JOURNAL

OF THE

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY.

CEYLON BRANCH.

COUNCIL MEETING.

Colombo Museum, February 5, 1906.

Present :

The Hon. Mr. J. Ferguson, C.M.G., President, in the Chair.

Mr. P. Fretidenberg, Vice-President.

Mr. R. G. Anthonisz. | Mr. C,. Drieberg, B.A., F.H.A.S.

Dr. W. H. de Silva, F.R.C.S. Mr.C, M, Fernando, M.A., LL.M.

Mr. J. Harward, M.A., and Mr. G. A. Joseph, Honorary Secretaries.

| Business.

1. Read and confirmed Minutes of Council Meeting held on

November 14, 1905.

2. The following candidates were elected Members of the Society :—

(1) H. W. Codrington, B.A., C.C.S.: § J. Harward.

recommended by G. A. Joseph.

(2) P. D. Warren, Surveyor-General : § J. Ferguson.

recommended by R. H. Ferguson.

3. Read and passed the draft Annual Report for 1905.

4. laid on the table a Paper entitled “Some Survivals in Kandyan

Art,” by Mr. A. K. Coomaraswamy, B.Sc.

Resolved,— That the Paper be referred to Messrs. J. P. Lewis and

J. Harward for their opinions.

5. Laid on the table a Paper entitled ‘“‘ Udapola Sannasa, with

translation and notes,’ by Mr. T. B. Pohath.

Resolved,—That the Paper be referred to Messrs. H. C. P. Bell and

i _ C.M. Fernando for their opinions.

B 43-06

2 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

6. Laid on the table a letter from the Honorary Secretary, Pettah

Library, asking for a set of the Society’s publications.

Resolved,—That a reply be sent that the Society’s publications hae

not been supplied free to Libraries, and that the publications can be

consulted by any Member of the Pettah Library at the Colombo

Museum.

7. Laid on the table a letter from Messrs. A. M. and J. Foreosen

pointing out the necessity of reprinting No. 31 of the Journal.

Resolved,—That the matter be left in the hands of the Secretaries

and ‘Treasurer.

8. Considered the nomination of Office-Bearers for 1906.

Under Rule 16 the Hon. Mr. 8. C. Obeyesekere and Mr. H. White

retire by seniority, and Mr. P. Ramanathan and Dr. J.C. Willis by

reason of least attendance. Two of these Members are eligible for

re-election. Mr. H. F. Tomalin resigned his seat on the Council

owing to transfer from Colombo.

Resolved,—That the Hon. Mr. S. C. Obeyesekere and Dr. J. C.

Willis be re-elected ; that Messrs. H. White and P. Ramanathan be

deemed to have retired : and that the vacancies in the Council be

filled by the election of Messrs. P. Arunachalam, A. K. Coomaraswaémy,

and Hon. Mr. H. L. Crawford. Resolved further, —That Dr. Willey,

D.Sc., F.R.S., be nominated a Vice-President of the Society, and his

place | in the Council be filled by S. de Silva, Gate Mudaliyar, Chief

Translator to Government.

9. Resolved,—That the Annual General Meeting be held in March;

that the date be left in the hands of the Honorary Secretaries ; that His —

Excellency the Governor be requested to preside at the Meeting ; and

that the business be the reading of the Annual Report, election of

Office-Bearers, and the delivery of an Address by the President.

10. Resolved,—That Mr. J. A. Henderson be asked to audit the

Society's accounts for 1905.

11. Resolved,—That the President’s Paper entitled “The Begin-

ning, Rise, and Progress of the Cultivation of the Coconut Palm in }

Ceylon (No. 1: from earliest timesup to 1660 A.D. or about the end |

of the Portuguese Occupation of the Maritime Province),” be accepted, |

and read at the Annual General Meeting.

;

No. 57.—1906. ] PROCEEDINGS. a

ANNUAL GENERAL MERTING.

Colombo Museum, March 16, 1906.

Present :

His Excellency Sir Henry A. Blake, G.C.M.G., Patron, in —

3 the Chair.

The Hon. Mr. J. Ferguson, C.M.G., President. —

Mr. R. G. Anthonisz. Mr. J. C. Hall.

Mr. T. P. Attygalle, J.P. Dr. C. A. Héwavitarana.

A. J. Chalmers, M.D., F.R.C.S. Mr. D. B. Jayatilaka, B.A.

Mr. Peter de Abrew. Sir W. W. Mitchell, Kt.,

Mr. F. J. de Mel, M.A., LL.B. C.M.G.

Mr. W. A. de Silva, J.P. Hon. Mr. 8. C. Obeyesekere.

Dr. W. H. de Silva, F.R.C.S. Mr. E. W. Perera, Advocate.

Mr. S. de Silva, Gate Mudaliyaér. | V. R. Saravanamuttu, M.D.

Mr. C. M. Fernando, M.A., LL.M. | Mr. P. D. Warren, F.R.G.S.

Mr. C. J. M. Gordon, M.A. Mr. G. E. 8S. S. Weerakoon,

Mr. A. M. Gunasékera, Muda- Mudaliyar.

hiyar. A. Willey, M.A., D.Sc., F.R.S.

Mr. I. Gunawardena, Mudaliyar.

Mr. R. H. Ferguson, B.A., Honorary Treasurer.

Mr. J. Harward, M.A., and Mr. G. A. Joseph,

Honorary Secretaries.

Visitors : Fourteen ladies and twenty-seven gentlemen.

Business.

1. Read and confirmed Minutes of last General Meeting held

on. December 13, 1905.

2. The Honorary Secretary announced the election of the

following Members since the last General Meeting :—Mr. H. W.

Codrington, B.A., C.C.S., and Mr. P. D. Warren, F.R.G.S.

3. Dr. A. Witutey, F.R.S., Director of the Colombo Museum,

exhibited certain specimens of birds peculiar to Ceylon, which

were mounted in groups of pairs in artistic fashion. They com-

prised the Red-faced Mal-koha, Ceylon Blackbird (Merula Kin-

nisi), Spotted Thrush, Ceylon Magpie (Cissa Ornata), wrongly

B 2

4 JOURNAL, R.-A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

called the Jay, Ceylonese Scimitar Babbler, and Ceylon Myna,

which are most remarkable and interesting as regards their habits

and environment.

He said the former President of the Society, Sir Everard im

Thurn, had expressed a wish that objects of natural history

should be brought to the notice of the Society on such occasions

as the present. With the exception of the Nuwara Eliya Black-

bird, all the birds shown belonged to what was known as the

lower montane zone or lower forest region of Ceylon, to which

they were restricted. ‘The most remarkable species on the table

was the Red-faced Mal-koha, represented by a couple of birds

in full plumage.

4. Mr. HARWARD read the—

ANNUAL REPORT FOR. 1905.

The Council of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society

has the honour to submit the following Report for the year 1905 :—

MEETINGS AND PAPERS.

Four General Meetings of this Society have been held during

the year, at which the following papers wereread and discussed :—

(1) ‘‘ Portuguese Inscriptions in Ceylon,” by Mr. J. P. Lewis,

M.A., C.C.S.

(2) *‘ Raja Sinha I.,” by Mr. W. F. Gunawardhana, Mudaliyar.

(3) ‘““Two Old Sinhalese Swords,’ by Mr. C. M. Fernando,

M.A., LL.M.

(4) ‘“*‘ Notes on the Variations of the Copper Massas of Six

Sinhalese Rulers,” by Mr. John Still.

(5) ‘‘ Notes on a Dutch Medal,” by Mr. F. H. de Vos. |

(6) ‘‘ Noteson Paddy Cultivation Ceremonies in the Ratna- |

pura District,” by Mr. A. K. Coomaraswamy, B.Sc.

(7) “The Photography of Colour as applied to obtaining |

correct Colour Records of Natural History Subjects,’ |

with lantern illustrations, by Mr. W. Saville-Kent,

F.L.S., F.Z.S., &c.

MEMBERS.

During the past year twelve new Members were elected, viz.,

Dr. D. Rockwood, Sir J. Keane, Bart., Dr. C. A. Héwavitarana.,,

M.B., Messrs. P. E.S. Dharmasekera, A. W. Wijesinha, H. Storey,

R. S. Churchill, J.C. Hall, A. B. W. Jayasekera, D.S. B. Kuruppu-

Jayawardena, Pandit D. M. S. Sri Wijaya Kavi Raja, and Mr.

W.S. de Silva.

The following Members have resigned :—Mr. W. E. Byles,

Rev. S. Langden, Messrs. T. North Christie, A. van der Poorten

and A. E. Wackrill.

No. 57.—1906.] ANNUAL REPORT. D

The Society has now on its roll 203 Members. Of these 27 are

Life Members and 10 Honorary Members.

The Council desires to record its regret at the death of Mr.

R. W. Ievers, M.A., C.M.G., C.C.S., who joined the Society

in 1879. He contributed the following papers to the Society’s

Journal :—

(1) “‘Customs and Ceremonies connected with Paddy Culti-

vation,’’ Vol. VI., No. 21, 1880.

(2) “ Beligala,” Vol. VIII., No. 29, 1884.

(3) “The Custom of Polyandry in Ceylon,” Vol. XVI.,

No. 50, 1899.

LIBRARY.

The additions to the Library, including parts of periodicals,

numbered 303.

The Library is indebted for donations to the following :—

Revista da Commissto Archeologica da India Portugueza, Nova

Goa; the Government of India; the Archeological Survey of

India ; the Geelong Field Naturalist’s Club ; Cuerpo de Ingenieros

de Minas; Mr. L. Jones; the Literary and Philosophical

Society of Liverpool; Mr. V. Kanakasabhai; Professor C.

Duroiselle ; Professor W. Geiger ; Mr. P. D. Khan; the Hon. the

Colonial Secretary, Ceylon; the University of Colorado; the

Library of the India Office; the Government of the United

Provinces of Agra and Oudh ; the Director of Public Instruction.

Ceylon ; the Secretary, Planters’ Association, Ceylon; Mr. A.

Anavaratna ; the Archeological Survey of Punjaub and United

Provinces ; Pundit N. B. Charya; Postmaster-General, Ceylon ;

the Archeological Survey of Madras and Coorg; the Siam

Society ; the Archzological Survey of Burma; the Oberlin

College Library, Ohio ; Pundit D. M. Silva; Dr. D. G. Dalgado ;

the Secretary to the Government of India (Home Department) ;

Mr. R. G. Anthonisz ; Mr. A. M. Gunasékera, Mudaliyar.

