with a brilliant red

cloth (of wool).

Sri Rahula, in the course of the same work, compares the

science of ethics as follows :—

Qo EOnst fvPz0p) Oz

BDOES OODIC Sd) Ou

S6a07 apEy® w Or

BSH BaGas eee ¢ Sz

Guru atagat akuru

Sikuru liya kola visituru

Parasaru kusum saru

Himihu niyaliya amapaladeru.

138 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIT.

The creeper of science of ethics, which had been caused to sprout

by Vrihaspati (Jupiter), to be decked with branches and leaves by

Sukra (Venus), and to be productive of flowers by Rishi Parasara, was

last of all made to bear ambrosial fruits by the Lord (Bodhisat).

The same poet, in his afore-mentioned Selalihini Sandésa,

describes a bird :—

JOE Od, OON—S6OMIM OME BOM

SBYIOE BIOED DA W663 DHw

Beg ocae@d sO0H3 Sa Sas

OED ME 6,ODS—HA9B Dist Od

BeEece BGQOds EWISEr B

BEED) BHOSE FE DHSB

aM AXHaAS

Pulmal kesaru men—ranwani tela saranayuga

Sapumal kelew tuda madaratini manahara

Nilupul delew samvani piya piya patara

Malinkala réew—ebevini nubin enawara

Niluda lada sidambuwé6 dingu warale nilu

Nilé dawata binigupela ada tambaranilu

Golden are these limbs, like pollen golden,

Of full-blown flowers : yellow thy fair beak

As champac buds ; the comely feather blue

As petals of blue lotus ; wherefore when,

Like an image flower wrought, thou comest

Through the sky, have not young goddess

Placed thee among their long black locks ? or bees

Tn lotus dwelling oft encircle thee ?— Macready

It is remarkable that in the descriptions of personal charms

the poets are at one with each other in using plants and

their parts for various comparisons.

In the following verses of the Kavyasékhara a forest is

compared to a woman :—

HOCI6ES Beyes onss gost! SAAS GIH ast

DAS DH OMEESHT OVENHE QHD DWSE QIvWOE ast

BES Sago, BQ VHaGEe DMSD VODSS G ast

QWMO-mMYG ad 8a ony ogn HOH EVI ENonass

Tamalu waralesa nilupulan net surat bimbuwel lava nate

Tambarawata konda dasan madanala susun tambapalu komalate

Tisarapiyayuru bifigu wasaroda kanaramba watorin yuté

Mata kowulsara piyatepul dena evana ditiwan dingunete.

No. 42.—1891.] SINHALESE PLANT LORE. en 139

He saw that magnificent forest, which was like unto a fair lady whose

charming voice was the kokila’s music, whose thighs were the golden

plantain trees, locks like unto [clusters of] bees, bosoms the golden

hansas, soft palms the lotus petals, whose breathing the calm breeze,

teeth the jasmine flowers, face the lily, red lips the kem, eyes the blue

lotus, and flowing hair the patchouli creeper.

Another poet, Alagiyawanna, thus compares a woman :—

— OH2) YODHY &

SES BOM HVE

GSND EOos

As6 Ga avast dD

Netu muwa kusumudula

Karadara sarana nava dala

Puntana amapala

Epuraliya kapliyan ekatula.

The women of that royal town were like ‘“‘ the wishing tree,”

Their mouths and eyes, its blossomed flowers, right beautiful to see;

Palms, lips, and feet were like the leaves beside the tender shoots,

Their full-orbed bosoms like that tree’s ambrosial precious fruits.—

Steele.

The above two characteristic verses will convey an idea

of the methods by which the Sinhalese poets made their

comparisons from plants. There are numerous instances

where they describe each personal charm and compare it to

some well-known plant, but in the verses quoted such

comparisons are brought together in a small compass.

QA 0

VI.—PLANTS IN RIDDLES.

There is many a riddle both in verse and prose current

among the villagers which has for its meaning a tree ora

part of it. The trees which are generally put into riddles are

common, either by being used as food or widely met with. I

give here some of the more prominent ones which I have

been able to gather :—

FOS HES DOE Cod ooss 039

OAD adO 8G SEemsoosy 39

DDE) O89 ONS FB 2d6oMOP 09

aonid6sine ACO Fi DOST 089

Apégedara wetamullé ranéya

Monaraséma pilvidahaganéya

Kukulaséma teleti karamoléya

Toranyalu nalalé estunéya.

140 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XII.

Friend, solve this: At the corner of our garden fence there

is something with three eyes on the forehead, with a greasy or

‘oily comb like that of a cock, and with feathers spread like a peacock’s.

This refers to the cocoanut.

OAM @VOQ WE Qid@oestd AG@ SA

©O01AG OO Engs BS Seno A

GOD DH OME oMMMRAyiHodeon <M

ODISST ME OD ATIEGE FIA Ki

Kokek séma kanda medden badagana

Monaré séma dasa ata pil widahagana

Gedikati kolanokati kavurut bedagana

Téranyalu mé tunpade asagana.

There is something like a crane clutching the stem of a tree,

and, like the peacock, with its feathers spread in the ten directions.

All eat its fruit, dividing among themselves, but not the leaves.

Friend, listen to these three lines and solve [their meaning].

This refers to the arecanut tree.

AAD HOR OH OGM OM HO

ODDAO DOS OHH WHOODO OH DO

HACO DOR 72a Dead O

OD DASOE O5361 OMAMa BSOH

Gasata namaki gasa malakota eka namaki

Gediyata namaki gedi kanakota eka namaki

Sumbulata namaki sumbulé madayata namaki

Mé tunpade térikenek sapaneki.

Bh Sb Mb &

The plant has one name [while living] and another when dead ; the

fruit is known by one name, but when eaten by another; the coat

has a name and the kernel has another; the person who propounds

the meaning of these lines shall indeed be wise.

The above refers torice. The rice plant is called goyam,

the dead plant becomes pidurwu (straw), the fruit wz, when

eaten it is hal and bat.

EQHOISH O29HD1O9DS3 O2MOG 67

SADOCD OHH OS3 OOE &

HdOn Ba mE DNoOGat EMd6 &

€E VOND OHS ocsG ODA

Atuwaweni ketuwaweni kolé seti

Ratuntlen getuwA weni malé seti

Tunmasa giya kalata kukulek witara siti

Ada berinan heta tora evanuvati

Cc) Cp

No. 42.—1891.] SINHALESE PLANT LORE. 141

The leaf is as if it were bent and marked, the flower is as if it were

woven with red thread. After three months it grows to the size of a

cock, and if you cannot solve this to-day ’tis well to do it to-morrow.

This refers to the pineapple, and the following to sugarcane.

ESEQDOD AWC FG B Dig digata kola eti

SEAS QO e7 3 Ilangata geta eti

DASINSIO OH & BH Kannanta rasa eti

ODIOSO EAMOQz 3 Toranta akameti.

The leaves are rather elongated, and next to them are the knots..

Though sweet to the taste for the eaters, to solve [the riddle] is not

pleasant.

SGODES OH &

SIIB SRS oss gi

OG gd0Ee ond Bata

OMNAD61O253 OOszy Sedes

Radagedara yanapare

Tikki-tikkiri gasak eti

Mal pusmbayi gedi tittayi

_ Notéruwot toku wissayi.

On the road to the dhoby’s house there is a tekki-tikkiri tree. Its

fruits are bitter but its flowers very sweet. If you tell me not what

it is, I will give you twenty slaps.

This is the hal tree (Vateria indica), the following the jak:—

)

G0 2 Dh &

datasy Hoos QYImeS md sost

B9sI wO2® HVDEOS ORC sos

OQEMO MHASH MEd ¢© soot

OSLNND OAMOMOE ODOaT & Dass

Watte gahen dungalayi kadanné

Pitin katuwa etamaduluyi bolanné

Dekata kadagaha heliyé damanné

Hapananam kohomada méké sanne.

If you are clever tell me what that is which is plucked with a

falling noise from a tree in the garden. There is a covering, and

within you find a lot of carps which are cut in two and put in a chatty

[for boiling].

OME O@2 OH od gae® Boar sos

CdsI VPodapsi} ODEO ss} sos

GDS OMsy ODSIDAOSST BOA soy

NSHNINA GQAMsONIVE QVOD Toss

Kola loku gahak gé asalama tibenné

Udin muwékut eliyata paninné

Evari ganan wenwasayen wedenne

Hapananam kohomada méké sanne.

142 JOURNAL, RB.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XII.

Near the house is a tree with large leaves, and from its top

springs a flower-head of conical shape. The fruits grow out in

different places. If you are clever solve this.

This refers to the plantain.

VII.—PROVERBS.

A great number of proverbs, too, are based on the characters

of trees. We have—

Sq Joma nodst cons.

He who steals ash-pumpkins will be known from his shoulders.

The ash-pumpkin (Benincasa cerifera) is a large fruit

with an ashy powder on its surface. The thief taking it on

his shoulders is sure to show the marks of the ash.

ACEH oC Gomme MME”

Of what use are unhusked cocoanuts to dogs ?

Dogs cannot possibly husk cocoanuts in order to get at the

kernel.

AG Dis OOS HoiGoes Vaasasy HH.

Birds do not settle on a barren tree.

DB AD DIG, Ess OE?

When can a single tree become an orchard ?

FOG O@22p90 Aiwdoms estg Sands} Cod EQd0aI oenee.

If the yam produces better the planter of it and his wife will

benefit.

HSI omddasost mMsyo osSs@nwsdst nzoI@oy.

Jak Ses by name, yet not even a (tender) jak to eat.

HIGED OH OSDIOSVE OCOSHOSE OSOMHS.

A thriving plant will be known after the first or the second bud.

OOSSd €,a90 6s comsiasy SpHMe.

Only when you bite the pepper seed do you feel its fate.

GH ENN FOO OME OSTIVH® TooS.

Like showing the leaves to one who knows the tree.

No. 42.—1891.] SINHALESE PLANT LORE. 143

Coming to the poets we find in the Subéhashita :—

SAIDNAM Gs aANHO 012) mogosts C2

@5ISO ga) OOD MOBBES o) Sz

DAMS Ed OL:60D62 YEO Bas Ou

OES) DEOHSI SESS LonM OQ oz

Satguna yut satahata weda kalot saru

Atpita diyunuwa ema karati nilaturu

Watkara diya neraluturu mulata piyakaru

Det mudunen palarasa regena amayuru.

If any services are done to good men they will always be productive

of good then and there. For by pouring water to the root of the

cocoanut tree you get the fruit from its top which gives a sweet water.

BED BN CEID amas BSR6 ro)

BED ah ans HaHst —POaES 5)

Ben oO BE SFYC as OMDS co-3)

BED 0& SDB @RVS AO) O56 co

Nidana sata udawanatek rivi kirana

Nidana sata sahasa tibunat muluderana

Nidana wéya gili jivulase matawarana

Nidana yayi pevasi Isiwaratumo porana

Those men who lie in bed till the sun is up will lose their riches,

even if they had the whole of this earth, like the pulp of the woodapple

devoured by the elephant. This is the:moral told by the ancient Irshis.

Dr. TRIMEN said that the Paper read was a very interesting

and valuable one, and he was glad to find the subject taken up

by a Sinhalese gentleman, as it required a thorough knowledge

of the native languages. Speaking of the Sinhalese nomen-

clature of plants, he said that the Sinhalese do possess a sort

of classification into genera and species, but not based on any

structural points. He ought not to omit to mention the name

of Mr. Moon, one of his predecessors in office, who did a great

service to the Botany of the Island during the early days,

when there was no literature on the subject, by the publication

of his “Catalogue of Plants” at Colombo in 1824, which

contains a full vocabulary of the Sinhalese names. In

addition to this work on Botany, Moon did great service to

144 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XII.

the Island in the establishment of the Gardens at Peradeniya,

and had no doubt some hard work in removing the plants.

from the old Gardens at Kalutara, whence, it must be

remembered, all had to be carried with great labour over

footpaths, as there were no roads then. Mr. Moon contributed

many valuable Papers to the Colombo Literary and Agricul-

‘tural Society, of which he was the Secretary for some time.

Dr. Trimen said that he had paid a great deal of attention to

the Sinhalese names of plants, but that those given by

villagers require careful checking. Natives, when questioned

about the name of a plant, never like to plead ignorance, but

either invent some name based on the characters of the plant,

or give it the name of some other plant. He found it best

to get the name of any particular plant from several different

sources and then compare and take the most reliable. He

also said that the carpenters caused a great deal of confusion

by giving the names of low-country trees to those found in

the hill districts, where there were no villages, and hence no.

real names. He concluded by saying that a great deal was.

left to be done by Sinhalese gentlemen like Mr. de Silva in

determining botanically several plants of which only the

native names are at present known.

A vote of thanks was unanimously accorded to Mr. DE

SILVA for his Paper.

Mr. J. H. BARBER proposed a vote of thanks to the chair, |

which was seconded by Mr. FREDERICK LEWIS and carried

with acclamation, after which the Meeting terminated.

No. 42.—1891. | RULES AND REGULATIONS. 145

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,

CEYLON BRANCH.

FOUNDED AS THE ASIATIC SOCIETY OF CEYLON,

FEBRUARY 7, 1845; INCORPORATED WITH THE ROYAL

ASIATIC SOCIETY OF GREAT BRITAIN AND

IRELAND, FEBRUARY 7, 1846.

RULES AND REGULATIONS.

THE SOCIETY AND ITS MEMBERS.

1. THE design of the Society is to institute and promote

inquiries into the history, religions, languages, literature,

arts, and social condition of the present and former inhabi-

tants of the Island of Ceylon, with its geology and mine-

ralogy, its climate and meteorology, its botany and zoology.

2. The Society shall consist of Ordinary Members and

Honorary Members, who may be either resident or non-

resident.

3d. Members residing in Ceylon shall be considered

resident : Members who do not reside in the Island, or who

may be absent from it for a year or upwards, shall be

considered non-resident,

98—91 L

146 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. XIT.

ELECTION OF ORDINARY MEMBERS.

4. Any person desirous of becoming a Member of the

Society shall be nominated by two or more Members,

who shall give the candidate’s name, address, and occupation,

and shall state whether such candidate desires to be admitted

as a resident or non-resident Member. Notice of such

nomination shall be given in writing to one of the Honorary

Secretaries fourteen clear days before the assembling of any

Meeting of the Council of the Society at which it is to be

considered.

). The nomination shall remain exposed in the Library

until the day of the Meeting of the Council, and any objection

tothe election of a candidate named therein shall be made

in writing to one of the Honorary Secretaries at least three

days before such Meeting.

6. The several nominations shall be considered and

decided upon by the Council, and at the next General

Meeting of the Society the names of the Members elected by

the Council shall be announced.

HONORARY MEMBERS.

7. Any person who has rendered distinguished service

towards the attainment of the objects of the Society shall be

eligible for election as an Honorary Member for life.

8. All Medical Officers of Her Majesty’s Regular Forces

stationed in Ceylon shall be ex officio Honorary Members

during the term of their residence in the Island.

9. Honorary Members for life shall be elected only on the

nomination of the Council at a General Meeting of the Society.

10. There shall not be at one time more than twelve

Honorary Members of the Society besides the Military

Medical Officers above mentioned.

11. An Honorary Member so elected shall be informed of

the election by letter bearing the seal of the Society and

signed by the President and one of the Honorary Secretaries,

No. 42.—1891.] RULES AND REGULATIONS. 147

12. Honorary Members shall be entitled, without pay-

ment, to all the privileges of Ordinary Members.

THE COUNCIL OF THE SOCIETY.

13. The Council of the Society shall consist of the

Honorary Officers and twelve other Members of the Society.

14. The Honorary Officers shall be the President, Vice-

Presidents, Treasurer, and Secretaries.

15. The Honorary Officers and the other Members of the

Council shall be elected annually at the Annual General

Meeting.

16. Of the twelve Members of the Council who are not

Honorary Officers of the Society, four Members shall retire

annually, two by seniority and two by reason of least

attendance. Of the four retiring Members two shall be

eligible for immediate re-election and two for re-election after

the lapse of one year.

17. Should any vacancy occur among the Honorary

Officers or Members of the Council during the interval

between two Annual General Meetings, such vacancy may be

filled up by the Council.

18. Five Members of the Council shall constitute a

quorum.

OE At Meetings of the Council the chair shall be taken

by the President, or, in his absence, by the Senior Vice-Presi-

dent present, or, in the absence of the President and Vice-

Presidents, by some other Member of the Council.

20. The affairs of the Society shall be managed by the

Council, subject to the control of the Society. The Council

shall have power to appoint Committees for special purposes

and to report upon specific questions. Unless otherwise

arranged, three Members shall form a quorum of such Com-

mittees. The Council may also appoint paid officers to

148 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XII.

execute especial duties in connection with the working of

the Society.

21. The Honorary Treasurer shall keep an account of all

moneys received and paid by him on account of the Society,

and submit a statement thereof to the Council. The accounts

shall be audited annually, and the report of the Auditor,

appointed by the Council, shall be read at the Annual

General Meeting of the Society.

MEETINGS OF THE SOCIETY.

22. The Annual General Meeting of the Society shall

be held in January, to receive and consider a report of the

Council on the state of the Society ; to receive the accounts

of the Honorary Treasurer and the report of the Auditors

thereon ; to elect the Council for the ensuing year; and to

deliberate on such other questions as may relate to the regu-

lation, management, or pecuniary affairs of the Society.

23. At General Meetings the chair shall be taken by the

President, or, in his absence, by the senior Vice-President

present, or some other Member of the Council. Provided that

if the Governor of Ceylon for the time being shall have con-

sented to become Patron of the Society, His Excellency

shall be requested, whenever present, to take the Chair.

24. Five Members shall form a quorum.

25. The course of business at General Meetings shall be

as follows :—

(a) The Minutes of the preceding Meeting shall be read

by one of the Honorary Secretaries, and on being

accepted as accurate, shall be signed by the

Chairman.

(6) Donations presented to the Society shall be

announced or laid before the Meeting.

Council may have appointed for the consideration

of the Meeting shall be discussed.

No. 42.—1891. | RULES AND REGULATIONS. 149

(d) Any question relating to the regulation, management,

or pecuniary affairs of the Society, of which 14

days’ notice in writing shall have been given to

one of the Honorary Secretaries, shall be discussed.

(e) Papers and communications shall be read.

26. Every Member of the Society shall have the privilege

of introducing visitors at a General Meeting, either personally

(in which case the names of such visitors should be notified

to one of the Honorary Secretaries) or by a card to be handed

to one of the Honorary Secretaries containing the name of

each visitor and of the introducing Member.

27. General Meetings shall be convened by the Council at

its discretion, or upon the written requisition of ten Members

of the Society.

28. Public notice shall be given of General Meetings, but

business such asis provided for in section 25, sub-sections (c)

and (d), can be introduced only at General Meetings. At

least seven days’ notice, together with an intimation of such

special business as is to be brought forward for considera-

tion, shall be given to Resident Members.

PAYMENTS BY MEMBERS.

29. Every Resident Member shall pay on admission an

entrance fee of Rs. 5°25 and as subscription in advance

for the current year a sum of Rs. 10°50. Every Non-resident

Member shall pay an entrance fee of Rs. 5°25 and as sub-

scription in advance for the current year Rs. 9°25. Provided

that in the case of Members admitted in the last quarter of

any year the subscription for that year shall be remitted.

30. The annual subscription (viz., Rs. 10°50 for Resident

Members and Rs. 5:25 for Non-resident Members) shall be

due on the 31st day of March of each year ; and the Council

shall have power to strike off the roli of the Society the

name of any Member whose subscription is more than two

years in arrear.

150 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XII.

dl (a). The following compositicns are allowed in lieu of:

the annual subscriptions due by Resident Members, and pay-

ment thereof shall entitle to Membership for life, viz. :—

Rs. ¢,

Upon election ses Bon Lt 50)

After two annual payments wae OL nO

After four do. oo DO

After six do. sou yO Za AO)

After ten or more do. vee 2000

(6) The following compositions are allowed in lieu of the

usual subscriptions due by Non-resident Members, and pay-

ment thereof shall entitle to Membership for life, viz. :—

Riss yxc:

Upon election ae eas OO) OW)

After two annual payments woe: | 12 0

After four do. nee see. OOM CO

After six do. ore Se all =O

After ten do. ees Ry 4

32. The Publications of the Society shall not be forwarded

to any Member whose subscription remains in arrear beyond

two years.

33. A Member’s resignation shall not be accepted by the

Council until all arrears of subscription due by such Member

have been paid.

PAPERS AND PUBLICATIONS.

34. The Society shall from time to time publish a Journal

containing papers, illustrations, notes, or letters on subjects

submitted to, or discussed before, the Society, together with

all Proceedings of the Meetings of the Council and General

Meetings.

35. The Council shall appoint a Standing Committee to

decide on the admission of Papers into the Journal, or on

their being read at the General Meetings of the Society.

No. 42.—1891. | RULES AND REGULATIONS. 151

36. The Honorary Secretaries shall edit the Journal and

send a copy, post free, to each Member of the Society entitled

thereto whose address is known. Members requiring more

than one copy of the Journal may be supplied with them at

half the published price.

a¢. The author of any Paper published in the Journal

shall be entitled to twenty-five copies of such Paper.

THE LIBRARY.

38. The Library shall be open on Monday, Tuesday, and

Thursday from 10 A.M. to 6 P.M., on Wednesday and Satur-

day from 10 a.M.to 8 P.M., and on Sunday from 3 P.M. to

8 P.M., but not on Christmas Day or New Year’s Day.

39. Every Resident Member shall be at liberty to borrow

any books from the Library, except such works as may have

been reserved for use in the Library itself.

40. For every book so borrowed a receipt shall be signed

by the Member borrowing it, on one of the printed forms

provided for the purpose.

4\J. No Member shall borrow at the same time more than

three sets of books, without the special permission of one of

the Honorary Secretaries.

42. Books borrowed may be retained for a month. If

not asked for during this period, the loan may be renewed

by the Member signing a fresh receipt.

43. All books borrowed shall be returned to the Library

before January | in each year.

44, The Council may by special resolution sanction, on

such terms as it thinks fit, the loan of manuscripts or of works

reserved for use in the Library; and may under special

circumstances suspend the operation of rule 39.

152 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XII.

MISCELLANEOUS.

45. Members of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great

Britain and Ireland shall be entitled to the use of the Library

on the same terms as ordinary Members of this Society, and

to attend the Meetings of the Society. If desirous of joining

this Society, they are eligible for admission without the

formalities prescribed by rule 4.

46. Any of the foregoing rules may be altered or repealed

at a General Meeting provided two-thirds of the Members

present shall vote for such alteration or repeal. |

AAV

NOV. 9?

1 Ha Udo

GEORGE J. A. SKEEN, GOVERNMENT PRINTER, COLOMBO, CHYLON.

JOURNAL

OF THE

CEYLON BRANCH

OF ‘THE

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,

B | Yhe design of the Society is to institute and promote inquiries into the History,

Religions, Languages, Literature, Arts, and Social Condition of the present

and former Inhabitants of the Island, with its Geology and Mineralogy,

its Climate and Meteorology, its Botany and Zoology.

a COLOMBO :

| 4.0. COTTLE, ACTING GOVERNMENT PRINTER, CEYLON.

1893.

San aiee)

Awe se

JOURNAL

OF THE

CEYLON BRANCH

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,

1892.

VOLUME XII.

No. 43.

EDITED BY THE HONORARY SECRETARY.

The design of the Society is to institute and promote inquiries into the History,

Religions, Languages, Literature, Arts, and Social Condition of the present

and former Inhabitants of the Island, with its Geology and Mineralogy,

its Climate and Meteorology, its Botany and Zoology.

COLOMBO :

H. C. COTTLE, ACTING GOVERNMENT PRINTER, CEYLCN.

1893.

CONTENTS.

Council Meeting : March 15, 1892

Resident Members, election of ass 556

Office Bearers for 1892, nomination of...

Annual General Meeting: March 19, 1892

Annual Report for 1891

Office Bearers for 1892, election of

Address by His LorpsHip THE BisHoP on ‘“ The Veri-

fication of the Ancient Chronicles and Histories of

Ceylon ”

Paper read :—

“Sinhalese Weights and Measures,” by FRANK MODDER

Discussion ite dss acs

Balance Sheet, 1891

General Meeting : August 9, 1892

Papers read :—

“The Identification of the Sirivaddhanapura of

Mahawansa, Chapter LXXXYV.,” by the Right Rev.

R. S. CopLeston p. p., Lord Bishop of Colombo

“ Ritigala,” by J. B. M. Ripour

“ Notes on the Nidification of Chra ae Soni.

— -derus,” by F. LEWIS ae

General Meeting : October 10, 1892

Paper read :—

“The Ethnology of Ceylon,” by Louis NELL

Discussion

Council Meeting : November 4, 1892

Resident Members, election of

General Meeting : November 4, 1892

Remarks on Mr. Nell’s Bee on ‘The ae She of

Ceylon” 500

List of Members.

PAGE

153

154

155

160

161

173

202

204

205

206

222

228

230

252

257

299

260

i it ARAL AA AC TAS — ar

JOURNAL

THE ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,

CEYLON BRANCH.

COUNCIL MEETING.

Colombo (Fort) Library, March 15, 189%.

Present :

The Lord Bishop of Colombo, President, in the Chair.

Mr. W. H. G. Duncan. Hon. A. de A. Seneviratna.

Mr. Staniforth Green. Mr. Geo. Wall, F.L.S., F.R.A.S.,

Mr. W. P. Ranasinha. Vice-President.

Mr. E. 8S. W. Senathi Raja, Honorary Secretary.

Mr. Gerard A. Joseph, Assistant Secretary.

Business.

1, Read and confirmed Minutes of Council Meeting held

November 12, 1891.

2. Resolved,—That the following candidates for admission

as Resident Members be elected, viz. :—

Mr. R. W. Lee, C.C.S. Mr. J. W. F. Gore.

Mr. A. H. Monerasinghe. Mr. S. Moonesinghe.

Mr. H. Pedro Perera. Hon. J. A. Swettenham,

Mr. R.O. 8S. Morgan, C.C.S.

3. Readand passed draft of the Annual Report of Council

for 1891, subject to certain amendments.

64—92 B

154 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XII.

4. The Assistant Secretary reported that under Rule 16

the following Members lost their seats by reason of seniority :

Dr. Trimen and the Hon. P. Raman4than ; and by reason

of least attendance: Messrs. H. H. Cameron, J. P. Lewis,

the Hon. T. B. Panabokke, and the Hon. Col. F. C. H. Clarke,

none of whom had attended any Meetings.

Resolved,—That Dr. Trimen and the Hon. P. Ramanathan

be nominated for re-election for 1892, and that the Hon.

T. B. Panabokke and Mr. H. H. Cameron be deemed to have

retired by reason of least attendance.

5. Resolved to nominate the following Office-Bearers for

1892, subject to their consent to serve :—

President.—The Right Rev. R. S. Copleston, D.D., Lord

Bishop of Colombo.

Vice-Presidents.—Mr. George Wall, F.L.S., F.R.A.S., and the

Hon. J. A. Swettenham, C.C.S.

Council.

Mr. Staniforth Green. Hon. P. Ramanathan, C.M.G.

Dr. Henry Trimen. Hon. A. de A. Seneviratna.

Col. Hon. F. C. H. Clarke, Mr. J. P. Lewis, €.€.8.

R.A., C,/M.G. | Mr. F. H. M. Corbet.

Mr. W. P. Ranasinha. Dr. W. R. Kynsey, C.M.G.

Mr. Henry Bois. Dr. W. G. Vandort.

Mr. A. M. Ferguson, C.M.G.

Honorary Treasurer.—Mr, W. H. G. Duncan.

Honorary Secretaries.—Messrs. H. C. P. Bell, ¢.¢.8., and

E. 8. W. Senathi Raja.

ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING.

Colombo Museum Library, March 19, 1892.

Present :

The Lord Bishop of Colombo, President, in the Chair.

His Excellency Sir E. Noel Walker, K.c.M.G., Vice-Patron.

Hon. M. C. Abdul Rahiman, | Mr. Staniforth Green.

M.L.C, Dr. W. G. Keith.

Rev. W. Charlesworth. Mr. F. H. Modder.

Mr. E. C. Davies. Mr. F. C. Roles.

Mr. N. A. W. de Livera. Mr. W. A. de Silva.

Mr. W. H. G. Duncan. Mr. H. F. Tomalin.

Mr. C. M. Fernando. Dr. W. G. Vandort.

Mr. E. 8. W. Senathi Raja, Honorary Secretary.

Mr. Gerard A. Joseph, Assistant Secretary.

Visitors :—Five ladies and several gentlemen.

No. 43.—1892. ] PROCEEDINGS. 155

Business.

The Minutes of the General Meeting held on December

10, 1891, were read and confirmed.

2. ‘The Honorary Secretary announced the election at the

last Meeting of the Council of the following gentlemen as

Resident Members of the Society, viz.:—

Mr. R. W. Lee, 0.0.8. Mr. R. O. S. Morgan.

Mr. H. Pedro Perera. Mr. 8S. Moonesinghe.

Mr. J. W. F. Gore. Hon. J.A. Swettenham, C.C.S.

_ Mr. A. H. Monerasinghe.

8. The following Report was read :—

ANNUAL REPORT FOR 1891.

THE Council of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic

Society have the honour tolay before this Meeting their

Annual Report for the year 1891.

Meetings.

Four General Meetings of the Society have been held.

The first Meeting (at which the Annual Report for 1890 was

read):-was held only on the 14th of May, it having been

found impossible from a variety of causes to hold any

Meetings earlier in the year.

The following is a list of the Papers read, viz. :—

(1) A Translation from the Dutch by Mr. F. H. de Vos

of extracts from a work by C. A. L. van Troostenburg de

Bruyn, relating to the History of Ceylon between the years

1602-1795, entitled De Hervormde Kerk in Nederlandsch

Oost-Indié Onder De Oost—Indische Compagnie.

(2) A Paper (the fourth of a series) contributed by Mr.

‘George Wall, Vice-President of the Society, on “ A History

of the Ancient Industries of Ceylon.”

(3) “Notes on Eggs and Nests of the Brachypternus

Ceylonus and Tockus Gingalensis,” by Mr. Frederick Lewis.

(4) A Paper on “A New Method of Preserving and

Mounting Zoological Specimens,” by Mr. Amyrald Haly,

Director of the Colombo Museum.

(5) ‘Ribeiro’s Account of the Siege of Colombo in 1655-56,”

a translation from the Portuguese, by Mr. Donald Ferguson.

(6) “Buddhist Ruins near Vavuniya,” by Mr. J. P. Lewis,

‘C.C.S.

(7) “A Contribution to Sinhalese Plant Lore,” by Mr. W.

Arthur de Silva, of the School of Agriculture.

156 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XII.

It will thus be seen that there have been read at the

Meetings seven Papers, which cover several of the branches

of research for the promotion of which the Society was

mainly founded.

Members.

The Society counts now an unprecedentedly large number

of Members on its roll. Of the total number 258,7 are

Honorary Members, 16 Life Members, and 235 Ordinary

Resident and Non-Resident Members. There have been

added during the past year the following 20 Ordinary Mem-

. bers, of whom 19 are Resident and 1 is Non-Resident, viz.:—

Messrs, J. W. C. de Soysa, A. J. R. de Soysa, C. HE. H. Corea,

Walter Pereira, J. W. Seneviratna, A. Mendis Gunesekara,

Mudaliyar, J. B. M. Ridout, A. D. Renganathan, J. M.

Chitty, T. Sanmogam, J. P. Samarasekara, G. Grenier, T.

Cooke, E. A. Muttukumaru, W. H. Dias, A. Visuvalingam,

S. F. Nagapper, and J. Lemphers.

The one Non-Resident Member elected is Pandit Gopi

Nath, Editor of the People’s Journal, Lahore.

There has been one withdrawal from the Society, that of

Dr. M. Eliyatamby, who has tendered his resignation.

The Council note with satisfaction that almost every month

applications continue to be received for admission as Mem-

bers—a fact which it is hoped indicates that the objects for

which the Society exists are beginning gradually to be |

better understood, and its usefulness more fully appreciated

by the public than hitherto.

The Council have the mournful duty of recording the loss

which the Society has sustained by the death of four of its

Members, viz., Sir J. F. Dickson, K.C.M.G., Mr. C. H. de

Soysa, Mr. F. R. Sabonadiére, and Mr. P. Daendliker. In Mr.

C. H. de Soysa the whole Island has lost a most public-spirited

and munificent citizen. Sir J. F. Dickson was intimately

connected with the Society at one time. In him the Society

has lost a most energetic and distinguished Member, who, as

its President, acted his part with an ability, zeal, and devotion

above all praise. As a Pali scholar, Sir J. F. Dickson had

made his mark.

Library.

The number of volumes added to the Society’s Library

during 1891 was 334. Only a few books, chiefly relating to

archeology, have been purchased. All the rest have been

obtained by exchange with learned Societies, or by presenta-

tion from the Government of Ceylon, the Secretary of State in

Council for India, and the Government of the United States.