_ For valuable exchanges received during the year the Society

is indebted to the following :—

The Geological Survey of Canada ; Commissie in Nederlandsch-

Indie voor ondheidkundigbuderzoek of Java en Madoera; the

American Oriental Society ; Royal Asiatic Society of Great

Britain and Ireland ; the Anthropological Society of Bombay ;

K. K. Naturhistorischen Hopmuseums, Austria; the Smith-

sonian Institute ; United States Geological Survey ; the Academy

of Natural Sciences, Philadelphia ; Deutschen Morgenlandischen

Gesellschaft, Leipzig ; Bijdrajen-tot-de Taal-Land en Volken-

kunde van Nederlandsch-Indie, The Hague; Tijdschrift voor

Indische Taal-Land en Volkenkunde, Batavia; Straits Branch

of the Royal Asiatic Society ; the Royal Society of Victoria ;

the Geological Society of London; La Societe Imperiale des

Naturalistes de Moscow, Russia; lowa Geological Survey ;

Societe Zoologique de France ; the Anthropological Institute of

Great Britam and Ireland; Pali Text Society of London ;

6 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.,

China Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society ; Asiatic Society of

Japan; Asiatic Society of Bengal; Bombay Branch of the

Royal Asiatic Society ; John Hopkins University, Baltimore,

United States of America; Bureau of American Ethnology ; the

Royal Colonial Institute, London ; the Royal Society of Victoria ;

Musee Guimet, Paris.

ACCOMMODATION.

The Council notes with pleasure that the plans for the Colombo

Museum extension have been finally passed unanimously by the

Museum Committee. It trusts that the additional buildings will

soon be constructed so as to afford much-needed relief for the

congested state of the Library and Museum.

JOURNALS.

One number of the Journal, Vol. XVIII., No. 55, was pub-

lished during the year. It contains, in addition to the Proceedings

of the Council and General Meetings, the following Papers :—

(1) ““A Note on the Paleography of Ceylon,” by Mr. C. M.

Fernando, M.A., LL.M.

(2) “‘ Correspondence between Raja Sinha II. and the Dutch,”

by Mr. Donald Ferguson.

(3) «* Alakéswara: His Life and Times,’’ by Mr. Edward W.

Perera, Advocate.

(4) “Francois Caron and the French East India Company,”

by Mr. F. H. de Vos, Barrister-at-Law.

ARCH ZOLOGY.

Mr. H. C. P. Bell, Archzological Commissioner, has kindly

supplied the following summary of research carried out by the

Archeological Survey during 1905 :—

Archeological Work, 1905.

With a vote temporarily much reduced, and with but half of

the normal labour force available, the Archzeological Survey had,

in 1905, to confine itself almost entirely to “ harking back ”’ to

field work done during the past fifteen years.

Owing to the heavy rains of successive monsoons, the incursion

of herds of cattle, and the prodigality of nature itself, most of the

ruins in the extensive areas excavated at Anuradhapura between

1890 and 1903—and at Polonnaruwa since 1900—had become

washed, silted, and hardly recognizable. The very outlines were

in places obscured, whilst details of mouldings and sculpture

had been greatly hidden by the insidious grasp of ficus and other

overwhelming roots. It was most desirable—indeed essential—

to partially re-dig the majority of the ruins already exhumed, lest

the labour of years should be rendered entirely nugatory.

No. 57.—1906.] ANNUAL REPORT. 7

Anuradhapura.

Accordingly, the work of thoroughly cleaning the stairs,. base-

ments, and floors of the very numerous ruins of Anuradhapura,

formerly excavated, was systematically undertaken.

By the end of the year 200 sites and upwards at Abhayagiriya,

Séla Chaitiya, Ruwanveli, Thiparama, Toluvila, and Puliyan-

kulama had thus been all virtually re-dug.

Polonnaruwa.

Similarly, at Téopawewa the ruins were well cleaned on the

promontory overlooking the tank—in the area on the Minnériya

road marked by the cluster of Hindu Dévalés—and upon the

raised quadrangle near the Citadel containing some of the most

important edifices of Polonnaruwa (‘‘Thiparama, ’’ ‘‘Wata-da-gé,”’

««Satmahal Prasada,’’ &c.).

Towards the close of the season the question of battling with

the formidable growth of trees and vegetation on the two great

dagabas (Kiri Vehera; Rankot Vehera) and the larger ruims

(Jétawandraina, &c.) was seriously faced.

Vegetation had laid a terrible grip on the magnificent ruins,

and for years been surely working their certain, if slow, destruction.

Drastic action was necessary ; for serpentine roots of innumerable

trees had penetrated deep into the masonry and caused yawning

eracks, already lessening greatly their stability. From their

height and conformation these structures cannot safely be scaled

and cleaned during the prevalence of the strong south-west wind.

The work of eradication proved heavy, and attended with no

little risk. Some of the roots are as thick as a man’s thigh, and

the towering walls of the brick viharés too fragile at top to permit

of strong blows with full-sized axes. Small “ Vedda axes ’”’ had

to be used, and served. well ; but could only cope effectively with

the countless massy roots by gentle and prolonged chopping.

As the result, both the dagabas, the so-called “‘ Jétawanarama,”’

“ Thuparama,”’ and “ Heta-da-gé ’”’ Viharés, and the “ Satmahal

Prasada ’’ (Seven-storied Shrine) were thus attacked and steadily

eonquered during the autumn.

By yearly attention it will now not be difficult to keep these

ruins free of similar uncontrolled growth in future.

“* Demala-Maha-Séya.”’

Further afield the undergrowth surrounding the strangely

misnamed ‘‘ Demala Maha Séya’’* ruin was cleared, and its top and

_ * This is but one of the several misnomers recklessly affixed to

Polonnaruwa ruins, e.g., ““ Dalada Maligawa,” “ Thiiparama,’’ “‘ Vish-

nu Dévalé,” “ Nayipena Viharé,”’ &c.

8 -JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XTX...

exterior walls stripped of the vegetation which (as at “ Thipa-

rama,” “ Jétawanarama,”’ &c.) had taken free root. This ancient

viharé is situated nearly three miles north of the promontory

with its ruins, and a mile or more beyond the “ Gal Viharé.”

The real “ Demala Maha Séya’’—‘“the great Thipa one

thousand three hundred cubits round about,” constructed by

Parakrama Bahu the Great—les between the two, a huge

forest-covered hillock with no marked indications of its identity

save magnitude and position. “It was,” says the Mahawansa

(LXXVIII., 81), “ the greatest of all the thupas, like unto another

KKailasa ; and it was called the Damila Thipa (or Séya), because

that the Damilas (Tamils) who were brought here from the Pandu

country, after it had been conquered, were also employed in the

building thereof.”

The true name of the ruined brick-built viharé, wrongly styled

““Demala Maha Séya,” is at present uncertain. No inscription

has been discovered there yet; but the ruin was only partially

excavated in 1886.*

This ruin resembles ‘“‘ Thiparama”’ (so-called) in general

lines, with some important modification ; but is much better

preserved. Its surface ornamentation, too, is both fuller in detail

and more complex. The roof of vestibule and shrine alike has

wholly collapsed, partly filling the interior, partly fallen outwards.

The vestibule seems to have been excavated in 1885-1886.

About the same date one or two of the paintings (Jataka stories,

&c.) on the walls were copied in water colours by Mr. A. Murray

of the Public Works Department.

The shrine itself is still choked with tons of brick and mortar

debris from the roof, and will present no mean task to the ex-

cavator.

A large slice of the exterior wall of the shrine at its north-east

angle had fallen since 1904. Other parts are about to follow.

The sooner, therefore, this fine ruin is excavated and full

drawings made the better. A start will, it is hoped, be made

next season.

In the jungle about 100 yards south of this ruin, and yet hidden

in jungle, is a raised site and portion of a brick wall, almost

certainly pointing to a “‘ Wata-da-gé ”’ (“‘ Circular Relic house ’’).

The path to the “ Demala Maha Séya’”’ passes over what is

probably its outer maluwa or platform. This site was cleared in

connection with the viharé.

Excavations.

The only fresh excavation attempted in 1905 was at the ruin,

popularly styled “Raja Maligawa,” within the Citadel at Polon-

naruwa. This beautiful oblong building, 75 ft. 6in. by 33 ft. 6 m.,

* Sessional Papers, 1886, X.,‘¢A year’s work at Polonnaruwa” (S. M.

Burrows).

No. 57.—1906.1 ANNUAL REPORT. 9

with its bold makara wings and lion-guarded staircase, is, among

Buddhistic * stone ruins of Polonnaruwa, second only in elegance

and profusion of sculpture to the unique “‘ Wata-da-geé.”’

Fortunately all the carved slabs of the high (11 ft. 6 in.) tripli-

cated stylobate, and nearly every one of the twenty chaste inner

columns, still remain unbroken. But there were ominous signs

of imminent slip of several stones now tottering to their fall,

forced outwards by the gradual sinking and “thrust ”’ of the

upper members of the basement.

In view of the high architectural importance of the ruin and

great risk of wholesale collapse in places, it was decided to clear

away débris upon and around the ruin so as to open out this

handsome stone structure to full view from all sides, to remove

at once all vegetation threatening to further push out the stone-

faced revetment, and to at least provisionally reset fallen slabs

and straighten leaning pillars. +

All this desirable work was completed before the season closed,

Every slab of the stylobate has been found and replaced

on fairly true lines ; and the effect is exceedingly pleasing. The

first gangway is faced with elephants, the second with a dado of

lions (both in profile), the third with one of posturing ganas or

dwarfs. Every figure is shown singly between pilasters. The

edge of the coping surface of the two lower gangways is adorned

_ with a neat band of leafy creeper pattern, that of the uppermost

with hansas and. a foliated fillet.

Although the so-called “‘ Raja Maligawa ”’ and the large brick

ruin west of it with tall massive walls (the fictitious ‘“* Hira-gé,”’ or

Prison) are the sole structures above ground within the Citadel

confines (about one-fourth of a mile square), excavation pointed

to the whole of the area being probably once covered by minor

buildings, cross walls, bye-streets, &c., lying buried some 3 or

4 feet below the surface.

‘It is more than ever certain therefore that the full excavation

of Polonnaruwa must occupy far longer than the period estimated

from ruins above ground.

Circurt.

The Assistant to the Archeological Commissioner, Mr. J. Still,

did some useful circuit work early in the year (March and April).

The country visited included most of the eastern half of the

Vanni (Northern Province) and several villages in the north-

eastern corner of the Hastern Province.

* The equally striking, and hardly less ornate, “ Dalada Maligawa ”

and ‘*‘ Vishnu Dévalé’’—both mistermed, being in reality shrines

sacred to Siva—belong to the Dravidian style of Hindu architecture.

7 The regular restoration of this handsome structure may follow

that of the “ Wata-daé-gé.”’ It will involve relaying the stairs and

stylobate slabs in concrete and pointing joints in mortar, all the old

work being “ dry-laid.”’

10 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX. |

The most interesting of over a score of places visited were

Periya Puliyankulam (with its wilderness of rocks and caves) and

the neighbouring hill of Erapotana; Kuruntan Malai and

Iuruntan Ne (which must have been a very large town, and would

very probably repay excavation); the rocky monastery of

Kumbukkan Malai; and Kandaswami Malai on the west shore

of the Kokkilay lagoon.

More than fifty cave inscriptions were copied by Mr. Still on

this tour.

S2guriya.

A small gang carried out the annual cleaning of the Citadel

on Sigiri-gala in the Central Province, and of the highest terraces

skirting the Rock’s base to north, west, and south.

On the steep slopes of the Rock’s summit a carpet of strong

erass has grown, helping to holding the brickwork banks, and

preventing further washaway. This grass is, therefore, merely

freed of plants and burnt every year. A clean sweep of all

vegetation would but result in a continuance of the heavy scour

which occurred each monsoon until this grass grew and protected.

from rapid denudation the ruined walls fringing the summit.

In 1904 the restoration of the portion of the gallery staircases

and walls beyond the iron bridge (which unites with the gallery

along the Rock’s west face) was finished.

During the short season of 1905 the reconstruction of the

retaining walls and stairs of the “‘ Lion-staircase-house,” which

lead to the foot of theladders, was nearly completed. This work

was essential, as the approach to the ladders was in places hazard-

ous, and another year’s delay might have seen the top of the

brick mass slide down entirely, cutting off all access.

The iron framework for the wire netting in the smaller of the

two “fresco pockets’ A.B. was finished in 1904, and its front

completely wired in. The door into the “ pockets,” at the point

where the wire rope ladder mounts, alone remains to be fixed.

Practically full protection is now afforded to the unique paint-

ings of Sigiriya.

Miscellaneous.

By staying his hand for the time from further excavation, the

Archeological Commissioner was able to advance substantially

the record of the Department’s work.

The belated Annual Reports of the Archeological Survey for

the eleven years 1890-1900 inclusive, with a Summary of Opera-

tions, 1890-1900, have been issued together.

Index to the ‘‘ Mahawansa’’ (English Version).

A good Index has been a great want long felt by students of

the Mahdwansa, the chief chronicle of the Kings of Ceylon.

Mr. Still set himself to this laborious task in 1905, and has

patiently carried it through in the most thorough manner.

No. 57.—1906.] ANNUAL REPORT. 11

The Index comprises an alphabetical list of names of persons,

places, buildings, tanks, channels, &c., in fact all names in the

Mahawansa ; and each shows under its heading a summary oi

its history. There is also a chronological list of wars, campaigns,

and battles ; and genealogical trees of the several Royal Families.

This Index should therefore prove worthy of the great historical

work. It will be published by the Government.

Catalogue of Finds.

A “List of Archeological Finds ”’ is in course of preparation.

It is intended to be the precursor of a fuller and more detailed

catalogue, with larger and more numerous illustrations.

A mere list of articles and of fragments of all sorts and des-

eriptions found, can give but an incomplete idea of the manner of

old time craftsmen of the Island, unless aided by photography.

The Catalogue will furnish a short description of each object

(often only a name), and will mention where each was found.

A large number of typical specimens, and of the objects which

seem most worthy of representation, will be figured in the Plates

with which the present List will be illustrated.

Of these illustrations, the majority will depict bronze work,

iron tools, weapons, and fittings, and articles in crystal and glass.

Pottery and stone work will be represented by selected types.

The Catalogue thus illustrated will be of value in enabling

Ceylon “finds”? to be compared with those in the Museums of

India and other good collections of ancient Buddhist and Indian

specimens.

4 COUNCIL.

Two Members of the Council of 1904, viz., Messrs. J. C. Willis

and M. Kelway Bamber, being by virtue of rule 16 deemed to

have retired by least attendance, and by virtue of the same rule

Dr. W. G. van Dort and Mr. C. Drieberg having vacated their

places, but two being eligible for re-election, Dr. J. C. Willis

and Mr. C. Drieberg were re-elected, and the vacancies in the

Council were filled by the appointment of Messrs. R. G. Anthonisz

and H. F. Tomalin.

A long standing vacancy in the Council was filled by the

appointment of Dr. W. H. de Silva, M.B., C.M., F.R.C.S.

The vacancy caused by the resignation of Mr. H. F. Tomalin,

who left Colombo at the close of the year, remained unfilled.

FINANCES.

The receipts during the past year amounted to Rs. 3,786°58,

compared with Rs. 3,123°13 in 1904. The balance at the begin-

ning of 1905 was Rs. 1,711°97. The closing balance was Rs. 92°47 ;

but Rs. 2,000 has been placed on fixed deposit from Ist April,

1905. The accounts are duly balanced ; but the process of audit-

ing is not yet completed. The audit will be laid before next

Council Meeting

[Vou Xx.

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No. 57.—1906.] PROCEEDINGS. 13

5. On the motion of Mr. C. J. M. Gordon, M.A., seconded by

Mr. P. D. Warren, the Annual Report was adopted.

6. The following Office-Bearers were elected on a motion

proposed by Dr. C. A. Héwavitiérana and seconded by Mr. T. P.

Attygalle :—

President.—The Hon. Mr. John Ferguson, C.M.G.

Vice-Presidents.—Mr. J. P. Lewis, M.A., C.C.S. ; Mr. P. Freu-

denberg, J.P.; A. Willey, M.A., D.Sc., F.R.S.

Council.

Mr. C. M. Fernando, M.A., The Hon. Mr. 8. C. Obeye-

L.L.M. sekere.

Mr. A.M. Gunasekera, Mudaliyar | The Hon. Mr. P. Arunacha-

A. J. Chalmers, M.D., F.R.C.S. lam, M.A., C.C.S.

J. C. Willis, M.A., Sc.D., F.L.S. A. K. Coomaraswamy, Sc.D.

Mr. C. Drieberg, B.A., F.H.A.S. Mr. E. B. Denham, B.A.,

Mr. R. G. Anthonisz, Govern- C.C.S.

; ment Archivist. | Mr. 8. de Silva, Mudaliyar,

Dr. W. H. de Silva, M.B., Chief Translator to Govern-

C.M., F.R.C.S. iment.

Honorary Treasurer.—Mr. R. H.. Ferguson, B.A.

Honorary Secretaries.—Mr. H.C. P. Bell, C.C.S.; Mr. J. Harward,

M.A.; Mr. G. A. Joseph.

7. The Prestpent then delivered the following Address :—

Your EXxcELuency, LADIES, AND GENTLEMEN,—My first duty

clearly is to return thanks in the names of the Office-Bearers of

the Society for the honour you have just conferred upon us by our

election, and in a special way for my own re-election as President.

I am very conscious that I have done nothing to deserve this mark

of confidence. A year ago I distinctly intimated my intention

not to seek re-election, and it is only in deference to the wishes—

I may almost say the urgent request—of two such pillars of the

Society as Mr. H. C. P. Bell and Mr. J. Harward that I agreed

reluctantly to continue in the office, if that proved to be the wish

of this anniversary meeting.

As regards the future of the Society, we, Office-Bearers, greatly

depend on the good-will of Members able to make suitable

contributions to our Journal and to take part in discussions

arising thereon, and although fresh, stimulating Papers of special

interest have not been too numerous during the past few years,

yet I am glad to think that the prospect is such that there

is not much likelihood of my being, for the coming year at least.

like some of my predecessors, a President in search of a Paper

any more than of a quorum. Meantime, I have to confess

that in a moment of weakness I was rash enough to promise a

14 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (vor, Xie

Presidential Address on the present occasion. It was only when

I looked into some of the very able, learned, and full Addresses

delivered on similar occasions from this Chair that I realised

how daring it was to undertake such a duty. More especially as

many of my predecessors in office did not at all feel it incumbent

upon them to deliver an Annual Address, or even any Address at all.

It is noteworthy that two such eminent past Presidents as Sir

Emerson Tennent and Sir Edward Creasy never addressed the

Members ; and I learn from our Honorary Secretary Mr. Joseph

that, in the more than sixty years of the Society’s existence,

only twelve Presidential Addresses have been delivered.* The

custom, therefore, of Annual Addresses has been ‘“‘ more honoured

in the breach than in the observance.”’

I am not going to review the early history of the Society, for

that was done in our Jubilee year with great fullness, clearness,

and ability by Dr. Copleston (now Metropolitan of India), who

was our President for the long period of sixteen years, by far the

longest term of office in the Society’s annals. But there are two

or three points connected with the past not touched on by the

Bishop, which (in looking over the series of Addresses and the

Journals containing them) I thought it might be of some interest °

to bring to your recollection or consideration.

To the Hon. Mr. Justice Stark the Society owed much for

the great interest he took in its initiation and working. He

delivered a suitable and encouraging Address at the first General

Meeting in May, 1845, in which he pointed out that the Society

‘“would collect scattered rays of information possessed by

different individuals, and would also tend to raise up and

encourage a literary and scientific spirit.””’ A year later, after

touching. on the different Papers read, he wound up an exposition

of the work before the Society in eloquent words, which I will

venture to quote as, even now, very true and applicable. In

contrasting the development of Ceylon during the past hundred

years with the experience of the previous 2,000 or more years of

* Names of Presidents who delivered Presidential Addresses (with dates).

The Hon. Mr. Justice Stark om ao z vis

January 16, 1871

Col. A. B. Fyers Ae .. £ November 7, 1872

December 16, 1880

C. Bruce, C.M.G. bie .. December 16, 1881

J. F. Dickson, C.M.G. .. December 22, 1884

December 21, 1885

| December 16, 1886

j} December 19, 1892

| February 26, 1902

Right Rev. R. 8. Copleston, D.D. +d December 11, 1895

| Historical Sketch

| for Jubilee Anni-

| versary.

| Farewell Address.

His Excellency Sir E. im Thurn, C.M.G. March 2, 1904

No. 57.—1906. | PROCEEDINGS. 15

authentic history, President Starksaid: “‘ The influx of people

which prevailed from the earliest period still continues to pour

down upon the Island, but with this difference, that the tide of

population now spreads over the land not to lay it waste, but,

under the direction of British industry, to bring out its capabilities.

In former times every new band of comers was an army of inva-

sion. Now, under British supremacy, there is immigration without

conquest; and conquest involves neither extermination, nor

slavery, nor a compulsory change of faith, but a common patriot-

ism, and that ali should feel it to be at once their interest and

their duty to co-operate together in maintaining the common

fabrie of which they are all members.”

Increase of Population.

One remark Mr. Justice Stark made as the result of his own

observation, which stands in striking opposition to actual ex-

perience since the first Census was taken in Ceylon. He was

referring to the relative increment or decrease of the different

races—Sinhalese, Malabars, ‘‘ Moors’’—in the Island, and

remarked that “ to observation there appears a daily increase in

the number of Moors, as there is also perhaps a decrease in the

Sinhalese population.’’ It is impossible to say how far such a

remark was justified in 1846 ; it excited no comment or objection

at the time ; but during the past thirty-five years we have reliable

evidence in successive Census returns that no section of our varied

population has increased in so liberal a ratio as the Sinhalese, as

may be seen from the following interesting return which is given

in the latest Census Report by the Registrar-General, and which

shows that the Sinhalese increase at a higher ratio than Moormen,

although beaten by Burghers ; while the figures for Tamils and

Europeans are influenced generally by “immigration ” :—

1871. | » 1881. 1891. GO | eee

thirty years

Sinhalese. .| 1,664,459} 1,846,614] 2,041,158) 2,330,807 40

Tamils ..| 537,814 687,248) 723,853) 951,740 ai

Moormen.. 163,729} 184,542) 197,166) 228,034 39

Malays* .. —- 8,895 10,133 11,902 —=

Burghers.. 15,335 17,886 21,231 23,482 53

Europeans 3,259 4,836 4,678 6,300 96

Changes in Administration and useful ‘ Papers ’’ in the past.