With the constant increase in the number of the Society’s

' books, want of space and accommodation has been felt for

No. 43.—1892. | PROCEEDINGS. 157

some time past. The Committee of the Colombo Museum

recognising the congestion now apparent everywhere in the

building, has, however, with commendable promptitude,

recommended the extension of the eastern wing of the

Museum. It?isto be hoped this greatly needed extension will

be an accomplished fact before long.*

The want of additional room for the books of the Society is

second only to the necessity for a Catalogue of the Books of

the Library. Ten years ago (1882) the preparation of a

Catalogue was undertaken and carried out by two Members

(Messrs. H. C. P. Bell and W. E. Davidson), and proved of

much service. But the edition published was too small, and

the Catalogue is now out of print. Even were this not the

case the acquisitions made during the past decade would call

for an addendum. The Council would appeal to some

Member, or Members, resident in Colombo, with the needful

leisure, to confer a real boon on the Society by following the

lead set by the unselfish framers of the last Catalogue. The

issue of a simple Catalogue of the Society’s Books would

meet all practical wants ; the compilation of a more ambi-

tious Catalogue (contemplated in the Annual Report for 1890)

being left for the Museum authorities to carry out jointly

with their own.

Journals.

The great and growing delay in the issue of the Society’s

Journal and Proceedings, for which the Council readily admit

neither the editing Secretary nor the Government Printer are

in any way to blame, is due to a variety of untoward circumstan-

ces, and was generally felt to need some effective remedial

action. The Hon, Treasurer and Hon. Secretaries were desired

to jointly devise some scheme whereby the issue of the Journal

might be expedited. As the result of their report, which

met with the approval of the Council, it was decided that the

Journal and Proceedings (which have hitherto contained

respectively Papers read and accounts of Meetings) should

be published together under the designation of the “ Journal

of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.”

The amalgamation of the Proceedings and the Journal

offers the following advantages :—

(a) Its appearance will be improved.

(5) It will be more handy for readers.

(d) It can be issued expeditiously.

’ * Rs. 40,000 for building one wing on to the Colombo Museum has been

mserted in an Ordinance, which only requires to pass the Legislature.

158 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XIT..

It is preferable to find the report of the discussion on a

Paper printed in immediate connection with the Paper itself,

instead of having to turn to separate Proceedings for the

arguments adduced.

Tt also detracts from the value of : a Paper if criticisms

made upon it by Members are not published with it, The

Proceedings when inserted in their proper place in the Journal

are more likely to be read than when published separately.

In pursuance of the new system the Proceedings of each

Meeting held during 1891, together with all Papers read

thereat, and notes of any discussions which ensued, have

been promptly sent to press as soon after the Meetings as

possible. By this means Members will, it is hoped, have in

their hands a complete record of the entire work done in

the course of the preceding year very shortly after its close.

The Council views this improvement both in the form of

the Journal, commencing with Vol. XII., and in the prompti-

tude of its issue, with unmixed satisfaction, and desires to

‘congratulate the Society on the prospect of a final solution

having been found to the question of delay (unavoidable

under the old system), which has been of late years the

source of much and not unnatural discontent.

The thanks of the Society are due to the Government

Printer and his Assistants for their never-failing readiness to

serve the Society in connection with the printing of the

Journal and Proceedings of the Society.

Archeology.

Interest under this head naturally centres in the Archso-

logical Survey of the Island, the initiation of which was

among the many projects due to the wide-reaching adminis-

tration of Sir Arthur Gordon and his Government. There is

every reason to believe that the survey, as at present limited

to Anuradhapura and the North-Central Province, is being

prosecuted with vigour, and ona scale commensurate with

the Government vote devoted to the purpose. The quarterly

Progress Reports furnished to Government by the Archezo-

logical Commissioner speak to good work done. As ex-

ploration proceeds outwards the officers of the Survey

Department detached for the survey of the ruins keep pace

part passu, carefully noting all ancient landmarks, roads,

bridges, tanks, &c. <A reliable plan of the ancient city is

thus being gradually laid down, so far as the forest growth

of centuries and the hand of time permit of the remains

being laboriously traced out.

Excavation with a small labour force is necessarily limited

to a few sites likely to yield profitable results towards a

better understanding of the style of architecture and grouping

No. 43.—1892. ] PROCEEDINGS. 159

of sacred buildings which prevailed in ancient Anuradha-

pura. In this view particularattention has been paid during

the past year to afine monastery knownas Vyjayarama, buried

in forest, one mileand a half north of the Jétawandrama ruins,

the furthest bound of continuous clearing. The whole of the

monastery has been thoroughly excavated from end to end, and

much valuable information thus gained of the construction,

relative position, and inter-connection of the several shrines,

&c., within the monastery walls. The ancient roa:| between

these ruins and Jétawandrama has been traced and surveyed,

as well as the still more important road which, according

to the Mahawansa, connected Mihintalé with the capital.

This latter discovery alone is of very great interest, and

shows that exploration is being pushed on steadily far afield.

Attention is also being devoted to other portions of the

ancient city and its environs, the Abhayagiri neighbourhood,

the recently cleared block of ruins at Pankuliya on the

banks of the Malwatu-oya, and a very extensive monastery

(quite the largest yet discovered outside Anuradhapura) two

miles away on the Jaffna road.

In short, the expansion of the archeological survey is alone

kept back by the comparatively small sum which can be

legitimately spared for such an object by the Ceylon Govern-

ment, having due regard to other more pressing [sland needs.

An undertaking so vast as the complete excavation of Anu-

radhapura demands the expenditure of a large sum annually.

It would be well if some Antiquarian Society in Europe

willing and pecuniarily able to carry on the work would take

a practical interest therein, so that it might be conducted on

a far more extensive scale than is at present possible.

Finances.

The following is a statement of the income and expendi- |

ture of the Society during the past year.*

The Hon. Mr. ABDUL RAHIMAN proposed the adoption of

the Report.

Mr. ROLES, in seconding it, inquired when they might ex-

pect to have a Catalogue of the Books.

Mr. SENATHI RAJA, the Honorary Secretary, replied that

no steps had yet been taken to prepare a Catalogue, but they

hoped to be able to do so soon.

Mr. FERNANDO next moved that the following gentlemen

be elected Office-Bearers for the current year :—

* See page 204.

160 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VOL XII.

President—The Right Rev. R. S. Coplesten, D.D., Lord

Bishop of Colombo.

Vice-Presidents—Mr. George Wall, F.L.S., F.R.A.S., and the

Hon. J. A. Swettenham, C.C.S.

Council.—Mr. H. Bois; Col. the Hon. F. C. H. Clarke, R.A.,

C.M.G.; Mr.F. H. M. Corbet,M.R.A.S.; Mr. A.M. Ferguson,\C.M.G. ;

Mr. Staniforth Green; Dr. W. R. Kynsey, 0.M.G.; Mr. J.P

Lewis, C.C.S. ; the Hon. P. Ramanathan, 0.M.G., M.L.c.; Mr.

W. P. Ranasingha; the Hon. A. de A. Seneviratna, M.L.C.;

Dr. Henry Trimen, M.B., F.R.S.; Dr. W. G. Vandort.

Honorary Treasurer.—Mr. W. H. G. Duncan.

Honorary Secretaries.—Messrs. H. C. P. Bell, C.C.S., and

BK. 8. W. Senathi Raja.

Mr, E. C. DAVIES seconded, and the motion was carried

unanimously,

During the election of the Office Bearers His Lordship the

Bishop vacated the Chair, which was occupied by Sir H. N.

Walker.

4. His Lordship the Bishop again took the Chair amidst

applause, and on behalf of himself and the other gentlemen

who had been honoured by election or re-election tendered

his best thanks tothe Meeting. He said he would not pretend

that he himself was at all proud of the manner in which the

officers of the Society, so far as their public appearances went,

had discharged their duties. He was quite conscious him-

self of having neglected his, and he felt that they should cut

but a bad figure unless it were known to the Members of the

Society that a good deal of work had been done out of sight,

that a good deal of really useful, laborious work had been

done by the Secretaries in the matter of printing and choice

of books to be purchased for the Society, and that a most

arduous work had been admirably and diligently carried

through by the Treasurer. But he confessed that as regarded

their appearance at Meetingsthey ought to have botha greater

number of Meetings, and those Meetings which they did

have more liveiy than some of them had been. With regard

to the number of Meetings and efforts to procure Papers the

Council were no doubt in a great measure responsible, but

he must remind the Members of the Society that the pre-

paration of Papers and the giving of life to the Meetings

remained mainly with the Members themselves. He was sure

he spoke what the Council would wish him to say when

he asked them to do their utmost to contribute Papers to the

Proceedings of the Society. What he was going to take the

opportunity of saying bore, tosome extent, upon that matter,

and was a suggestion in that direction.

No. 43.—1892.] ANCIENT CHRONICLES OF CEYLON. 161

5. His Lordship the BIsHoP delivered an address entitled—

THE VERIFICATION OF THE ANCIENT CHRONICLES

AND HISTORIES OF CEYLON.

AMONG the methods by which the objects of this Society

may be attained, I have always been inclined to give

prominence to the method of combined work. It is for

combination, as distinguished from individual study, that

a Society affords special opportunities. And it is obvious

that results can be attained by combination, which would

be impossible to solitary study. Not many of us are

qualified to prosecute the several branches of inquiry

which bear on one point, and are necessarv to establish a

conclusion even on one point, though it be but a minor

point. And of those who are qualified, perhaps not one has

the necessary leisure. But if some line of study is plotted

out—so to speak—to which any Member of the Society can

contribute just what comes in his way, as he can and when he

can, knowing that it will come into the common stock and be

worked up with the rest, then those who have little leisure, or

who can touch only one branch of inquiry, may all take part.

As some Members of the Society may remember, I made

suggestions of this kind some years ago in regard to two

subjects, the Jatakas and the collection of Sinhalese Glos-

saries. These were not altogether unfruitful, but less fruitful

than some other topics might prove. They were not altogether

unfruitful, for we managed to put together a number of Papers

by four or five contributors on the first fifty Jatakas, and the

result was not bad, so far as it went ; and as to the Glossaries,

a start was made, and a scheme drawn up, which I yet hope ~

to see carried further. Just when that scheme was drawn up,

I, for my part, was invited—and thought myself bound to

accept the invitation—to another work, which has till now

occupied my leisure time. But both topics were rather too

limited to secure any wide co-operation : they were necessarily

limited to Pali and Sinhalese scholars.

162 JOURNAL, RB.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XII.

Without abandoning these, I suggest to-day another object

of combined work—The Verification of the Native Chronicles

and Histories of Ceylon. Of the materials necessary for this,

by far the greater part is accessible to the English reader. It

is one of the peculiar distinctions of the Island, that from

early times it has possessed historians. The Sinhalese stand

alone, or almost alone, among Indian peoples, as having had

an interest in history. Their chronicles are the oldest, I

believe, and for centuries the only instances of histories in the

Indian world. The Continent had its great epic poems; but

in these, though they had no doubt some foundation in fact,

the fiction was the chief part,—the facts are not commemorated

from the annalist’s point of view, but from the poet’s. The

Sinhalese chroniclesare distinctly historical in form, notepical.

Now the inquiry I propose is the important one: Zo what

extent are the Sinhalese histories true? There is certainly

obvious fiction mingled with statements of fact. Putting the

obvious fiction apart, are the statements of fact trustworthy ?

The dates, the names of persons, the wars, the buildings, the

social and religious conditions,—in regard to these, to what

extent can we rely on our authorities ? This is not a question

that can be answered in one word, by saying they are trust-

worthy or they are not. Itisall but certain that they will be

found more trustworthy for one period than for another ; more

to be trusted about one class of fact than about another ;

trustworthy within certain limits, and not beyond them. I

propose that we should bring together, little by little and in

course of time, all the evidence by which they can be tested.

There are several different kinds of tests, of which I will

mention three kinds which occur to me as the chief, First,

the histories are to be tested by existing buildings, monuments,

and inscriptions. If the history says a building was erected

by sucha king in such a year, and we find upon it an inscription

—evidently contemporary—to the same effect, we know that

the historian had access to correct information on that point.

Secondly, by comparison with independent literary records.

If our history describes a certain state of things as existing at

No. 43.—1892.] ANCIENT CHRONICLES OF CEYLON. 163

a given date, and in a book written by some one else quite

independently the same state of things is described under

the same date, the accuracy of the historian is established.

Thirdly, the history is tested by examination of its own

contents. If it contradicts itself, ifin an early chapter some-

thing is referred to, which in another place of the same book

we read came into being much later,—if there are contradic-

tions and anachronisms,—the history is so far discredited.

Of these three, it is to the first two heads that most can be

contributed. As to the test of inscriptions and monuments,

there are so many of these in Ceylon, and they do so often

illustrate or support the histories, that a great deal may be

done in noting these verifications. For instance, the Mahd-

wansatellsus that King Parakrama II.in the thirteenth century

cleared the road from the Kandy side to Adam’s Peak, with

particular reference to Ambagamuwa. In Ambagamuwa

there is now a stone recording the precautions taken for

keeping that path clear. If Mr. Bell* finds on that stone proof

of its having been set up by the very king—I do not know

whether this is the case or not—whom the Mahawansa speci-

fies, the history is so far confirmed : for the reign of that king

at any rate the author had access to trustworthy materials.

If of the same king it is related that he planted fruit trees in

a certain part of the district of Bentota, and those who are

familiar with that district find that there are indications of its

having been very early planted, the history is so far confirmed.

And here I will suggest, though out of its place, a possible

test connected with trees. I do not know when the cocoanut

was introduced into the Island. But our historian saysa good

deal about cocoanuts in connection with the reign of the same

Parakrama II. in thirteenth century (chap. LXXXVI.). Can

we trust the history securely enough to say that the cocoanut

had certainly been introduced as early as that, or shall we find

from other sources that it was introduced later, and so convict

_ the author of the Mahdwansa of writing from imagination ?

* Archzological Commissioner for Ceylon.

164 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XII.

Of the verification of the chronicles by comparison with

independent writings or histories I propose to give some

more detailed illustration, but first I must say, for the

benefit of any Member of the Society—if there be any—

who does not know it, what are the histories or chronicles

to which I refer, and what are the claims which they make

to historical character. It is very important to know what

materials the writers claim to have had access to.

There are the old Pali chronicles, the Dipawansa and

Mahawansa, of which we may say roughly that they date in

their present form from about 400 A.D.; and there are the

Sinhalese chronicles, the Rajavaliya and others, which are

much later, of uncertain beginning. Both Pali and Sinhalese

books have been continued, of course by many different hands,

down to the present century. Iam going to touch only the

earlier, the Pali histories.

The Mahawansa, or Great History, is in Pali verse, and

consists, in its complete form, of about one hundred chapters,

varying in length, but averaging I suppose about two hundred

couplets to the chapter.

The original issue, about 400 A.D., consisted of the first

thirty-seven or thirty-eight chapters (it is not quite certain .

exactly where it left off), and contains the tradition or the

history (you will see presently why I use two words) of the

whole period from the time of Buddha, or—which is the same

thing—from the landing of Vijaya to the date of the author,

or one not long before it: roughly, from the sixth century

B.C. to the fifth century A.D. It was compiled at the end of

the period, of nearly a thousand years, of which it treats.

What materials does the author profess to have had access

to? He composed his work, he tells us in his prefatory lines,

from tradition and from previous chronicles made by “the

ancients.” And the Commentary, or Tika, probably written

also by the author himself, adds that the materials were

taken from the Sinhalese books (Atthakatha, books illustra-

tive of, or introductory to, the sacred books of Buddhism)—

his materials were taken from these Sinhalese Buddhist

No. 43.—1892.] ANCIENT CHRONICLES OF CEYLON. 165.

works, which were in the possession of the monks of the

Maha-vihara, Great Monastery, of Anuradhapura. By those

monks and their predecessors, who are doubtless the people

the author calls “the ancients’? (under which name they are

constantly referred to by Buddhaghosha also), by those Bud-

dhist monks of the Maha-vihara, the materials were collected

and handed down, on which the author of the Vahdwansa

relied. This is his claim to have access to sound materials.

What is the extent of that claim taken at its very largest ?

At its very largest it runs back to the foundation of the

Maha-vihara (“Great Monastery’’). Before that, the author

makes no pretence whatever to have had historical materials.

How could the Maha-vihara monks have kept records of what

occurred before their institution was founded, before there

was a monk in Ceylon, before Buddhism had been introduced

into the Island? The Mahdwansa does not even claim to rest

on historical materials, except after 250 B.c. About 250 B.c.,

speaking roughly, Buddhism was introduced into the Island

the “Great Monastery ’’ was founded, and the recording of

events began. With the three centuries before that the life of

the “Great Monastery ” was in no sense continuous. It came

over, so to speak, from India. Its founders knew nothing of

the history of Ceylon ; they were strangers. All that they

could know, even if they set themselves to inquire, would be

collected from the memories of living men, and from such

traditions as were cherished among the previous inhabitants,

a non-Buddhist, uncultivated, unhistorical people.

- Itcannot be too decisively affirmed that history in Ceylon

began with the introduction of Buddhism. The previous

inhabitants of Ceylon are not more likely—but even less

likely—to have kept records than any other non-Buddhist

Indian people. When we look at the contents of those early

chapters which contain the traditions of the three centuries

between Vijaya and Mahinda—the pre-Buddhist period—

we find them just what we should expect. There are parti-

culars which have the look of facts about the father and the

erandfather of the reigning king; before that time—before

166 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XII.

Tissa’s grandfather—there is scarcely anything but fairy tales

and fantastic stories about beautiful princesses.

It has been urged in support of these early chapters that

the illustrious Turnour described the Mahdwansa as a trust-

worthy history. But Turnour would never have said that it

was equally trustworthy throughout. In fact, what Turnour

does say (p. Ix.) is this :—“ From the date of the introduction

of Buddhism into Ceylon in 307 B.c. that history is authenti-

cated by the concurrence of every evidence which can con-

tribute to verify the annals of every country.” This I] thinkis

too strong a statement, even for the period to which it refers ;

but most emphatically I maintain, for the reasons I have given,

that whatever may be established as to the credibility of the

Buddhist chronicles, will not go to establish in any appreci-

able degree their value for the pre-Buddhist period.

Buttoreturn. This first instalment of the history—for the

Dipawansa is an earlier and rougher compilation from the

same materials as the Mahdwansa—was issued in the fourth

century or soon after the end of it. From that time to about

1300 A.D. (the reign of Parakrama Bahu IV.) it was continued,

we know not by whom or with what intermissions. It may be

that it was constantly added to—after one reign or after eight

short reigns, chapter by chapter—or it may be that only at long

intervals a large piece was written up: we are not told. But

we are told that from 1300 A.D. it was intermitted. Four

hundred and fifty years later Kirti Sri Raja Sinha ordered it

to be written up to date. How far it was then written up

from imagination and how far there were public records out

of which it could be authentically written up, this is a very

interesting question, and one which we are not without

materials foranswering. From 1750 A.D, to the occupation of

Kandy by the English, forms, soto speak, a third part. By how

many hands or at what dates this was compiled I do not know.

Now for the tests of which I have promised to give speci-

mens. We have means of testing the history, with varying

degrees of accuracy, at or near each of the critical periods: the

foundation of Anuradhapura—that is; at the point when the

No. 43.—1892.] ANCIENT CHRONICLES OF CEYLON. 167

claim to historical materials begins: the beginning of the fifth

century, close upon the issue of Part I.: and during Part II.,

that is, the part written upin 1750 A.D. For the period since

1750 A.D. there are of course abundant means of verification.

What are these tests? For the beginning, the edicis of

Asoka, the great Indian Emperor, inscribed on rocks and

pillars about India ; for about 400 A.D. the travels of Fa Hian,

the Chinese pilgrim, who then visited Anuradhapura ; and

for the latter part of the seventeenth century (besides all the

Portuguese and Dutch works) the account of Robert Knox.

The Mahawansa and Dipawansa tell us that it was Aséka

Piyadasi who sent Mahinda to establish Buddhism here, in

the reign of the Sinhalese King Tissa. They fix the date of

this, and say a great deal both about Aséka and about the

missionof Mahinda. Asdka isa person whose place in history

is fixed with certainty by his coming into contact with

European history by his relations with several Greek kings,

whom he mentions: he is also a person whose acts and views

are well known to us from his writings—writings which

may almost be called voluminous—on the rocks and pillars

to which I have referred. The date of his anointing, or, as

we should say, coronation, was 270 B.c., and his edicts were

issued between 260 and 230 B.c.

With this date the Mahawansa does not exactly agree : it is

about sixty years out. Of this discrepancy a very probable

explanation has been suggested, and the error is probably little

more than a miscalculation. But even supposing the dateto

be sixty years out, it was impossible for a writer six centuries

later to get even as near as that to it if he had not definite

records to rely upon. |

Apart from the question of date, the representation which

the Mahdwansa gives of Asdka is verified by his own edicts,

both in general and in detail. The names of his father and

grandfather, and that his grandfather was the first of the

dynasty, set up by a certain Brahman—these points are con-

firmed by the Greek historian. That he was not always a

Buddhist, but was converted to Buddhism after his consecra-

168 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XII.

tion ; that he made great efforts for the promulgation of

Buddhism, which reached as far as Ceylon—in these main

points the edicts bear out the chronicle. That in his time

a council or assembly of Buddhist monks for settling the text

of the sacred books was held, this the edicts donotsay; but there

is much in them, in particular the king’s increasingly definite

acquaintance with the technicalities of Buddhism and with

definite books, and his respectful relations with the monks

of Magadha—there is much, I say, that is more than compa-

tible with such a council.

But the veracity of the Mahawansa in a particular detail

has been confirmed from another source, which may well be

reckoned with the edicts of Asoka, namely, the relic-box found

by General Cunningham in the dagaba at Sanchi. This box

must date not much later than 200 B.c., and it bears the name

of ‘“ Majjhima, the teacher of the Himavat.” Nowthe Maha-

wansa enumerates the persons who were sent in Aséka’s time

by Moggali, the chief of the Buddhist community, to different

countries, and among them specifies Majjhima as having been

sent to the Himavat.

This is alone enough to prove that the writer of the Mahda-

wansa had access to detailed and reliable history of the latter

part of the third century. It bears out the statement of his

preface and commentaries that he drew his materials from the

archives of the monks of the “Great Vihara”’ in Anuradha-

pura; and renders it, I think, impossible to suppose him

mistaken when he attributes the foundation of that monastery

to Mahinda, the son of Asdéka.

At the same time it will be seen that this striking verifica-

tion, concerned as it is entirely with Mahinda, Asoka, and

Asoka’s ancestry in India, does not afford any presumption

whatever that there were records kept in Ceylon before

Mahinda came or the Maha-vihara was established.

Compared with this the verification supplied by Fa Hian,

the Chinese traveller, is slight; and what is more, it is not

much needed, because the date of his visit was very near to—

a little previous to—that of the publication of the Mahawansa

No, 43.—1892.] ANCIENT CHRONICLES OF CEYLON. 169

itself: that is, Fa Hian came at a time for which we know for

certain that the chronicler’s history was nearly contemporary.

Still it is interesting to notice their agreement.

From considerations into which I cannot now enter, I think

the date of his visit may be fixed with probability to the earliest

years of the reign of King Mahanama, about 412 A.D. Those,

we learn from the Mahawansa, were the flourishing days of

Anuradhapura. Thekingsofthat period wereaccomplished—

some in art and some in science; literature was thriving, as

the Mahawansa itself proves; sculpture especially and images

are mentioned ; and the stimulus which had promoted these

was intercourse with India, of which intercourse the bringing

of the tooth-relic by a Brahman princess and the visit of the

great commentator, Buddhaghésha, were illustrations. Fur-

ther, about this period the rivalry ran very high between the

two principal monastic establishments of Anuradhapura, the

Maha-vihara (from which the Mahawansa issued) and the

Abhayagiri Vihara, each in turn obtaining the pre-eminence

and securing royal patronage, though several, perhaps most

of the kings, are represented as patronising both. |

Fa Hian begins by repeating what he learnt of the tradition

about the early inhabitants of Ceylon and of the visits of the

Buddha to the Island, just as they are recorded in the Maha-

wansa. ‘Then he describes the magnificence of the dagabas

and the vast number of the monks in the viharas to which

these dagabas belonged. He was most impressed by the

Abhayagiri Dagaba: it was forty cubits high and adorned

with goldand silver and precious stones. In its monastery

there were 0,000 monks. The Maha-vihara held in his eyes

quite a secondary position, though it had 3,000 monks. Buta

monk of very high attainments had just died then, and there

was living at the Chaitya Hill (long afterwards called Mihin-

talé), which also belonged to the Mahd-vihara, a famous

monk, Dhammagutta. He speaks of the viharé of the Tooth,

and gives a long account of the perahcra—or carrying round

in procession—of the Tooth, but it isat the Abhayagiri, not at

the Maha-vihara, that he describes the chief ceremonies as

64—92 C

170 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XII.

taking place. Among the splendours of the city, which was

all well built and well kept, he admired specially an image

of the Buddha, twenty cubits high, made of green jade.

This may well have been one of the very images specified in

chapter XXXVII. of the Mahdwansa, and it was made of

green jade, a material which is not to be obtained, I believe,

in any quantity in Ceylon, and which must therefore have

been brought from India. It is interesting, I think, to

notice, though it cannot surprise us, how closely the picture

given by this intelligent visitor agrees with the narrative of

the native historian.

From the fifth century I leap tothe seventeenth. The testi-

mony of Robert Knox is the more remarkable because it bears

upon the period for which—as I have already remarked—the

versified chronicle was not contemporaneous. If it is found

to support the versified chronicle, it will prove that the latter

was made from contemporaneousrecords. Knox wasdetained

in the Kandyan country from about 1660 to about 1680. He

gives a very full account of the person, character, habits, and

policy of the king Raja Sinha IT., tells us where the king lived,

and describes his relations with the Portuguese and with the

Dutch. He reports the condition of many of the towns,

Kandy, Badulla, Anuradhapura, and Alutnuwara; describes

thecustoms of the people, and givesavery vivid picture of their

religion as he sawit. Inall this he may be said on the wholeto

confirm the Mahawansa—not indeed inits estimate of the pro-

portion of things, but in its general representation of events and

facts. The Mahawansa gives of Raja Sinha a less unfavour-

able account than Knox. Knox describes him asa tyrant of

diabolical brutality and cruelty, but not without very con-

siderable capacities for governing, of great personal strength

and activity, and a warlike and fearless temper. The Maha-

wansa calls him (XCVI.-6) “an imperious man, whom none

could approach or conquer, and brave as a lion, courageous,

endowed with great strength of body, and tells several

anecdotes of his athletic feats.” And again, “an imperious

ruler.” But it gives him credit for great zeal for Buddhism,

No. 43.—1892.] ANCIENT CHRONICLES OF CEYLON. 171

protecting the religion, &c.; while Knox gives one the

impression that he cared little for it, and, in fact, preferred

Christians, as being more trustworthy, to Buddhists; still

he practised Buddhism outwardly and gave gifts. Some of

the difference may be explained by the supposition that the

part of Raja Sinha’s reign on which the Mahawansa dwells

is the earlier part, in which his struggles were against the

Portuguese. Knox was there in the latter, when it was the

Dutch who were the enemy. In fact, I think it is probable

that either the burning of Kandy or the great rebellion in

1665, which drove the king away, also broke up the office of

the king’s recorder and scattered the historians. These

disasters are mentioned by Knox, not by the Mahawansa.

The Mahawansa doubtless exaggerates Raja Sinha’s successes

against the Portuguese, laying emphasis only on his victories.

But it admits that the ‘wicked unbelievers, after their

defeat,” began again to plunder the districts, and that the

king went to Dighavapi, in the eastern part of the Island.

There, the historian tells us, he destroyed a Portuguese fort

and gave it to the Dutch. The victories of the Dutch are

credited to Raja Sinha ; for he is said to have destroyed the

forts all round the Island, and utterly destroyed and expelled

the Portuguese. This refers to what took place in the earlier

part of his reign, before Knox’s time; “He established”—

says the native history—“ the people of Olanda in places

bordering the sea, that they might guard Lanka and hinder

the enemy. And he commanded them to come to him

every year with presents.” Knox most curiously confirms—

not this view of the case, but the statement that this

was the Sinhalese view of the case. He tells us that the

Dutch took great pains to flatter the king, and to persuade

him that they were in Ceylon merely as his servants and

messengers. ‘“ The Dutch knowing his proud spirit make

their advantage of it by flattering him with their ambassa-

dors, telling him that theyare his majesty’s humble subjects

and servants, and that it is out of their loyalty to him that they

build forts and keep watchers round about his country to

172 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIT.

prevent foreign nations and enemies from coming, and that

they are thus employed in his majesty’s service; so it is for

sustenance which they want that occasioned their coming

up into his majesty’s country.” Knox tells us that Kandy

had been burnt by them, and that the king lived, all the

latter part of his reign, in Héwaheta (probably at Hanguran-

keta) in retirement. The Mahawansa says nothing of this

except that the king went to the east part of the Island. But

in its silence it agrees with Knox; for it never mentions this

king’s being at Kandy or building anything there.

In Knox’s minute account of the perahera at Kandy there is

no allusion to the Tooth, nor is there any reference to it in

all his descriptions of the religion, though he specifies the

Bo-tree and the Foot-print. It is quite certain in fact that he

had never heard of the Tooth. The Mahawansa tells us that

Raja Sinha’s father had placed the Tooth in safe hiding.

Whatever may be the truth about that—whether the Sin-

halese or the Portuguese account of its fate be correct—the

Mahawansa admits that it was not in Kandy.

Such are some illustrations of the work of verifying or test-

ing our Island histories, in which I invite the Members of this

learned Society to combine. The instances which | have

chosen are no doubt among the most striking, but each of

them requires fuller and more exact treatment than I have

given it, and there are many more lodes to be worked

even in the same mine. ‘Then there is the wide field of

buildings, monuments, and inscriptions to supply new tests

for these Pali histories, and besides these the Sinhalese

histories, which treat of the recent period and of the low-

country, where they come directly under the test of the

Portuguese and Dutch chronicles and records.

Of the matters I have touched upon, the whole, I believe, can

be read in English; but of the Rajyawaliya and its companions

a good English translation is still, I believe, wanting. ‘To

translate the later portions of that work and compare them

minutely with Ribeyro and the other European writers

would be, if I am not mistaken, labour well spent.

No. 43.—1892.]| WEIGHTS AND MEASURES. 173

5. The following Paper was read by the author :—

SINHALESE WEIGHTS AND MEASURES.*

By FRANK MODDER.

THE Sinhalese were not very advanced in their acquain-

tance with mathematics, and the extent of their knowledge of

arithmetic was limited. In consequence they borrowed

largely from India to supply these deficiencies, and their

weights and measures are of Indian origin.

The first attempt by the British towards establishing

weights and measures according to a fixed standard was made

in 1816, when by Regulation No. 3 of that year the metal

standard parrah employed by the Dutch was adopted in its

several proportions and subdivisions as the legal standard

measure. By Regulation No. 19 of 1822 the standard weight

for weighing all goods whatsoever was declared to be the

English pound avoirdupois, for liquids the English wine

gallon, for lineal measurement the English foot of 12 inches,

and their multiples and subdivisions. The provisions of

this enactment were suspended by Regulation No. 1 of 1823.

By Ordinance No. 2 of 1836 the Imperial standard troy

pound containing 5,760 grains troy, and 7,000 such grains

were declared equal to a pound avoirdupois; the Imperial

standard yard and the Imperial standard gallon, with their

multiples and subdivisions, were established as the standard |

measures of weight of extension, whether lineal, superficial, or

solid, and of capacity, from which all other measures were to

be derived and computed. Ordinance No. 8 of 1876, which is

* My special thanks are due to Mr. H. M. Ekanayaka, Principal of the

Kurunégala Buddhist School, for the invaluable aid he has rendered me in

the preparation of this Paper. With his superior knowledge of Sinhalese

literature he was able to refer me to many of the standard authorities I

have quoted, while his vast experience was the means of supplying me

with information which I could not gather from any books. My sincere

thanks I offer to Mudaliyar S. H. Jayawickreme and to Kotuwewatta

Sonuthera Unnanse, for whose kind assistance and valuable suggestions

with regard to this Paper I am greatly indebted.

+ Davy’s Ceylon, p. 242.

174 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL XII.

now in force, in amending the law, declared the Imperial

standard pound avoirdupois as the only standard measure of

weight, and one equal ,37%, part of such pound avoirdu-

pois as equal to a grain, and 5,760 such grains as equal to a

pound troy; and the Imperial standard yard as the only

standard measure of extension.

Notwithstanding the adoption of the Imperial standard

for Colonial weights and measures, most of their transactions

are conducted by the Sinhalese according to their own crude

systems, principally with regard to the preparation of drugs

and in dealings connected with the superficial extent of land.

The following general table is taken from Abhiddhana-

padipika, and it seems to be the basis of all the weights and

of most of the measures hitherto and at present in use :—

4 vi eta = I gunja, or olinda seed

2 gunjas = 1 masaka

5 masakas — 2 akas. One aka is equal to 20 grains of

paddy

8 akas —= 1 kalanda, or darana

5 kalandas = 1 suvanna, or' pancha darana. A weight,

or coin, of gold equal to about 175 grains

troy, according to Wilson. It is about

the weight of five copper cents. (Maha-

wansa, chap. C. p. 358, in notes)

5 suvannas = | nikka

10 palams = 1 darana

100 palams = 1 thula

20 thulas = 1 bara, or karisa

2 ullakuwos = 1 pata, a measure of capacity

4 ullakuwos = 4 neli, or one allakho, or 4 patas

A allakhos = | drona, or mani — 52 seers, or about 64 lb.

avoirdupois. (Mahawansa, chap. XXIV.,

p. 203, in notes)

4 dronas = 1 manika

4 manika = | khari (or amunam)

20 kharis = 1 waha

10 amunams = 1 kumbha

2 lahas == 1 allakho

2 neli = 1 patho

2 yallos — 1 waho

10 dronas = 1 amunam

No. 43.—1892.] WEIGHTS AND MEASURES.

I.—APOTHECARIES’ WEIGHT.