And here you will be reminded of the vast change which has

taken place in many departments of investigation which the

founders of the Society naturally aimed at, including within its

* In 1871 the Malays were included among ‘‘ Others,” who num-

bered 13,754.

16 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (VoL. XIX.

scope sixty years ago. The first President remarked at the outset

on the great deficiency in statisticalinformation. The administra-

_ tion of the Colony was then in a very primitive state, confined

almost entirely to Kachcheries and Law Courts, and these

comparatively few and far between, without the many separate

Departments dealing with Public Instruction, Public Health,

Registration and Vital Statistics, Crime, Police, Prisons, the

Botany and Agriculture of the Island. Very thin and inadequate

Papers on rainfall and climate were welcomed by the Society at

a time when systematic meteorological observations and valuable

annual reports such as are now issued by the Surveyor-General,

were undreamt of ; and until the era of Annual Administration

Reports from the Heads of Departments and Revenue Officers, in

time followed by Manuals for the different Provinces, until the era

of Annual Blue Books and ‘Ceylon Handbooks and Directories,” —

and the taking in 1871 of the first regular Census of the people,

this Society had to encourage and utilize as best it could much

primitive preparatory work from gentlemen interested in the

history, antiquities, the agriculture, trade, and general advance-

inent of the Island.

Nevertheless, there are large stores of information not only of

permanent interest, but of practical value, contained in the long

record of the Society’s publications, which up to date number no

fewer than fifty-five Journals contained in some eighteen volumes.

Take, for instance, a topic very much in evidence at the

present time and none more generally vital and important, that

of Public Instruction, and I have been greatly surprised to find

from valuable papers contributed by the Rev. J. D. Palm in the

early years on Dutch Ecclesiastical and Educational Adminis-

tration, how great was the progress made within the seaboard

districts of Ceylon more than 150 years ago. We are accustomed

to think of the Dutch rulers as selfish and mercenary ; but the

records of a long list of schools in the Colombo, the Galle and

Matara, the Jaffna, Mannar, Trincomalee, and Batticaloa Districts

show that between 1750 and 1780 there must have been at times

as many as 91,509 children attending school, and more wonderful

still, a very large proportion of these—a preponderance in the

Colombo District—were girls. Considering how small a portion

of the Island the Dutch really held, as may be judged from one

of the old maps shown here for the first time to-night, and the

comparatively limited total population, this attainment in schools

and, scholars was truly wonderful. In holding slaves in Ceylon,

the Dutch rulers merely followed the general rule ; but it is greatly

to their credit that they provided schools for the slave children,

who were taught to the number of 2,180 in 1786. ‘They also had

a seminary for the training of native teachers as well as native

‘‘ preachers,”’ and it is curious to note that the latter held the

same rank and remuneration as Mudaliyars of Koralés. The way

in which 350,000 so-called Protestant Christians among the

natives rapidly disappeared in early British times shows the

unreality of the work done by State-paid Dutch ecclesiastics ;

but we may believe that the generations who passed through the

No. 57.—1906.] PROCEEDINGS. 1?

schools, even with elementary vernacular instruction, got lasting

benefit.

Another Paper bearing on a subject much before the public

in the present time was “On the Rise and Fall of the Kelani

River in 1843-4—5-6,”’ by Mr. John Capper, illustrated by rather

primitive diagrams, the whole being in strong contrast with the

elaborate, valuable, and specially illustrated report recently

issued by the Surveyor-General, backed by the Commission’s

report on soil denudation in the Kelani Valley. Mr. Capper

remarks on destructive inundations in 1844, and how the injurious

effects in successive years were mitigated by constructing sluices

towards Grandpass. In this connection may we not expect from

the Dutch Records now being examined and translated, some

light on how to deal with the periodical floods around Colombo ?

Surely the Hollanders, of all people under the sun, must have had

some effectual means of coping with the troublesome overflowing

of the Kelani- and Kalu-gangas ?

The Great History of Ceylon.

But there are Papers in our Journals of far more general interest

than those thus referred to ; Ceylon and Sinhalese literature are

pre-eminently rich in ancient monuments and ancient records.

There is nothing in Hindu or other Eastern literature to compare

with the Mahawansa or Great History of Ceylon, and although

there is much in it that is truly childish and ridiculous—oceans

of ghee, mountains of flowers, thousands of monks travelling

through the air—and although Mr. H. Parker especially has shown

in our Journals that many of the figures require correction, yet

as an historic+l record from the time Buddhism was introduced

into Ceylon, 250 B.c., it stands unimpeached and unimpeachable.

Nevertheless, how few of us take a real interest in this ‘“‘ Great

History.’’

Although there are English translations available, not many

perhaps can find time to read through the whole Sinhalese history.

Let me commend to such a perusal of the special and discriminating

report on the translation of the Mahawansa by the late Mudaliyar

L. C. Wijesinha, which will be found in our Proceedings for 1886.

As a means of interesting the ordinary reader and of introducing

him to the ‘ Great History,” nothing could be more admirable.

With this I would couple the Address “ On the Verification of

the Ancient Chronicles and Histories of Ceylon,’ which was

delivered by our President—the present Metropolitan of India—in.

March, 1892. This Paper has a double value: first, because of

its critical acumen in dealing with Ceylon history ; and secondly,

as pointing the way in which even ordinary Members (not learned

Orientalists or linguists)may aid in verifying our ancient chronicles.

Curiously enough the Bishop suggests one “‘ possible test connected

with trees,’’ which has a bearing on our after-proceedings this

evening. His words are: “‘ I do not know when the coconut was

introduced into the Island.’’ But our historian says a good deal

about coconutsin connection with the reign of the same Prakrama

Cc A3—06

18 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). fVoL. XIX. |

IL. in the thirteenth century (chap. LX XXVI.). Can we trust the

history securely enough to say that the coconut had certainly

been introduced as early as that, or shall we find from other

sources that it was introduced later and so convict the author

of the Mahawansa of writing from imagination ? I need scarcely

say that the historical as well as botanical accuracy of the

Mahawansa here and at a much earlier date, where it refers to

coconut palms, will be amply borne out in the Paper which is to

be brought under your notice later on this evening.

Let me give the ordinary Member or reader an illustration from

an even later date, and of specially local interest, of the treasures

which will be found in our Journals. This is the account of

** Alakéswara : His Life and Times,” by Advocate E. W. Perera,

published two years ago, full of romantic excitement and “ news

of battle, of which the scenes, including invasions successively

by large armies of Tamils and Chinese, were chiefly laid in this

Western Province and in the vicinity of Kotté, which, it must

be remembered, was for over two centuries the seat of the Sinhalese

Government. What is told us there of battle fields (occupied

by Chinese, Tamils, and Sinhalese) and of historical sites, all in

or near a place only a few miles from Colombo, ought to stir the

most somnolent amongst us to take an interest in the chronicles

‘and monuments of the past.

; Sri-pada on ‘‘ Adam’s Peak.”

In this connection I must call attention to an interesting con-

clusion arrived at by the late Mr. Wm. Skeen in a full and evident-

ly carefully prepared Paper contributed by him to our Journal of

1870-71, in reference to the “ Origin of the Sri-pada, or Sacred

Footprint .on the Summit of Adam’s Peak.’ In his book on

““ Adam’s Peak,”’ with map and illustrations, published some time

before, Mr. Skeen concluded, from the information then before

him, “‘ that the belief in the existence of the footprint was not of

an older date than a century and a half before the Christian era,”

but he was doubtful if even it was as old. Subsequent investiga-

tions, in which Mr. Skeen was backed by such competent Oriental-

ists as the late J. Alwis, Mudaliyar L. de Zoysa, and Rev. C. Alwis,

convinced him that the origin of the belief must be dated several

centuries later. He found that nothing was known in Ceylon

about it before 302 a.p.; but that, about this time, Chinese

writers speak reverentially “‘of the sacred footmark impressed by

the first created man ;”’ and Mr. Skeen considers it by no means

improbable that this ancient tradition was grafted on to Buddhism

and attributed to Buddha at a later date. Any one interested

should read Mr. Skeen’s paper and argument, to which, so far as

I know, no answer has been made.

Buddhist Temples and Dagabas.

Some, again, may like to know if the statement made by Sir J. F.

Dickson, when our President in 1884, is accepted as fact, that |

not until a lapse of from 300 to 400 years after the death of Gau- |

tama was there any temple to, or figure of, Buddha known. And. |

No. 57.—1906.} PROCEEDINGS... —. 19

again, that dagabas had originally existed m modified forms as

tombs for saintly characters in ages long past.

Maldives.

_ I might remind you that our Society has not confined its work

or interest to this Island, in view of what has been done through

Mr. H. C. P. Bell, Mr. Albert Gray, and others (who have con-

tributed to our Journals) towards the elucidation of the history of

the Maldives, “‘the 12,000 isles ” of tradition, whose Sultan,

although his subjects probably do not number more than 30,000,

undoubtedly occupies one of the most ancient of Eastern thrones,

though now a Protectorate under British rule as Bo ptesen ved by the

Governor of Ceylon. 7

Archeological.

But it is in connection with his prolonged and most important

work as Archeological Commissioner that Mr. H. C. P. Bell has

been able to do so much to add to the interest of our proceedings,

an interest which continues to this day, and which we irust may

go on for many years to come.

Recent Work : “* Dutch Records,’ and other Publications.

It is time, however, that I should turn from the past to consider

the more recent work of the Society and the promise for the

future. Since the departure of Sir E. F. im Thurn, K.C.M.G., in

September, 1904, seven papers have been accepted by the Council

and read at General Meetings. It must not be supposed that

these are all the contributions offered to the Society ; the Council

and its advisers discriminate and endeavour to keep up a certain

standard. Iam not going to specify or dwell on the papers read,

because they have already been named in our reports, and have

so recently been before you. Suffice it to say that they very

fairly cover several of the departments—historical, archeological,

social, agricultural, and art—which come within the scope of the

Society ; and are either by tried and valued contributors, such as

Vice-President J. P. Lewis, Messrs. C. M. Fernando, and F: H.

de Vos; or new and highly esteemed Members like Dr. A.

Coomaraswamy, Mudaliyar Gunawardana, and Mr. J. Still, Assis-

tant to the Archeological Commissioner. The demonstration of

colour photography as applied to animals and plants (with

lantern illustrations) given by Professor Saville-Kent in this room

‘some weeks ago was much appreciated, and on this gentleman’s

return to the East we may have another interesting lecture from

him.

Under the headings of “ Literature,’’. caEnstory 2? and “‘Oriental

Studies,” I may be allowed first to call attention to the “ Com-

mittee on Oriental Studies,” originally formed in 1902 by Mr.

8. M. Burrows, when acting as Director of Public Instruction, and

of which Mr. Harward is now Chairman, with Muda'iyar Guna-

wardana, Secretary, and a Standing Committee of five Sinhalese

members out of a total Committee membership of 53. From the

Cc 2

20 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XIX.

report. published for 1904-05, it will be seen that the Committee

has done a useful work in encouraging systematic and methodical

study at the Oriental Colleges in Sanskrit and Pali; that there is

no lack of students or competitors at the annual examinations ;

and that much general interest has been excited among Sinhalese

scholars in the object and working of the Committee. In this

connection, you will have noticed from the advertising columns

of the newspapers that our Honorary Secretaries have been

empowered by a gentleman who does not wish his name to

appear, to offer a prize of Rs. 50 for the best essay on one of the

following three subjects :—

(1) Sumptuary Laws and Social Etiquette oi the Kandyans.

(2) Kandyan Music, including the Origin and History of Kan-

dyan Music, the System of Notation, and the different.

kinds of Airs and Songs, extinct and extant.

(3) Kandyan Medicine.

The object of the prize is to get Kandyans to describe Kandyan.

customs that are going out of use and memory. The competition

shall be open to all, and the essays may be in Sinhalese or English.

Our Society has always taken a great interest in the publication.

of transla.ions of the recoics of the Dutch in Ceylon, and owing

to the liberality of the Government in making a grant towards the

expense, very many and extensive selections have appeared in

our Journals from time to time. It is a question worthy of official

consideration as to whether this form of publication (rather than

an independent issue) should not be continued, so as to keep up

the connection with the Society and to maintain a certain degree

of uniformity. It is possible that a wider mterest would be

secured in view of discussions which might take place over transla-

tions or selections read at General Meetings of the Society. At

the same time there can only be the fullest approval of the policy

which has led to the formetion of a separate department to deal

with the Government Archives and the indexing of the Dutch

Records, under the very competent direction of Mr. R. G.

Anthonisz, who has been Examimer since July, 1899, and was

appointed Archivist and Librarian on Ist January, 1902. Ihave

tlarnt from Mr. Anthonisz that, before the actual indexing of each

separate volume can be taken in hand, it has been found necessary

eo classify, arrange, and catalogue the records. There are in all

about 10,500 volumes consisting of the general records of the

Dutch Government, the Proceedings of the Political Council, the

Provincial Records of Galle, and the Thombus or Land Registers.

Catalogues of the General Records of the Island and of the Pro-

vincial Records of Galle have been completed ; but the General

Records, which are various, have still to be classified. Miss

Pieters is at present translating the Memo'rs of the Governors and

Commandeurs. She will afterwards take up the Diaries for the

various years and the Resolutions of Council, in which a fairly

complete contemporary record of the translations of the Govern-

ment from 1640 to 1796 is preserved. Some of the Memoirs

translated are to be printed, and it is these that might with

No. 57.—1906. | PROCEEDINGS. 21

advantage, I think, pass through the hands of our Council (of

which Mr. Anthonisz is a Member) and into the Journals of the

Society. Meantime special interest attaches to the Memoir

left by Jacob Christian Pielat to his suecessor Diedrick Domburg,

1734, translated by Miss Sophia Pieters, with an Introduction

and Notes by the Ceylon Government Archivist, and lately issued

from the Government Press. This has been the subject of a

generally favourable if discriminating review by Mr. Donald

Ferguson, who suggests that transcripts of the earlier Dutch

Governors’ Memoirs, which no longer exist among the Ceylon

archives, might be got from The Hague; or, if they do not exist

there, that translations of the portions printed by Valentyn

would to some extent supply the deficiency.

Although the year of its publication is 1904, mention should be

made of the first part of so important a work in connection with

our Archeological Survey as the Hpigraphia Zeylanica, being

lithic and other inscriptions of Ceylon, edited and translated by

_ Don Martino de Zilva Wickremesinghe, Epigraphist to the Ceylon

Government and Librarian and Assistant Keeper of the Indian

Institute, Oxford. The further Parts of this valuable work will

be welcomed by all interested in the past history and monuments

of Ceylon.

Professor W. Geiger has published in German a critical account

of the Dipawansa and Mahawansa,* which forms a sort of prole-

_gomena to his forthcoming and eagerly anticipated critical edition

‘of the Mahawansa. An English translation, 1am glad to say, is

bemg made by Mrs. Coomaraswamy, and will be published by

Government in 1907, the consent of author and of publisher having

-. been received. Professor Geiger promises to add a special pre-

face to the English edition.

The work of the “ Pah Text Society’ in England must always

_hbe of interest to this Society, and a connection is kept up through

one of our Members, Mudaliyar E. R. Gooneratne being the

Honorary Secretary in Ceylon. The Ceylon Government, too,

is @ subscriber for twenty copies of all the Society’s publications.

The recent receipt of the sixth volume with indexes for our Library

shows us that up to the end of 1904 this Text Society, in the

twenty-three years of its existence, dealt with 43 texts and issued

55 volumes with 16,000 pages. The programme for 1905-07

includes much that is of special interest.

There are interesting popular papers included in some of the

volumes in our Library, which ought to be consulted ; for instance,

Mr. Rhys Davids has “‘ Some Notes on the Political Divisions of

India when Buddhism arose,’ from which we learn, for the first

time, that the earliest Buddhist records reveal the survival, side

by side with more or less powerful monarchies, of Republics with

either complete or modified independence. Mrs. Rhys Davids,

too, occasionally contributes versions of amusing “ Jataka or

meh Dipawansa und Mahaéwaysa und die geschichtliche tiberheferung

in Ceylon,” von Wilhelm Geiger, Leipzig, 1905, M. 4:50.

22 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Von. XIX.

Birth Stories of Buddha,’ > such as that which she entitles ‘‘ The

earliest Rock Climber.”

In this connection I must mention the “ Proposed. Oriental

School in London,”’ recently referred to in the London Times, and

which has long been desiderated by the present Royal Asiatic

and other Asian Societies in order to provide a means of instruction

in Oriental languages in the British Metropolis, comparable to the

““ Orientalische Seminar ” of Berlin, which has a grant of £8,000

from the German Government, besides the necessary buildings, a

fine library, and an admirably conducted journal. Paris and

St. Petersburg are also similarly and handsomely provided, and

it seems a shame that the Empire which has most to do with the

Kast should be so far behind. A Committee is likely to report

to the Home Government on the subiect.

Further evidence of the publishing enterprise of the Ceylon

Government is found in Dr. Herdman’s monumental work on our

Pearl Oyster Fisheries, with supplementary reports upon the

Marine Biology of Ceylon by other Naturalists. Of this very

important series, three parts finely printed and profusely illustrated

have appeared, anda fourth part will complete the undertaking

—one that cannot fail to reflect credit on the Colony and tits

Government which requested the Royal Society to undertake the

publication, as well as on the chief author and editor and his

colleagues.

The lists published and prepared for the Government Gazette of

. all works published in the Colony during 1904 and 1905 testify to

the great activity of the Press in this Colony both in English and

vernacular printing. No doubt many issues are of an ephemeral

and inferior character; but undoubtedly much to enlighten and

improve the people passes through the Press in Ceylon.

Archeology.

The Society has always been deeply interested in archeological |

exploration, which, indeed, was commenced under its auspices |

during the time of Governor Sir Arthur Gordon, now Lord |

Stanmore. It was also very much on the representation of the |

Society that the systematic Archeological Survey under the very |

competent direction of Mr. H. C. P. Bell as Archeological Com- |

missioner, was first started in 1890 by the same Governor ; and |

Mr. Bell’s continuance as Honorary Secretary of this Society, |

and above all his most interesting summaries of the work done, |—

contributed year by year to our Annual Reports, has kept up

the close connection originally established. ie

You will have been pleased to learn from the report this time |—

that the protection of the Sigiriya paintings is now complete; |

that, although much valuable work has been accomplished, there |

remains yet a great deal of exploration and excavation to execute |

at Polonnaruwa. |"

Mr. Bell and his active young Assistant Mr. Still (who is an

excellent amateur photographer) are bringing out this year an

“ Illustrated List of Archeological Finds,” which is certain to be |

No. 57.—1906.] _ PROCEEDINGS. 23

full of interest, and which, we may feel sure, will prove one of

the best and most practical means of bringing home to the under-

standing of the general public the value of the work done by

the Archzological Department of Ceylon, in which His Excellency,

our present Governor, has taken the deepest interest since it came

under his notice.

Another piece of good work done under the auspices of the

Department is a very full “‘ Index to the Mahawansa,”’ on which

Mr. Still has been engaged for several months back, and which

will be found, I believe, very thoroughly executed. This

index, to be printed by Government, must prove a great boon to

students of the Mahawansa, as well as useful to the intelligent

ublic.

: I trust further that the sanction of Government may be

received to a proposal which the Commissioner has long had in

view, namely, the publication of a representative series of

* Photographic Mlustrations”’ of the ancient structures in Ceylon,

after the pattern of the series already published by the Indian

Government ; and that a commencement may be made of a

similar technical series of illustrations of art and ornament, like

the fine set published in India.

This brings me to Art, and I am pleased to be able to remind you

that the Museum has now received the beautiful copies in oils of

the Sigiriya frescoes made by Mr. D. A. L. Perera, Head

Draughtsman, Archeological Survey. They need perhaps proper

framing; but a glance at them above the Museum staircase will

show what a great improvement they are on any popr enon tai Gns

hitherto exhibited.

Tam also gladto record here that Dr. A. Coomaraswamy. has

taken up the study of old Sinhalese (Kandyan) art, and, in

addition to pamphlets and articles already published, has in

preparation a large work on the subject illustrated by coloured

and photographic plates. Aseries of overa thousand photographs

have been taken with a view to this work.

An appeal has also been made for the preservation and more

careful treatment of ancient buildings and historical works of art,

and it is hoped that something will be accomplished towards this

end, as the subject has been taken up by Government, and a regis-

ter of old buildings, &c., in the various districts is being made,

and these will be as far as possible protected. The continued

existence of, and the useful work promoted by, the Ceylon Society

of Arts, with its annual exhibition, is a subject for congratulation.

Science and the Colombo Museum.

‘The Mineralogical Survey of Ceylon, originally intended to last

_ three years, is to be continued to the end of the present year. It

has so far resulted in very considerable additions to our knowledge

oi the Geology of Ceylon, and in the discovery of several minerals

new to Ceylon (some of economic importance) and of one or more

minerals new to Science. The new mineral thorianite is the first

24 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XIX.

thorium-bearing mineral to be found in any British possession.

At the same time the geological and mineralogical collection at the

Museum, originally very scanty, has been very largely added

to, re-organized, and re-arranged by Dr. Coomaraswamy and

Mr. J. Parsons in a separate room known as the Mineral Gallery.