175

The medical work Bhaisayjaya Kalpa gives the following

table :—

6 siyum-renu, or

faint rays ==1 marichi, or clear ray

6 marichi = 1 abaeta

6 aba eta =1 rat-el, a kind of paddy

2 rat-el == 1 undu eta

2 undu eta = 1 yava eta

4 undu eta =-1 sdna!*

2 sana =1 vataka

4 vataka = 1 mita, or palam

A miti or plam=1 kal

4 kal =1 neli

4A neli = 1 kuruni

4 kuruni =1 drona

4 drona = 1 waha

2 palam = 1 pregurta

2 pregurta —1 kuduba, or adamana

The following table in verse is taken from the Yogarat-

nakaraya, which, according to Alwis, is “a book no less

celebrated for its doctrines on medicine than esteemed for

the elegance of its versification” :—

anh

DECGdID Hw DO EVBEO

€EQYGgIDHAA HD Sadosi

€05 © @ at H® Vedat

SBeO € @ BS HO DCED

Hanes

Haney

Danes

Dasyess

ADDACSO HADIA7G SVHH HoO®

OEHOS | NGO SCTE odS EH

O6ED SCOND SCTSH 00S OM

GESCVWMOD SOSEHosT HPOCOE

OEMDVECSD H ADE WIast sow

BMWS SHa HS aVodvdss od8 Yom

BAS SHA MossdIsoasy Yom

@? O65 BNO DT IHIasy ogo

* The small figures refer to the ‘“ Notes” at p. 194 et seq.

176

JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON).

Of which the following is the translation :—

3 gingelly seeds = 1 amu seed

3 amu seeds — 1 grain of paddy

8 grainsof paddy = 1 madeta?

20 madetas = 1 kalanda

3 kalandas = 1 huna

2 hunas = } palam

2 half palams = 1 palam

2 palams = 1 kulundula

2 kulundulas = 1 pata

4 patas = 1 nedubba

4 nedubbas — 1 laha

4 lahas = 1 drona

[Vou. XII.

The following is another table written from memory :—

1. BED DA a_GZa: Hay Saao

Sad KQaqw30 : oeMBanse MWEaO

Ogd SE DES: AOMCSE SCOW

OESC2% MOEGOE*D : BY SCMg SoH

2 BHO SH ODO: BY DNiqDO Eoe

BDO Ox DDT cHANS oom

BDO SIC EHOQIAMAD EQVOH

BDO PNOODEDANDH HSae

Which being translated reads :—

3 tala-etas — {amu

3 amus = 1 grain of paddy

4 grainsof paddy = | huna

2 hunas — 1 madeta

20 madetas = 1 kalanda

12 kalandas — 1 palam

2 palams == 1 kulundula

4 palams * = | pata

4 patas = 1 nedumba

4 nedumbas = 1 laha

4 lahas = 1 drona

4 pélas = 6 dronas

6 dronas = | amuna

4 amunas == 1 kiriya*

II.—TROY WEIGHT.

2338 BBB 5

The principal weight used by gold and silversmiths is the

seed of the madatiya.®

It is the weight known as a

No. 43.—1892.] WEIGHTS AND MEASURES. 177

manchadiya. Different specimens of the seed were tried by —

Dr. Davy, and they varied in weight from 3 to 3°9 grains, their

average being 3°6 grains. The standard weight of a madat-

ya is, however, fixed by the tables hereinbefore given.

12 mafchadis = 1 gold pagoda °

42 majfichadis = 1 rupee

A manchadi in English weight is a little less than 4 grains,

and a rupee weighs 180 grains.

IlI.—MEASURES OF CAPACITY.

Whether it be apothecaries’ or troy weight, land or dry

measure, the starting unit is represented by 3 fala-etas, and

the table as given before followed.

The smallest measure of quantity, whether dry or liquid,

which is in everyday use, is the hunduwa and its multiples :—

4 hunduwas = 1 neli, orséru

4 neli or séru = 1 laha

Davy refers to this asa punchi-laha, one and a half of

which go to a loku-laha, ten loku-lahas being equal to apéla.

They apply to the Kandyan Provinces.

4 lahas = 1 timba

10 lahas = 1 péla

4 pélas = 1 amunam

These latter are in the Kandyan Provinces merely nominal

to express large quantities. The loku-laha is the largest dry

measure in actual use, and the neliya the largest liquid

measure. Both kinds are employed only in measuring grain

and oil. For grain the measure is made of rattan, for oil of

bamboo. Pridham says, speaking of these measures, they

“varied, and no two were to be found exactly alike. When

these measures prevailed, standard gauges were deposited for

reference in every kachchéri as a protection against fraud

through defective weights—a precaution absolutely requisite,

where the natives would frequently place the wooden

measures in boiling water, then dry them in the sun, and

complete this roguery by coating the interior surface with a

thick layer of transparent dammer or pine resin.”

178 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XII.

The following table taken from the Ceylon Blue Book for

1889, Part I., shows the equivalents of the above in English

standard measures :—

1 amunam = 4 pelas

= 40 lahas, or kuruni

== 8 parrahs

= 5 bushels

= — 20 pecks

= 160 quarts, or seers, or neli

= 10 lahas, or kuruni

= 2 parrahs

= 14 bushel

oa 5 pecks

—= 40 quarts, or seers, or neli

1 laha — 4 quarts, ** or seers, or neli

1 parrah = 5 lahas, or eee

= 20 quarts, or seers, or neli

1 péla

The Dutch parrah was adopted in its several proportions

and subdivisions as the legal standard measure of capacity

in all transactions within the Island by Regulation No. 3 of

1816, which came into operation on the Istof May, 1816. It

was defined as a perfect cube 11,°,5, inches in length, depth,

and breadth. It was divided into half parrah, its internal

dimensions being 9,15, inches in length, depth, and breadth,

and quarter parrah 7,5 in. The parrah was divided into

24 seers. Hach seer was in its dimensionsa perfect cylinder

of a depth equal to its diameter, namely, 4,%% inches, and

divided into subdivisions of half and quarter seer, the same

being cylinders whose depth and diameter were 3-4; inches

and 244, inches, respectively.

The weight of the parrah measure, according to the

Custom-house account, was for coffee from 35 to 60 Ib.;

pepper 27 to 30 lb.; salt 52 to 50 lb.; paddy, rice, and husk,

30 to 33 Ib.; rice 42 to 46 1b.; candy or bahar, 500 Ib. avoir-

dupois or 461 lb. Dutch troy weight.

One amunam is equal to 5 bushels, if 32 seers be reckoned

to the bushel, but if each seer is “ pressed down,” as it is

called, only 28 seers go to the bushel.

No. 43.—1892.] WEIGHTS AND MEASURES. 179

The cut-measure was legalised by Regulation No. 3 of 1816.

It declared that the legal contents of the measures in all

transactions should be those remaining in the measure level

with the rim or edge after the same had been struck or cut

by a straight rod or strike mounted with iron, resting upon

the edges, and that in no case was it lawful to demand that

any such measure be heaped or added to. Measures were

sold at the kachcheries at specified rates, and each was

accompanied with a strike mounted with iron to prevent all

disputes about the cutting.

In order that the relative proportions of the said measures to

each other and to the measures of greater dimensions might

be generally understood, the following table was laid down :—

24 cut seers

8 cut parrah

93 amunams

22 last

1 cut parrah

1 amunam

1 last

1 garce

Hl nl

The following table is adopted at the present day :—

Cut chundus Cut measure

4 = 1 Kuruni

164 = 44 — 1 Marsal

48 = 12 =~ 24 = 1 Parrah

96 os 24 = = TANG) eames AE Amunam

768° = 192 = se ROM (7) | Or aa el Last

7,200 el SOO =— ao! —— 10 —-- 7) ==, 98 |

The English bushel is equal to 34 seers, or one parrah and

10 seers.

IV.—MEASURES OF SURFACE.

The extent of land is defined by the quantity of seed

required to sow it. But different lands and localities possess

different degrees of fertility, and consequently the terms used

must necessarily be of varying size and extent. In fertile

lands the seed is not sown half so thickly as in poor soil,

so that the terms used to denote measurement of surface are

based upon a most anomalous principle. However, they have

been used from time out of memory, and continue to be

employed, having for their authority at least the sanction of

antiquity.

180 JOURNAL, R.A.S, (CEYLON). [Vou. XII.

The smallest measure is a mita, ahura, a fistful, as much

as can be held in the closed hand. A common expression to

describe ‘aman of straw ”’ is to say that he is not possessed

of amita of land. This is very significant when we consider

that the sower sows in fistfuls.

4 mitas = 1| atalossa, that is, a handful with the fingers slightly

bent inwards

8 mitas = 1 pata, a handful with the fingers stretched out

2 patas —= 1 manawa, or dhota, or two handfuls

2 mandawas — 1 neliya, séruwa, or seer

4 neli = 1 kuruniya, or laha

4 lahas = 1 timba

7 lahas = 1 bushel

5 kuruni = 1 bera, or parrah

2 beras = 1 péla

4A pelas = 1 amuna

6 bushels (53 more correctly )= 1 amuna

6 pelas == 1 vel-amuna

12 amuna = 1 yala

The amuna varies in different parts of the Island. In the

Colombo District it is equal to about six bushels and is

reckoned at 24 acres, but in the Central and North-Western

Provinces at 2 acres.

The equivalents of these terms in English standard

measurement are as follows :—

1 amuna’s sowing extent — 2 or 24 acres® (2a. 2 sq. r. 374 sq. p.

exactly)

1 pela’s do. = 2roods, or 2r. 20 p. (2sq.r. 293 8q. p.)

1 laha’s do. —= 10 perches, or 10,% sq. p.

1 parrah’s_ do. — 1rood, or I r. and 10 p.

1 bushel’s_ do. = 2 roods

1 peck’s do. = 20 perches

1 } ee : ; do. == 24 perches

The above terms apply to high as well as low lands, the

extent of the former being given in kurakkan and of the

latter in paddy sowing, For instance, the extent of

“ Kahatagahamula-watta” will be given as “1 laha kurak-

kan-sowing extent,” while that of “ Ratadelgaha-kumbura ”

will be given as “1 laha paddy-sowing extent.”

No. 43.—1892.] WEIGHTS AND MEASURES. 181

There is, however, this difference to be borne in mind.

Theabove measures of extent and their equivalents in English

measurement apply to paddy land, whether it is paddy

ordinarily sown on low land or on high land, as is the case

in the Four Koralés and in some parts of the Central Pro-

vince, where e/-v7 or hill paddy is sown.

But if with regard to high land the sowing extent is given

in kurakkan sowing, or without mention being made as to

whether it is paddy or kurakkan, the latter will be presumed

(D. C. Kurunégala, 21,876); and in that case a laha is the

equivalent of an acre, at which computation a péla will be

equal to 30 acres, whereas their equivalent in paddy-sowing

extent is 10 perches and 2 roods, respectively.

VI.—MEASURES OF SPACE.

The measures of space are very unique. According to the |

Bhaisayjaya Kalpa :—

8 paramanu = 1 tresarenu '°

8 tresarenu oo 1 ratarenu

8 ratarenu — lvalagra, the tip of the hair of a

horse’s tail

8 valagra aa 1 lehendi, a nit

8 lehendi — 1 ukuna, a louse

8 ukuno a 1 yava eta

8 yava eta — 1 angala

The following is another table from thesame authority :—

8 yava eta = 3 hovi eta

3 hovi eta — 1 angala

The Abhiddhanapadipika has the following table :—

36 paramanu = 1 anu

36 anu = 1 tajjari

36 tajjari = 1 ratarenu

36 ratarenu = 7 likas, or one uka

7 ukas 1 dannamasa, a kind of grain

7 dannamasa = 1 angala

Pridham, in the appendix to his work on Ceylon,” says that

the smallest native measure was the seventh part of avi-eta,

a grain of paddy, seven of which were equal to one angala.

* Vol. IL, p. 853.

182 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XII.

According to accepted authority an angala is the distance

from the first to the second joint of the forefinger bent.* !

Carpenters and some other artificers, says Davy, had mea-

sures of their own. The carpenter’s angala was equal to the

space between the second and third joint of the forefinger :—

6 angal = 1 pradesa

7 angal = 1 viyata, or span

The Bhaisayjaya Kalpa gives 12 angal as equal to a

viyata, as well as, according to another measurement, 12

angal as the equivalent of one pradesa. 12 angal are again

commonly accepted as the equivalent of an adiya, or foot.

The viyata, or span, is of three kinds :—

(1) A vagussa, the space covered by the thumb and the

forefinger bent at the second joint pressed ona flat

surface and stretched to their fullest extent.

(2) A vigussa, that is the space covered by the thumb

and the forefinger stretched to the fullest extent.

(3) A viyata, the space covered by the thumb and the

little finger stretched to their fullest extent.

2 viyat == 1 ratana, riyana, or cubit

Davy says that the carpenter’s cubit, or wadu riyanah, was

composed of twenty-four angal and divided into four parts.

Witnesses in cases of house-theft before the Law Courts in

the Kandyan Provinces asa rule refer to the box in which

the jewellery or other valuables are alleged to have been

locked up as a wadu-riyan-pettiya, that is, a wooden box of

about two cubits in length. |

A miti-riyana, or short cubit, is the space covered by the

forearm with the fist closed, from the joint of the elbow to

the top of the second joint of the little finger :-—

1 niska

1 dhanu, or bow

4 viyat

2 niskas

ll ||

According to another measurement :—

2 pradesa + 1 riyana

2 riyan 1 niska

* See Clough’s Dictionary, edited by Carter.”

No. 43.—1892.] WEIGHTS AND MEASURES. 183

The Bhaisayjaya Kalpa gives :—

1,000 dhanu = 1 kosa

3 kosas = 1 gavva

4 gav a 1 yoduna

8,000 dunu are also given as equal to a yoduna.

According to another measurement :—

500 dunu = 1 krosa

4 krosa = 1 yoduna

Pridham says that 9 viyat are equal to one dunna, about

9 English feet, and 500 dunu are equal to a hetekma.

According to another authority 2 fathoms are equal to a

dunna, and the Abhiddhdnapadipika gives 500 dunu, or

bows, as the equivalent of one krosa.

The space enclosed by the arms placed horizontally, the

elbows kept by the side, is called atpasa. Four riyan, or

cubits, make one lamba. A bamba, or fathom, is equal to

the space between the arms extended, a man’s reach (porisha,

Sanskrit; purusha pramanaya, Sinhalese), equal to the

height to which he reaches when elevating both arms with

fingers extended.”

Davy says that bamba and bandara bamba (employed by

the king to measure roads), which were occasionally used,

were more precise measures of distance. The former was

considered equal to the space between the arms extended,

measuring from the tips of the fingers, and was about 6 feet,

and the latter, about 9 feet, was the height to which a man

could reach above his head with his hand. Five hundred

bandara bamba were equal to a hetekma.

28 ratanas = 1 abhatura

7 ratanas = 1 yasti, yatali, or pole

20 yastis = 1 isbha

20 isbhas = 1 hetekma

A hetekma is the distance supposed to be equal to an

English mile, hetekma or setepma, that is, the distance which

a man carrying a load can travel in one stretch, after which

he wants a little rest and breathing time, hati erima.

*“ Colebrooke’s Amarakosha. p, 160.}8

184 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XII.

Mr. Herbert White of the Ceylon Civil Service refers to

a pilluma as the distance a pingo-bearer goes without putting

down hisload, and gives the following interesting explanation:

“Pillumak dura is derived from pili “cloth” and inuma

“let loose.” There is a custom among the Sinhalese pingo-

bearers to tuck up the cloth which they wear little by little

as they go, and the whole cloth is tucked up to the waist ;

when it gets loose and falls down to its original form, the man

is obliged to resume his tucking up from the beginning

over again. ‘The distance which he is supposed to have

walked by that time is equal to a hetekma (mile).” This

derivation appears to the editor of the Orientalist to be the |

only one that can be suggested, although it is rather far-

fetched, and he adds that the word pil/wma is not in use in

the Western, North-Western, and the greater portion of the

Central and Southern Provinces. It is used in some parts

of the Island in the same sense as hetekma,a mile, or rather a

distance which a man can go without putting down his load.* —

8 isbhas or 4 hetekmas = one gavva (a measure of dis-

tance, about 4 English miles) '

4 gav = one yoduna

and 5 gav, according to Pridham, made a day’s journey,

varying from 5 to 30 miles. Seven gav, equal to 28 miles,

would be nearer the mark. |

“Tt is characteristic of the people,” says Sir Emerson Ten-

nent, “that on traversing the forest they calculate their march

not by the eye or by measures of distance, but by sounds.” f

A common way of denoting the shortest distance from one

place to another is to say that it is anda-saddéka-dura (anda

“voice,” saddé “sound,” dura “ distance’’), the distance at

which the sound of the voice can be heard when a person is

talking,—synonymous with the English word “ earshot.”

Natives often refer to a “loud-talking distance” (hayiyen kata

karana saddé dura) to indicate a slightly greater distance.

Cf. “ stone’s throw.”

* Orientalist, vol. II1., parts III. and IV., pp. 49, 50.

+ Ceylon, vol. II., p. 582.

No. 43.—1892.] WEIGHTS AND MEASURES. 185

Tennent mentions a “dog’s cry” as indicating a quarter of

a mile, a “cock’s crow’’ something more, while a hiwa

implies the space over which a man can be heard when

shouting that particular monosyllable at the pitch of his

voice.!6 This seems identical with the Scotch expression of

‘‘a far cry to Loch Awe.” In making the shout, the “hoo”

is repeated twice, the crier dwelling on the first “ hoo” with

a powerful crescendo and uttering the remaining “ hoo” in

a comparative diminuendo. These measures must for the

distance they are supposed to cover certainly depend on the

strength of the lungs of the crier. Pridham remarks that

two “hoos” make a hetekma, but this would depend on

whose “hoo”! Tennent sums up: “As all these tests

are more or less conjectural, the replies of the natives

as to distances in Ceylon must always be taken with caution ;

for unlike the peasantry of Scotland, whose energy leads

them to disregard toil and under-estimate the ground to be

travelled, a Sinhalese when asked the way to the next

village generally adds to, instead of diminishing, its remote-

ness,”’*™ an experience which is common with travellers in the

interior of the Island who have the misfortune to rely on

native guides.

VI.—MEASURES OF TIME.

Time (kalaya) was doubtless a matter of much importance

with the Sinhalese, if the infinitesimal divisions and sub-

divisions of it afford any criterion.

The following interesting table is taken from the

Pafichanga, or Ephemiris :—

8 kshukshun ==1 ratarenu! 10 guru-aksharas = 1 swasa

8 ratarenu = 1 valagra 2 swasas — 1 kala

8 valagra — 1 truti 3 kalas ——7 havimadiicy

100 truti = 1 lavam 10 vinadi — 1 kshana

30 lavam = 1nimisha, the| 6 kshanas == 1 péya

twinkhng of an eye |§ 2 péyas — 1 muhurta

18 nimishas — 1 khastava 33 muhurta == jl yet, oe

1} khastavas = 1 guru-akshara, watch 7!

time taken to sound a long

vowel !9

* Ceylon,-vol, I1., p. 583.

64—92 D

186 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CHYLON). [VoL XTF,

Clough gives ardha-yama as half 4 yama,or two hours. The

day is divided into six watches, each containing ten hours.

The first watch consists of the first ten hours of the day, and

is called davala pera-yama. The second watch of the second

ten hours, and is called davala madyama. Thethird watch of

the last ten hours, and is called paschima or aluyama. And

so the three watches of the night are designated pera-yama

ratiriya, madyama ratiriya, and paschima ratiriya.

4 yamas, each consisting

of 15 hours __ | dina, or day

2 dinas = 1 ahoratiriya, one day and one night ;

ahan “day” and ratri “night”

Clough defines atawaka as a lunar day, 24 hours, or 60

Sinhalese péyas.” A day or night is also called tis-péya, or

thirty péyas.2?> Adyatana, according to Clough, is the period

of a current day from midnight to midnight, but sometimes

reckoned from sunset to sunset.

74 ahoratiriya — 1 sumé4na 24

2 sumanas or 15 ahora-

tiriya = 1 paksha

The first half of the fortnight is called swkla paksha or

“light fortnight,” and the second half kala paksha or “ dark

fortnight.” Clough gives ava as the fortnight of the waning

moon, ava-masa the dark fortnight, avara-pakshaya the

moon’s wane, ardha-masa half a lunar month, fortnight.

2 pakshas == 1 masa, or month*

2 masas = 1 irutu, or season ”¢

3 irutus ==1 ayana, half a year, z.é., the sun’s

passage north or south

2 ayanas — 1 warusha, or year *’

A kalpa is said to be the measure of duration of the world

previous to its renewal, the process of destruction and

renewal being destined to go on for ever! The length of a

kalpa is 432 millions of years! At the close, the world is to

be destroyed three times in succession—by rain, by wind,

and finally by fire. Phoenix-like, however, it is to rise fresh

and young again from its ashes.*

* Steele’s Kusa Jatakaya, p. 215, in notes,

No. 43.—1892.] WEIGHTS AND MEASURES. 187

The eras made use of by the Sinhalese are:

(1) The Kaliyuga, which commenced 1631. years before

the death of Gautama Buddha, is 2174 B.c.

(2) The era of the death of Gautama Buddha, 543 B.C., is

generally used in Pali and also in Sinhalese historical works.*

The period of his becoming Buddha, viz., 588 B.c., is

occasionally employed as an era.

(3) The era of the establishment of the Buddhist religion

is 237 B.c., and marks the time when Mahindo renovated the

Buddhist religion and brought many valuable relics of

_ Gautama to Ceylon.

(4) The era of Saka, although seldom used in books, is

generally employed in deeds and grants of land as well as

every other secular document, and in calculating horoscopes.

Jt is said to date from the time of King Saka, and isthe same

as that of King Salivahana, so well known on the continent

of India, whose era as fixed by the Sinhalese corres-

ponds to 78 A.D.| Hence 1532 would correspond, says Steele

in his translation of Kusa Jatakaya, with 1610 A.D., which is

accordingly the date of the poem. Forbes gives the follow-

ing legend respecting the establishment of this era :—

During a grievous famine a Buddhist priest arrived at the house

of Saka, a man of the Goiya (cultivator) caste, at the time when he

had only one meal of rice left to support himself and his family ; this

he ordered to be prepared, and without hesitation offered it to the holy

man. To reward this sacrifice to hospitality, and obedience to the

injunctions of Buddha, the handful of rice became inexhaustive, and

during the continuance of the famine supplied Saka, his family, and

neighbours. The conduct of Saka being thus manifestly approved by

the gods, the people raised him to the throne of the kingdom.{

SINHALESE HOROLOGY.

Robert Knox wrote in 1681, and his words hold true even

at the present day, that the “Sinhalese have no clocks,

hour-glasses, or sun-dials, but the king has a kind of instru-

* Steele’s Kusa Jatakaya, p. 230, in notes.

} This theory is exploded. See Fleet, Corpus Inscriptisnum Indica-

rum, The epoch is A.D. 77-8.—B., Hon. See.

{ Hleven Years in Ceylon, vol. IL. , pp. 246, 247,

188 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XII.

ment to measure time. It isa copper dish, holding about a

pint, with a very small holeat the bottom. The dish they set

a swimming in an earthen pot of water, which leaks in at

the bottom till the dish sinks, and that makes one péya,

hour, or part; it is then set empty again in the water by a

man who is kept on purpose to watch it.”

Commenting on this passage, Mr. White, in an interesting

Paper on “Sinhalese Measures of Time,” to which I owe

many interesting particulars hereafter quoted, observes:

“The Kandyan kings, indeed those ‘ black-bearded kings with

wolfish eyes, have glided away into the shadowy past,

but the water clock called pé-tetvya in Sinhalese, the klepsydra |

of the Greeks, may still be seen in déwalas and such

places,” especially in the houses of some ancient families.

The Sinhalese, as a rule, makes nature his clock, and is

a dial to himself as he walks abroad. He at least does not

Wisely tell what hour o’ the day

The clock does strike by algebra.”

He divides his day into 60 péyas of about 20 minutes each,

that is, 30 péyas of light and 30 péyas of darkness.

As a rule when asked the time he would say so many

péyas after sunrise, sunturn, or nightfall, as the case may be.

Another way of measuring time is by the piyara, or foot,

of a man’s shadow, and the equivalent of the piyara at various

times of the day and year is given in the published almanacs.

The following particulars of the pryara measurement are

taken from the Pajfichanga :—

The man who measures the piyara by his own foot should have six

piyaras to the length of his shadow. If otherwise, he should measure

his height with a stick, which should be divided into six parts, and

one-sixth part would go to a piyara, and then his shadow should be

measured by the piyara so obtained. The following table shows the

reckoning of piyara, angal, vinddi, and péyas in the morning from 10

vinddi till pahalospéya, or 15 péyas (midday), and again from 10

vinadi from sunturn till 10 vinddi before sunset :—

* Orientalist, vol. III., parts 3 and 4, pp. 75,76. [Of course from

‘ Hudibras.””—B., /Ton. See, |

189

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The following table shows the additions to be made to the

figures given in the foregoing tables to ascertain the correct

time :—.

The Time in | The Time in | The Time in

the First Ten | the Middle | the Last Ten

Days. Days. Days.

Name of Month. ays Ten Days ays

jAngal.{Piyara./Angal.

——_

EPrDOFPOOCOFOOCOON-

Mésa

Varsabha

Mituna

Kataka

Sinha

Kanni

Tula

Varchika

Dhanu

Makara

Kumbha

Mina

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ONWEP PWN OF bP

The village husbandman has a graphic way of conveying

to others the time at which something or other occurred.

First and foremost,—and very early it is too,—is cockcrow.

Not content with the general term, he distinguishes two

‘‘cockcrows,”’ called first and second cockcrows. The first

occurs about 3 A.M., and is a mere prelude to the real or

second cockcrow, which occurs about 4.30 A.M., when—

The cock with lively din

Scatters the rear of darkness thin.

This immediately precedes dawn (elivenawd, udé, or

davasdebage). Dawn is also called aluyama, aliyama mean-

ing light, pandara (pahan “light” and dara “to bear”’)

vaitdla.

Several expressions are used to denote the advance of

morn. Vatin godin eliya vetenawa, “light falls on hill and

dale”; sappeyo kin bin gana velawa, “ the time when birds fill

192 JOURNAL, R.A.8. (CEYLON). [Vou. XII.

the air with their cries” ; kurullo bimata bahina velaiwa, “the

time that the birds alight from their roost” ; bambara messo

gosdva veldwa, “the time that the bambara bees hum”;

gasvala neti pena velawa, “the time that the branches and

twigs of the trees can be seen”; allé iri péna velawa, “the

time at which the lines in one’s palm can be seen” ; pé tetiya

velawa, “the time the water-clock is set agoing” ; aruna

velawa, aruna neguna, “the sun has risen. ”

Harak dakkana velawa, “ the time when men drive cattle

(to plough),” is an expression commonly used to denote one of

the small hours of the morning.

The sun having risen, pinda pata velawa comes next.

It is between 9 A.M. and 11 4.M. Buddhist priests start from

their monasteries to beg alms at about 9 A.M., and are so

engaged till about 11 A.M. when they return to their

residence—the interval is known as pinda pata velawa,

“alms gathering time.”

Dan velawa is the time when the monks partake of the

meals they have begged, and is about 11 o’clock.

“Midday” is madyana or pahalos-péya, “15 o'clock,” when

the “swinked ” husbandman has his midday meal, and this is

a point of time from which and to which he reckons in péyas.

This hour is also called hiti-piyara veldwa, the hour when

the shadow of a man is under his foot. It is also known as

ira-mudun velawa, the hour when the sun is right over head;

maha-madyanda, great midday ; and avara velawa.

A pretty expression, mt kelina velawa, “what time bees

do play,” is used to denote a time about four o’clock in the

afternoon. This time is also known as mal pipena velawa,

the hour when the (sendirikka) flowers burst into bloom.*

The expression husmak is used to denote 5 or 74 péyas,

the time during which a man is engaged in working without

intermission, but Mr. White gives this explanation: “ Should

any one molest a husbandman while tilling his paternal

fields with the mamoty (gaudentem patrios findere sarculo

* Sendirikka is the “Marvel of Peru,’ commonly called “ four o’clock

flower.”

No. 43.—1892.] WEIGHTS AND MEASURES. 193

agros) a fight may ensue. Bystanders have described such

a combat to me as lasting de-husma, ‘two breathings,’ which

may be idiomatically rendered ‘two rounds. This is

delightfully graphic.”

‘The time of sunset is fairly regular in Ceylon. Jra bahi-

nawa, the sun sinks down, plainly describes the apparent

phenomenon. This time is also known as hendéwa, hendé

velawa, or havas-waruwa.

Harak dakkana velawa, the time when cattle are driven

home to their pinfolds, is about 5 o’clock, 24 péyas before

nightfall.*

Miniha pénna nepénna velawa, when a man may or may

not be recognised, is dusk, which is also known as tharu

pena velawa, the time when the stars are seen.

Bimata karuwala vetena velawa, the time when darkness

sets in; kwrullo gas yana velawa, the time when birds go to

roost ; pe tetiya velawa, allé iri péna nepéna velawa, gas

wala neti nepéena velawa, the negative forms of the

expressions used to denote the time at dawn.

“The time when lamps are lit,” and “‘the evening meal ”

or “supper,” are points of time from which the Sinhalese

reckon backwards and forwards in péyas.

“The time when a man wakens after his first sleep,”

nindak budiyala eha eruna—generally two péyas—is rather

indefinite, varying with the habits of the sleeper, but it is a

common expression.t

And then we come to pahalos-péya, “‘ 15 0’clock,” or ‘ mid-

night,” also known as maha ré or maddima ré.

* Sotoo goman kelina velava (Orientalist, vol. III., p. 100).—B., Hon. Sec:

+ Cf. “ Nyanza,” cried the native boy, ““Nyanza? Ay, the Nyanza lies

this way” (pointing east) ‘and extends \that way” (north-east) “a long

distance’; and when asked how many “ sleeps”’ intervened between the

Babusessé, held up three fingers on his dexter hand, and answered “ three.”’

(Stanley’s In Darkest Africa, Colonial edition, p. 176.)

194 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XII.

NOTES.

' The Vaidiyalankara, also a well-known medical authority, gives the

following particulars :—One sana — 15 madeta; 60 madeta = 3 kalan ;

12 kalan = a large palam or mita; 48 kalan or 4 mita = one kuduba or

pata ; 4 times above = 16 palam or pretsa or nelliya; 4 times above = 256

palam ; 256 palam = 2 thula ; 56 palam or 5 drona = one timba ; 4 times

above = 1,024 palam or i0 thulas or 24 palam = one waha or 10 lahas.

* This is the seed of the madatiya (Adenanthera pavonina, UL.

Leguminose). The seed is used for weighing medicines as well as

precious metals. The tree grows in “‘ the warmer parts of the Island. It

attains to large dimensions, and has few branches. The bark appears to

be of a scaly nature with indentations all throughout. The leaves are

compound (pinnate), and are of a light green colour. Like most of the

leguminaceous trees, the leaves close towards sunset and return to their

natural position at daybreak. The flowers are borne in clusters, and they

are of a whitish colour, especially the stamens, while the calyces are green.

The pods are from 3 to 4 inches long, and curved to a slight extent. Five

to six seeds are found embedded in a somewhat leathery pulp. The seeds

are round, convex on both sides, and of a bright red colour. When fresh they

are soft, but the dry seeds are hard with a glared appearance. The seeds

are sometimes roasted and eaten. The roasted seeds are sold in the market,

but are considered to be heating, producing, as is popularly believed, a

defect in the hearing powers of those who eat them. In India it is said —

that the dry seeds are worn as ornaments, made into necklets and bracelets.

The tree yields a good light-grained timber used for building purposes.

The leaves and bark are locally used for external application in cases of

swellings and sprains, and the leaves are said to possess a peculiar property

of extracting poison caused by snake-bites.”—(W. A. D.S. in The Magazine

of the School of Agriculture, vol. IL., No. 4, p. 29.)

3 Hight palams are given as equal toa rattala, or pound. Dealers in

medicinal ingredients, in compounding a prescription, weigh the required

ingredients according to the above tables, but in selling the ingredients

they adopt the avoirdupois weight.

4 Cf. the Tamil table of weights :—

1 grain of paddy — visam 2kalafichu = kaisa

2 visam = pilavu 4 kaisa — palam

2 pilavu = kunti(seed of the} 100 palam = nirai

wild licorice) 2 nirai = tulam

2 kunti = manjadi 32 tulam = param

20 mafijadi = kalafichu

(Orientalist, vol. III., parts 7 and 8, p. 144.)

> Of. “ carat,’ which is probably derived from the name of a bean, the fruit

of a species of Hrythina, which grows in Africa. The tree which yields

this fruit is called by the natives “kuara” \(sun), and both blossom and

fruit are of a golden colour. The bean or fruit, when dried, is nearly

cis

No. 43.—1892.] WEIGHTS AND MEASURES. 195

always of the same weight, and thus in very remote times it was used in

Shangallas, the chief market of Africa, as a standard weight for gold. The

beans were afterwards imported into India, and were used for weighing

the diamond. The carat is not of the same weight in all countries, for

instance :—

One carat in England and her colonies 205°4090 milligrams

Do. France = 205°5000 do.

Do. Vienna = 20671300 do.

Do. Berlin = 205°4400 do.

Do. Frankfort-on-Maine = 205°7700 do.

Do. Liepzig = 205-0000 do.

Do. Amsterdam = 205°7000 do.

Do. Lisbon = 205°7500 do.

Do. Leghorn = 215-9900 do.

Do. Florence = 195°2000 do.

Do. Spain = 205°3930 do.

Do. Borneo = 105:0000 do.

Do. Madras = 207°3533 do.

72 carats make ... One Cologne oz.

1513 carats make . One English oz.

The ounce weight is used for ee small and baroque pearls, coral,

peridots, and rough garnets. (Streeter’s Precious Stones and Poin

Appendix.)

6 The following particulars are gleaned from an interesting judgment

of Berwick, D.J., in which the judicial value of a kalanj: of gold in the

currency of the Island was determined :—

A kalanjt of gold is an expression commonly used in dowry contracts

among Moormen, the term itself being a denomination of weight imported

from India. The kalanji originally represented 72 average grains of wheat.

On weighing asample the 72 grains were ascertained to be 71°5 grains

troy. Fixing the weight of a gold sovereign at 123°274 grains and its

value at Rs. 10, one kalanjt was found to be worth Rs. 5°80. A kalanji being

equal to 71°5 grains troy, it follows that there are six seven-tenths (6°713

exactly) kalanjis in an ounce troy. In Winslow’s Dictionary a kalafiji is

stated to be a “jeweller’s weight of 12 panavidies, and a panavidie to be

a small weight of gold, the ninth of a pagoda,” consequently a kalanji is

13 pagoda. According to the Times of India Almanac for 1872, p. 83, the

pagoda weight is given as 52°56 grains troy. Then the value of a

pagoda of gold in Ceylon currency, according to the above computation,

would be Rs. 4:26. The difference between the result of reckoning the

kalanjt with reference to the pagoda weight and with reference to the

weight of somany grains of wheat is only 2 percent. There is a wonderful

approximation between a grain of wheat and a grain troy, the experiment

showing them to be practically identical. (D. C. Colombo, 62.515.

Vanderstraaten’s Reports, 1869-71, appendix C, pp. 36-38.)

’ Cf. Tamil dry measure :—

5 sevidu = 4lakku 4 nali = kuruni

2 alakku = ulakku | 4 kuruni = tuni

4 ulakku = nali | 3 tuni = kulam

196 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XII.

~ Anéli of earth weighs 17 palam ; of sand 20 palam ; of paddy 16 palam ;.

of rice 10 palam ; of salt 16 palam ; of pure water 12 palam; of ordinary

water 13 palam ; of bad water 17 palam. A nali of gingelly contains 195,000

grains ; of paddy 14,400 ; of rice 39,800; of peas 14,800 ; of beans 1,800 ; of

pepper 12,800.

(Orientalist, vol. III., parts 7 and 8, p. 145.)

®* As showing that terms of measurement are variously estimated in

different places, it might here be pointed out that one marakal (corn

measure) is considered by the people of South India to contain 4 quarts, by

the people of the Vanniin Ceylon 10 quarts, and by the inhabitants of the

Batticaloa District 8 quarts.

® The term “‘acre”’ is considered to mean the extent understood as the

equivalent of that expression—one foreign to the people—according to the

sowing extent represented by it, ‘‘sowing extent” being the native mode

of measurement universally obtaining throughout Ceylon. In some parts

the sowing extent considered as the equivalent of an acre is two bushels,

in most it is two and a half, and in some it is three, but, whatever it may

be, it was always intended and understood that by an “acre” should be

meant the extent by native measurement locally recognised as its equivalent,

and in like manner of course with its fractional parts. In answer to an

inquiry from the Government Agent of the North-Western Province,

Kurunégala, as to whether this construction should be put on the term

“acre” inthe provisions for assessment of water-rate contained in the

Irrigation Ordinance,as much embarrassment would otherwise be occasioned

with regard to the assessment in the absence of a survey, the Colonial

Secretary replied that two and a half parrahs or two bushels’ sowing extent

corresponded with an acre, and was always accepted as such in the Western

Province in calculations affecting paddy lands, and that this standard might

be adopted as a general rule for the North-Western Province, Exceptional

cases no doubt would occur where, owing to the poverty of the soil or other

causes, a larger quantity of seed was used for the same extent of land ; and

in such cases a relaxation of the rule might be allowed at discretion, when

the circumstances required it. There was no necessity for interfering with

the rule hitherto in force, as it was out of the question that any general

survey of all paddy lands could be undertaken at present. (Administration

Report, North-Western Province, 1874, appendix D.)

0 Cf. Tamil long measure :—

8 atoms

8 dust

8 cotton dust

8 hair points

8 grains of sand

8 mustard seeds

8 gingelly seeds

8 paddy grains

12 finger breadths

12 spans

500 koéle

a dust seen in the sunbeam

a cotton dust

the point of a hair

a grain of sand

a mustard seed.

a gingelly seed

a paddy grain

(the breadth of) a finger

a span

a cubit or kéle

a yosannal

AIT ke et a

No. 43.—1892.] WEIGHTS AND MEASURES. 197

The width of a finger varies between 6 and 8 grains of paddy, and is

equal to? of aninch. In measuring temple premises a cubit is 25 fingers ;

palace premises 26 fingers. (Orientalist vol. III., parts 7 and 8, p. 145.)

1 The following is a Tamil table :-—

1 ankulam = & of an inch

24 ankulams =< 1 cubit

4 cubits = 2 dhanu

2 dhanus = 1 dandam

500 dandams == 1 kooppidu

4 kooppidus = 1 yojana

T am informed that Sinhalese women who vend lace in the Southern

Province (especially in the Matara District) adopt a curious measurement.

They measure lace from the tip to the knuckle of the anal finger, three

of which evidently go to a foot.

'S A common mode of ascertaining the height of an elephant is to measure

the footprint of the animal three times, which will give the exact height.

According to an Indian authority “the footprint of a male elephant is

round, that of a female elliptical, and six times the diameter of these impres-

sions give the height of the animal.”

4 One katham or gavatham (distance) is estimated by the Indian Tamils

to be 10 miles.

15 A yojana is estimated by the Indian historians to be about 18 miles,

by the ancient Indian Government about 93 miles, by the writers of

Indian sacred books or shastrams 5 miles, and by the Sinhalese 16 miles.

Mr. S. Mervin, of Jaffna, in his interesting Paper on “ Hindu Astronomy, as

compared with European Astronomy,” read before the R. A. S., C. B., says

that the measurement is not exactly settled, and recommends the adoption

of the estimate employed by the Indians in their sciences in preference to

that used by other nations. The following interesting particulars have

been culled by him in support of his statement that a yojana, as used in

Hindu Astronomy, is approximately equivalent to five English miles, and

that the term is used in different places as expressing longer or shorter

distances :-- dwirets (yoganat), ameasure of distance reckoned from 4 to

10 BaiMons (nadlikat), usually about 13 miles. Wélson., about 9miles. In

Astronomy the 5059th part of a great circle, or on the equator about 4}

geographical miles, or nearly five English ails, (Winslow’s Tamil-Hnglish

Dictionary.) Yogana (San. yojana), a measure of distance varying from

4 to 10 miles, but usually about 5. (Hast Indians) Webster’s English Dic-

tionary. WHieuen Thsang, a Chinese monk, who visited India in the middle

of the seventh century, reports that in India, according to ancient tradition, a

yojana equals 40 li (a li is about 550 yards). According to the customary

use of the Indian Kingdom it is 30/7. But the yojana mentioned in the

sacred books contains 16 7i, which smallest yojana is equal to 8,800 yards,

or five English miles. Mr. Mervin lastly instances the distances in yojanas,

as given in the ancient works on science, such as Surya Siddhantam, &e.,

198 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). | Vou. XIT.

in regard to the diameter of the earth, the moon, &c., which being multi-

plied by 5 nearly correspond with the distances in miles as given in the

European works on Astronomy,—an indirect proof in support of his con-

tention. According to a table given in Kanthapuranam, tit. Andakosam,

a yojana is equal to 32,000 yards, while some.authorities give it as equal to

16,000 yards, and others 8,000 yards.

16 “ Some far off halloo breaks the silent air.”’—Milton. Cf. the peculiar

war cry of the Wangwana, which Stanley phonetically renders ‘“ Hehu-

a-hehu.” (Through the Dark Continent, p. 80.)

17 Of, time table of the Tamils :—

2 winks = a snap (of the fingers)

2 snaps — mattirai

2 mattirai = kuru

2 kuru = uir

6 uir == kshanikam

12 kshanikam = vinadi

60 vinadi — nalikai

74, nalikai = watch

8 watches at day

30 days = month

12 months = year

(Orientalist, vol. III., parts 7 and 8, p. 144.)

According to an extract from the Sara Sangrahaya (written about

1708 A.D.) given in the introduction to Alwis’ Sidat Sangarawa, p. 24:

‘the time occupied in winking the eye is called sakshana,a second equal

to the time necessary for the utterance of a lagu, or short vowel;

18 seconds make a kasti or minute, 36 minutes make an hour, 2 hours one

mohota, 30 mohotas make a day and night, 15 days make a paksha,

2 pakshas make one month, 2 months a season.”

Clough defines ahurusené as so short a time as would occupy a snap of

the fingers, and anudrita as half a druta or 4 of a matra, or the time taken

to articulate a short vowel.

The time occupied by the twinkling of an eye is called mat ; the measure

of this time is called /whu, and is equal to the sound of a short vowel.

(Alwis’ Sidat Sangardawa, appendix C, p. 216.)

Two mats are called guru, and are equal to the sounding of a long

vowel, or of a vowel sound preceding a consonant made mute by the sign

hal—a mute consonant gathal is equal to haif a mat. (Alwis’ Sidat

Sangardwa, appendix C, p. 216.) These sounds or syllabic instants

are further referred to as follows :—“ One instant is light, and is called

a lugu; two instants are heavy, and are called guru; three instants are

prolated, and are called puluta ; and a silent letter is only half an instant.

These instants are also illustrated by certain writers by the notes of birds

and cries of animals—e.g., the note of the chataca represents a lagu, the

croaking of a raven a guru, the shrill prolated cry of the peacock a

puluta, and the suppressed cry of a weasel half an instant, or less than

one instant. (Jbid., p. cxx.)

No. 43.—1892.] WEIGHTS AND MEASURES. 199

* According to the Ganitha Garbha used in schools: 60 tatpara=1

vinddi, 60 vinddi=1 péya, 60 péya=1 day. A common expression

used by the Kandyans, and especially by witnesses in Courts of Justice, to

denote how long it took something or other to occur, is to say it occupied

the time that a man takes to finish a chew of betel.

4 Considering the fact that the water-clock was known to and used by

the Sinhalese, the following explanation of the probable origin of

‘“‘ watches” is apposite :—‘‘ Under the reign of Phul, the royal palace of

Nineveh, and each of the principal districts of the city, possessed a water-

clock of the same shape and capacity. They were filled together, or ag

nearly as possible together, at the signal of a watchman stationed aloft

on a tower to proclaim the rising of the sun, and they remained all day

in the keeping of the officials, whose business it was to fill them as soon

as they became empty. There was a regular staff of criers employed in

connection with each of the time offices, and as often as the water-clocks

were replenished they spread through the streets shouting out the fact for

the benefit of the town’s people. Inthis way a sort of rough computation

of the flight of time was held. The intervals between the filling and

emptying of the vessels were called “ watches,” and were probably of two

hours or two hours and a half duration.” (All the Year Round, April,

1869, p. 488.)

2 Why is our hour divided into sixty minutes, each minute into sixty

seconds, &c.? Simply and solely, replies Max Miiller in the Fortnightly

Review, because in Babylon there existed by the side of the decimal

system of notation another system, the sexagesimal, which counted by

sixties. Why that number should have been chosen is clear enough, and

it speaks well for the practical sense of those ancient Babylonian mer-

chants. There is no number which has so many divisions as sixty : it being

divided without a remainder by 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 10, 12, 15, 20, and 30.

The Babylonians divided the sun’s daily journey into 24 parasangs, or

720 stadias. Hach parasang or hour was subdivided into sixty minutes. A

parasang is about a German mile, or a little more than 45 English miles ;

and Babylonian astronomers compared the progress made by the sun during

an hour at the time of the equinox to the progress made by a good walker

during the same time, both accomplishing one parasang. The whole

course of the sun during the twenty-four equinoctial hours was fixed at

24 parasangs, or 720 stadias, or 360 degrees.

This system was handed on to the Greeks, and Hipparchus, the great

Greek philosopher, who lived about 150 B.c., introduced the Babylonian

hour into Europe. Ptolemy, who wrote about 140 A.D., and whose name

still lives in that Ptolemaic system of astronomy, gave still wider currency

to the Babylonian way of reckoning time. It was carried along on the quiet

strain of traditional knowledge through the middle ages, and strange to say

it sailed down safely over the Niagara of the French Revolution. For the

French, when revolutionising weights, measures, coins, and dates, and subject:-

ing all to decimal system of reckoning, were induced by some unexplained

motives to respect our clocks and watches, and allowed our dial to remain

sexagesimal—that is Babylonian—each hour consisting of sixty minutes.

200 JOURNAL, B.A.8. (CEYLON). [VOL XII.

3 The five single vowels ¢ @ @& ® ® influence (says the Sidat Sangarawa,

pp. 216, 217, innotes) the 30 péyas or hours, six of these hours being allotted

to each vowel. These periods, called e2%c) in Sanskrit, begin with the

rising of the sun, as follows :—

€ the first represents HCE ... Infancy

@ the second 2p@s6 .« Half growth

G the third 09245 ... Youth

® the fourth O& soo) NERS

@ the fifth D6 .-- Death

Of these the three first periods are propitious and the two last adverse.

* Tt isa curious coincidence (says Sir Emerson Tennent, Ceylon, vol. II.,

p. 582, in notes) that the Sinhalese concur with the most ancient people of

the Kast, the Chaldeans, Arabs, and Egyptians, not only in counting time

by periods of seven days, but by distinguishing the days of the week by

the planets whose names have been conferred on them :—

Sunday, Jrida_... .. From ira thesunand da,

contraction of davassa,

a day

Monday, Sanduda .. From Chandraya, moon

Tuesday, Angaharuwada .. From Angaharuwa, the

planet Mars

Wednesday, Badada ... From Buda, the planet

Mercury

Thursday, Brahaspatinda .. From Brahaspati, the

planet Jupiter

Friday, Sikurada .. From Sikura, the planet

Venus

Saturday, Senasurada .. From Senasura, — the

planet Saturn

Among the Tamils, too, the days of the week are named after the planets.

Néyitu (Gu), Tinkal (Gaeor), Sevvay (@saamu), Putan (4 ser),

Viydlan (Mw per), Velli (Oaeratl), and Suni (¢ef). For particu-

lars of the months and days, and the manner of reckoning the Tamil

year, the curious reader is referred to the notes in the Appendix under

tit. Panjangam, to Brito’s Yalpana Vaipava Malai. While each of

the seven days the Sinhalese have put under the superintendence of a

planet, each of the 60 hours into which they divide the day they place

under that of a star. (Davy’s Ceylon, p. 246.)

% The Sinhalese have an astrological as well as a lunar month, divided

into 27 days, corresponding to the number of their astrological stars or

constellations, and like them called neket, and each of these days, or each

neketa, is divided and subdivided in a very complicated manner. They

implicitly believe that the stars influence the affairs of mankind, and their

actions in consequence are in a great measure regulated by the movements

of the stars. The first object of parents on the birth of a child is to have

his nativity cast and his horoscope made out, which is of more importance

to him through life than any certified extract from a parish register to a

European. Not the hour of celebrating a marriage can be fixed, a field

sown, a journey undertaken, nor, indeed, a match be made without the aid

of the astrologer, who, in more than one instance, has prevented the union

of those whose circumstances were otherwise most suitable, but were

unfortunately born under hostile stars. (Davy’s Ceylon, pp. 246, 247.)

No. 43.—1892.] WEIGHTS AND MEASURES. 201

List of the Sinhalese lunar and solar months, compiled from the Vaidya-

lankara, with the corresponding names of the English months :—

Corresponding

Lunar Months. Solar Months. English Months.

1. Bak ... Mésa .. April 12 to May 12

2. Wesak ... Wrasambha... May to June

3. Poson ... Mituna .. June to July

4, Esala .. Kataka ... July to August

5. Nikiniya ... Sinha ... August to September

6. Binara .. Kanni e... September to October

7. Wak .- Lula ... October to November

8. Il .. Wurchi ... November to December

9, Unduwak ... Dhanu ... December to January

10. Durutu ... Makara ... January to February

11. Navan .. Kumbha ... February to March

12. Medindina ... Mina ... March to April

The quarters of the moon are called as follows :—First quarter, masé

poya; second quarter, atawaka; full moon, pahaloswaka poya; fourth

quarter, atawaka.

Kalava is a digit, or one-sixteenth part of the moon, and 16 kalavas com-

pose the disc of the moon sandamadala.

* Firstly, the seasons were divided into six, each division comprising

two months, as follows :—

Sie oe crane Se ean,

2. Grisma, hot season, summer... | e aut ii leis

cae at yen race

4, Sarath, sultry, autumn ai x rs a

eer | 9 Cte. Den

| 11. Navan ... Kumbha

. Sisi 1 int

| 6. Sisira, cold, winter 12. Medindina... Mina

Secondly, they are divided into three in a religious point of view, and

comprise the following months :—

( 1. Bak ... Mésa

; | 2. Wesak .. Wrasambha

i. Gimhana, hot season ae a Reson ae Mitune

L 4. Esala ... Kataka

( 5. Nikiniya ... Sinha

| 6. Binara bo. Ite haa

2. Washana, rainy season a3 Fh ANN abne

Us ul .. Wurehi

( 9. Unduwak ... Dhanu

110. Durutu ... Makara

3. Hemantha, misty season... 11. Navan _.. Kumbha

(12. Medindina... Mina

See Alwis’ Sidat Sangardwa, p. 39, in notes, and Vaidyalankara.

64—92 E

202 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XII.

2 According to the Tamils the age of man is 100 years (cf. ‘‘ The days of

our years are threescore years and ten ; and if by reason of strength they be

fourscore years, yet is their strength labour and sorrow; for it is soon cut

off, and we fly away.” —Psalm XC., 10), of an elephant 100; cow or bull 20 ;

male buffalo 30; camel 73. 1,728,000 years — the kreta yugam ; 1,296,000

years = the treta yugam; 864,000 years = tuwdpara yugam; 432,000

years =the kali yugam; the four yugams added together = 4,320,000

years = the satur yugam; 18 satur yugams = the reign of Manu ; 74 Manu’s

reigns —the reign of an Indiran; 270 Indiran’s reigns = a day of

Piramda; 30 such days=a piramd month ; 12 pirama months = a pirama

year ; a hundred such years= theage of Pirama ; 360 such ages= the age

of Atipirama; 10 such ages—a katpam. In a hundred katpam Roma

Risi sheds one hair of his body ; when ten crores of Roma Risi’s hair

fall Minasi Risi casts off one scale of his fishy body; when one crore of

these scales fall it isa moment to Parathuvusa Risi; it takes 30 such

moments for Maha Satti to do up the hair of her head ; when Maha Satti

has done her hair 780 crores of times, that space of time counts as a

moment for the Urittiramak4li, who sits by the side of the Almighty.

(Orientalist, vol. III., parts 7 and 8, pp. 144, 145.)

Mr. MODDER added that before reaching pahalos-péya (the

Paper had occupied nearly an hour in reading, although

several parts of it had been skipped over) he would relieve

the audience by resuming his seat. (Laughter and applause.)

6. Sir KE. NOEL WALKER, on behalf of the Members of the

Society and their friends, proposed a vote of thanks to Mr.

Modder for his Paper and the trouble he must have taken in

preparing it. ‘The prevailing reflection in his mind on

listening to the long tables Mr. Modder had read was one of

congratulation that his early education did not find place in

a Sinhalese school in Ceylon. His recollection was that they

found difficulty enough with the simple tables of troy, avoir-

dupois, and lineal measures. (Laughter.) When he first came

to Ceylon he confessed he had found difficulty—considerable

difficulty—in ascertaining what the kuruni and amunams

were, and he was more puzzled in pursuing his inquiries to

find that in every Province the kuruni and amunam mea-

sures were different. The officer who was then his Principal

Assistant, and who is now the Government Agent of the

Western Province,” to whom he appealed, volunteered to col-

lect some information on the subject, and when that gentle-

man left him he was engaged in a very interesting, and, he

might say, very diligent inquiry, because there was a great

variety of information concerning the different kuruni mea-

sures. He thought Mr. Modder had afforded some explana-

tion of the difficulty when he told them that the unit of

* The Hon. A. R. Dawson, C.C.s.

No. 43.—1892.] PROCEEDINGS. 203

measure was what could be carried in the fist, but they all

knew that there were fists and fists. (Laughter.) Certainly

he (Sir Edward) had gained some instruction that evening.

He thought he might also give expression to their sense of

thankfulness to the Bishop for the interesting address he

had delivered to them as President. (Applause.) They would

all admit, he thought, that there was a good deal of truth in

what the Bishop had said about the want of life in their

Meetings. Butatany rate they might say that there had been

an exception that evening, and he hoped the Bishop’s address

would be an incentive and inducement to Members, who had

the leisure to pursue inquiries, to give the Society the result

of their researches. (Applause.)

The Hon. ABDUL RAHIMAN seconded, and the vote was

cordially passed.

Mr. MODDER, in acknowledging the compliment, apolo-

gised for the heaviness and length of his Paper. He feared

it was not free from blemishes. The subject was brimful

of interest and importance, and he would have been

glad if some of those present had discussed the Paper. He

had expected his Paper to elicit criticism. The subject

demanded the interest of all Ceylonese, and if he had

had a little more time—he did his best in three weeks

to put hastily together the notes he had made in the course

of his studies—and a little more leisure, he would have pre-

pared the Paper more carefully and with more satisfaction

to himself. He then thanked Sir Edward Walker for

having spoken so flatteringly of his humble efforts, and the

ladies and gentlemen present for having accorded to his

Paper such a favourable reception. He felt that they had

weighed his Paper in the scales of partiality, with his own

weights and measures. (Laughter). Might he lay the

flattering unction to his soul that they had not found him

wanting ? (Applause.)

7. Mr. MODDER proposed a vote of thanks to his Lord-

ship the Bishop for presiding at the Meeting, and the vote

having been passed with acclamation the proceedings

terminated.

EB 2

[VouL. XII.

JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON).

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No. 43.—1892. | PROCEEDINGS. 205

GENERAL MEETING.

Colombo Museum, August 9, 1892.

Present :

The Lord Bishop of Colombo, President, in the Chair.

The Hon. M. C. Abdul Rahi- | Mr, W. P. Ranasinha.

man, M.L.C. Mr. F. C. Roles.

Mr. C. Drieberg. i Mr. K. D. C. Seneviratna.

Mr. A. M. Ferguson, C.M.G, Dr. W. G. Vandort.

Mr. D. W. Ferguson. Mr. G. Wall, F.L.S., F.R.A.S.,

Dr. W. G. Keith. &c., Vice-President.

Mr. E. 8. W. Senathi Raja, Honorary Secretary.

Mr. Gerard A. Joseph, Assistant Secretary.

Visitors :—Five ladies and several gentlemen.

Business.

1. Read and confirmed Minutes of Meeting held on

March 19, 1892.

2, Mr. GEORGE WALL, Vice-President, at the request of

the President, took the Chair, temporarily.

3d. His LORDSHIP THE BISHOP, before commencing his

Paper, made a few introductory remarks. He said that the

Paper he was about to read was already known to some of the

Members in substance, as copies in rough proof had been

supplied to those specially interested in the subject.

He wished it known that he was neither the discoverer

nor author of the matter he was going to dwell on that

evening, but that it was the work rather of one who had

gathered and put together what had previously been

scattered about in different places. The real honour of the

discovery belonged to Mr. K. J. Pohath, though there might

be perhaps some question as to who will have the final

honour of the discovery of the site under discussion. He was

sorry that when he was writing his Paper he was unaware of

Mr. Pohath’s account of his views, expressed in communi-

cations to the Ceylon Independent at the end of May and

again in July of 1889,* and also in a letter to the Society in

May of that year. He thought that it would have been

better to have dealt with them at this Meeting. He had,

however, quoted Mr. Pohath’s shorter letter to the Orientalist.

* Mr. Pohath’s letters appeared in the Ceylon Independent of May 15 and

July 12, 1889.

206 JOURNAL, R.A\S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XI.

His Lordship then read the following Paper :—

THE. IDENTIFICATION OF THE

SIRIVADDHANAPURA OF “MAHAWANSA,”

CHAPTER LXXXV.

By the Right Rev. R. 8. CopLeston, p.p., Lord Bishop

of Colombo, President.

THE eighty-fifth chapter of the Mahawansa opens with a

very elaborate and gorgeous description of the city called

Sirivaddhanapura, and of the festival held by Parakrama the

Second at the end of the thirteenth century, when he

conveyed the tooth-relic from Dambadeniya to this Sirivad-

dhanapura.

It has been for a long time the received opinion that this

city was what now is Kandy, Kandy having been known as

Sirivaddhanapura in later times. This opinion has lately been

called in question, and evidence has been collected by which

it is conclusively proved, as I think, to be erroneous. The

Sirivaddhanapura of the thirteenth century was in the low-

country, close to Dambadeniya, on the road between Kuru-

négala and Negombo, and its exact place and its original

name was probably that of Nanbambaraya, now a village

six miles from Dambadeniya.

The history of this question I now propose to sketch,

assigning, as justly as I can, to each authority who has

touched upon it, his share in the mistake or in its correction.

But first, that the plausibility of the mistake may be

evident—for when a mistake has been found out one is apt

to think too hardly of those who made it—I will read the

passage from the Mahawansa, as it stands in Mr. Wijesinha’s

translation.

And afterwards the king built the Maha4;Vihara in the noble city of

Sirivaddhana wherein he was born—a city that could not be compared

for its scenery—and endowed it with great possessions. It consisted

of stately houses and open halls, of high walls and gates, and was orna-

mented with Bodhis, Cetiyas, groves, and image-houses. The work-

manship thereof was diverse and of exceeding beauty, and it was

adorned with great splendour. And in the vast space that extended

SSS ss

No. 43.—1892. ] SIRIVADDHANAPURA. 207

from the city of Jambuddoni to the city of Sirivaddhana, the length

and breadth whereof was about eight yojanas* and one usabha, (the

highway was) made even like the face of a drum, and was covered

throughout with sand, exceeding fine and soft. And the divers flags

and banners which ornamented the sides thereof were so great in number

that they seemed to hide the rays of the sun; and rows of plantain

trees were placed along the length thereof, with divers vessels for water,

of exceeding beautiful workmanship, filled with ornamental flowers.

And within this vast space the chief of men caused royal arches to be

raised, one at every space of five cubits, at every space of ten cubits a

cloth-arch, and at every space of hundred cubits a stately house of

great size, consisting of three stories and lofty spires, and containing

images of the supreme Buddha,—all finished with paintings of exceed-

ing great beauty.

Afterwards he ornamented the vihéra with many painted arches

round the circuit of the vihara wall, of great size and beauty,—arches

that looked contemptuously on the beautiful bow of the chief of the

gods;f with white parasols that looked like the moon in her fullest

splendour, and beautiful flags of five colours and divers shapes, like

beautiful dancers dancing in the firmament of heaven; with rows of

splendid halls glittering with jewels, like beautiful rows of mansions

that were come down from the world of gods ; with numerous images

of Brahmas dancing in rows with parasols in their hands, that were

moved by instruments; with moving images of gods of divers forms

that went to and fro with their joined hands raised in adoration ;

with moving figures of horses prancing hither and thither with the

beauty of waves, rising and falling one after the other in the great

sea ; with moving likenesses of great elephants, clothed in the trap-

pings of elephants, making men doubt whether they were not rain-

clouds that had descended to the earth ;—with these and divers other

shows of this kind which delight the world, and are used at feasts,

did he make the vihara exceeding attractive.

Then again the king commanded all the priests and novitiates and

the lay devotees also, male and female, who were dwellers in the island

of Lanka, to wait for the procession in great crowds without the vihara

and around it, at the space of a league from each other, raising shouts

of applause and uttering the praises of the supreme Buddha, and hold-

ing in their hands offerings, flowers, and such like things that were.

needful at feasts in honour of Buddha ; and (he likewise commanded)

all others, men and women who knew the value of the three sacred

gems, to adorn themselves in their best apparel (and to tarry for

the procession) with things that were fit for offerings. And the

* According to Childers the yojana is about equal to twelve miles. But

see Abhidana padippika v, 196.

Indra’s bow.

208 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XII.

king also, moved by great devotion, decked himself in al] the

royal ornaments and, in the midst of his four-fold army, placed the

two relics of the Tooth and the Alms-bowl in a carriage of great

splendour, decorated with all the ornaments of an equipage. Then he

caused rows of men to carry before the procession these articles and

divers others that were used at feasts; namely, banners of gold and

banners of silver, water-pots of gold and water-pots of silver, chowries

of gold and chowries of silver, caskets of gold and caskets of silver,

beautiful fans of gold and fans of silver, pokkharanis* of gold and

pokkharanis of silver, and flower vases made of gold and flower

vases made of silver. Then the king, followed with the sound of the

five instruments of music and forming a procession of great magni-

ficence, carried the relics by stages along the decorated highway into the

city of Sirivaddhana, and placed them on the seat that was prepared for

Buddha in the spacious ornamented hall that was built in the middle

of the vihdra, and caused offerings to be made thereunto by the

divers people (who had assembled there).

And when the morning was come all the people arrayed themselves

in their best garments, and, being exceeding desirous of gaining merit,

went up with flowers of the jasmine and champac and ironwood, and

other kinds of flowers of divers hues mixed with flowers of gold (leaf)

and the like, and devoutly made their offerings to the Tooth-relic and

the Bowl-relic. And they made offerings also of many heaps of sweet

white rice that looked like heaps of glory that had long gathered

around the great king, and of divers kinds of fruit, such as plantains,

jak, mango, and the like fruits that were exceeding ripe, sweet, and

luscious. Then the king himself, in like manner, made offerings of

divers kinds to those two noble relics ; and then he who was taught in

all good manners ministered unto the Order and carefully provided

them with food and drink,—-food hard and soft, and drink that could be

sucked, and drink that could be swallowed. And the lord of the land,

who was exceeding delighted on that occasion, bestowed on several

hundreds of priests the eight things that were needful for monks.

Afterwards, throughout the three watches of the night, he illuminated

the vihara all round with lacs and crores of lighted lamps fed with

perfumed oil, and with garlands of divers lamps perfumed with

camphor oil, so that the whole face of the land looked like the firma-

ment that was studded with stars. And the lord of the land held a

feast in honour of Buddha, to which all men were drawn by the sweet

songs of singersand the dances of many dancers as they danced in divers

characters on the excellent stages that were raised here and there,—a

feast the tumult whereof was greatly increased by the sound of the

five musical instruments which, like a blast proceeding from the sea of

his merits, sufficed to drown the roar of the ocean and to put to shame

* Pokkharani is a lotus pond. These were probably miniature represen-

tations of it.

No. 43.—1892.] SIRIVADDHANAPURA. 209

the thunder of the clouds,—whereat also the voice of religion was

heard from pulpits reverently set up by the faithful at divers places,

whereon sat preachers of the sacred law, who, with beautiful fans in

their hands, proclaimed the good law that convinced the hearts of the

hearers thereof,—a feast which also was made pleasant by the shouts

of the four classes of Buddha’s disciples,* who went hither and thither

viewing all things with admiration and congratulating each other as

they praised the virtues of the three sacred gems, exclaiming, ‘‘Oh the

Buddha! Oh, the Dhamma! Oh, the Sangha!’”—whose praises also

were sung in strains like those of the Nandis} by the masters of the

ceremonies? as they stood in crowds on every side invoking the blessings

of Buddha.

And for seven days the lord of the land heid this great feast in

honour of the three sacred objects (Buddha, the Law, and the Church)

in such a manner as if he were showing here (on earth) how even the

chief of the gods held the feasts of Buddha in heaven, and as if he

proclaimed how the kings of the olden time, the great rulers of the

Sinhalese, held their feasts in honour of the supreme Buddha, and as

if he proclaimed to all men how the perfections of the Omniscient

Buddha, lke unto the wish-conferring tree of heaven, yield fruit in

and out of every season.

And afterwards when he (the king) had made the Maha Vihara the

property in common of the brethren, he dedicated it to the great

priesthood, and thus filled the measure of his merit and his fame.

No one can hear this passage without feeling how well it

fits Kandy, and wondering what other city there can have

been—since Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa are out of the

question—that can have deserved such a description. But it

would not be right to put the passage in this its English

‘dress before you without at once pointing out that there are

two details—one really of essential importance, and one

important in its effect on the total impression produced by

the passage—in which it does not accurately represent the

true original.

First, the distance, eight yoduns and one usabha,—which

would make 97 miles,—represents what I may confidently

call a false reading of the original, which is “half a yodun

* Monks, nuns, lay disciples, and female devotees.

_ + Speakers of prologues in a drama, or panegyrists.

{ Bali-bhojaka-jettha. This is an obscure word; but I believe it is

meant here for the chiefs of servers or managers in festivals, who were

entitled to enjoy the surplus or remains of food offered during the cere-

monies.

210 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL, XII.

and one usabha,” or about seven miles. Mr. Wijesinha reads

“attha,” “eight,” where the best manuscripts as well as the

printed edition have “addha,” “half.”

Secondly, where in the first sentence he describes the city

as “incomparable for its scenery’’—a touch which fits

Kandy, and is inapplicable to the flat country of Damba-

deniya—the words “ for its scenery ” are not in the original,

and have doubtless flowed from Mr. Wijesinha’s pen under

the influence of the idea that he was describing Kandy.