Dr. Coomaraswamy is of opinion that the time has not yet come

for the establishment of a regular Geological Survey in the Island ;

but he has recommended the employment of one permanent

Government Mineralogist. |

In connection with recent improvements effected in the Museum,

there should be mentioned the valuable students’ collections of

Lepidoptera, Land Mollusca, Reptiles, &c., as these are frequently

consulted by interested visitors. Several gentlemen have kindly

given Dr. Willey their assistance and experience in the arrange-

ment of special groups, among whom should be mentioned Messrs.

K. E. Green, F. M. Mackwood, and O. 8. Wickwar. These col-

lections are housed in the new building which was put up in 1903,

and which has proved a very great benefit.

_ In connection with Zoology (and the prospect some day of a

Zoological Garden for Colombo), Dr. Willey has been doing a public

service in endeavouring to show some of the animals of Ceylon

in the flesh by way of supplementing the stuffed specimens in the

galleries. We may readily judge that without special provision

it is not easy to exhibit live animals with permanent satisfaction,

although the comparatively few exhibited have attracted very

considerable attention, to judge by the number of persons of all

races and classes who are found gazing at them almost daily.

No doubt a small fee for admission in aid of the expense of upkeep,

&ec., would readily be paid, if the collection were so enclosed as to

make this desirable. But unless the Government take the matter

up, or aspecial Society is formed to provide a Zoological Garden

collection, I fear there is not much further room for development.

The exhibition of live birds does not present so many difficulties

as in the case of four-footed animals, and I am glad to announce

that a handsome aviary has recently been presented to the

Museum by Mr. T. Sanmugam, in which some of the smaller birds

can be located from time to time.

The Quarterly Journal—Spolia Zeylanica—established by

Dr. Willey, sanctioned and printed by Government, has been

regularly continued. It deals specially with subjects relating to

the Natural History and Ethnography of the Island, and its object

is to accumulate notes and records of the rapidly changing aspects

of life of all kinds in Ceylon. Twelve parts, completing three

volumes, have appeared (Part XII. is now passing through the

press), and when the fifth volume is completed an index will be

provided. Whether or not this periodical is fully answering its

purpose cannot well be decided for the present. Its usefulness

from a scientific point of view is undoubted. Dr. Willey thinks

it might eventually be taken over by our Society and a fund

started for its continuance. In that connection a suggestion,

which comes to me from a prominent Member of the Society, may

be mentioned, namely, that it would make Spolia Zeylanica far

No. 57.—1906. } PROCEEDINGS. 25

more generally interesting if its scope were enlarged so as to admit

all and sundry “* Notes and Queries ” respecting Ceylon subjects

which are within the object of the Asiatic Society. It is thought

that many Members and other residents would readily contribute

to such a department who cannot spare time to work up a regular

paper for our Journal. The discontinuance of the issue of Monthly

Registers with “‘ Notes and Queries”’ from the Ceylon Observer

Press leaves a blank which apparently is felt by not a few, and

the suggestions now made as to the future of this quarterly

journal deserve careful consideration.

Before leaving the Museum, I must congratulate the general

public and the Members of the Society on the early prospect at

last of the enlargement or extension of the Museum build-

ings being taken in hand. It was first urged by the Society m

1898.

The Colombo Museum may be said to be the ofisprmg of the

Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Scciety.. It is a special

matter for congratulation, I think, that the services of the accom-

plished and experienced Architect (Mr. J. G. Smither, F.R.1.B.A.),

who designed the existmg Museum building for Governor Sir

William Gregory, have been secured to design the extended wings

now proposed in the time of that Governor’s friend and successor,

His Excellency Sir Henry Blake, and that the new buildings are

likely to be carried out, as Mr. Smither has designed them m

accordence with the views of the Director of Public Works,

after approval is given by the Executive Government and the

necessary funds are voted by the Legislative Council. I have

no doubt that there will be unanimity in both Councils in respect

of an improvement so long urged and so desirable in every way.

Some of the beneficial results which may be anticipated when the

extension is complete may here be indicated. The preparation

and display of natural history groups and economic products

can be carried out on a much larger scale than is at present possible.

The economic products particularly are capable of considerable

development and representation in the Museum,—a matter ot

great importance, as Dr. Willis has' frequently shown, to the

agricultural industries and trade development of the colony,—

amatter, therefore, which should be regarded with much interest

by our planting and mercantile community as well as by all

agriculturists.

The addition to the exhibits of the objects of antiquity which

have been discovered during past years by the Archeological

Commission and accumulated at Anuradhepura will enhance the

reputation of the Colombo Museum among other kindred institu-

tions, and will accord with the views and wishes of the founder of

the Museum, Sir William Gregory, as well as I am sure with the

express desire of His Excellency Sir Henry Blake. The stone

imseriptions at present in the Museum and many other antiquities

now at Anurddhapura can be exhibited and preserved in an

adequate manner and to_ great advantage, thus placing the

Colombo Museum relatively on a par with such Museums as the

Neapolitan and Egyptian institutions, having the same bearing

26 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Von. XIX.

with regard to the Buried Cities of Ceylon that the Naples and

Cairo Museums have to the Buried Cities in their neighbour-

hood.

The reservation of a portion of the new buildings for fee purp oses

of an auditorium is a matter which should be taken into con-

sideration efter the work is completed. The Museum Reading

Room is at present used for the Asiatic Society’s Meetings, for

prize givings, and for lectures. But if special accommodation were

provided for such gatherings, it would be an advantage. Further,

the Museum extension will be of advantage in several other

different ways. First, as regards the Asiatic Society ; secondly,

as regards the Museum Library, which is greatly cramped at

present, end is constantly growing by the addition of new books,

many of which are recommended and applied for by readers who

are engeged in special work, mineralogical, archeological, ethno-

erephical, &¢. We may well consider it a happy omen that the

extension. of our Museum buildings is likely to be effected under

the auspices of a Governor who takes such a specially warm

interest in all connected with our encient history and structures,

with science and art, as does Sir Henry Blake. His Excellency’s

friend and predecessor, Sir William Gregory, said in his first year

in: Ceylon that he had always looked upon Museums as the best

means of imparting instruction in the most popular and agreeable:

form, in which all classes and races might participate.

It ought to be mentioned that there are two libraries in the .

Museum, the Library of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic

Society and the Museum Library, the latter the only free public

library in the Colony. The Library of the Ceylon Branch. of

the Royel Asiatic Society contains many valuable books. on

Ceylon, Archeology, Oriental Literature, Voyages (Hakluyt, &c.),

India, &c., and a large collection of the publications of learned

Societies with whom the Society exchanges its Journal. The

policy of the Museum Library has been to acquire works of refer-

ence, natural science, Oriental literature, and books on Ceylon...

Of these books, the library contains many rare and costly

works (vide Sir West Ridgeway’s Address on his Administration,

p- 120).. The Museum Library receives a copy of every work

published in the Colony since 1885. The acquisition of all works

relating to Ceylon goes on at an increasing rate, and the large

accessions of recent years, both by donation and purchase, have

placed the institution in the position of now possessing one of

the best collections, if not the best, of Ceylon lterature. The

special characteristics of the Museum Library, besides a very

good collection of books on Ceylon, are a most valuable collection

of old manuscripts in Sinhalese, Pali, and Sanskrit, a very valuable

collection of books on Biology, Dictionaries, Encyclopedias,

_ Journals, Books of Travel, Art, and Philology.

In 1870, during the administration of Sir Hercules Robinson,

the Government undertook in a liberal spirit the task of rescuing

the ancient literature of Ceylon, and founded the Government

Oriental Library of Manuscripts, which is now a part of the Museum

Library. Many valuable old manuscripts have been added by

No. 57.—1906.] PROCEEDINGS. 27

donation, purchase, and transcription. The Museum Library is

indispensable for purposes of indexing and illustrating its

collections, and to the student the general collection of books

and leading scientific and other periodicals received, offer invalu-

able facilities for study and research.

Observatory for Colombo.

I have next to refer to the need of an observatory for Colombo.

For many years past it has been a standing grievance on the part

of the ship captains calling at Colombo that they were not supplied

with sufficiently correct time signals to enable them to rectify

and rate their chronometers. The first project of establishing an

observatory for the purpose was mooted over twenty-five years

ago, when Mr. G. Wall’s small but choice collection of astronomical

instruments was on the market. With the increase in the import-

ance of Colombo as a port of call, and in the speed of modern

steamers, this grievance has steadily increased, and it has voiced

itself persistently of late years. It is a remarkable fact that

Ceylon is about the only Colony where correct time is not supplied.

Observatories exist in India, Canada, Australia, Cape Colony,

Natal, New Zealand, Mauritius, Hong Kong, St. Helena,

Tasmania, West Indies, &c., where there is no single port approach-

ing the importance of Colombo. Now that the Graving Dock is

completed, this want of accurate time is likely to affect the use

of our port seriously. Whenever a ship requires docking, her

captain will evidently prefer taking her to Bombay for instance,

whence he is certain to start with his chronometers properly set

and rated, rather than to Colombo, where these facilities cannot

be procured. The time received by telegraph from Madras is

irregular and unreliable, and useless for the purposes of navigation,

besides requiring the line to be cleared of messages for about

twenty minutes every day between 3.40 and4 p.m. Would not the

value of the time lost to the Telegraph Department more than pay

for the whole Observatory in ayearortwo? Apart fromsupplying

time to ships, the establishment of an Observatory in Colombo

will enable all the public clocks, those of the Telegraph and es-

pecially of the Railway Departments to be automatically regulated,

and will ensure their pointing always to the correct time of day.

We shall at last be spared the familiar but lamentable spectacle of

the Clock Tower differing by five and even ten minutes from the

Post Office clock, and both of them being incorrect. This state

of things is utterly out of keeping with the degree of civilization

to which we have attained. :

The prospects of an Observatory being established are unfortu-

tunately not much better at present apparently than when the

subject was mooted in the Legislative Council in June, 1903.

The matter has been included three times in the Estimates in three

different years, but only to be remorselessly cut out. The

question has been before the Ceyon Government ever since 1897.

Let us hope that it may be His Excellency Sir Henry Blake’s

good fortune before he leaves us to see a Colombo Observatory

28 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

fully established, and. the reputation of one of the most Rive een

of Eastern seaports redeemed from reproach.

Botany and Agriculture.