When the inhabitants of Kandy first began to claim this

honour for their own I cannot tell; but at any rate about

1833, those who supplied Sir Alexander Johnstone with the

books which were placed for editing in Mr. Upham’s hands,

must have told Mr. Upham that this Sirivaddhana was

Kandy. In that author’s English of the Rajaratnakaraya,

after the words “the king built the city called Sreewardanam

Poora”’ the words “now called Candy” are boldly inserted

in the text, without a hint that they are not in the original

(Upham II., 104). Neither in the Rajarainakaraya (which

was probably completed in the sixteenth century and borrowed

largely from the Mahawansa) nor in the Rajavaliya

(which was written a century or more later, and also follows

the Mahawansa closely in this part) is there anything to

point to the identification with Kandy.

Turnour, a few years later, placed no confidence in

Upham’s work,—indeed he has too severely disparaged it,—

and so Turnour escaped the mistake. He does not contradict

it, nor does he attempt any other identification, but he

simply says “ Sirivaddhanapura in the Seven Koralés.”

Sir Emerson Tennent (1., 414) was more easily misled.

Referring to Upham’s Rajaratnakaraya, but probably

supported also by the popular opinion in Ceylon, he

published to the world the identification of Kandy with

the birthplace of Parakrama the Second. Knighton, in

1845 (p. 158), and others had already repeated the received

opinion, but it was Tennent’s popularity and authority, I

suppose, which most widely diffused it.

No. 43.—1892.] SIRIVADDHANAPURA. 211

The next step is a curious one. In 1877 the learned

Sumangala Terunnanse and the lamented Batuwantudawe

Pandit published their Sinhalese translation of the Maha-

wansa, and into their text, I know not how, the error crept,

which substituted “ eight yoduns” for “half a yodun,” though

they had correctly edited the Pali text some years before.

It is to be attributed, I suppose, to this oversight, that

when the learned Wijesinha Mudaliyar came to make his

admirable English version, he adopted the text which those

great scholars had adopted, and removed the city 97 miles,

instead of 7, from Dambadeniya.

The truth seemed now in a fair way to be forever lost sight

of, at least by all who formed their opinions from published

works, and not from direct study of original authorities.

But happily there were still in Ceylon students of the

latter class, and among them Mr. K. J. Pohath, Mr. D. M. de

Zilva Wickremasinghe, Native Assistant to the Archeological

Commissioner, and Welivitiyé Dhammaratana Terunnanse,

the latter of whom has been kind enough to help me with

his opinion.

The honour of drawing public attention to the mistake

belongs to Mr. Pohath, and that of putting the truth in the

clearest light to Mr. Wickremasinghe.

Mr. Pohath communicated to the Orientalist, vol. IIL,

p. 218, the important note which I will now read :—

SIRIVARDANA PuRA.—It may be interesting and useful to point

out that Sir Emerson Tennent has made a serious mistake when he

says in his History of Ceylon, vol. L., p. 414, that King Pandita Para-

krama Bahu (erroneously called by him ‘‘Prakrama” Bahu) III.

“founded the city of Kandy, then called Sirivardana-pura.”’ The truth

is that this king never built a city called “ Sirivardana-pura,” much less

_ the city of Kandy. It was toa city in Hat-kéralé (Seven Kéralés) called

Sirivardana-pura, in the neighbourhood of the city of Dambadeniya,

that Pandita Parakrama Bahu III. removed the Dalada-relic. Accord-

ing to some histories of Ceylon, Kandy became the capital of the

Island in 1371 a.p., and Pandita Pardkrama Bahu III. ascended the

throne in 1266, more than a century before Kandy became the capital.

Dr. Murdoch, in his useful compilation of the History of Ceylon,

published by the Christian Vernacular Education Society, has fallen

212 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). = _[VoOL. XII.

into the same error, evidently misled by the authority of Sir Emerson

Tennent.

In the “‘ Geography of Ceylon,’ by Messieurs Silva and Gabriel,

Teachers of the Government Training School, Bentota, published in

1887,—a very useful and well arranged work,—the compilers have

committed the same blunder, when they say on page 70 that ‘‘ Kandy

was built by Pandita Parakrama Bahu III. in 1280.”

I discovered the mistake on reading, among other books, that

valuable and rare history of Ceylon called Narendracharit-

awalokana-pradipikawa, which was written upwards of 55 years ago by

that great Pali scholar Yatanvala, High Priest, at the special request

of His Excellency Sir Edward Barnes, Lieutenant-Governor of Ceylon

As the mistake was first made by an author of such great reputa-

tion as Sir Emerson Tennent, the others, it appears, simply followed

him, never suspecting that he was wrong.

Yn the Sinhalese translation of the Mahawansa (chap. 85) the distance

from Dambadeniya to Sirivardhana-pura is given as eight yoduns.

This is a mistake of the translators, who must have read the Pali word

addha, “ half,” as attha, “eight.” The distance then is only half a

yodun, and not eight yoduns.

This escaped my notice, and does not seem to have

attracted much attention in Ceylon.. It was observed, how-

ever, and its decision was adopted, by Professor Rhys Davids,

who appended to his translation of the “ Questions of King

Milinda,” the 35th volume of Sacred Books of the East, the

following addendum :—

Sri-wardhana-pura. It should have been pointed out that this city

is not (as stated by Emerson Tennent at vol. I., p. 414, of his ‘‘ Ceylon’)

the same as the modern town of Kandy, but was in the Kurunegalla

District, and (as pointed out by Mr. K. James Pohath in the “ Ceylon

Orientalist,” vol. III, p. 218) about three anda half miles distant from

the modern Damba-deniya.

It was by this note of Professor Rhys Davids that my own

attention was drawn to the question. I at once consulted

the late Pandit Batuwantudawe, and was confirmed by him

in my own prima facie opinion that Mr. Pohath was wrong.

The Pandit, as I have mentioned, had committed himself to

the reading “‘ eight yojanas,’ and believed it to be the correct

one; and both he and I thought it more likely that the

historian had overstated the distance to Kandy and exag-

gerated the decorations, than that a place so important as

No. 43.—1892, | SIRIVADDHANAPURA. 213

Sirivaddhana was described to be, should have been

mentioned that once only, and then entirely lost sight of. It

seemed to us also improbable that two celebrated places

should have borne the same name, and yet that the historian

should have not drawn attention to the distinction. I argued

further, and the Pandit—looking only hastily at the matter—

agreed with me, that the mention of an “ordination” (as it

is called in the English) held by the same king in the Maha-

veli-ganga showed that he was at Kandy. Both these

arguments of mine were founded—as I will show presently

—on mistakes.

At the same time I asked the help of Mr. William

Goonetilleke, the learned Editor of the Orientalist. He had

not looked into the question, and was still of the old opinion ;

but he kindly undertook to search into the matter.

‘The result of Mr. Goonetilleke’s careful reading of the

Mahawansa, and of his inquiries about the true manuscript

authority as to the “eight” or “half,” was that he was

convinced, and convinced me, that the place in question was:

not Kandy, but some spot about 7 miles from Dambadeniya.

The true reading stated that as the distance, and this agreed

much better with the statement that the whole road was sanded.

and decorated. It was also more probable that Parakrama

should have been born near Dambadeniya, where his father

lived, than among the mountains of the Central Province.

Further, the Mahawansa, after stating that the tooth was

taken in procession to Sirivaddhanapura, goes on to say that it

was carried to Polonnaruwa from Dambadeniya; it had not

gone far, therefore, from Dambadeniya : in fact, Sirivaddhana

was reckoned with Dambadeniya. Finally, as to the “ ordi-

nation” in the Mahaveli-ganga, this took place not from Siri-

vaddhana, but from Polonnaruwa; and the exact site of it

was Sahassa-tittha, the place still well known as Dastota,

about six miles from Polonnaruwa.

Mr. Goonetilleke’s arguments, founded, it will be seen,

simply on a careful study of the Mahdwansa itself, con-

vinced also the learned Sumangala Terunnansé.

214 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XII.

This sufficed to establish as much as Mr. Pohath had

asserted. But Mr. F. H. M. Corbet, who kindly interested

himself in the discussion, put me in communication with

Mr. D. M. de Zilva Wickremasinghe, who had long before

this, not only convinced himself that the place was to be

sought near Dambadeniya, but had succeeded, as I think, in

identifying it still more exactly. The following are the

proots which he has been good enough to communicate to me.

The Sirivaddhanapura which we are discussing was con-

fessedly the birthplace of Parakrama. It is probable, there-

fore, that it was his father’s home, and perhaps his father’s

birthplace, especially as his father, Vijaya Bahu III., lived for

the greater part of his life in obscurity.

Now it is stated in more than one book (Dalada Pwa-

valiya, $8; Vanni Rajavaliya, 90) that Vijaya Bahu lived

at Palabatgala, in the Seven Korales. This name has not

been identified.

But the same Dambadeni-asna mentions Nanbambaraya,

and says that Parakrama lived there, and that he constructed

there a procession-path 2 gaws, or 8 miles, long. The Vanni

Rajavaliya also mentions this procession-path. Nanbam-

baraya is still known, and is about the stated distance from

Dambadeniya.

But Mr. Wickremasinghe has got nearer than this. He

discovered some three years ago at Dambadeniya part of a

poem called Kalunda-patuna, and in this he finds it recorded

that when Parakrama the Second was called to the kingdom

he was superintending the cultivation of his fields at Nan-

hambaraya, where he had his palace. This then was in all

probability Parakrama’s native place, the place which he

delighted to honour.

It would be no wonder if he gave to this place, when it

became the abode of royalty, the title—it is more an epithet

than a proper name—of Sirivaddhanapura, “ the auspicious

and prosperous city ”; for this title was given in turn to many

places, to Yahapaw, to Kurunégala, and in course of time to

Senkhandaséla, or Kandy, itself.

No. 43.—1892. | SIRIVADDHANAPURA. 215

But even here Mr. Wickremasinghe does not leave us to

conjecture; for the same passage of the Kalunda-patuna

says that Nanbambaraya was adorned, not only by the

king’s palace, but by his queen, Sirivaddhana Bisava, “ Queen

Sirivaddhana!”

Thus, not only is the place, with the highest degree of

probability, identified, but a romantic light is thrown upon

its origin, while the king’s selection of it for honour, and the

enthusiasm with which the historian describes it, are abun-

dantly explained. We know not which more to admire, the

faithfulness of our ancient historian or the ingenuity of his

modern interpreters.

4. The President (the Lord Bishop) then referred to the

following letter from Mr. HENRY PARKER, which appeared

in the Ceylon Literary Register of July 12, 1892, vol. VI.,

No. 50, p. 396 :—

When an opportunity occurs, I hope to go in search of the site of

the ancient city of Siriwardhanapura, which is well known in parts of

this district to have existed in what is now a tract of dense forest on

the right bank of the Deduru-oya, in the Wanni Hatpattu. I have

obtained a manuscript which gives the boundaries of the lands attached

to this city, so there can be no doubt regarding the matter. There are

vague accounts of bricks and pillars having been seen in the forest, by

hunters ; but nothing more definite seems to be known, there being no

inhabitants in the neighbourhood. Siriwardhanapura has previously

been supposed to be Kandy, an error which I think Mr. Pohath first

pointed out in the Literary Register.

Do. His Lordship next read the following remarks

on his Paper, contributed by Mr. H. NEVILL, M.R.A.S.,

F.Z.S8., Viz. :—

SIRIVADDHANA-PURA.

I DO not think that the identification of this town can be

so summarily accepted. The history of its period is full of

strange contradictions, and it is possible that many books

alluding to the subject were mutilated or suppressed.

As regards addha or attha, I must point out that

Mr. Pohath’s interesting note is not supported by any critical

investigation on record.* Howmany MSS., and of what age,

*See first paragraph of Mr. W. P. Ranesinghe’s remarks, infra, p. 218.—

| B., Hon. Sec.

216 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XII.

have been inspected to verify the reading? I have personally

little confidence in Pandit Batuwantudawe’s scholarship,*

but I have a very high confidence in the great learning and

critical power of Sri Sumangala. Until the contrary is quite

proved, I am only ready to believe that the learned editors

consulted in chief two different MSS., one for their Pali text,

and one for the translation ; that one contained addha, the

other attha, and that Mr. Pohath met with addha in one or

more copies.f

Nanbambarayais also called Nanbambara,t and I have seen

MSS. which might be read Tambambara.} But this legend of

the king being called to the throne, when ploughing there,

by no means applies to Parakrama II.§ A ballad in my own

library|| has legends on this subject, which state that the king

so called to the throne was living as a fugitive in distress at

Kalundawa (city near Dambulla ?), where he had married a

gout woman, from whom Bhuwaneka Bahu Tero was

descended. This would indicate Vijaya Bahu of Dam-

badeniya, whose son, Bhuwanéka Bahu, founded a temple

at Kurunégala. The Tero may, however, be Bhuwanéka Bahu

I., who, according to one tradition, was a priest. In my

ballad|| this Nanbambara would by the context seem to be a

place close to Kalundawa ; though I lay no stress on this, as

ballads are very disjointed in such allusions.

Again, the Dambadent-asna is a very uncertain work, and

old copies have some variant readings. One of the best I

know states as follows :—

Buddha warshayen ekwa dahas ata siya si wissakwa awurudu vap-

mangul karana dinayehi Nambambara Kalikaéla Sangita Sahitya

Sarvagia Pandita Pardkrama Bahu nam maha rajayaeyi kiya otuna

paelanda rajjaya karanna samayehi, &c.

“The late Don Andris de Silva, better known as “ Batuwantudawe,”’

won among his contemporaries a name for sound Sanskrit and Pali

scholarship.—B., Hon. Sec.

{ See reference under note * p. 215, ante.—B., Hon, See.

{ Obvious copyists’ errors.—B., Hon. Sec.

§ Kalikala Sahitiya Sarvajiia Pandita Parakrama Bahu, i. ¢., Paraékrama

Bahu I. (1240-1275 A.D.), according tothe Mahawansa editors, or Parak-

rama Bahu IIT. (1266-1301 A.D.) following Turnour. See, too, ‘‘ Report

on the Kégalla District ” (Sessional Paper XIX., 1892, p. 77).—B., Hon. Sec.

|| In the absence of any published Catalogue of his valuable library, the

writer should certainly have specified by name the exact authorities he

refers to for the benefit of those who may desire to consult them.—B.,

Hon. Sec.

q Presumably the king meant is Vijaya Bahu III., father of Parakrama

Bahu II., and grandfather of Bhuvaneka Bahu I. Vijaya Bahu III.’s

second son, Bhuvaneka Bahu, built a pirivena at Beligala and a vihdra at

Kurunégala (Mahawansa, UXXX1., 59-63).—B., Hon. Sec.

No. 43.—1892. ] PROCEEDINGS. 217

and if this is correct, the king referred to in it was Parakrama

Bahu III.,* or else all our other authorities are wrong in the

date they assign to his grandfather, Parakrama IT.

- Again, it has the following reading :—

Tawada bohédenatat pin purawana pinisa tama upan Nanbambara

sita Dambadeniyata satara gavuvaka ten pululin visi riyanak tenda

bheri talayak men tana kalu weli piya sudu weli atuta waduwen pas

riyanakata pili toranakda.

from which it will be seen that Nanbambara was four

gavs off Dambadeniya. Modern copies cut this knot by

omitting the date 1824 A.B. as above quoted.

Again, in foot-note on page 316 [of the English translation

of the] Mahawansa, it is stated that the Mahawansa seems

to have been expressly tampered with about this time.f

As regards the birthplace of Parakrama II. we are in one

authority, No. 103 of my library and Descriptive Catalogue

(MSS.), expressly told that his birthplace was Kandawuru-

nuwara, the identity of which with Kandenuwara is gene-

rally admitted. The Kurunégala Vistareé (a worthless little

work in the main, but holding some old traditions) speaks of

his son’s education by the Maha Tera of Asgiriya at Kandy,

and another little work, No. 389 of my library, mentions the

king’s marriage in his 22nd year (whether natal or regnal ?)

to Sunétra Devi of the Giriwansa, whom I take to be the royal

princess from Asgiriya, assigned by tradition as instrumental

to the endowment of the Asgiriya Viharé at Kandy.

I have not leisure to unpack my Pali books and refer to

my own copy of the Mahdwansa, but many copies are

available at Colombo.

I may state that about twelve years ago I made some

personal researches at Dambadeniya, and then heard the

local tradition that the old palace was some miles off—lI

forget how many—on a piece of land sold by the Crown

some years ago, and then owned by a Chetty, who had

removed the few stones of interest still left from the ruins

to Colombo; but I did not visit the spot for want of time,

and so forgotits name. If this is Nanbambara, it:will support

further the proposed identification.

Without at all questioning the identification proposed for

Sirivaddhanapura, I wish to say that at present I regard it

* Pard4krama Bahu IIL., 1288-93 A.D. (Mahdwansa editors), 1314-19 a.p.

(Turnour).—B., Hon. Sec.

+ What is really stated in the note ({ p. 316) is that there are, as the

translator thinks, “strong grounds for suspicion” that the narrative of the

reign of Parékrama Bahu III. [grandson of Parakrama Bahu II. of Siri--

varddhanapura| has been tampered with to suppress one disgraceful

incident.—B., Hon. Sec.

64. --92 F

218 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XI.

as ‘not proven.” There is, as I said, much contradiction

over the history of this period, and I have briefly pointed

out some of the facts known to me, in the hope that they

may assist in the discussion.

od. Mr. W. P. RANESINGHE read some notes on the saine

subject :—

I found some learned men to be decidedly of opinion

that the Sirivaddhanapura mentioned in chapter LXXXYV,

of the Mahawansa is Kandy. I was therefore lead

to study the question more closely. I examined several

manuscripts—one of them a very old one—and the words

[verse 9] in every one of them are addha yojantsabha

(HOD oaBmean) “half a yojana and one usabha,” and the

Pali printed work has the same words, so that the English

translation [p. 286] is not warranted by the text.

Now, the next question is, whether there is any further

evidence in the Mahawansa itself as to the situation of this

city. I think there is, though not quite convincing.*

From verses 30-2 we learn that the distance translated as

being “eight yojanas and one isba” (really “half a yojana

and one usabha”’) was a street. It is there called “the

decorated highway.”

In verse 32 it is stated that after the procession arrived at

this place the king made preparations to have offerings made.

In verse 33 it is said that in the morning the people began

to make offerings of flowers, &c., to the relics. Though the

time is not mentioned when the procession started, it would

from this seem that it was on the morning of the next day

that offerings were begun to be made.

Next we find the king engaged in repairing temples at

Kurunégala, Attanagalla, and lastly he goes to Dondra, and

repairs the temple of Vishnu there, and returns. Where ?

Not to Kandy, where the relics were supposed to have been,

but to Dambadeniya. It is not likely that a king like

Pandita Parakrama Bahu, who was a very zealous Buddhist,

would have allowed these relics to remain at Kandy, a dis-

tance, as is supposed, of 96 or 97 miiles,f and remained at

Dambadeniya.

Then we read that he built a temple at Dambadeniya, and

placed the relics init. There is no ceremony observed in this

instance in bringing the relics back from Kandy, supposing

they were there.

* Before going into that question I have first to point out that the

words in the English translation [p. 286, verses 1,2] ‘and endowed %#

with great possessions. Jt consisted of stately houses and open halls,”

&e., refer to the Maha Vihare, or Great Temple, and not to the city.

{ Hight yojanas and one usabha would make the distance a little more

than one hundred and one miles.

In chapter LXXXIX.we read that he built a palace for

‘these relics near his own royal residence and placed them

‘there, and then, after Polonnaruwa was cleared of the enemy,

the relics were taken thither by himself and his son [Bosat]

Vijaya Bahu, from Dambadeniya, and not from Kandy.

It is said in the chapter LXXXYV. of the Mahdwansa that

the king’s birthplace was Sirivaddhanapura. That the cur-

rent name of this place was Nanbambara is quite clear from

the Dambadent Asna. The following are the words :—

Tavada bohédenatat pin puravanu pinisa tama upan Nanbambara

sita Dambadeniyata satara gavuvak ten pululin visi riyanak ten da

‘bheri talayak men tana kalu veli piya sudu veli atuta vaduven pas

riyanakata pili toranak da * * * * visituru kota tun masak dalada

puja karana lesata rajahu vidh4na karanndhaya.

‘Moreover, in order to fill many with merits he made the space

‘between Nanbambara, wherein he was born, and Dambadeniya, a

distance of four gavs and in width twenty cubits, like unto the face

of a drum, and removing the black sand covered it with white sand,

and erecting a cloth arch at the distance of five cubits, * * * * and

having thus decorated it, the king ordered offerings to be made to the

tooth-relic during three months.”

The words satara gavuvak, “four gavs,” here seem to be

-a clerical error for atara gavuvak. Had it been the former

the author would have written yodunak,as four gavs make

‘one yoduna.

According to the same authority, when he was crowned in

1824 A.B.* he was surnamed Nanbambara Kalikala Sangita

Sahitya Sarvajna Pandita Pardkrama Bahu, where it

is said—

Buddha varshayen ek dahas atasiya st vissakvu awurudu vap magul

‘karana dinayehi Nanbambara Kalikala Sangita Sahitya Sarvajia Pandita

Parakrama Bahu nam Maharaja yayi kiya otunu pelanda rajjaya

karana samayehi.

‘““On the day of the shaving or sowing feast in the year of Buddha

1824, having been crowned as Nanbambara Kalikaéla Sangita Sahitya

Sarvajia Pandita Parakrama Bahu Maha Raja, and whilst he was

reigning.”

* This date is evidently a mistake. It is perhaps the date of his second

“coronation.

[| The crux how to reconcile the date as found in the Dambadent Asna with

those given by other authorities for the accession of Parakrama Bahu II.—

‘which has puzzled Messrs. Nevill and Ranasinghe—is solved by the

Attanagaluwansa (chap. XI.,p.4),awork on good grounds supposed to have

been composed in this reign. (See Alwis’ edition, Introduction, CLXXV. ff.)

It is there stated that Parakrama Bahu was inaugurated king, in the 1824th

year—not from the parinirvana in 543 B.c., but from “the enlightenment ”

-of Buddha, which works out to [1824-45 A.B. =1779-543 =] 1236 A.D.

(See “ Report on the Kégalla District,” Sessional Paper XIX., 1892, p. 77.)—

‘B., Hon. See. |

B 2

220 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON), [ Vou. XIT..

In the Wanni Rajavaliya we read as follows :— —

Tavada dalad4 pujava karammeyi sita Nanbambara sita Damba-_

deniyata atara gavuvak digin palalin visi riyanak ten bhéré talayak se

tana kaluveli piyA4 suduvellen tavara vaduven pas riyanakata pili-

toronak h4 * * * meki puja peraharin Nanbambara sita mal raju un

Beligal nuvarata vaduven pas riyanaka ten kanu mul udura selgal

samatalé kota maga depita pan maliga * * * lava tun masak mulullehi

nitipaté dalad4 pujavak karava mesé vidhana kaléya.

“‘ Moreover, having determined ‘TI shall make the tooth-relic offering ”

he made the space between Nanbambara and Dambadeniya in length

one gav and in breadth twenty cubits, lke unto the face of a drum,

and removing the black sand spread white sand, and on the space of

five cubits erected a cloth arch * * “and having cleared a space of

five cubits from Nanbambara to Beligal Nuwara, where (his) royal

brother resided, of stumps and roots, and levelled down the elevated

places and stones, and having erected lamp stands on either side of the

road * * * he caused a Tooth-relic offering continually to be made

during the space of three months, and ordered thus.”

Thus it is clear (i) that Sirivaddhanapura, where the king

is said to have been born, was the same as Nanbambara,

(ii) that the distance was only a gava, or about three miles.

from Dambadeniya to Nanbambara, (iii) that the offerings

were made only during the space of three months, and the

relics were then removed to Dambadeniya and thence taken

to Polonnaruwa.

It is said in the Dalada Pujawaliya that this festival was.

called “ Sriwardhana-pija.” What might be inferred from

this is that the name of his queen was given to the festival,.

and Nanbambara was called Sirivaddhanapura after the

great festival.

Kandy became the capital long after this..

6. Mr. K. J. POHATH, Mudaliyar, followed with a note

embodying his views :—

THE question raised by me in 1889 was that the Sivi--

vaddhanapura mentioned in the chapter LXXXYV. of the

Mahawansa was a buried city in the neighbourhood of

Dambadeniya, and not Kandy, as Sir Emerson Tennent has.

erroneously stated in his “ History of Ceylon.”

The question regarding the identity of the buried city

Sirivaddhanapura, in my opinion, still remains a matter of

doubt. Some think it is Randenigama Aramé, others say

it is Ginigatpitiya. Mr. D. M. de Zilva Wickremasinghe,

Mr. Ranasigha, and others think it is Nambambaraya.

All these three places are situated in the neighbourhood

of Dambadeniya, in the North-Western Province ; and one

* Orientalist, vol. I11., 1887-9, p. 218; Ceylon Independent, May 15 and

July 12, 1889.

ries

‘No. 43.—1892.] - PROCEEDINGS. 221

-of them may or may not be the Sirivaddhanapura in

question. But, in my humble opinion, there is not at

present satisfactory evidence to support any one of these

‘theories.

It may perhaps be useful and interesting to know that there

is a city in ruins called Simvaddhanapura, in the Katuwanna

‘Koralé of the North-Western Province. But lam not pre-

pared to admit that even this buried city isthe Sirivaddhana-

pura referred to in chapter LXXXYV. of the Mahawansa.

The best way, in my opinion, of settling this question is for

some [competent | person to visit these and other places in the

neighbourhood of Dambadeniya to discover the buried city

Sirivaddhanapura, which was situated at a distance of only

half a yodund, or two gaws, from the‘ancient capital Damba-

-deniya, in the North-Western Province.

Those who have read only the Sinhalese and the English

translations of the Mahawansa, and not the original Pali

text, will no doubt be surprised to learn that the distance from

Dambadeniya to Sirivaddhanapura is only half a yoduna ;

because the Sinhalese translators and the English translator

‘have given the distance in their translations as “ eight yodunas

and an isba.” <A yojana, or yoduna, is four gaws, equal to

about 122 English miles, and eight yodwn exceed 100

English miles.

According to the Pali text of the Mahawansa the distance

from Dambadeniya to Sirivaddhanapura is ‘half a yoduna.

‘The Palitext may appear to be a little ambiguous as to whether

the distance is “half a yoduna” or “half a yoduna andan

isba.” 1 will quote the passage :—

SOAIOEE SH HASH PRSDAIOWGSH

EBSEIOON) FNH OHUDOMORHHOM

The distance given in the Pali text is “half a yoduna and

an isba in length and breadth.’ The writer of the

Mahawansa here speaks of the road from Dambadeniya

to Sirivaddhanapura made by King Pandita Parakrama

Bahu III. The correct rendering of the Pali text is that

“the length (of the road) is halfa yoduna, and its breadth

an isba” which is equal to 20 yatas, or poles of 7 cubits

each (140 cubits). This stands to reason and agrees with the

Pali Text.

The distance of the road or street given by the Sinhalese

translators and the English translator of the Wahawansa is

eight yojanas and an isba in length and breadth. 'To suppose

that the road was 100 miles in length and breadth is absurd

in the extreme, and the more so when the Mahawansa says

that that road was made level “like the eye (face) of a

drum, and was covered with sand.”

222 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XIfT..

7. His LORDSHIP THE BISHOP said the idea must now

be abandoned that the ancient Strivaddhanapura is the pre-

sent Kandy. Asto the exact identity of Sirivaddhanapura,

that had yet to be determined, as Mr. Pohath had told them

that evening. As far as they ‘had arrived, the evidence was

quite plain that Nanbambara was the birthplace of Pandita

Parakrama Bahu II., and that Sirivaddhanapura was not

Kandy.

8. The LORD BISHOP resumed the Chair.

9. Mr. G. A. JOSEPH, Assistant Secretary, read the

following Paper :—

RITIGALA.*

By J. B. M. Ripovr.

ON March 26 last, on my way down from Ritigala trigono-.

metrical station (where I had been taking observations), I

spent a couple of hours wandering over the ruins at the foot

of the hill,and noted down a ew particulars regarding those

I saw.

Descending the eal the fet ruins noticeable are two

double buildings alongside the path, lying one above the

other, called by the villagers “ mdligdwas.” They are each:

formed of two sixteen-pillar buildings, lying east and west

of one another, and connected bya raised pavement made of

a single slab of stone, from which steps descend on the

southern side. They are built of square stones, which are

very carefully jointed, as shown in fig. 1.

From the lower of these maligawas there runs the stone

causeway, five feet wide, mentioned by Mr. D. G. Mantell

in his report,t which is about 260 yards long, and descends the:

hill to some ruins below. At about 100 yards from the top

there are the remains of a doorway or porch. In two or

three places, where the siope of the hill is steep, there are

about half a dozen steps, with stone balustrades on each side.

* For other printed Papers on Ritigala see ‘A Visit to Ritigala in the

North-Central Province,” by A. P. Green ; ‘‘ Note on the Botany of Ritigala,”

by Dr. Trimen; ‘“ Etymological and Historical Notes on Ritigala,” by

D. M. de Z.Wickremasinghe, in Journal No. 39, vol. XI., 1889.—B., Hon. Sec..

7 Appended to this Paper—B., Hon. Sec.

No. 43.—1892.] RITIGALA. | 223

I think that only two mdligawas are mentioned by

Mr. Mantell, but I must have seen at least twenty—most of

them facing the east, that is, towards the foot of the hill.

I started from the above-mentioned mdligdwas in a

north-westerly direction, and noticed, close to the path, that

one of the hill streams had made its way through a building

and washed away some of the stones. Here I found, in the

bed of the stream, half covered by a slab of stone, a circular

stone basin, and a moulded stone socket for a post (?),

about eight inches square at the top. (See fig. 2.)

North of this place I came upon what is apparently a

privy. Itconsists of a slab of stone with a rectangular hole,

about 12 in. by 7 in., cutinit. The stone is covered with earth,

and I could not get at itssize. Under the stone there is a stone

well, circular in shape, I think about eight feet deep and

four feet in diameter.”

North-west of this place, and close to it, there is another

maligawa, the finest that I saw. It is built of moulded

stone and isof the usual double shape ; but there isa detached

building on the south of it, facing the main building, and

there is an outer verandah (?) running all round the two

buildings with only one opening on the east, opposite the

steps of the mdligawa. As far as I can remember there

are some buildings outside the verandah which belong to this

maligawa, of which the privy is probably one. (See fig. 3.)

Near this there isa ruin which looks like half a rough

arch. It is about six feet high, and is built of rough stone,

each course being projected further than the one below. It

may be a road over one of the streams, the other half having

been washed away. (See fig. 4.)

Kast of this there is a building which makes me think that

the stones now in the Anuradhapura Kachchéri grounds, which

were found below Basawakulam,f and which at the time were

* All my measurements are approximate, as I had no measure with me

at the time.

7 Archeological Survey (Sessional Paper V., 1890, p. 2).

224 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XII.

not unreasonably supposed to form the top ofa well, are not

reallyso. The building isa small square one,and has a stone

ring in the middle of it, 10 feet in diameter, and a quarter

circle in section. Thecircle is not complete, there being an

entrance on the east, which would correspond to the piece

missing inthe ring in the Kachchéri grounds. From this

ring steps lead down on the east, then a little further down

there is another flight of steps, and then a small square

building with steps leading down from it. (See fig. 5.)

I did not particularly notice any other of the buildings

north of the footpath.

In the centre of the back wall of the back building in

each of these maligawas there is a large rectangular hole

left underneath the top slab, the purpose of which I do

not understand. (See fig. 6.)

In the raised stone slab connecting the two buildings in

these mdadligawas there are two curved grooves cut,

apparently to carry the rain off the slab. (See fig. 7.)

South of the footpath I wandered about so much that I

did not know the exact locality of any of the ruins I saw.

I got on to another paved causeway, about 7 feet wide, and

followed it along, seeing a good many ruins on either side

of the causeway, most of them built on tops of rocks. The

ground here is covered with huge boulders. I saw several

gal-gewal (caves) but only one with an inscription ; and not

much of that is legible. All I could make out was what is

shown in fig. 8.

The gal-gé had three square holes cut below the katarama

(drip line) for pillars to fit into. Another gal-gé that I saw,

rather a large one, is formed by a large rock, which has been

cut away underneath and is supported at the end by a small

rock. On top of this small rock are cut an elephant, in rough

outline, and several other things which I could not make out.

One of them is like fig. 9.

Another gal-gé I saw has two figures of Buddha in it. One ~

is a small sedent figure and the other a life-size standing one.

The heads of both of them are gone. There is a brick

No. 43.—1892. ] RITIGALA. 229

wall at the northern end of the gal-gé, and under cover of a

rock close by there are a great quantity of tiles. On top of

the rock forming the gal-gé in which the Buddhas are there

is a stone building of some kind.

Near this gal-gé, to the south-east of it, there is a ruin with

a kessakuttiya (arinal) of the shape shown in fig. 10.

I saw a building on top of a rock by the side of a stream

which flows into the pokuna (pond) mentioned by Mr. Mantell.

‘The building is a square one, and the rock not being level

at the top, the stones are fitted into grooves about an inch

‘deep, cut into the rock, to prevent them slipping. Across

the stream there is a single span stone bridge, fifteen

feet high, leading from the building. The bridge is formed

-of three large slabs of stone, which rest on the rocks on

either side of the stream. These slabs are about 14 feet

long and 18 inches thick. Two are about 3 feet wide, and

the other about 18 inches.

The ground all about here is covered with ruins; and

there seem to be steps by hundreds leading all over the

place.

It is impossible to get any idea of the place until the jungle

is cleared ; and even when it is cleared it will not be easy on

the south of the footpath, on account of the huge boulders

which cover the ground.

I do not think that I particularly noticed anything else at

the foot of the hill.

I saw two gal-gewal on the plateau about 800 feet

below the Ritigala bungalow. Neither of them have any

inscription that | could discover, but on a rock in front

-of the bigger gal-gé there is a mark, as shown in fig. 11,

cut into the face of. the rock. There are also in this

place some very rough stone boundary walls, and some

rough stone stairs leading for some way up the side of the

hill.

At the top of the hill, against the east side of the rock on

‘which the trigonometrical station is built, there are two

226 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XIf..

maluwas (terraces) one above the other. At the north end

the maluwa is about ten feet high.

About 5 chains south of the trigonometrical station I saw

the remains of a brick building, but there is not enough

left to make anything out of it.

I came across a moulded stone by the side of the path,

about half way up the hill, from which I gather that there

are some ruins near the top of the hill which have not yet

been discovered.

At Galapitagala there is a big rock, which was apparently

once a gal-gé, on top of a slab rock. There is an inscription

on the south side, but all I could make out was what is

shown in fig. 12.

Mr. D. G. MANTELLW’s REPORT on RITIGALA.

Kurunégala, August 6, 1878.

Srr,—In accordance with your instructions I visited on the 17th

ultimo the mountain called Ritigala, situated in the North-Central

Province, and being provided with an aneroid and thermometer took

observations with the view of inspecting as to its suitability for the

establishment of a sanatarium, and I beg to report as follows, viz. :—

1. The mountain is situated in the southern portion of the North-

Central Province, and the distance from the town of Anuradhapura, in

a south-easterly direction, to Ulpottagama at the southern foot of the

mountain, is 27 miles by a good cart road all the way.

2. The mountain, although an isolated range, consists of two hills

standing north and south of each other, and separated by a deep,

narrow, rocky gorge, and both are of an extremely rocky and precipi-

tous character. The western and southern aspects of the range

present an almost inaccessible appearance, but the eastern slopes of

the southern hill are clothed, above and below the high projecting

precipices, with heavy virgin forest, and it is on this side the ascent of

the hill is always made.

3. On the higher and southern division of the mountain the

rigonometrical pile stands 2,506 ft. above sea-level, and 500 ft. lower

than the pile and a quarter of a mile to the east of it there is the only

piece of flat land in an elevated position on the entire range suitable

for building purposes, and in which there is water to be found.

4, This flat is most favourably situated as regards shelter from the

south-west monsoon, which strikes the western side of the range with

great fierceness. I looked down from the trigonometrical pile on this

flat, and it appeared to be 15 or 20 acres in extent; but as there were

heavy mists driving along at the time, I could only get at intervals

partial and fleeting glances at it ; besides, knowing how difficult it is to

guess the extent of forest land by looking down upon it, I wish it to

be understood that this estimate may be liable to considerable correc-

tion after actual survey. |

rE TE TE ELLE TL

No. 43:—-1892.] RITIGALA. 227

5. The water found on this flat is the source of the Maha Dewille-.

ela, which flows in a southerly direction down the steep sides of the

mountain into the Ulpottawewa, situated near the cart road at the

point I have alluded to in paragraph 1 as being 27 miles distant

from Anuraddhapura. The water of this stream was not flowing in a

continuous current on the day I visited it, but was in pools here and

there inthe bed. On drinking the water I found it to be good.

In 1872 Mr. James Mantel! was stationed on trigonometrical duty

at Ritigala from May 11 to July 10, and during that time he

found abundance of water for his party from the stream. On the day

of my visit all the ravines on the eastern side of the mountain were

quite dry, and, with the exception of a dirty pool of water in an ancient

pokuna at the base of the hill, I did not see a single drop of water till

I came to this stream, 2,000 ft. above sea level.

6. The temperature on the flat I found to be 73° at 11.30 a.M.,

and on the same day at 3.30 p.m. at the base of the mountain the

temperature was 80°.

7. Considerable difficulty will be experienced in finding a trace

for a bridle path to lead from Ulpottagama to this flat. The path

must be at least three miles in length, rising at a gradient of one in ten.

But to trace a continuous gradient would be practically impossible, so:

that the path would probably have to be carried in a zig-zag course up

the eastern face of the hill, and be extended probably to more than

four miles in length. ‘There can be no doubt that the precipices and

enormous boulders piledin great masses beneath them will present

serious obstacles to the discovery of even a very rough trace.

8. I visited the ruins alluded to in Mr. James Mantell’s report, and

a brief description of them may not be considered out of place in a

report such as this. I found them to consist apparently of two groups

of buildings: one group is perhaps 200 or 250 ft. higher as to site

than the other, and connected by a well-laid causeway 5 ft. in width

with a kerbstone on each side like a modern pavement. A portion of

this sloping pavement is perfectly straight for ten chains or an eighth

of a mile.

The lower ruins stand near to a large pokuna, which is perhaps an

acre or two in extent, and must have been, when filled with water, 20

to 30 ft. deep. The breach is 30 ft. deep and 40 ft. wide. The bunds

and natural sides are stepped with chiselled stones, many of which are

10 ft. in length. The foundations of the remains of one of these

buildings near the pokuna measure 65 ft. by 48 ft., and stand in a

spacious compound enclosed by walls of hewn stone. The upper ruins

are of a higher order of architecture, and the natives call them the

maligawa. One measures 71 ft. by 39 ft., another 33 ft. by 45 ft.,

and a third 28 ft. square. The latter is the highest ruin, and in the

best preservation. The large stones which compose it are laid with

great precision, agreeing with the cardinal points of the compass, and

are faced with mouldings. The forest trees have not yet displaced

these massive slabs of stonework, several of which measure 16 ft. by

3 ft. by 1 ft. The distance from the lower edge of the pokuna to the.

highest ruin is half a mile.

9. I beg to attach a rough hill sketch to illustrate this report.*

10. I would beg, in conclusion, to suggest that at the end of a long

dry season a well be dug on the flat, to ascertain the certainty of a

* Not reproduced.—B., Hon. Sec.

228 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou XIT.

supply of fresh water being obtainable for domestic purposes at all

times of the year. If this important and essential condition were

satisfactorily established, the conversion of Ritigala into a sanatarium,

_and a garden for the cultivation of fruits and vegetables for the North-

‘Central Province, is a mere question of cost and public policy, on which

it is not my province to offer any remarks.

The Hon. the SURVEYOR-GENERAL. Tam, &c.,

D. G. MANTELL.

10. The ASSISTANT SECRETARY next read the following

‘short Paper :—

NOTES ON THE NIDIFICATION

OF CHRYSOPHLEGMA XANTHODERUS.

By F. Lewis.

THE nesting habits of this interesting woodpecker, as far

-as I am aware, have not hitherto been known ; so I take it

that it will be of interest to record an instance in which I

had the fortune to observe the building of a nest, ending

with my getting the eggs.

I found a pair of these moderately rare woodpeckers

affecting the edge of a small piece of jungle in the Pannila

villagein the Atakalan Koralé, about four miles from Rakwana.

‘They appeared to be confining their attention to a very

circumscribed area, when, to my surprise, I found the fresh

chips of wood from a rotten fig tree (Ficus glomerata) that

‘indicated the presence of a nest.

Carefully watching this I soon found a cock and hen

Chrysophlegma at work, and finally I secured the eggs on

the morning of the 8th March. These were two in number,

pure white in colour, and broad ovals in shape, measuring

1:05 in. by ‘80 in. The eggs are not particularly glossy,

having, on close examination, a very slightly “ pitted ”

‘surface, more particularly so on the “ broad ” end.

The nest was hollowed out of a decomposed portion of the

trunk of the tree, carried down to a depth of about 10 in. by

41 in., the communication from the outside being a perfectly

circular hole at the summit, and at right angles with the axis

-of the nest itself.

No. 43.—1892. ] : NIDIFICATION. 229”

No lining of any sort was to be found, only a few small

ehips upon which the eggs rested.

The work of hollowing out the tree I was not able to:

observe from the start, but judging from the freshness of the:

wood, I think it must have been done in four days, the birds.

seemingly taking it in turn to work. .

I may mention that the nest was only 5 ft. from the

ground, with its entrance away from the direction of the-

prevailing winds.

I take the liberty of placing this case on record, as our

knowledge of the nidification of Ceylon birds is still very

incomplete.

11. A vote of thanks to his Lordship the Bishop for pre-

siding, and for his Paper, proposed by Mr. A. M. FERGUSON

and seconded by the Hon. M.C. ABDUL RAHIMAN, concluded.

the Proceedings.

230 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). . [Vou. XII.

GENERAL MEETING.

Colombo Museum Library, October 10, 1892.

ed Present : 3

_ The Lord Bishop of Colombo, President, in the Chair.

Mr, W.N.S. Asserappa. Dr. Lisboa Pinto.

Mr. F. H. M. Corbet. | Hon. P. Ramanathan, C.M.Gé.

Mr. C. E. H. Corea. Mr. W. P. Ranasinha.

Mr. F. H. de Vos. Mr. F. C. Roles.

Dr. W. G. Keith. Hon. A. de A. Seneviratna.

Dr. A. Nell. Dr. W. G. Vandort. |

. D. C. Pedris. Mr. A. van Starrex.

Mr. E. 8. W. Senathi Raja, Honorary Secretary.

Mr. Gerard A. Joseph, Assistant Secretary.

Visitors :—Three ladies and ten gentlemen. |

Business.

1. Read and confirmed Minutes of Meeting held on

August 9, 1892.

2. Dr. Vandort, by special request of the writer (who was

unable to attend the Meeting), read the following Paper :—

THE ETHNOLOGY OF CEYLON.

By Mr. Advocate Louis NELL.

PREAMBLE.

MANY points in the following Paper have been lately

anticipated in the discussion of collateral subjects at the

meetings of this Society, and it is therefore necessary to

explain that much of what I have now attempted to prove

historically has been suggested to my mind by circumstances

which strongly attracted my notice many years back.

When I was acting as Deputy Queen’s Advocate at Jaffna

during the years 1863 to 1866 I saw ola writings in the

Malayalam language produced in the District Court in some

civil cases arising from tobacco contracts. The similarity to

Sinhalese writing struck me forcibly, in the same manner

that the costume of Kandyan women had before suggested a

relation to the costume of Tamil or Indian women. Then ~

followed impressions from the Tamil character of the remains

No..43.—1892.] ETHNOLOGY OF CEYLON. 231

of sculpture at Dondra and the difficulty of finding Sinhalese

derivations for the names of many towns or villages on the

western coast, a difficulty which is solved by adopting

Dravidian derivations.

‘In a visit in England to Triibner’s establishment at Ludgate

Hill Thad an opportunity of comparing the printed characters

‘of Telugu, Canarese, and Malaydlam, which all showed a

ereater affinity to the Sinhalese than to the Tamil printed

forms, Compare, for instance, the printed texts of Bibles

in Tulu, Konkani, and Canarese.

I had also been struck by the fact that the people along

the western coast and throughout the Southern Province,

upon inquiry after any offender who had absconded to the

Kandyan Provinces, always reported that he had run away

to “Sinhala,” or the Sinhalese country, thus distinguishing

themselves from the Sinhalese.

There has been no complete investigation, no careful

comparison, of costume, language, customs, and physical

resemblances of the Sinhalese with the Dravidian races of

South India. The present Paper, therefore, does not

pretend to be a complete treatise. It is strictly a sugges-

tive Paper, which seems to point to the conclusion which

will at no distant date be arrived at and proved by others

more competent to do so than myself. At present that

conclusion is not so clearly applicable to the inhabitants of

the central region of Ceylon as it is to the Southern and

Western coasts of the island and to the Northern and

Eastern Provinces.

In the Maldives we havea race, in their physical char-

acteristics, language, and former practice of demon worship,

identical with the people of the southern coasts of Ceylon,

and they may be assumed to be identical with the natives

of Lanka and the subjects of Ravana, with a possible con-

nection with such a race as the Shanars.

When we come to investigate the Vijayan period, the

theory of an Aryan descent gives way for want of evidence

in favour of a Dravidian origin, but this last does not shut

232 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XII...

out a mixed descent from the large aboriginal population

that Vijaya found.

How RAVANA OBTAINS CEYLON.

Incidents connected with Indian mythology throw occa--

sional light on the ethnology of Ceylon. Amongst the ten

incarnations of Vishnu, one is narrated as the Rama

avatara.

A giant, Ravana, did severe penance till the divinity

appeared to him and asked what reward he sought. Upon

which Ravana asked to be appointed king of Ceylon. His

prayer being granted his conduct became overbearing, and he

gave offence even to the gods, who complained to the highest

god, receiving the comforting assurance that a king Dasaratha,

having done severe penance in order to get children, the

highest god had directed Vishnu to be born to him as.

Rama, who, with his brother Lakshmana, should destroy

Ravana. ;

Rama was born, the son of Kausalya, one of the wives of

Dasaratha, king of Ayoddhya(the present Oude). Rama, after —

performing some of the usual wonderful feats of mythology,.

married the beautiful Sita. But their happiness was not to

be of long duration. Kaikéya, Dasaratha’s youngest wife,.

desired to place her own son Bharata on the throne, and

through her intrigues Rama was banished to the wilderness,.

and he was accompanied by his affectionate Sita and his.

faithful brother Lakshmana.

A giantess, Maricha, contrived that Rama should be led to:

pursue a deceptive deer. Thus having his opportunity,.

Ravana takes up Sita and carries her towards Ceylon. In

the course of his flight two fabulous birds fight with Ravana,

who kills them. Their bodies fall to the earth. Rama,

inconsolable at his loss, meets Vali and Sugriva, monkey

princes, and their general, Hanuman, who was sent forth to:

discover where Sita was concealed. He discovers that she

is an unwilling captive at the court of Ravana, and is sent as.

ambassador to demand her release, and meets with a refusal.

No. 43.—1892.] ETHNOLOGY OF CEYLON. 233

Here intervene quarrels between the two brothers, Vali

and Sugriva. Rama sides with the younger, kills Vali, and

geats Sugrivaonthethrone. Asa consequence Rama obtains

an army of Vanaras, literally monkeys, with their general

Hanuman, for his assistance.

It is quite clear from the employment of Hanuman as

ambassador and then as general that these Vanaras were a

race of men inhabiting parts of India near to Ceylon.

Further on we shall see how other races of men have had

names literally implying they were not human.

By the aid of Hanuman the Vanaras constructed a bridge

from the continent of India to Ceylon, and a reef still exists,

claimed as corroborating this part of the story; and Rama,

passing over with his army, slew Ravana, after a hard

struggle, rescued Sita, placed Vibhishana on the throne of

Lanka, and returned with Sita to Oude, where he was received

as king.

This Vibhishana was Ravana’s brother, who had aided

Rama. No foreign settlement was therefore made in Ceylon

by Rama or Hanuman or their followers, and the native

inhabitants continued the same. The only description we

have of their late king is a mythological one, that is, that he

was a giant with ten heads and one hundred arms, having

significance to his military power. It is clearly implied that

Ceylon was inhabited, and that a strong force was required

to invade the Island and oppose the forces of the king of

‘Ceylon.

It is highly probable that these original inhabi-

tants, thus subdued by the Brahman Rama, are the

same that were afterwards subdued by Vijaya and his

followers.

According to an account of “The Tinnevelly Shanars,” by

Dr. Caldwell, the grammarian of the Dravidian languages,

there are Tlavers and Tvers (v.e., “Sinhalese” and “Is-

landers”), who cultivate the cocoanut palm in Travancore,

and who are the undoubted descendants of Shanar colonists

from Ceylon. 3 |

64—92 G

234 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XII.

It is traditionally reported that the Shanars who inhabit Tinnevelly

came from the neighbourhood of Jaffna in Ceylon ; that one portion

of them—the class now called ‘“‘ Nadans” (lords of the soil)—entered

Tinnevelly by way of Ramnad, bringing with them seed nuts of the-

Jaffua palmyrah, the best in the Hast, and appropriating or obtaining

from the ancient Pandyah princes (as the most suitable region for the

cultivation of the palmyrah) the sandy waste lands of Manad, in the

south-east of Tinnevelly, over which to the present they claim rights

of seigniorage ; and that the other portion of the immigrants, esteemed.

a lower division of the caste, came by sea to the south of Travancore,

where vast numbers of them are still to be found (1850) ; and from

whence, having but little land of their own, they have gradually spread

themselves over Tinnevelly, on the invitation of the Nadans and other

proprietors of land, and who, without the help of their poor neigh-

bours as climbers, could derive but little profit from their immense

forests of palmyrahs. Some of these immigrations have probably

taken place since the Christian era.

After referring to a tradition of the Syrian Christians of

Travancore, that the //avers, or “Sinhalese,” were brought over

from Ceylon by their ancestors, Dr. Caldwell endeavours to

suardagainst the conclusion that the Shanars were “Sinhalese”

in the sense of that term which is distinguished from Tamil.

The traditions of the Buddhistical Sinhalese seems to connect them

nationally as well as religiously with Behar, and consequently with

the Brahmanical tribes. The Shanars, on the contrary, though

probably immigrants from Ceylon, are Hindus, not of the Brahmanical:

but of the Tamil or aboriginal race ; the descendants of the northern:

coasts of Ceylon being themselves Tamulians, the descendants either

of early Tamil colonists or of the marauding Cholas, who are said’

repeatedly to have made irruptions into Ceylon both before and after

the Christian era.

It is not safe at present to assume, what indeed only

suggested itself to Dr. Caldwell, that Behar has been clearly

identified as a source of the ethnology of all that is compre-

hended under the distinctive term “Sinhalese.” And the

fact that the Mahawansa gives an account of the conversions:

of the resident Sinhalese to Buddhism corrects the idea that

any Buddhist tribe from Behar emigrated to Ceylon.

That the marauding Cholas left descendants is a fair

inference. The old division of the Tamils in ancient times:

was into Cheras, Cholas, and Pandiyas, according to Tamil

legends, who first lived and ruled in common at Kolkei,.

near the mouth of the Tambraparni.

This is from “The History of Tinnevelly,” in which

Dr. Caldwell puts in a claim for this Tamil locality to

No. 43.—1892.] ETHNOLOGY OF CEYLON. 235)

be the ancient Taprobane. McCrindle, the latest translator

and editor of the Periplus Maris Erythret, claims Taprobane

as the Greek transliteration of the Tamil Tambraparni, and

supposes that a band of colonists from Magadha gave the

name to the place where first they landed, which afterwards

extended to the whole island. The Mahdawansa (chap. VI.)

claims that Vijaya landed in the division Tambapanni of

Lanka.

From the central city of Kolkei the three branches

of the race separated. Three royal brothers parted with

their followers. Pandiya remained at home, and Cheran

seeking his fortunes towards the north, Cholan went to the

west.” In1064 A.D. Rajendra Chéla became the first Chéla

who gained the sovereignty over the Pandiyan kingdom.

Chola (in Sinhalese Soli-rata) is now represented by the

south-east portion of the Tanjore Collectorate lying between

the Tondiman Raja’s territory and the Ramnad Zemindary ;

that is, these limits represent at least part of the ancient

Chola kingdom. This locality yields a vast salt revenue to

the Madras Government and hunting grounds for sportsmen.

The land being also overspread with swamps, the inhabitants

had strong incentives to make military excursions. Thus

the Chélians defeated Mahalana Kitti, king of the Ruhuna

division, seized the crown and all the treasure, and sent

them to the king of Chola. When a king of Ruhuna,

Jugutipdla, said to be sprung from the race of Rama, came

from Ayoddhya (Oude) and won the sovereignty, he was also

slain in battle by the Cholians, who sent his wife, daughter,

| and treasure to their own country. After this Parakrama,.

a son of the king of Pandu, reigned a little while, but the

Chélians made war against him and slew him also. The

_ Chélians were at last overcome by Makkhakudrtsa, who

| fixed his residence at Kataragama. ;

It is impossible to consider the sovereignty of a king of

| Pandu, who came from a part of India quite as distant as the

* See Note A.

236 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XII.

territory of the Chélians, without concluding that there were

Tamil settlements, however small, in the Ruhuna territory,

irrespective of Cholian invasions, for strong men from the

Chola and Pandu countries are also said to have been enlisted

in the iast battle in which the chieftain Chandabhanu, who

had enlisted Malays to fight on his side, was defeated by

Vijaya Bahu.

There can, therefore, be no doubt that other races had some

sort of settlement in Ceylon distinctively from what may have

come to be considered as Sinhalese. In addition to the fact

that Makkhakudrusa, when he had overcome the Choélians, had

fixed his abode at Kataragama, we can connect the anciently

remote fact that the Shanars claim for one of their race

Mahodana, the prime minister of Ravana. Dr. Caldwell

writes that in a village in his neighbourhood, in Tinnevelly,

the Shanars have converted Rama, the hero-god of the Hindus,

intoademon! And note the annual Kataragama pilgrimages

now put under police control in consequence of the epidemics

that used to break out. Whatever the prevention, the Nattu-

cotta Chetties and others of the tribe of Shanars strive to do

honour to the pilgrims on their way to the distant hills of

Ravana. Along all the coast territory, particularly that which

falls within the limits of the ancient kingdom of Ruhuna,

there are customs common to the Shanars and those who are

now distinctive Sinhalese.

Dr. Caldwell and all other writers who have practically

studied the subject have pointed out that the term “ Hin-

duism,” like the geographical term India, is a Huropean

generalisation. Pernaps the most striking illustration of

this is to classify the religious belief and practices of the

Shanars as a part of the Hindu religion, to which they are

entirely foreign. Demon-worship and devil-dancing are not

known to Hindu raceg or their religion. In his Paper (pub-

lished as part of a periodical by the Society for Promoting

Christian Knowledge, 1850) Dr. Caldwell emphasises the

fact that in describing the positive portion of the religion of

the Shanars as devil-worship, the word “devil” is not only

No. 43.—1892.] ETHNOLOGY OF CEYLON. 250

an appropriate, the most appropriate, but the one exactly

corresponding with the term used by the Shanars them-

selves. The demons worshipped “are considered to be

of unmixed malignity—bond fide fiends ; and it is supposed

to be necessary to worship them, simply and solely because

they are malignant.” Now, it isa startling fact that such a

system exists only amongst the Shanars and the low-

country Sinhalese, chiefly in the territories of the ancient

Ruhuna. Neither has the introduction of Brahmanism in the

one case or of Buddhism in the other succeeded in shaking

the ancient foundations of the faith in demon-worship.

It isa popular faith, and I have knowna Buddhist gentleman,

a Mudaliyar, excuse the practice in Ceylon, on the ground that

cures of sick persons are effected by the impressions made

on their imagination by the hideous masks, the contortions

of the dancers, and their howls and shrieks, accompanied

with the noise of tom-toms all through the weary nights.

Animals are also sacrificed to demons amongst the Sinhalese

and the Shanars. The head is separated from the body, and

the blood-offering poured upon the place prepared with

decorations of palm leaves and a few flowers.

The origin of the Shanar and Sinhalese demonolatry hes in the

unknown depths of antiquity, an antiquity equal to that of the worship

of the elements or the heavenly bodies—

and the remark applies to the demonolatry of Ceylon.

All throughout these investigations the great fact must be

kept in mind that the Brahmans did not conquer South Indiaas

they did Northern India, but came in peaceably, introducing

a higher civilisation, with caste rules and a_ pantheistic

philosophy. If we find these caste rules, so opposed to

Buddhist philosophy, in Ceylon, we must remember that

they have come second hand, unless a direct invasion or

settlement of Brahmans can be proved. There is no such

evidence, though a Brahman pretender may be traced, who

for a time seized some petty sovereignty, for instance in

Ruhuna. There were petty princes of Tamil territory,

old settlers distinguishable from invading Tamils. It is not

238 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XIT.

till the time of Pardkrama Bahu II. that the Mahawansa

mentions the princes of the Vanni who submitted to him.

The people of the Vanni were Tamils and Hindus in religion.

It is curious to observe that whatever the religion of the

subjects might be, the royal family always kept up its

distinct origin. The parents of Parakrama Bahu I. kept

their household Brahmans. (Jdahawansa, chap. LXII.)

When he was of an age fit for his investiture with the thread,

the king (his father) made offerings for three days, and

concluded the ceremony with the help of Brahmans who

were versed in the social laws contained in the Vedas.

(Mahawansa, chap. LXIV.) The Prince Vira Bahu, nephew

of Parakrama Bahu II., when he had defeated a band of Malay

invaders, went to Dondra “and worshipped the lily-coloured

god there, and made divers offerings unto him,” that is

to Vishnu. (Mahawansa, chap. LXXXIII.) Itis probable

that the patronage of the royal family being a consideration

with the compilers of these histories, which otherwise exhibit

such a desire to exalt Buddhism, they were induced not to

omit these little circumstances which prove the private —

court religion of the Sinhalese kings. If necessary, the

ruins of the Vishnuvite temple at Dondra and the Portu-

guese account of its destruction by them, and of its splendour,

show that Brahmanism was not a poor and unendowed

religion in the most glorious times of Buddhism.

I saw, in 1892, on visiting the sacred Bo-tree at Anuradha-

pura, that even the colossal figure of Buddha was by the sculptor

invested with the sacred thread from the left shoulder across

the chest and passing under the right breast. This thread

had, owing to the material operated on being the common

gneiss of the country, to be most carefully cut. The sculptor

claimed to retain the thread with which Buddha was invested

when he, like king Parakrama Bahu, came to the proper age,

and no objection appears to have been raised. Of course

the sculptor was of the religion of the Brahmans.*

* What Mr. Nell took for “the sacred thread’ is merely the upper

edge of the robe shallowly carved on the image.—B., Hon. Sec.

No. 43.—1892.] ETHNOLOGY OF CEYLON. 239

How VIJAYA DRIFTS TO CEYLON.

Vijaya is numbered as the first of Sinhalese kings, and

his history, if not entirely a myth, is so mixed with what is

not history and what is impossible, that to give it an aspect

of clearness and certainty we must apply to it that uncom-

promising criticism which Niebuhr brought to the investiga-

tion of early Roman traditions.

That the composition of the Mahawansa was commenced

and continued in the order in which it stands now will not

‘be claimed by any one. We may assume that at, or about, the

period at which this historical book was first commenced the

idea was conceived of completing the history by going back

‘to the reign of the original king.

The history of every nation goes back to a cloud land of

myth. Romulus and Remus were nursed by ashe-wolf ; the

Princess Suppadevi cohabited with a lion. The imagination

of simple races in primitive times is gratified with such

traditions, and they are adopted by the early historians as

Jending interest to their narratives.

We have outgrown these literary developments, and at

once reject what we know by science and our conscience to

be untrue. As we admit the existence of Romulus we may

admit the existence of Vijaya. It may be here incidentally

mentioned that his parents were said to have been born to a

lion and the Princess Suppadevi, who seems clearly to have

been a Telugu princess.

In the first part of the Paper we have tried to prove that

at Vijaya’s landing in Ceylon there existed an aboriginal

population. There had been previous wars and invasions from

India. We have observed the reverence for Ravana which is

still preserved amongst a race of Tamils in Tinnevelly, and

which they have since signified by annual pilgrimages to

Kataragama ; the demon-worship these Tamils still keep up in

| common with the Sinhalese of the Southern Province and the

| ~western coast of Ceylon, with the practice of devil-dancing

. common to both; the existence amongst the Tamils to this day

| of Tlavers, or colonists from Ceylon, proving the existence

240 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XII.

of a population which had nothing in common with Hindus,

or Brahmanism, and who probably derived their name of

Yakko from their practice of demonolatry and pretensions

to demoniacal power. There are indications also in the

Vijayan period of the existence of a race of Nagas, besides an.

outcast race called Chandalas.* If we accept the story of the

landing of Vijaya, we cannot reject the surrounding circum-

stances in the same narrative, where those surrounding

circumstances are not tainted with improbability.

The Mahdwansa informs us that the king of Kalinga

had a daughter who became the queen of the king of

Vanga; that this king and queen had a daughter called

Suppadevi, for whom fortune-tellers predicted that she

would consort with a lion. The narrative proceeds to the

fulfilment of the prediction, with the consequent birth of a

prince and princess. This of course must be at once rejected

as unnatural and false, and relegated to the limbo of the

Roman she-wolf and similar traditions of North American

Indians and other savage races of mankind. In a manner

very similar to the Roman myth, Suppadevi’s two children

came to be identified by her maternal uncle, and the throne

of the country is ultimately offered to the son of the lion.

But Sihabahu, rejecting this, returns with Sihasivali to the

wilderness of Lala, where he was born, founds a city, begets.

children, the eldest of whom, Vijaya, he instals when of

age as sub-king.

Tt is through Vijaya’s father, Sihabahu, therefore, that

the title of the Sinhalese nation is claimed, and this

point is not worth contesting in rejecting the false story

of the parentage in a’ wild beast. The lion who attacked

the caravan which Suppadevi had clandestinely joined was:

probably a robber, so named for his daring in attacking

travellers passing through the wilderness. To believe even

this is a compromise. One thing is certain, that there never

* See Note B.

No, 43.—1892.] ETHNOLOGY OF CEYLON. 241

existed lions'in any part of Asia where believers in this

myth would like to locate the occurrence. The lion in the

sculptures in Ceylon, like the grotesque figures of lions made

by the Chinese, must be taken to have existed inart, and not

in the natural history of the country.

The narrative proceeds to assert that though Sihabahu was

unanimously elected king by the people, he himself con-

ferred the sovereignty on his step-father, and taking

Sihasivali with him, returned to the land of his nativity,

where he founded the city of Sihapura, the capital of the

land of Lala, in which he formed villages for irrigation in

suitable localities. Sihasivali on sixteen occasions gave

birth to twin children, of whom the eldest was Vijaya.

Such wonderful incidents are calculated to make us doubt

whether the land of Lala and the city of Sihapura were not

fanciful creations,intended to give a greater interest to the

proposed pedigree of kings invented by the writer compiling

this first part of the Mahawansa narrative, about 700 years

after the pretended events. Ideas from Buddhistical

legends compiled in the north of India may have been used

for embellishment.

The misconduct of Vijdya as a prince in the land of Lala

is then related, and he comes to be banished in consequence.

Another improbable arrangement is adopted. Vijaya and

seven hundred men are put into one boat, their wives ina

separate vessel, and their children in a third. They drift

in different directions and land in different countries.

Nagadipa (conjectured by L. C. Wijesinha Mudaliyar, in his

English translation of the Mahawansa, to be some island to

the north of Ceylon) receives the children ; the wives settle

in Mahinda (a country which I believe is not yet identified),

and Vijaya, after first landing in some part of India, re-

embarks and lands in the division Tambapanni of this land

Lanka, that is, he and seven hundred companions.

He finds the country populated, and receives information

from Vishnu in the form of a devotee. This bit of supernatural

machinery throws considerable suspicion on the genuineness

242 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XII.

of the narrative. Afterwards Kuvéni is seen, who conceives a

passion for Vijaya, and treacherously helps him to destroy

the inhabitants of two districts who had met to celebrate the

wedding of the son and daughter of their chiefs. Vijaya

and his followers then assume the costumes of the leading

men they had slain. Vijaya then lives with Kuvéni and

has two children by her, clearly showing that she was a

human being. His followers afterwards desire that he

should formally assume the sovereignty, and aqueen-consort of

suitable rank being required an embassy to Madura in India 3

is devised, the result of which is that not only a consort for

Vijaya, but wives of suitable rank for his seven hundred

followers emigrate, the nobility being encouraged to give their

daughters by the king’s estimation of “renowned Sihala.”

The princess received as dowry, elephants, horses, chariots,

and slaves. Highteen officers of state, seventy-five menial

servants (horsekeepers, elephant keepers, and charioteers),

all these persons embarked in one vessel at Mahathitha.

The king Vijaya sent his father-in-law gifts of chanks

and pearls to the value of two lakhs, showing that he

already had subjects engaged in diving for these. He

appears to have paid an annual tribute of chanks and pearls

to the value of two lakhs. (Mahawansa, chap. VII.)

What is the conclusion we must draw from the marriage

of Vijaya and his seven hundred followers with the

ladies from Madura, but that their descendants were

semi-Tamil? And the officers of state, the servants,

and artisans, who are mentioned as emigrating to

Ceylon from Madura, are likely to have come with their

families, thus leaving purely Tamil descendants. The place

where Vijaya had been sent adrift with seven hundred

followers must have been on the sea-coast, and at a not very

great distance from Ceylon.

And even if we do not assign to Vijaya and his followers

a Dravidian birth (which is probable, from his getting

the daughter of the Pandava of Madura), he and his

fellow-settlers must certainly be held to have left Tamil

No. 43.—1892.] ETHNOLOGY OF CEYLON. 243

descendants. To avoid this conclusion we must either reject

the whole story as a myth, or assume that the Pandava was not

a Dravidian—an impossible assumption, because we shall

have first to sweep away all the traditions, inscriptions, and

chronicles of the Tamil race, as wellas the subsequent

account of the existence of Tamil settlement in Ceylon

given in the Mahawansa itself.

If we deny Tamil emigration, we are left to adopt the

conclusion that Vijaya and his seven hundred followers, by

their intermarriage with the consorts from Madura at a

period about 543 to 550 B.C., established the whole popu-

lation of the present day, and gave not only to their

direct descendants, but also to the descendants of the

Yakkhas, the Nagas, and the Tamil colonies, the common

name of Sinhalese.