]

o deal adequately with this very important and extensive

subject would require a separate full address. Suffice to notice

the formation of the Agricultural Society of Ceylon towards the

end of 1904 by our present Governor as one of the most notable

and important events within our record. Numerous branch

societies (now numbering 42) in the different Provinces and

districts of the Island have already been formed, and the member-

ship of the parent Society is 1,035, and is growing every month,

almost every week and day. It should eventually embrace every

planter and intelligent agriculturist worthy of the name in the

Island. An Agricultural calendar arranged for each month of

the year and for the hill as well as low-country is the latest evidence

of the enterprise of the energetic Secretary (Mr. Denham), who

has had the assistance of the best local authorities in what, when

printed in the vernaculars as in English, must prove of great use

to all who take an interest in garden or field work throughout the

Island. Mr. Herbert Wright’s Manual on “ Para Rubber, with

illustrations,” soon to appear in a second and enlarged edition,

deserves a word of mention. In his Presidential Address on 16th

December,1881, Mr. (now Sir Charles) Bruce, G.C.M.G., made the

following reference :—‘‘ The paramount influence of agriculture

on the prosperity of this Colony has, to a great extent, removed

the Department of Botany from the concerns of this Society to

more open and more accessible channels of communication and

discussion. The past year has been especially marked by the

publication of the Tropical Agriculturist, a monthly periodical

established by the editors of the Ceylon Observer, constituting in

the strictest sense of the word a repertory (repertoriwm ubi omnia

reperiri possint) of information on. all subjects connected with

tropical botany and agriculture. To its pages as to the report of

the Director of the Botanical Gardens all who are interested in

this subject will naturally refer for the operations of the year.”

I quote the foregoing in order to mention that the monthly perio-

dical referred to (which in the course of twenty-four years acquired

a world-wide reputation as representative of everything connected

with tropical agriculture) has now been transferred to the very

efficient editorial guidance of Dr. Willis, Director of the Botanic

Gardens, with competent assistants, and is now known as the

Tropical Agriculturist and Journal of the Agricultural Society of

Ceylon, and as such is sure to prove more deserving than ever of

attention and perusal by all tropical farmers. Of the varied and

important work done for agriculture in all branches, and for

science, in botany, entomology, mycology, and chemistry, by

Dr. Willis and his colleagues at Peradeniya and throughout the

Island, in the Botanic Gardens and experimental stations or

plantations for different products, it is superfluous to speak. Nor

need more than mention be made of the scientific quarterly

No. 57.—1906.] PROCEEDINGS. 29

periodical, *“‘ Annals of the Royal Botanic Gardens,” for which

Dr. Willis is responsible.

Dutch Hncouragement of Agriculture.

In connection with the promotion of various branches of

agriculture and of agricultural improvements, they had something

to learn from their predecessors the Dutch, for he found from a

Paper in one of their Journals that certain at least of the Dutch

Governors and their advisers were very liberal in recognizing

good work among the native headmen. For instance, it is record-

ed in the Minutes of the Dutch Council for 4th October, 1667 :—

‘Amongst other things that came before the Council on this day

was the subject of agriculture in the Galle District, and it was

resolved to reward those who were chief in promoting the same in

the following manner :—

To the Commander, a silver jug weighing 200 Rds.

To the Dissawe, a silver gorget and tray ee 35 Rds.

To his Assistant, 150 Rds. in cash.

To Lieut. Hans Jacob Boeff, 100 Rds. in 1 cash,

To the Native Chiefs, 150 Rds. in cash.’

Seed Testing.

In agriculture and planting, if I ventured to make a suggestion

as to work to be done, it would be in reference to the “ Testing of

Seeds.” This is a very important matter for the planter and

farmer. In the United States and Australian Colonies much has

been done to establish “‘Seed Control and Testing Stations,”’

and there are useful little manuals published there, which might

well be consulted by the rubber and other planters of Ceylon.

Medical, Engineering, Social Lectures, &c.

It may be judged that with all the different periodicals and

scientific journals, departments, and associations to which I have

referred, the scope of our Society (originally standing almost quite

alone in the virgin field of arts, literature, and science in Ceylon)

has been necessarily narrowed very considerably. And, indeed,

there are several further societies and publications devoted to

special branches of study in Ceylon which may as well be includ-

ed in our list. There is the British Medical Association (Ceylon

Branch), one of the most active and useful of Colonial branches

as we learned the other day on the best authority, before which

was read His Excellency Sir Henry Blake’s Paper on ‘‘ Ancient

Theories of Casuation of Fever by Mosquitoes,” a subject first of

all introduced to public notice by His Excellency at our last anni-

versary gathering, and which has sinceattracted much attention

in Europe and India, the latest reference being in a Paper by

Professor J. Jolly, dated Wurzburg, 21st November, 1905, which

appears in the Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society of Great

30 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). © [Vou. XIX.

Britam and Ireland for January last. Then there has recently

been started a “Social Reform Society,” with a Quarterly

Journal; and, again, we have an Engineering Association

of Ceylon just started, for which a career of usefulness may well be

anticipated. Its ‘‘ transactions ’’ from time to time with plans

and designs are sure to be of practical value. In respect cf

electrical developments alone there is great scope in Ceylon with

so much water power running—may we say to waste—in our hill and

even low-country. ‘‘ Hitch your wagon to a star” said the

American philosopher Emerson, and some approach may be said

to have been made of late towards putting that counsel into

practice. It has been well said that ‘‘ our railway trains are

dragged by the sunbeams that were bottled in the coal measureless

ages ago.” Now our high roads are occupied by bicycles, cars,

and wagons propelled by the same force. We have electric

tramways and electric lighting, although our electricity, like

steam, is as yet in Ceylon almost entirely the product of coal.

It is for our engineers to show what can be done through the

=“ SUSRUTA ON MOSQUITOES.

His Excellency Sir Henry A. Blake, Governor of Ceylon, having

most kindly favoured me with a copy of his Paper on “ Ancient Theories -

of Causation of Fever by Mosquitoes”’ [read before the Ceylon

Branch of the British Medical Association on the 15th April, 1905],

I have once more examined all the principal medical Sanskrit texts —

likely to throw light on this point. The two texts of Susruta, on

which the five distinguished Ceylon scholars referred to by Sir Henry

Blake have rested their opinion that the medical writers of ancient

India were acquainted with the connection existing between malaria

and mosquitoes, were also quoted in my previous communication to

this Journal (July, 1905), which was written about the same time as

Sir H. Blake’s Paper. Now it is quite true that the two texts, the ~

only ones in Susruta which bear on the point, may convey the

impression that he was actually aware of the fatal consequences

attending the bites of certain mosquitoes, of the kind called Para-

vatiya (mountainous), which are, he says, as dangerous as “‘ life-

taking’ or destructive insects. The “ life-taking ’’ insects, accord-

ing to Susruta, are of twelve kinds, Tunginasa, &c. (not identified),

and they cause the person bitten to undergo the same (seven con-

secutive stages of) symptoms as in the case of snake-bites, as well as

the painful sensations (of pricking pain, heat, itching, and so on,

Comm.) and dangerous diseases, the bite, as if burnt with caustic

or fire, being red, yellow, white, or brown. The further symptoms

which are mentioned in the following verses, such as fever, pain in the

limbs, &c., are, however, common to all the four principal kinds of

insect bites; they are not meant to be specially characteristic of the

bites of ‘‘ life-taking ’ insects. [This does not come out in the English

translation proposed by the five Sanskrit scholars. It appears from

the Sanskrit Commentary of Dallana.| Nor is the fever (jvara) of which

Susruta speaks in this place likely to be true malarial fever. The

term rather denotes the’ wound fever, which is constantly mentioned

by Susruta as arising from the bites of insects, such as Visvambharas

and Kandumakas [Kalpasth (viii., 15), of various poisonous spiders

(vili., 51-54), of scorpions (vili., 35), of certain serpents (iv., 24), of rats

ee Amer er

No. 57 .— 1906. | PROCEEDINGS. — 31

agency of our waterfalls and rivers. Meantime a new era for our

roads has set in with the development of motor cars and cycles.

Before closing the record as to new intellectual developments

in the Island, mention may be made of several series of public and

popular lectures organized in connection with different institutions

or through private enterprises in many of our towns. Foremost

among these were the Colombo Pettah Library series, and also the

popular series arranged in Kandy by Miss Gibbon. Other series

are found in Colombo, Kurunegala, Galle, and sometimes Jaffna,

in connection with Guilds, Young Men’s Associations, &c., and

very lately the accomplished Registrar-General made a new

departure in the direction of popular lectures, inaugurating the

same in a highly interesting historical sketch, in introducing

which, however, he made one rather rash statement, which it is my

duty as your President to notice and refute. He spoke of your

Society as ‘‘ almost dying of starvation ’’ for want of Papers.

IT think before I am done, you all (including our worthy friend

or mice (vi., 11, 16), or from the wound caused by a poisoned arrow

(v., 24)

If cag chief causes of malarial fever are ‘‘ impure air and water and

the existence of mosquitoes, according to ancient authorities on Ayur-

vedic medicine,’ we should be led to expect some statements to that

effect in Susruta’s chapter on fever, the king of diseases (roganikarat),

where he goes very thoroughly into the causes of fever, such as derange-

ment of the humours by some disturbing cause, as fighting with a strong

man, anger, or sleeping in the daytime, by improper application of

medicines, external injuries caused by a weapon or other instrument,

by some disease, by fatigue or exhaustion, by indigestion, by poison,

&ec. Poison (visam) is the only term in this list which could be supposed

to have any reference to mosquito bites ; but the symptoms attributed

to the fever caused by poison, such as diarrhea, prove that vegetable

poison must be meant, and this is expressly stated in a Sanskrit

Commentary. Susruta does not refer to mosquito bites anywhere else

than in the book on Poisons (Kalpasthanam), where he notices them

very briefly, together with the stings of other insects. Poisonous

spiders, e.g., are far more copiously discussed by Susruta than mos-

quitoes, and he attributes to them the causation of dangerous diseases,

as well as of fever and other complications. Susruta’s general notions

of the nature of poisonous substances, including the nails and teeth of

eats, dogs, monkeys, alligators, &c., are very crude, and his statements

regarding animal poison in particular seem to be based, in a great mea-

sure, on an observation of the effects of snake-bites. Thus, he supposes

insects (kita) and scorpions to be generated in the putrid carcases,

excrements, and eggs of snakes ; and he places the bites of dangerous

animals of this kind on a par with snake-bites as to their’ consequences

and as to their medical treatment. It does not seem advisable, there-

fore, to compare Susruta’s remark on the fatal nature of the bites of

a certain Masaka’s occurring in mountainous regions with modern

theories of the origin of malaria, especially as Masaka is a very wide

term, which may include any fly or insect that bites, besides ordinary

mosquitoes, as in a well-known text of the Code of Manu (1., 40) on

the creation of “all stinging and biting insects’ (sarvam ca damsa-

masakam). The other Sanskrit authorities agree with Susruta.

Wurzburg, 21st November, 1905. J. JOLLY.