We donot find of the Danes and Norwegians, though they

were so firmly established in England, and gave kings to

Hngland, that they were able to take away the name of the

people already constituting the chief population. In Scotland

the Norwegians and Danes were long established on the

east coast, and king Alexander III. of Scotland had

to defeat Hacon IV., king of Norway, in a great battle to

‘drive them away.

The settlement of Vijaya cannot be compared to these

powerful invasions and possession of a foreign country.

The popularly accepted derivation of the name Stvha-

ese or Sinhalese is due to the descendants of Vijaya

strictly, and may be extended to those of his seven

‘hundred followers also. If we go further, and suppose that

in the course of time the term was transferred to the

thousands of other races who populated the country, it

will not follow, in an ethnological inquiry, that the race

‘so called can put forward their adopted name as a proof

-of their descent. And we cannot ignore the people of

Lanka, who have continued in possession from before the

time of Vijaya, during his reign and after, even to the

present day. Even in the reign of Vijaya, after he had put

244 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XIT.

away Kuvéni, she is described as wandering with her two.

children to Lankapura, the capital of Lanka, and a Yakkha

city (Vahawansa, chap. VII.). This is a very significant

fact.

Within 106 years after Vijaya Pandukaébaya was installed.

As part of his policy, he is described in chapter X. of the

Mahawansa as seating himself, on days of public festivity, on

a throne of equal eminence with the Yakkha chief, Citta,

whilst joyous theatrical spectacles were exhibited to the

people. In constituting his capital at Anurddhapura, he is

said to have established the Yakkha Kalavéla in the eastern

quarter of the city, and the chief of the Yakkhas, Citta, he

established on the lower side of the Abhaya tank. He

thus formed four suburbs, and the Yakkhas would thus have

formed about half of the population, as Kalavéla and Citta

would not have resided in the respective suburbs assigned to

them without servants and retainers. This king established a

hall for the worshippers of Brahma, and another for those of

Siva, and other foreign religious residents were provided for.

From subsequent historical narratives it would seemas if the

worship of Vishnu was carried on even after the introduction

of Buddhism and together with it.

About 136 years after Vijaya, when Déevanampiyatissa sent

an embassy to India of four persons, one of them was a

Brahman, and the presents included the three kinds of

gems, three royal palanquin poles or right-hand chanks, and

eight descriptions of pearls. We must infer that there were

divers for chanks and pearls settled on the coast, and that

Brahmans held influential positions.

The king Dhammasdéka, or Asoka, is said to have

confirmed the sovereignty of Devanampiyatissa over all

Lanka, and his subjects are described as a second time

solemnising an inauguration of his reign. This prince is

described as beloved by the people of Lanka. We can infer

that all the inhabitants of aboriginal descent submitted to

his sovereignty. It is only in the next chapter (XII.) that

the Mahawansa describes the Buddhist mission to Ceylon.

No. 43.—1892.] ETHNOLOGY OF CEYLON. 245

We thus see that, subject to the Tamil invasions and settle-

ments which are recorded in future chapters of Sinhalese,

the bulk of the people consisted of the original Yakkhas.

In the Sequel to the Periplus, which is to be found in

Dr. Vincent’s “Commerce of the Ancients,” the northern part

of the Island is described as “civilised.” The inference is

that by repute amongst the Greek navigators the rest of the

Island was not civilised, and there can be no doubt that

Vijaya and his followers met in the Yakkhas a more or less

barbarous race.

The north of the Island appears to have been colonised

by Tamils from an early period, and we cannot look |

elsewhere than to the adjoining Tamil coast for the origin

of the northern population. The Tamil settlements were

probably Orientally civilised communities, and, like Vijaya

and his followers, far removed above the Yakkhas, who

peopled the lower parts of the Island.

To show the influence of the Tamils and the numbers in

which they were present in the Island, we have numerous

passages in the Mahawansa. tis aremarkable factthat Tamil

armies seem to have fought all the great battles. King Siri

Sanghabodi, who had fled to India, came back with a large

army of Tamils, Jethatissa, hearing this, sends his general to

India to raise another army of Tamils; and chapter XLIV.

of the Mahawansda relates how a great battle was fought

between these two Tamil armies. We may refer to chapter

XLV., which relates how Mana drove away the Tamils

from their offices, in consequence of which they sent a

message to Hatha-datha, who had fled to India, inviting his

return. In consequence Hatha-datha seizes the capital, and

proclaims himself king by the name of Dathopatissa. In

ehapter XLVI. is narrated how Pothakutha, a Tamil, seizes

the government. Chapter XLVII. narrates how Manavamma

goes to India and serves king Narasinha, who furnishes

him with an army. He invades the Island, is defeated,

returns with another army, wins a battle, and succeeds to

the throne.

246 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XII.

These are not battles between Tamils on one side and

Sinhalese on the other, but fought with Tamil soldiers

on either side.

In chapter L. is the invasion of Ceylon by the king

of Pandu, whose object seems to have been to collect booty.

In chapter LI. is related how a prince of the royal family

of Pandu, having a design to gain the sovereignty at Madura,

comes to Sena II., who takes this opportunity of recovering

the treasures taken away by the late invader, and joins the

pretender. They succeed, Madura is captured and pillaged,

and the booty brought back. Chapter LIIT. relates how king

Péndu fled from the kindred tribe of Cholians and landed at

Mahatitta, but got noaid. The king of the Chéla kingdom

followed and carried away the crown, but failed in Ruhuna,

and had to return to India. It is mentioned in chapter

LXXXIII. that the strong men of the Tamils had built

themselves fortresses, and taken hold of divers parts of the

Island. In the same chapter it is mentioned that a host of

men, forty thousand strong (not invaders), under two Tamil

kings, Magha and Jaya Bahu, consisting of Tamils and _

Keralas, were harassed by the Sinhalese,—that the Vannian

(Tamil) princes were brought into subjection. When these

independent Tamil kings were harassed they said, ‘ Yea,

even some of our Tamils are amongst his servants,” that is,

as soldiers of Parakrama Bahu. The immigration and

settlement of such large bodies of Tamils is a factor in the

consideration of the ethnology of Ceylon.

Kiven in more modern times the immigration of the tribe

of the Mahdabadda people from India, who have adopted

the Sinhalese language and the profession of Buddhism,

of which they are the most ardent of followers, places

another factor for our consideration. In chapter LXI. an

invasion of a different character by an “ Aryan” is thus.

related :—

Now, at that time, a certain valiant and, furious man, named

Viradeva, who was born in the country of Aryas, and was chief of

the Palandipa, landed at Mahahatittha with mighty men, thinking that

he could take possession of Lanka.

No. 43.—1892. | ETHNOLOGY OF CEYLON. 247

This invader routed the king and his army, but was

evidently overcome by numbers, the king Vikrama Bahu

having “sent his great hosts after him.”

I must now close this part of the inquiry, showing

that a Tamil element, quite independently of that which

may have existed at the time of Rama and Ravana, had, since

the alliance of Vijaya with a princess of Madura, pervaded

the Island in a very large proportion. Vijaya himself and

his seven hundred followers most probably spoke the Telugu

language, which was at one time preponderate in Southern

India, and has only in the course of time given way to the

encroachments of the Tamil dialect, owing to the superior

enterprise of the Tamil-speaking branch of the Dravidians..

Tt is in India, particularly in Southern India, that we must

seek for points of comparison, in the written characters,

in the comparison of terms free from a Sanskrit derivation,,

in the costumes of men and women, in the jewellery and

distinctive caste ornaments, in the preparations of food, in the

use of musical instruments including those of exclusively

domestic use, in the village games, in the observance of holi-

days and festivals, in the folk-lore, in the physical resem-

blances of the different castes, and in the moral character of

the people.

THE POST-VIJAYAN MYTH. WHAT WAS THE

NON-DRAVIDIAN ELEMENT ?

On the death of Vijaya without issue, ambassadors from

_ Ceylon went to his brother Samitta, who called upon his

| sons to elect amongst themselves which of them should

succeed Vijaya. The youngest, named Panduvisadewa, is

said to have volunteered to succeed Vijaya. The name of

this prince is strongly suggestive of a Pandiyan origin.

Incidents of this kind are historical in character, but begin

' to be doubtful when interwoven with a mythical story. The

Buddhist annalist interpolates a story that the paternal

uncle of Buddha had a son, the Sakya Pandu, who was

248 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [| VOL. XII.

pestered by suitors for his daughter’s hand, and to avoid their

importunity secretly sent her adrift ina boat with thirty-two

female attendants. They are so fortunate as to be cast

ashore in Ceylon after Panduvisadewa had, with thirty-two

followers, established himself at Upatissa. The marriage of

the prince and his thirty-two men with the princess and

her thirty-two maidens followed as a matter of course.

This story, following as it does the similar story in con-

nection with Vijaya, throws great doubt on the latter story.

I observe that the learned translator of the Mahawansa

assumes that the princess and her maidens were sent adrift in

the Ganges, which to any one who knows the navigation of

that river and of the Bay of Bengal makes the story doubly

improbable. That a father should imperil his daughter in

this manner is against nature, and the motive for his

inhumanity is insufficient. It is much to be regretted that

if there was a basis of fact in the emigration of the princess

a myth should thus have been interwoven with her story.

The name of her father, Sakya Pandu, suggests the same

nationality as that of the Prince Panduvisadewa. The

relationship to Buddha was probably added to flatter the

royal family who had commanded the completion of the

national annals.

Casie Chitty (“Gazetteer”) says it was a misfortune that

when the Sinhalese occupied Kalinga (modern Cicacole) in

the Northern Circars of the Coromandel Coast (between

Gangam and Masulipatam) they should have been subject

to the Kalingas, and that after emigrating to Ceylon they

should have submitted to the rule of the Telugus and

Tamils. Casie Chitty alludes to the opinion prevailing with

some, which ascribes to the Sinhalese a mixed origin, partly

Telugu and partly Tamil.

In all investigations on this point we have to be guided

by the fact that the Sinhalese language is a distinctive

one, and which competent authorities have classified as

non-Dravidian. Had Ceylon not been an island subject to

constant incursions from the adjoining continent, this

No. 43.—1892.] ETHNOLOGY OF CEYLON. 249

consideration would be a very weighty one. But we have

the instance of Great Britain, throughout which the Anglo-

Saxon language prevailed, and is now spoken, as English

by the Scotch, the Irish, the Welsh, and Cornwall Celts.

Though the names of localities may be Celtic or Scandi-

navian, the language of the country is English. We cannot

argue from this fact that all Irishmen are descended from the

Anglo-Saxons, or that the Welsh are not indisputably

British.

In like manner we have in Ceylon Tamil names of places

inhabited by a people who now speak Sinhalese. Take,

for instance, the names of streams. In the division of the

Girawa Pattuwa there are three main streams discharging into

the sea, the Kahawatta-aru at Sinimddara, the Kirama-dru

at Tangalla, and the Urubokka-dru at Ranné. In Girawd

Pattuwa west the Kachchigal-aru isthe western boundary of

the division. Onthe eastern boundary ofthe Magam Pattuwa

is the Kumbukkan-aru, and the Kirinde-aru cuts across

the centre of this Pattuwa. If one studies the etymology of

places in Great Britain the derivation at once indicates

where a Celtic or Scandinavian settlement had existed,

though English may now be the spoken language of such

places.

This is the only way in which we can explain the Tamil

terms in the Tangalla and Hambantota Districts. If we go

higher up the east coast we come to the Tamil population

of the Eastern Province, including the Mukwas, who have

a custom common with the Nairs of India, namely, that

ancestral property devolves to the son of the deceased’s sister.

The Mukwas are said to have emigrated to Ceylon to avoid

the Muhammadan persecution in India, first landing at

Kudrumale. Like the Sinhalese, the men do not perforate

their ears. In this connection may be mentioned the

Kandyan custom of polyandry, also in common with the

Nairs of South India as wellas the inhabitants of Thibet. In

the Mahabharata five Panduwa brothers are said to have

observed this custom. .

64—92 H

250 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XII.

In addition to the caution that the Sinhalese language is

not Dravidian, we have, therefore, the existence of this and

other peculiar customs showing that certain tribes had

found their way to Ceylon; and we must not shut out of

consideration ancient communication with Manipur or

Burmah, or even Thibet, or (if we are to reject that idea)

emigration from those countries or from the Straits. In our

present state of knowledge we must preserve a saving clause

that, besides Dravidian emigration and the aboriginal

population preceding it, there is evidence of the presence in

Ceylon of a non-Dravidian element which gave a national

language and names to the mixed population of the Island. —

Neither the mythical story of Vijaya nor that of Panduvasa-

dewa’s bride can sufficiently account for a large population

of a non-Dravidian nationality.

As for the Dravidian population, I need only point to the

specific mention in the Mahawansa, not only of the Cheras

(called Keralas), the Cholians (or Cholas), and the Pandiyans,

but of the Maravers (or Dewas) and Kallers, as furnishing

some of the armies that made Ceylon a battle ground. The

Kallers as well as the Maravers (or Vannian caste), peculiar

to South India, furnished the fighting men of the predatory

chieftains called Polygars, who gave so much trouble to the

Hast India Company, Their locality was chiefly in the

Ramnad’s country, of which the port is Dewapatnam. The

Mahawansa has to be compared with Dr. Caldwell’s

“ History of Tinnevelly”’ to identify these races, which can

be done in a very satisfactory manner.

It is most interesting to compare even printed texts in

Telugu, Tulu, Konkain, Canarese, Malayalam, and Burmese.

Tt should not be forgotten that in Great Britain English is

printed in the characters of the Roman alphabet, so that when

the characters of the Sinhalese alphabet are identified they

will also be most probably identified as having belonged to

a nationality of greater civilisation than its predecessors in

the Island, and which had accordingly left this stamp of its

civilisation as evidence, The Sinhalese bear an undeniable

No. 43.—1892.] ETHNOLOGY OF CEYLON. 251

resemblance to those of the half-a-dozen languages or dialects

I have referred to just now, and this suggests a large field of

inquiry, without the investigation of which we cannot state

with certainty what was the exact character of the nationality

which was non-Dravidian.

Note A.

THe King Pandava, or Pandu, was so called from most ancient

times as preserved in the oldest Tamil traditions. Dr. Caldwell says

the name “Pandya” is written in Tamil ‘‘ Pandiya,” but the complete

Tamilised form is “ Pandi.” He also says that there are geographical

stanzas current in Tamil, giving the boundaries of the Pandiya

kingdom, as the river Vettaéru to the north, Kumari (Cape Comorin)

to the south, the sea (that is the Gulf of Mannar and Palk’s Straits at

the Bay of Tondi) to the east, and ‘the great highway” to the west.

In touching on the Pandiya kings Dr. Caldwell, in his ‘“ History of

Tinnevelly,”’ says that when the Dravidas are mentioned as distinct

from the Chdélas, as they sometimes are in the Mahdbharata and the

Puranas, the Pandiya must be meant. Dr. Caldwell refers to

inscriptions and lists of kings going back to a remote antiquity. Ina

note to Dr. Vincent’s translation of the Voyage of Nearchus (that is,

in the time of Alexander the Great), he says: “The Court of

Pandion was at Madura, called Modusa by Pliny, and Modoora by

Ptolemy, and by both placed far inland from the coast of Malabar,

agreeing with its actual site.’ In the Voyage of Nearchus (of which

Dr. Vincent gives the full text and translation) the Indian coast is

described down to, and round, Cape Comorin, and the description of

India ends in these words : “‘ And this whole southern continent (or as

Dr. Vincent puts it, ‘southern point’ of the continent,) is part of

Pandian’s dominions.” In fact, the Tamil race, called in Sanskrit the

| Drdvidas, were divided, as proved by Dr. Caldwell, into three great

| divisions, the Cheras, the Chélas, and the Pandiyans, the names being

_ derived from three brothers who ruled together at Korkair, or Kolkei,

near the mouth of the Tamraparni,

NOTE B.

SEE Mr. Parker’s clear identification of the Devas, Nagas, and

-Yakkas in this Society’s Journal (vol. VIII., No. 27, 1884, p. 84). In

) Naga-dipa, Northern Ceylon, only Nagas, who lived by land and water.

H 2

202 JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XII.

The Devas in the Central Province. In Anuradhapura both Devas and

Nagas. The Indian Nagas also possessed the means of passing over the

seas. See Nagapatnam and Nagarcoil on the Coromandel and Malabar

coasts, respectively, and the Naga temples in those places. See also

the small N4ga temples and Vishnu temples attached to some Buddhist

temples in Ceylon. See the town of Devapatnam in India. The

queens of the kings of Kandy were termed Devi. See the names

Aséka, Devanampiya, and Panduwasa Deva. Considerations like

these will supply materials for another Paper. This note is only to

suggest the separate origin of the people of the Northern and Eastern

Provinces on the one hand, then of the people of the Central Provinces,

and to distinguish both from those of the Southern and other parts

of Ceylon.

d. The following remarks by Mr. KASSIPILLAI TISSANA-

YAGAM were read by Mr. F. H. M. Corbet by permission of

the Meeting :—

I AGREE in the main with the learned Advocate, but I beg

to make the following observations :—

Ravana’s Period.

(1.) The author of the Ramayana calls Ceylon Lanka, and

its people Rakshasas. Lanka meansanisland. Rakshasasand

Vanaras are not Aryans; still, their names such’as Hanuman,

Vibishana, Indrajit, Maricha, &c., seem to be Sanskritie.

According to the History of Madura, Rama is said to have

passed through the Madura country during the reign of

Anantakuna Pandiyan, who lived about 2,200 B.c.

(2.) The pre-Vijayan Ceylon was known to the ancient

Tamils as [Jam (rp). This corresponds to the Sinhalese

word Elu. The correspondence is most striking. The

people who are most likely to know much about ancient

Ceylon are its immediate neighbours, the Tamils. The

History of Madura, written in the eleventh century, and

the Ramayana (the greater part of which must have

been elaborated from the inner consciousness of the Indian

Homer) do not afford sufficient information as to the

nationality of the original inhabitants of Ceylon.

Vijayan Epoch.

(3.) There never lived in Ceylon a people who called nena

selves Yakkas. On account of their resemblance to the

barbarous tribes in some parts of Bengal, Vijaya and his

followers called the aborigines by that name, as the

No. 43.—1892. | PROCEEDINGS. 293

Portuguese in modern times thought the Tamils of Ceylon

to be Malabars.

Non-Dravidian element.

(4.) Notes two and three lead me to the conclusion that

the original inhabitants of Ceylon were the Elu people, the

country they inhabited the Elu country, and the language

they spoke Elu.

(5.), Elu was the non-Dravidian element, which was also

non-Aryan at the same time. The erammatical constitution

of the Sinhalese language, notwithstanding the, overwhelm-

ing number of Sanskritic words, betrays its non-Aryan origin.

Languages there are which have borrowed relative pronouns

from other stocks. But, is there any typical Aryan dialect

which has no relative pronouns ?

(6.) The problem about the written characters of the

Sinhalese alphabet seems to me to be the least difficult of

those suggested by the Paper. The Sinhalese characters are

a modified form of the Telugu characters. Telugu, Canarese,

and Malayalam characters are modifications of the Karnataka.

Vijaya was at least a semi-Telugu prince, and most probably

was acquainted with the Telugu language, as we may naturally

expect a knowledge of English from a German prince.

Moreover, there used to be intermarriages between the

Kalinga and Vanga royal families. The Dravidian dialect

that has the largest Sanskritic vocabulary is Telugu. By

straining the meaning of the words, I may say Telugu was

Vijaya’s mother-tongue, Tamils easily acquire a knowledge

of Telugu, which would have been the most convenient

medium of intercourse between Vijaya and his Tamil con-

sort. Still, I would not go so far as to say that Vijaya and

his followers spoke Telugu in Ceylon, though the Telugu

character has been borrowed by the Sinhalese. The

aboriginal language had in all probability no written

alphabet. The late Hon. James de Alwis points out in

his Sidat Sangarawa certain Sinhalese letters which most

resemble corresponding Tamil letters. A closer study

_ would probably lead. to the discovery of closer resemblance

between the Telugu and Sinhalese characters. A perusal of

Dr. Burnell’s Paleography of Southern India throws

considerable light on the subject.

__(7.) A careful study of the philology of Elu words by

| intelligent and unbiassed scholars would show to what

languages the original language of Ceylon is most allied.

| Only those words in the Elu vocabulary not allied to

Sanskrit must be studied first. I do not think that all the

| words now considered to be Elu are pure Elu. There are

| Sanskrit words in Tamil so disguised that their origin is not

easily discernible.

(254 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XII.

Syllabus.

I.—Sinhalese language :—

1. Basis, Elu.

2. Words, Sanskritic.

3. Characters, Karnataka.

II.—Sinhalese people are a mixture of :—

1. Yakkas or Elus.

2. Semi-Telugus.

3. Tamils.

4, Telugus.

III.—Sinhalese dress :—

1. Low-country, Malay dress.

2. Kandyan women, Indian costume.

4. The following note contributed by the Hon. Mr.

PANABOKKE was also read by Mr. F. H. M. Corbet by per-

mission. Mr. Panabokke wrote :—

WE do not think it requires a great effort to prove that all

the writers on the early history of Ceylon are agreed that

this Island was inhabited before the Vijayan era.

The Ramayana, according to native chroniclers, was

composed in the year 2,387 B.c. It treats, as we all know,

amongst other things, of the war waged between Rama and

Ravana, a king of Ceylon. It is a palpable truism which

requires no proof that for a conquest, the existence of

a people should be presupposed. The theory that the

inhabitants of this Island before the Vijayan period were

Yakku, whereby we understand non-human beings or demons,

will not be seriously stated as a fact.

Writers, both HKuropean and native, have in the present

century conclusively demonstrated that the aboriginal

inhabitants were human beings.

Taking then these two facts for granted, that Ceylon was

inhabited, and inhabited by human beings, the questions

which suggest themselves to us are, who were those ab-

origines ? and where did they come from ?

The late Hon. James de Alwis, that eminent scholar, in his

Introduction to the Sidat Sangarawa (at page XII.) reasons

thus :—

Situated at no great distance from the Indian Peninsula, probably

joined to it by an isthmus which has been washed away ; and invited

by the advantages which it possessed, amongst which were its elephants

and pearls, not to mention the fertility of its soil, the salubrity of its

climate, and the richness of its natural productions, it is but reasonable

to suppose that the Indians (unquestionably a very ancient race of

people) had settled in Ceylon before the period referred to (i.e.,

Vijayan period) ; if indeed their settlement was not coeval with their

occupation of India.

No. 43.—1892. ] PROCEEDINGS. 259

_ Sir William Jones, as quoted by De Alwis, on the same

page, says :—

We come back to the Indian islands, and hasten to those which lie

to the south-east of Silan or Taprobane, for Silan itself, as we know

from the language, letters, religion, and old monuments of its various

inhabitants, was peopled by the Hindu race, and formerly, perhaps,

extended much further to the west and south, so as to include Lanca

or the equinoctial point of the Indian astronomers.

Beyond these facts (which to our mind are incontrovertible)

we may well ask, what affinity is there between a Sinhalese

man anda Tamil? Their manners, customs, and languages

differ diametrically. We think the same eminent writer has

proved conclusively that the Sinhalese language is directly

derived from Pali,and has no affinity to Tamil or even to

Sanskrit. These are deductions from well established facts.

But the Sinhalese can boast of better evidence. Their national

history, dating from several centuries before the birth of

Christ, does not even allude to anything like a Tamil origin.

We think our ground is indisputable that the Sinhalese

are direct descendants of the Aryan race, or, inthe words of

Sir William Jones, of the Hindu race.

When reading a Sinhalese paper only a few days

ago we came across a letter written by a learned friend

pointing out the striking resemblance, even at the present

day, between the manners, customs, and dress of the people of

Central India and the Sinhalese, and vehemently deploring

our mad attempt, in modern times, to exchange these for

foreign manners, customs, and dress.

We are certain that our friends in the Southern Province

will agree with us that aru is not a common name for those

streams to which the writer draws attention to show our

‘Tamil origin.

It is a misconception on the part of the writer to suppose

thatacertain Buddhist image in Anuradhapura, to which he

refers, shows a thread sculptured on it. It is nothing but

the edge of the robe. We have verified this fact through a

friend since we saw the Paper in question.

). Mr. C. E. H. COREA then addressed the Meeting.*

6. Before Mr. Corea had completed his speech, the

PRESIDENT remarked that if there were others who wished

to speak, it might perhaps be desirable to adjourn the

discussion.

* Mr. Corea’s remarks will be found on page 260, in the account of the

adjourned discussion on Mr. Nell’s Paper. As Mr. Corea there recapitu-

lated what he said at this Meeting, it is unnecessary to insert his remarks

here.

256 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XII.

7. In view of the lateness of the hour, and in order to give

other Members an opportunity of taking part in the discussion,

the Honorary Secretary moved, and Mr. Ranasinha seconded,

the adjournment of the Meeting, which was unanimously

agreed to.

8. Mr. F.C. ROLES inquired if it was not the fact that

Mr. Corea was in possession of the house, and would be

entitled to continue his remarks at the next Meeting.

The PRESIDENT ruled that Mr. Corea would be so entitled.

9. The Hon. Mr. RAMANATHAN then moved a vote of

thanks to the Chairman, and to Mr. Nell. He believed Mr.

Nell was ill, and he had no doubt he (Mr. Nell) would be

pleased to know that his Paper had been appreciated. He

had no doubt all would agree with him that Mr. Nell’s

intention was nothing but to suggest a few facts for the con-

sideration of that deeply interesting problem. He seemed

to have taken advantage of the leisure afforded him during

his illness to pen a short Paper on a deep subject, and he

(the speaker) was sure they would accept in a proper spirit

Mr. Nell’s kindness, and the interest he had taken in prepar-

ing that Paper for them. Mr. Nell called it only a “sug-

gestive Paper,” and there were other arguments which might

have been urged, but which he was unable to go into fully.

He (the speaker) would not now express his opinion on the

arguments urged on the other side, but he thought that

Mr. Nell deserved their thanks for writing so suggestive a

Paper.

The Hon. Mr. SENEVIRATNE seconded, and the motion

was agreed to. The Proceedings then stood adjourned.

No. 43.—1892. ] PROCEEDINGS. 257

COUNCIL MEETING.

Colombo Museum Library, November 4, 1892.

Present :

The Lord Bishop of Colombo, President, in the Chair.

Mr. F. H. M. Corbet. The Hon. J. A. Swettenham,

Mr. W. P. Ranasinha. C.M.G., Vice-President.

Dr. W. G. Vandort.

Mr. E. S. W. Senathi Raja, Honorary Secretary.

Mr. Gerard A. Joseph, Assistant Secretary.

Business. |

1. Read and confirmed Minutes of Meeting of Council

held on March 15, 1892.

2. The following gentlemen was elected Resident Mem-

bers :—

ae S. M. Burrows, C.C.S.

Woe. ENTER | edad | by a S. Crawford, C.C.S8.

K. A. J. Pohath, ; nominated b F. R. Dias.

Mudaliydr | seconded YG. Wall.

nominated ( G. Wall.

o £s Hilemoensan seconded Py | J. H. Renton.

GD Casinader \eeua ae Uby j S. F. Nagapper.

seconded Jf yw. N. 8. Asserappa.

3d. The President announced that Mr. W. H. G. Duncan

having in June, 1892, resigned his appointment as Honorary

Treasurer, in consequence of leaving the Island temporarily,

the Council had in July resolved, by Minutes recorded on

Circular No. 60 of May 21, 1892, to request Mr. F. H. M.

Corbet to accept the office, and that Mr. Corbet had con-

sented to act.

Resolved,—To confirm the appointment, pending the next

Annual General Meeting.

4. The President announced that the Council had

resolved, by Minutes recorded on Circular No. 106 of July

26, 1892, to request Professor T. W. Rhys Davids to re-

present the Society at the Ninth International Congress of

Orientalists held in London from September 5 to 12, 1892.

Resolved,—To confirm the appointment.

). Laid on the table letter No. 133 of October 29, 1892,

and connected papers, from Mr. H.C. P. Bell, 0.c.8., Archzo-

logical Commissioner, anent the balance of the Anuradha-

pura Excavation Fund.

Resolved,—As time did not permit of going into the

question fully that the Papers be circulated.

258 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XII.

6. The President submitted to the Council that it was

undesirable that voluminous communications containing a

fresh mass of materials should be read before the Society in

the course of the discussions on a Paper. His Lordship

pointed out that such communications ought to be brought

before the Society in the form of Papers, after having been

submitted to and passed by the Council.

Resolved,—That this Council do heartily endorse his

Lordship’s views, and desire his Lordship to announce them

to the Meeting convened for that evening.

No. 43.—1892.] PROCEEDINGS. 259

GENERAL MEETING.

Colombo Museum Library, November 4, 1892.

Present :

The Lord Bishop of Cclombo, President, in the Chair.

Mr. J. H. Barber. Mr. A. T. Shamsuddin.

Mr. F. H. M. Corbet. | Hon. J. A. Swettenham,

Mr. D. C. Pedris. C.M.G., Vice-President.

Mr. H. P. Perera. Dr. W. G. Vandort.

Mr, W. P. Ranasinha.

Mr. KE. S. W. Senathi Raja, Honorary Secretary.

Mr. Gerard A. Joseph, Assistant Secretary.

Visitors :-—A bout twenty-five gentlemen.

Business.

1. Read and confirmed Minutes of Meeting held on

October 10, 1892.

2. It was announced that the following Resident Mem-

bers had been elected, viz.:—Mr. T. B. Yatawara, Mr. K. A.

J. Pohath, Mudaliyar, Mr. J. A. Henderson, and Mr. J. D.

Casinader.

3d. The PRESIDENT stated the object of the Meeting, and

added that as the importance of the subject had led to an

adjournment of the debate, the Council had thought well

that he should remind Members what the nature of their

business properly was. Jn cases of an important or lengthy

kind, masses of information could only be communicated

to the Society in the form of Papers: Papers laid before

that Society were documents which had been brought under

the consideration of the Council of the Society, and the

value of which the Council had had an opportunity of guaran-

teeing to the Members it invited to hear them: any other

Paper would be out of place in the discussion.

Properly speaking, what should follow upon the reading

of a Paper was not the communication of other masses of

information, but remarks arising out of that Paper, and it

was not, he thought, according to the Proceedings of that, or

of any similar, Society that such remarks should extend to

any great length.

The Council had recommended him, however, to allow

a certain amount of departure from the strict order of

business, and to allow Members who had put what they

intended to say in the form of Papers to read such Papers;

but it must be understood that was not to become in any

sense a precedent for the future, nor were the Papers to be

260 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XII.

regarded in the sense of Papers submitted to the Society.

Again, it was not to be regarded as permissible for an absent

gentleman to send in his remarks as a Paper to be read to

the Meeting, although, as Mr. Corea was in possession of the

Meeting, a Paper he had sent to be read in his absence would

be allowed.

4, The following remarks sent by Mr. C. E. H. COREA

were then read by Mr. F. H. M. Corbet, by special

permission :—

Ethnology of Ceylon.

I HAVE not much more to say in continuation of my

remarks on Mr. Nell’s Paper, but I am compelled to

recapitulate much of what I have already said.

At the last Meeting, I essayed to draw attention to the

fact that the Paper teems with fallacies in the method of its

reasoning, and to warn Members against the numerous

assertions of the writer which do not seem to be warranted by

historical circumstances.

Among several such ipse dixits, I drew attention to the

assertion that “ Princess Suppadévi, Vijaya’s grandmother,

seems clearly to have been a Telugu princess.’’ The writer

should be aware that all that is known of this princess points

to her having belonged to the Kalinga Vanga race of the

Magadha country, the head centre of the Palilanguage. The

Vishnu Purana enumerating the peoples of Saka Dvipa, says

that of them “the Magadhas are an exclusively Kshatriya

race.” In the method of reasoning adopted by the writer is

that the inserting of statements of this nature in a parenthesis

or incidentally, and afterwards using them as facta probantia

of important questions, is to be deprecated, as they are apt to

be taken for proven facts. :

I pointed out that he speaks of the Ilavers, a low-caste

tribe of South India, as Sinhalese, as if it had been

incontrovertibly proved that these I/avers were Sinhalese,

without proof being in any way offered. The writer issaved

from the necessity of working out his premises toa conclusion

by the precaution he took at the outset to say that the Paper

is merely a “suggestive” one, though (if Iam not mistaken)

but a few lines previous he had stated his intention to be

to prove everything historically.

Of the many self-infirmative facts recorded by Mr. Nell,

one which occurs at the very commencement of the Paper

is sufficient in itself to cut the ground from under the

writer’s feet. I refer to the statement that people along the

western coastand throughout the Southern Province speak

of the Kandyan Provinces as “Sinhala,” or “the Sinhalese

country,’ and distinguish themselves from the Sinhalese.

No. 43.—1892.] ETHNOLOGY OF CEYLON. 261

This fact, when taken with the following admissions made

by the writer, namely: (1) that his remarks do not apply to

the inhabitants of the central region ‘“‘in the Sinhalese

country proper”; (2) that the name Sinhalese is now er-

roneously given without any discrimination to thousands of

other races who populate the country, who have no claim to

the name; and (3) that there is no doubt that other races had

from early times settled in Ceylon “distinctively ’’ from

the Sinhalese—simply goes to prove that Mr. Nell is only

labouring to show that certain peoples, living on the western,

southern, eastern, and northern coasts of Ceylon (but who

according to his own statement have no claim to be called

Sinhalese), are not of Aryan but of Dravidian or mixed

descent—a fact which I am sure no one has thought of

disputing.

The Paper might therefore have been allowed to pass

unchallenged, but for the fact that the writer calls upon us

to adopt the fact that some tribes or peoples of Ceylon are

Dravidians, or mixed, as suggesting that all are so. It is

therefore the very suggestiveness of the Paper that provokes

discussion. For to induce suggestions the writer takes up

matters of history which affect the real legitimate Sinhalese

people, and handles them in a manner which calls for

criticism. It is thus necessary to analyse the historical

merits of the Paper, which will be found to be equally

misleading as its method of reasoning.

First, Mr. Nell would suggest a non-Aryan origin to tho

Sinhalese language from some resemblances which he has

found to exist between some of the letters of its alphabet

and the character of certain non-Aryan languages. Next, he

relates the narrative of the Ramayana, and the fable of

Prince Vijaya’s leonine origin, with the object of interpolating

certain gratuitous statements, such as that no Aryan setile-

ment was established in Ceylon, before Vijaya’s arrival, and

that Vijaya himself was a non-Aryan Prince who spoke the

Telugu language, and that the Pandiyans by whom the

Vijayan colony was largely re-inforced were Tamils; and,

lastly, under the title of the post-Vijayan myth, he labours to

show that Tamil soldiers were often employed by Sinhalese

Sovereigns in their battles, which no one ever denied.

The writer seems unconscious that the very fact that the

Mahawansa, which is his only authority all throughout,

scrupulously mentions the various tribes of mercenaries

in the Sinhalese armies by their distinctive names, and

contains not the remotest suggestion of any social connections

between them and the Sinhalese, clearly proves that the

latter reserved a scrupulous and religious distinction between

themselves and those heterogeneous nationalities.

262 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von X11!

With respect to the history of the Sinhalese language, I

pointed out that the results of the researches of eminent

philologists, such as Max Miiller, Ktthn, and many others,

have conclusively proved that our language is a pure and

distinctive Aryan language—the proofs which have led to

this indisputable conclusion being too numerous to be recited

in the course of these remarks. I also drew attention to the

fact that while Mr. Nell writes in ignorance of the languages

to which he would trace an affinity to the Sinhalese language,

and of some of which he had only casually seen the written

character, the learned philologists upon whose authority the

Sinhalese language stands proved to be Aryan were obviously

more competent to determine the merits of the resemblances,

of which Mr. Nell makes capital, as they have made a

study of those languages also contemporaneously with the

Sinhalese.

Mr. Tissanayagam, in his remarks on this part of

Mr. Nell’s Paper, commits the blunder of deriving Elu from

Telugu.

Relying on this fact, about which the highest and most

competent authorities are unanimously agreed, viz.: that the

Sinhalese language is an Aryan dialect, we attain a position

from which all the theories of the writer can be overthrown.

For the next step in the inquiry into the history of this

language leads us to another most important discovery,

namely, that it was the “language of the land” before

Vijaya’s arrival. Forthe proofs of this statement I need only

refer to the Introduction to the Sidat Sangarawa, by the

late Hon. James de Alwis, where he enters into the question

in detail, and proves the fact by a complete chain of evidence.

This then being the fact, can it be disputed that the

Aryans had established a people and a language in the Island

long before the conquest of Vijaya. Whoever the aborigines

were, the people whom Vijaya found in the Island were

Aryans. Thus the contention that the Vijayan colonists, by

possible intermarriage with the pre-Vijayan inhabitants of

Lanka, introduced a non-Aryan element into the nation, is

completely disposed of.

The suggestion that Vijaya himself was non-Aryan seems

almost too absurd to notice. If this contention is meant

seriously, innumerable proofs can be brought forward to show

that Vijaya and his 700 followers were Aryan Kshatriyas of

Magadha, anything in the realms of fable to the contrary

notwithstanding.

That the story of the lion was a pure invention of the poet,

introduced merely to “lend interest to his narrative,” which

was intended for the ‘‘delight and amazement”’ of a primi-

tive people, is proved from the fact that the authority upon

No. 43.—1892.] ETHNOLOGY OF CEYLON. 263

which the derivation of the name “Sinhala” is founded,

namely, the ancient Atuwawa, or Commentary, has not the

remotest suggestion of a royal princess’ intrigue with the

king of beasts. The Atuwawa (which was not written for

the “delight,” but for the instruction, of men) simply says

that it was because Sinhabahu captured the “Sinha,” that

himself and his people were called Sinhala :—Sinhabahu

narindoso Sithamddinava iti Sihalotena sambandha ahu-

sabbapi Sthala. The “Sinha” clearly meant being the city

“Sinhaya’’ on the banks of the Gunduk in Behar, whence

the Vijayan colonists came.

Then comes the question whether the intermarriages with

the Pandiyans of the Madura country affected the purity of

the Aryan race of Sinhalese. In the first place the known

existence of the most stringent caste rules among the Aryans

of Vijaya’s time, which had the force of positive law, and

were enforced by, judicial tribunals, ,and which visited the

marriage of an Aryan with a non-Aryan, not only with

illegitimacy, but with the most degrading punishments, raises

the strong presumption that Vijaya having found Aryan

women in the land he conquered and as beautiful as Kuweni,

would not have gone over the sea in search of degradation

and shame, and at the risk of violating the strong and

inherent prejudices of his people. Itis against all probability,

therefore, that the princess Vijayi and the noble virgins of

Madura were non-Aryans. The non-Aryans of South India

were at this period regarded as beings with whom the “sons

of gods” would have no communion, and intercourse with

whom was strictly forbidden to the “twice born,” such as

Vijaya and his seven hundred called themselves.

But we are not left in the doubtful regions of hypothesis,

assumption, and probability in regard to the dynasties of

South India. Positive historical evidence proves beyond all

doubt that, the Madura country was an early, probably the

earliest, Aryan settlement in South India. , The names

Madura and Pandava themselves point to an Aryan origin.

Mr. McCrindle, “the latest translator and author of the

Periplus Maris Erythret,”: speaking of Madura (also called

Mathura), says :—

The city to this day retains its ancient name, and thus bears, so to

speak, living testimony of the fact that the Aryans of Northern India

had in early times under Pandiyan leaders established their power in

the southernmost parts of the Peninsula.

The names indeed are highly suggestive, but not in the

direction that Mr. Nell thinks they point. For the Pandavas,

called also Pandus and Pandiyans, were one of the two most

ancient of Aryan families in North India, the other being the

264 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VOL. XII.

Kurus—the contest between whom forms the central story

of the Mahabharata; upon the authority of which we also

have the invasion of the Deccan by the Pandiyans.

Madura is clearly named after the sacred city of “the lunar

race,’ Mathura on the Jumna, the birthplace of their hero-

god, Krishna. According to the Sthala Purana, a Madura

work of great authenticity, the city was founded by Kula-

sékara, who has been clearly identified with Sinhabahu, the

erandfather of Buddha. Working upon purely Dravidian

sources, Mr. R. Sewell traces the pedigree of Vijaya’s Pandi-

yan queen, who is thereby seen to have been the daughter of

Amitodana, the uncle of Buddha and the sister of the Sakya

Pandu, whose daughter Bhaddakacchana was married to

Vijaya’s nephew and successor Pénduvasadéva.

Mr. Nell says that to suppose the Pandiyans to have been

non-Dravidian, ‘“‘we shall have to sweep away all the

traditions, inscriptions, and chronicles of the Tamil race.”

It is unfortunate that he has not mentioned even one of these

traditions, &c., which would so strongly corroborate his

theory of the Dravidian origin of the Pandavas.

Hitherto it had been supposed that all the traditions and

historical records of Southern India insisted that the great

dynasties of the Deccan (the Madura, Chola, Kerala, &c.) were

sprung from the “solar” and “lunar” races, which were the

distinguishing denominations of the two great Aryan

families of Delhi and Ayodya (Oude), respectively.

The only fact which at first appears to militate against

our contention is that the Pandiyans of Madura country area

Tamil-speaking race. Mr. Nell himself supplies us with the

answer to this, when he mentions that the Brahmans (by

whom he means Aryans) did not conquer South India as

they did Northern India, but came in peaceably. In the

north, the Aryans, whose invincible powers were then yet

unknown, met with a stubborn resistance from the abori-

gines, and this necessitated their adopting a policy of

extermination. The natives were either decimated in battle,

or driven out, and in the north the occupation of the Aryans

became wholesale. A perfect Aryan kingdom with an

Aryan people was established, and therefore there the Aryan

language prevailed. Butin the south the necessity to entirely

supplant the people did not arise. The awful reputation

which the Aryans had gained in the north caused the gates

of the southern cities to be opened at the first summons,

and the Aryan leaders did not think it necessary to resort

to the expensive policy of extermination which they had

been obliged to adopt in the north, but were merely content

with securing with the highest estates of society, and the

people were allowed to serve themas plebeian subjects without

No. 43.—1892.] ETHNOLOGY OF CEYLON. 265

molestation. Thus, while the royalty and nobility were

Aryans, the people were Dravidian, and the language of the

people came inevitably to be adopted by the ruling class also.

The Pandiyan royalty and aristocracy thus were Aryan,

though they subsequently adopted the Tamil speech.

Itis asignificant circumstance that the Mahawansa, which

records every Tamil invasion, never speaks of the Pandiyans

as Damilos. On the other hand, whenever a marriage with

the Pandiyans is recorded, it is stated that it is done in

order to prolong and establish the purity of the race. Of

King Vijaya Bahu I. it is recorded that he married first

Lilavati, ‘having satisfied himself of the purity of her race,”

and having no son by her, he made a princess of Kalinga,

his Queen, “being desirous to prolong and establish his

race.” ‘And the king, who prided himself in his race,”

(Mahawansa, chap. LIX., 40) “sent forth and brought hither

a prince of Pandu, born of a pure race, and bestowed

on him his younger sister, the Princess Mitta.” Thus all

throughout the Pandiyansare spoken of ,as a race, intermar-

riage with whom only confirmed the Aryan purity of the

Sinhalese. (

It remains to consider what the history of the people was

in subsequent times, when the country was overrun by

innumerable, heterogeneous tribes. The existence and strict

observance of the rule by which Sinhalese and Tamils of

respectable castes do not intermarry is a living proof of how

strictly purity of race has been preserved through all the

vicissitudes of the Sinhalese history. The Mahawansa and

all histories, while speaking of the existence side by side of

various tribes, whose name is legion, always scrupulously

distinguish the Sinhalese from them, and no amalgamation

of people is anywhere recorded.

In conclusion I will mention one authenticated fact in our

history, which is alone sufficient to prove that at a very

modern period the Sinhalese people enjoyed a high reputation

for the purity of its race among the Aryans of India. I refer

to the intermarriage of the Sinhalese with the Rajputs of

Mewar in the fourteenth century. After South India was

converted to Hinduism, and the Aryaand the Dravida joined

hands in fellowship and association, an amalgamation of races

and castes seems to have speedily taken place, leading to an

enormous multiplication of castes by reason of various

“combinations.” But all through the Rajputs of Rajasthan,

the proud descendants of the son of Rama, the son of the

sun, preserved their purity and their caste by religiously

avoiding mixed marriages. On this account they were

indisputably given pre-eminence among the Hindu kingdoms

of India. In the fourteenth century they had long ceased

64—92 I

266 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XII.

to have connections with almost all neighbouring tribes.

And about the year 1300 A.D., Bheemsi, their king, finding

no consort in India suited for his high descent, comes to

Ceylon and espouses Princess Padmani, or Padmavati, the

daughter of Vijaya Bahu (?), who takes with her to Rajaputana

a large retinue of Sinhalese ladies and gentlemen, who con-

tract marriages among the pure Rajputs. The grand story

of the heroism of this Sinhalese princess, and the bravery of

her uncle and nephew, Sinhalese princes—Gorah and Badul—

is recorded in the annals of Mewar, and will repay perusal

to all lovers of the beautiful, the good, and the brave. I

mention the fact only as a proof, that so late as the

fourteenth century the Sinhalese ,had the reputation of

having preserved the purity of their Aryan descent.

5. Mr. W. P. RANASINHA said :—The conclusion which

Mr. Nell wishes us to draw from his arguments is opposed

to the traditions, chronicles, and inscriptions of the Sinhalese.

Mr. Nell is struck with the so-called similarity of the

Malayalam with the Sinhalese characters, the relation of the

costume of the Kandyan women to that of the Tamil or

Indian women, the affinity of the Telugu, Canarese, and

Malayalam characters to the Sinhalese, the physical resem-

blances of the Sinhalese to the Dravidian races of South

India, and infers that the Sinhalese are of Dravidian origin.

Having set up a theory founded on a superficial observa-

tion, he labours hard to give it agood foundation. Mr. Nell

thinks, that just about the time that Buddha died the whole

population of Magadha should have been Buddhists, and

concludes that Vijaya and his followers did not come to

Ceylon from Behar, because some two hundred and thirty

years after his arrival the resident Sinhalese had to be

converted to Buddhism. Speaking of the reign of Parakrama,

he says it is impossible to consider the sovereignty of a son

of a king of Pandu, who came from a part of India quite as

distant as the territory of the Cholians, without concluding

that there were Tamil settlements, however small, in the

Ruhuna territory. What is Mr. Nell’s authority for saying

that. Parakrama was the son of a Pandiyan king? He

evidently is misled by the words in the Mahawansa, where

Parakrama is said to be a son of Pandu. This Pandu was

not a king of Madura, but was the son of Vikrama Pandu,

who reigned in Ceylon in 1053 A.D.

The writer is also mistaken in saying that the Natu

Kottaya Chetties and others of the tribe of Shanars worship

Ravana at Kataragama. The worship paid at Kataragama

is not to Ravana but to Kartikeya, the warrior-god of

the Aryas, the Kataragama Deviyo of the Sinhalese. At

No. 43.—1892.] ETHNOLOGY OF CEYLON. 267

Anuradhapura Mr. Nell found the colossal figure of Buddha

invested with the sacred thread like a Brahman. This

turns out to be the hem of the robe.

Coming to the period when the king of Vanga married

the daughter of the king of Kalinga, Mr. Nell concludes

‘“‘that the issue of that marriage was a Telangu princess.”

And he continues, “ what is the conclusion we must draw

from the marriage of Vijayaand his seven hundred followers

with the ladies from Madura, but that their descendents were

semi-Tamils? And the officers of state, the servants, and

artisans, who are mentioned as immigrants to Ceylon from

Madura, are likely to have come with their families, thus

leaving ‘purely Tamil descendants.

“The place where Vijaya had been sent adrift with seven

hundred followers must have been on the sea coast, and at

a not very great distance from Ceylon. And even if we do

not assign to Vijaya and his followers a Dravidian birth,

which is probable from his getting the daughter of the

Pandava of Madura, he and his fellow-settlers must certainly

be held to have left Tamil descendants. To avoid this

conclusion, we must either reject the whole story as a myth,

or assume that the Pandava was not a Dravidian, an impos-

sible assumption, because we shall have first to sweep away

all the traditions, inscriptions, and chronicles of the Tamil

race,” &c.

We do not think it would be right to discard the Sinhalese

traditions, inscriptions, and chronicles, which point to an

Aryan descent, in favour of the Tamil traditions, inscrip-

tions, and chronicles, which, Mr. Nell says, are opposed to

them. ,

The Aryas were an energetic race, who, according to

Max Miiller, inhabited a country supposed to have been as

far east as the western slopes of the Belurtag and Mustag,

near the sources of the Oxus and Jaxartes. Some of them

migrated to EKurope, some to Persia, and some to India.

Their language is supposed to have been Sanskrit. They had

areligion of theirown. They knew certain arts and sciences,

and brought with them asystem of astronomy, astrology,

and jurisprudence, and the art of medicine, which were

developed to a great extent after they had settled down in

India. With their religion they introduced a system of caste.

According to Amarakosha, the Sanskrit vocabulary by

Amarasigha, the division was as follows :—l, Brahmana, or

the priestly class ; 2, Kshatrya, the military class; 3, Vaisya

and Sudras; the rest were all Mlecchas or babarians to the

Aryas. Even the Drdviras, before they became converts

to the Vaidic religion of the Ary as, were called Mlecchas.

The Vaisyas were divided into three classes : the Bhu-vaisya,

268 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XII.

the cultivators ; Go-vaisya, the cattle keepers; and Vanig-

vaisya, merchants. The Sudras were the artisans, who were

divided into many classes, according to the kind of work in

which each was engaged.

According to the Abhidhanap-padipika, a Pali vocabulary,

the Kshatrya took precedence. This is the caste system

which obtains in India as well as in Ceylon up to this date,

in spite of the teachings of Buddha, who preached

against it. This caste system, as well as the systems of

medicine, astronomy, astrology, laws and customs, and

most other things, were adopted by the other inhabitants of

India who were non-Aryas, except perhaps the hill tribes and

a few others who did not accept the civilisation which was

thus introduced into India by the Aryas. The religious

system which now prevails amongst the Dravidas is this

Vaidic religion preached to them by the Aryan Brahmans.

In Ceylon, the same gods are venerated by the Sinhalese

Buddhists.

The mistake committed by Mr. Nell is in supposing that

these are Dravidian institutious instead of Aryan. Hence

he was surprised to find that Parakrama Bahu, when he

attained his age, was invested with the sacred thread by

Brahmans of his father’s court. Says Dr. Caldwell :—

The Brahmans, by whom the Ayran civilisation was grafted on the

ruder Dravidian stock, laboured assiduously to extirpate the old

Dravidian religion, and to establish their own in its room ; and they

are generally supposed to have succeeded in accomplishing this

object.

Again, at page 519, he says :—

The system which prevails in the forests and mountain fastnesses

throughout the Dravidian territories, and also in the extreme south of

the penisular, amongst the low caste tribes, and which appears to have

been still more widely prevalent at an early period, is a system of

demonolatory, or the worship of evil spirits, by means of bloody

sacrifices and frantic dances. The system was introduced within the

historical period from the Tamil country into Ceylon, where it is now

mixed up with Buddhism.

These matters should be borne in mind in all questions

touching the ethnology of India and Ceylon.

The system of caste and race distinctions having once

taken hold of the mind of the people proved too strong even

to the preachers of Buddhism to undo. To this I attribute

the reason why races and castes remain unmixed up to this

day both in India and Ceylon.

Now it is said in the Mahawansa that the king of Vanga, an

Aryan prince, married the daughter of the king of Kalinga.

No. 43.—1892.] ETHNOLOGY OF CEYLON. 269.

This marriage was not possible if the king of Kalinga was

not of the same race as the king of Vanga. In the Vishnu

Purdna (book IV., chapter X XIIL., p. 444) it is said that Bali’s

wife, by Dirghatamas, had five sons, Anga, Banga, Kalinga,

Sahona, and Pundra; and their dissed amis and the five

countries they inhabited were known by the same names.

This ,shows that Kalinga as well as Vanga was colonised

by an Aryan race. And also, by the way, that polyandry

was not unknown tothe ancient Aryas. According to the

Mahawansa Vijaya arrived in Ceylon in the year 543 B.c.

This is disputed by some modern writers, but it is not

necessary to enter into that question now. He need not

have been necessarily a Buddhist. His religion may have

been Vaidic, or, as it is now erroneously termed, Hinduism.

He and his followers worshipped the gods of the Aryas as

taught in the Vedas. ‘The Brahmans were purohitas, even

of the later kings of Ceylon who professed Buddhism, but

at the same time worshipped the Aryan gods, as the Sinhalese

do now.

Vijaya lived with Kuveni, a native of Lanka, purely, I

believe, for political reasons, till she gave birth to two

children, Jivahatha and Disala. Vijaya’s followers requested

him to assume the office of king, but he, on account of his

not having a queen consort of equal rank to himself, was

indifferent at the time to his inauguration. The chiefs

being desirous of the installation of the prince, sent to

southern Madura a deputation with gems and other presents.

They obtained an audience of king Pandava, and delivering

their presents,announced their mission. “The son of Sinha-

bahu named Vijaya, has conquered Lanka, to admit of his

installation bestow thy daughter on us.” King Pandava

having consulted his ministers, decided that he should send

his own daughter to Vijaya, and for the retinue of that king

no less than seven hundred daughters of his nobility, with

eighteen officers of State, together with seventy-five menial

servants. Pandava despatched these maidens, bestowing

presents on them.

It would indeed be as strange for an Aryan prince and

the ministers of an Aryan race to solicit in marriage a

princess of the Dravidian race, as for the powerful king of

Madura, if he were a Dravidian, to send his daughter to be

wedded to an adventurer of another race, in a country reputed

to be inhabited by Yakko, or cannibals. Careful research

will show that the southern extremity of the peninsula of

India was at this time colonised by the Aryas, the same

enterprising race to which Vijaya belonged.

' M. Kunte, B.A., in his “Vicissitudes of Aryan Civilisation

in India,” writes as follows :—

270 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). ‘[ Vou. XIT.

The same difficulties the ancient Ayras had to encounter in India.

A settlement of the name of Chola was made. The south, into which

Rama had made an expedition, and in one or two parts of which

colonies had been established, was not totally neglected.—Page 377.

The kingdom of Pandyas, or the whites, flourished, exercising a

general civilising influence on the Turanians, imbuing their minds with

Aryan feelings and thoughts, and enlarging the forces of their

observation and knowledge by directing attention to the Aryas in the

north. The fertile and romantic banks of the Godaviri, the K4veri,

and the Tambraparni proved too tempting not to attract numbers of

Aryan settlers.

Again, at page 382, he writes :—

Aryan settlements in the south of India had also developed into

flourishing kingdoms. The settlements of Chola, Pandya, and Kerala

grew in prosperity and power.

His authority for these statements is, I find to be, the

Mahabhasya of Patanjali.

Dr. Caldwell, in the introduction to his “Comparative

Grammar of the Dravidian Languages,” page 81, says :—

The immigration into Ceylon of Aryans from Magadha probably

took place about 550 B.c., or at least some time in the course of that

century ; and I think we may safely agree that the Aryas, or the

Sanskrit-speaking inhabitants of Northern India, must have become

acquainted with and formed establishments in the Dekkan and

Coromandel coast ; and must have taken steps towards clearing the

Dandakaranya, or primitive forest of the peninsula, before they thought

of founding a colony in Ceylon.

This conjecture of Dr. Caldwell appears to have been

made without an acquaintance with the Vishnu Purana,

which is clear on this point. King Dasaratha had four sons,

Rama, Laksmana, Bharata, and Satrughna. We know that

Rama and Laksmana conquered Lanka. Of Bharata and

Satrughna the Vishnu Purana says (book IV., chapter IX.,

p. 385), Bharata made himself master of the country of

Gandharbas, after destroying vast numbers of them, and

Satrughna, having killed the Rakshasa chief Lavana, the

son of Madhu, took possession of his capital Mathura.

In note A, Mr. Nell remarks “that Dr. Caldwell says the

name Pandya is written in Tamil, Pandiya, but the complete

Tamilised form is Pandi.” The entire passage, as I find

in Mudaliyar Wijesinha’s translation of Mahawansa, is as

follows :—

The Sanskrit name, Panda, is written in Tamil, Pandiya, but the

more complete Tamilised form Pandi is still more commonly used all

over Southern India. I derive Pandiya, not from the Tamil and ~

Malayalam Pandu, “ancient,” though that is a very tempting deriva-

tion, but from the Sanskrit Pandu, the name of the father of the five

No. 43.—1892.] ETHNOLOGY OF CEYLON. 271

Pandava brothers. This very form, Pandiya, in the sense of a

descendant of Pandu, is mentioned, as I am informed by Professor

Max Miller, by Katiyayawa, the immediate successor of Panini.

“‘ History of Tinnevelly,” chapter I., page 12.

If the ladies that came from Madura were Dravidian, and if

Vijaya and his followers spoke Telangu, as Mr. Nell supposes,

the language which descended to their posterity should have

been Tamil or Telangu. But Mr. Nell himself concedes that

the Sinhalese language is a distinctive one, and that competent

authorities have classified it among the non-Dravidian. But

competent authorities, such as the Hon. James de Alwis,

Max Miller, and others, who have made a study of the langu-

age, not only called it non-Dravidian, but have distinctly

pronounced the language to be Aryan.

On reading Mr. Beames’s “ Comparative Grammar of the

Aryan Vernaculars of India” (viz., Sindhi, Hindi, Gujarati,

Bangali, Oria, Marati, and Panjabi), I was struck with the

similarity of Sinhalese to these Aryan vernaculars, and the

applicability of their rules to the Sinhalese language, and I

was induced to write a Paper on the “subject in the Journal

of this Society in the year 1882, which was published in

volume VII., No. 25. The late Professor R. C. Childers, the

learned compiler of the Pali Dictionary, also wrote a paper on

the proofs of the Sanskritic origin of Sinhalese, and it was

published by the Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and

Ireland in the vear 1875. I have read Dr. Caldwell’s

‘Comparative Grammar of the Dravidian Languages,” but

the rules that apply to those languages I find do not apply to

the Sinhalese language.

The strongest argument that is adduced by those who

allege that Sinhalese is a Dravidian dialect, isthe want of the

relative construction in the Sinhalese language as in Sanskrit ;

that is to say, in other words, that Sinhalese is not Sanskrit.

Nobody says that Sinhalese is Sanskrit: what we say and

what we can prove is that Sinhalese is a sister-language to

the Aryan vernaculars of India, a corrupt and modified

Prakrit ; Prakrit being the parent of all these vernaculars,

which was the language of the Aryans, after Sanskrit became

a book language.

The cumbrous diction of the Sanskrit writers and un-

pronounceable words of that language have been modified in

the modern Aryan vernaculars, and this is not to be wondered

at when we consider that it took many centuries before

these vernaculars became what they areat the present day.

Two hundred and thirty-seven years after the landing of

Vijaya and his followers, Mahindu, the son of king Asoka,

came to Ceylon, and wrote the Atthakathas, or commentaries

to the Buddhist scriptures. If the language ‘of the inhabitants

272 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIT.

of Ceylon was Telangu or Tamil, he should have written

them in one of those languages. But they were written in

Sinhalese.

The rock inscriptions of Ceylon should not be forgotten in an

inquiry of this kind ; some of them, according to Dr. HE. Miiller,

are of the first century B.c. The characters are the old

Nagari or Lat, and the language is a kind of Prakritallied to

Pali. Now there can be no doubt that these inscriptions were

intended to be read and understood by the people, and

hence, too, it might fairly be concluded that the people who

inhabited the country were an Aryan race; and it is curious

to find how the language and characters of these inscriptions

gradually changed as time passed on, and how in the inscrip-

tions between the fifth and ninth centuries the language

becomes somewhat intelligible to the scholars of the present

day,and the charactersto some extent assume the present forms

of the Sinhalese alphabet. Even then the ordinary scholar,

who is not acquainted with the old Lat characters, is not

able to read them, owing to the occurrence of these latter

characters in them.

I have to refer to plate No. 121 A, of ‘‘ Ancient Inscriptions

in Ceylon,’ by Dr. Miller. These inscriptions when

carefully examined will show that the Sinhalese characters

of the present day were gradually evolved from the old

Nagari or Lat characters, and not borrowed from Malayalam,

Canarese, or Telangu, the similarity between these latter

and the Sinhalese characters being that they areround. Tothe

iron style and the ola in which the Sinhalese write their books

is greatly due the present form of the Sinhalese characters.

Before concluding this Paper I beg to draw your

attention to another passage in Mr, Childers’ contribution

referred to, about the word Klu, which was said by Mr.

Tissanayagam to be derived from the Tamil Zlam. It

is opposed to the rules of philology to derive one word from

another, merely because the sound is similar. The deriva-

tion must be accounted for step by step by the well-known

laws called phonetic rules. “ Strange as it may appear,” says

Mr. Childers, “the word #/u is no other than Sinhalese

much corrupted, It stands for an older form Hela or

Helu, which occurs in some ancient works, and this again

for a still older Sela, which brings us back to the Pali

form Sthala. For the loss of the medial syllable he com-

pare the Sinhalese dola, representing the Pali dohala and

Sanskrit douhrida, and for the loss of the initial s compare

ira = surya and ura = sukara.” I may add that as to the

change of 7 into e, compare Sinhalese velep for the Sanskrit

vitapa, “tuft” or “top branch”; Sinhalese vehera for

the Sanskrit vzhare, a building in which Buddha’s image is

No. 43.—1892.] ETHNOLOGY OF CEYLON. 273

kept. As to the change of s into A, and then the entire

elision of it, leaving only the vowel, compare the Sanskrit

suci, “needle,” with the old Sinhalese hzdiz, and the modern

Sinhalese 7d? in idikatuwa: we then have Sinhala in

Sanskrit, Sihala in Pali or Prakrit. Long vowels are

shortened in Sinhalese, and we next get the word Sihala

with a short 7, as in the Subbasita cof Alagiyawanna. The

h was after a time not articulated, and the word was pro-

nounced Svala, from which by changing the sz into hi we get

Hiala, This could not have lasted long owing to the hiatus,

and the two vowels having coalesced it became Hela, and that

which belongs to Hela is Helu. We read inthe Kavyasekhara

of Sri Rahula Sthavira, of Totagamuwa :—

Utum me Bisésand

Helu basini nisi padabenda

Kiyanuwa banak sonda

Kalen 4radana mahanada

Because this noble princess made a pleasing request (to me) to

repeat a good bana in suitable verses in the Helwu language.

By the elision of the aspirate h we next get the word

Hilu, and this is applied to Sinhalese generally, and not

necessarily to the pure Sinhalese of the poets. For we find

in the preface to an old translation into Sinhalese of the

Ummagga Jataka—a work read, and, with the exception of

some words, understood by the Sinhalese generally—the

following :—

Budun desana karanalada madhuravu Dharmmaya Budun vadale

Magadha bhashawan vedeyi me nam Eluven vedeyianadara nosita * * *

gaurawayen sitahela isiya yutu.

Buddha preached his sweet Dharma in Magadha language, that

is in Elu. Despise it not on that account, but listen to it with

respectful attention.

This is an apology for writing a bana book in Sinhalese.

So Hlu, Helu, Sihala, and Sinhala are one and the same.

As tothe physical appearance of the Sinhalese, this is what

Professor Virchow says :—

Ali descriptions, and history confirmed by the Ramayana, as weil as

the Wijayan legend, show that there can be no doubt that the Sinhalese

face is an importation from the Aryan Province of the Indian Con-

tinent, while directly to the contrary, all observers ascribe to the

Vedda face a foreign, and very frequently a Dravidian type.

6. Mr. SENATHI RAJa strongly supported Mr. Nell’s views.

He said most of them were in the habit of taking their views

64—92 K

274 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XII.

at second hand, and Mr. Nell’s was a new departure in that

respect. It was a bold attempt to break through the tyranny

of blind faith and to make them judge for themselves as to

whether certain theories hitherto taken for unquestionable

articles of faith by them were actually founded on facts

or were only hasty conclusions founded on insufficient

data.

There could be no doubt that the Sinhalese were a com-

posite race, and that the Aryan was but a very inconsiderable

portion, if any at all. The alphabetic system, a great many

grammatical forms, and a whole vocabulary of words, were

connected with the Sanskrit, Pali, &c. But that was easily

accounted for. Buddhism had been the chief religion of the

country for many centuries, and most of the Buddhist books

were in Pali. Thus the Sinhalese language had become

modelled on the Aryan method, and the Sinhalese mode of

thought on the Pali and Sanskrit. They knew how many

English words and phrases had become almost household

words even in the short time the Island had been under

English rule, and even such familiar names as those of the

months had, even among the ignorant, largely given way to

the English names. Therefore it was not a conclusive proof

of the descent of the Sinhalese from the ancient Aryans

that there should be grammatical forms and words allied

to Sanskrit and Pali. He submitted, therefore, that the

linguistic test alone was a very fallacious one.

But the Aryan origin was totally disproved by the whole

tradition, history, laws, and customs which distinguish one

race from another. Even admitting that Vijaya’s followers

were Aryans, at least half the blood in the Sinhalese must

be Dravidian, to say nothing about the Tamil conquests and

the influx of Tamil coolies. The Aryan caste distinctions

were not those which obtained in Ceylon, where they were

tribal, similar to those of the Tamils. The existence of

polyandry also showed them notto be Aryan.

The land tenure words were either borrowed from the

Tamils, in which event the Tamils were the civilisers of

the Sinhalese, or else the Sinhalese had them in common

with the Tamils, Telagus, and Kanarese, which would

show their language to be Dravidian. The formation of

their sentences was also Dravidian. One could change a

whole language by conquest, or by a new religion, bringing

in new literature, &c.; but it was impossibie to change the

method upon which a man thought.

7. Mr. BARBER aes ee had heard a great deal that night

about history and philology, but very little about ethnology,

and he would theréfore ask permission to Be a pew

No. 43.—1892.] ETHNOLOGY OF CEYLON. 275

paragraphs bearing on the subject from a work by Professor

Huxley of so late a date as 1890.*

8. Mr. D. C. PEDRIS also offered some remarks criticising

Mr. Nell’s Paper.

9. Dr. VANDORT, on behalf of Mr. Nell, offered an expla-

nation with regard to Mr. Nell’s quotation from Dr. Caldwell

identifying Ilavers and Tiers as Sinhalese islanders, which

had been questioned by Mr. Corea at the previous Meeting,

Dr. Vandort waived his right of reply owing to the lateness

of the hour.

10. His LORDSHIP THE BISHOP declared the discussion

closed.

11. A vote of thanks to the Chair concluded the pro-

ceedings.

* The extract points out the uselessness of placing too great reliance

upon philology, and dealing with the ethnology of the Aryans, apparently

assigns them an European rather than an Asian habitat, and regards the

blondes of North-Western Europe as the purest type of Aryan.

PRINTED AT

THE GOVERNMENT PRINTING WORKS,

COLOMBO, CEYLON.

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Royal Asiatic Society CGevlon Aranch).

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