32 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX

himself) will realize that the case is quite otherwise. No one at

least can say that the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society —

has not done good work and deserved well of the intelligent public

of Ceylon in the past. How it has forged ahead may be judged

from the fact of its commencing sixty-one years ago with a roll of

thirty-four Members, not one of whom was a Ceylonese ; while

now our roll includes 203 Members, of whom no fewer than 97

are Ceylonese gentlemen, many of whom pre-eminently contribute

to our Journals and discussions. As our Bishop President well

said in his Jubilee historical sketch: “‘ Instead of being a Society

of European Christian visitors, interested as visitors in an Island

to which they did not belong, we are now a Society of studious

people separated by many distinctions of race and association,

but all keenly interested in whatever belongs to Ceylon, whether

bound to it as the scene of our duty or by the still stronger ties of

fatherland.’ In this connection, too, we may dwell with some

complacency on the enterprise of “ sons of the soil ” in going forth

from Ceylon to take up work, and in many cases to fill important

posts in other parts of the world, not only inthe United Kingdom,

but in America, South Africa, and Australia. To India, Burma,

and the Straits, Ceylon has given many of her educated sons as

teachers and preachers, as well as medical men, surveyors, engi-

neers, in the clerical and other services. Ceylonese merchants ~

and men of business are found in the United States and the

Continent of Kurope, and I have heard of a Ceylonese family

supplying an electrical engineer of repute to a Midland company

in England, a doctor in good practice in South Africa, a man of

business in South America, anda teacher in a Metropolitan Public |

School. A Sinhalese gentleman once closely associated with this

Society, Mr. D. M. de Zilva Wickremasinghe, besides being

Epigraphist to the Ceylon Government, is also Librarian and

Assistant Keeper of the Indian Institute, Oxford.

Our Prospects and Papers before the Society.

Among the promised Papers—to be read it is expected at an

early date—is one now in course of preparation by Dr. Donald

Ferguson on “ The First Discovery of Ceylon by the Portuguese,”

with several illustrations (executed in England), which have been

sanctioned by your Council. The peculiar appropriateness of this

Paper will be found in the fact that on 6th April next will be the

400th anniversary of the first landing of the Portuguese at

Colombo. Another valuable contribution will be “Some Survivals

in Kandyan Art,” by Dr. A. K. Coomaraswamy, also with illustra-

tions. A third Paper will be on “ Certain Ruins in the Ruhuna-

rata,” by Mr. Arthur Jayawardana, retired Atapattu Mudaliyar

of Galle. There are also some proposed contributions by Mr. T. B.

Pohath Kehelpannala, which have to be considered by your

Council.

Then I hope to complete the second and perhaps the more

practically interesting and useful part of my Paper on the exten-

sion of ‘‘ Coconut Planting ’’—that is, in Dutchand British times,

No. 57.—1906.1 PROCEEDINGS. 33

from about 1660 a.pD. to 1906—hefore the end of this year. Apart

from the prospects of some substantial Papers thus held out to

Members (and others in the general public who ought to take a

greater interest in our Society by becoming Members), the Council

has accepted Mr. Donald Ferguson’s offer to translate the parts

referring to Ceylon in the works of John de Barros, the Historian

of Portuguese India, and his successor Diego de Couto. The

work of these gentlemen was published at Lisbon in 1778-88 in

twenty-four volumes, so that the selector and translator has no

ordinary task before him.

The Veddas.

There is the prospect, too, of some anthropological work of

much interest to the Society being undertaken in the Island during

the present year. In our first President’s Opening Address sixty-

one years ago, he asked the question: “‘Who are the Veddas, and

whence came they ?”’ This has been answered from time to

time in the Journals of this Society and in other publications by

able Members of the Ceylon Civil Service and Scientists like the

brothers Sarasin, Virchow, andothers. ButIdonotthink that any

_ onewill say finality has beenreached. Professor Virchow only dealt

with second-hand material, never having visited Ceylon, and he

was most earnest in closing his Paper in 1885 as to the duty of this

Society and all who could help in Ceylon. His words given in

our Journal are: ‘“‘May the zeal of the observer know no

flagging, that, before the utter extinction of this already much-

depleted race, the language and customs, the physical and mental

constitution of the Veddas, may in all particulars be firmly

established.”

And in respect of one of his points, he remarks: ‘‘ New re-

searches and further material would seem to be required before

@ definite conclusion can be arrived at.”

The Bishop President, in his Address that same year, empha-

sized the need of further observation, thinking that some of

Professor Virchow’s conclusions might stand in need of correction.

Other investigators who have done work personally in Ceylon have

urged on this Society, the Museum Officers, and other Powers-that-

be to do all in their power to obtain, before it is too late, ‘‘ inform-

ation which in a few years will be unobtainable.’’ One observer

concluded that within the present century it might almost be

impossible to find a real Vedd&4in Ceylon. _ It will be remembered,

too, that Sir E. F. im Thurn, in his closing Address in September,

1904, remarked: “‘ Far too little has yet been achieved in the

direction of Anthropology, and the cave-dwelling Veddas might

well receive more attention.’ That being the case, it may be

asked, what has been done since 1885-86, towards what Professor

Virchow and others urged onus ? I fear little or nothing. Under

these circumstances I am sure you will learn with much interest

the contents of a‘letter I received by a recent mail from Dr. Haddon,

F.R.S., of Cambridge University, one of the leading anthropolo-

gists of the day. He writes: ‘We have recently appointed

a 43-06

34 JOURNAL, RB.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

Mr. A. R. Brown, B.A., Trinity College, as the first Anthony |

Wilkin Student in Ethnology, and he proposes to study the Psy-

chology and Sociology of the Veddas. Mr. Brown is thoroughly

trained in all methods of experimental psychology suited for

field work, and no one who has not had such a training can hope

to do that kind of investigation with sufficient accuracy to satisfy

the requirements of students at home. Further, Mr. Brown has

learnt from Dr. Rivers and myself methods for conducting investi-

gations into the sociology of primitive peoples. So much of the

work done by those who have not learnt the proper methods is

unsatisfactory and incomplete, and ought to be done over again.

What Science now demands is accurate, detailed, and exhaustive

work ; all this requires training, and cannot be picked up by any

one in the field. In addition, Mr. Brown has studied physical

anthropology and other subjects that will be of use to him. I

write all this to satisfy our Ceylon friends that we are sending out

a thoroughly competent person for this class of research. Further,

Mr. Brown is a very cultured man, for not only has he taken a first

class in the Moral Science Tripos, but he has a wide knowledge

of literature. He is a young man with a brilliant future before

him, and I sincerely trust he will be afforded every facility that

can be granted to him, for I feel certain he is worth it. Any

further information you desire I shall be most happy to supply. —

He hopes to start in about ten weeks’ time.’’ Dr. Haddon wrote

about the middle of February, so that Mr. Brown, if he does come, -

should soon be here. Unfortunately, the question of ‘* ways and

means’ may just possibly prove a hindrance at the last moment,

as his travelling scholarship is not a rich one; but I trust any

difficulty may be got over, and I feel sure anything that His

Excellency the Governor and the officers of Government of all

ranks, the Members of this Society, and others interested in the

Veddas can do to promote Mr. Brown’s investigation, or to render

him needful assistance, will be readily accorded.*

Work to be done ; Suggestions to Members.

Our Vice-President, Mr. J. P. Lewis, has been calling public

attention through the Press to the need of a compilation for

Ceylon similar to that published by the Indian Government on

‘Indian Monumental Inscriptions ’—Vol. III., being “‘ List of

Inscriptions on Tombs or Monuments in Madras,” by Julian

James Cotton of the Civil Service, having appeared from the

Government Press a few months ago. If Members and others

in different parts of the Island assisted Mr. Lewis in getting the

inscriptions copied, I have no doubt His Excellency the Governor

would aid us in the printing and publication.

So long ago as 1884 the then President (afterwards Sir John F.

Dickson) suggested that an interesting Paper, read by Mr. levers,

* Unfortunately: the Ceylon Government did not see its way to give

encouragement or aid for Mr. Brown, and so he went on to the

Andamans.—J. F.

No. 57.—1906. | PROCEEDINGS. 35

might be developed by some Member of the Society into a con-

tinuous account of the history of the Tooth-relic since its arrival

in Ceylon in 310 a.p. This remains to be done.

Then, again, the late learned Mr. James Alwis’s unfinished

work has never been taken up, and we have yet to see an

adequate and complete history of Sinhalese literature.

In this connection it may be remarked that the Committee on

Oriental Studies are anxious to have a text book on the Philology

of the Sinhalese language and another on the Archeology of

Ceylon.

I know how big a subject and large an undertaking are opened

up when I ask what has become of the “Sinhalese Glossary

Committee,’ for which our Bishop President did so much. It

would be well if we could persuade his brother, and successor in

the Diocese, to join our Society and to take a part (for which, as

an accomplished Sinhalese scholar, he is so well fitted) in a new

“Glossary Committee,” towards the fulfilment of the adequate

_ Sinhalese Dictionary, which all our scholars desiderate.

The translation for our transactions of that part of Valentyn

which treats of Ceylon has yet to be accomplished ; perhaps it

may be done after Mr. Donald Ferguson has finished his present

translations for our Society.

A very minor but interesting question to be answered is, By

which Sinhalese King was the canal between the Kelani river

and Negombo lake—alluded to by Jesuit priests in 1613—con-

structed ? Mr. Donald Ferguson says he cannot tell. Is there

any reference in the old books to help us? The Government

Archivist tells me there were six principal kings between 1500 and

1600 a.p. (the period when it must have been cut), apart from

inferior kings. He thinks Don Juan Dharmapala (1542-1584) to

be the most likely to have made the canal.

Some day we may hope to see a new edition revised, corrected,

and brought up to date of the most charming and instructive

book ever written about Ceylon, namely, the two volumes by

Sir J. Emerson Tennent, published over forty years ago.

The editor and reviser will find much information to help him

in our Journals, notably in the Paper demonstrating that the

Chinese invaders fought the Sinhalese King at Kotté and not at

Gampola; that Sirivardanapura was not the modern Kandy,

but a town six miles from Dambadeniya, on the road between

Kurunégala and Negombo; and that the Portuguese first:

appeared at Colombo rather than Galle.

A new and judiciously edited reprint of Robt. Knox’s ever-

interesting book, embodying all the errata which he himself

supplied, and giving notes identifying the places mentioned as far

as possible, would be a useful work. Mr. Donald Ferguson has

collected a good deal more of information about Knox since his

pamphlet on the subject appeared.

An up-to-date ‘“‘ Gazetteer of Ceylon,” utilizing so far Simon

Casie Chitty’s work of seventy years ago, and still more Sir

Archibald Lawrie’s admirable “* Kandyan Gazetteer,’ would be

useful. .

36 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). VoL. XTX.

ft will shortly be desirable to have the very excellent mdex, so

ably compiled as a labour of love by Mr. J. F. W. Gore for

Journals I. to LXI. (that is, up to 1890), of our Journals and

Proceedings continued to the present time.’

I am quite of the opinion that, so far as funds permit, the

Society ought to go on reprinting past Journals that may have got

out of print. An accession to our membership would enable this

the more readily to be done. Some years ago, indeed, it was

proposed to. ask the Bengal Royal Asiatic Society for permission

to reprint as part of our transactions the valuable Papers contri-

buted to that Society’s Journal by the late George Turnour. But

I think we ought first to be sure of making available to new

Members or other purchasers all the past Journals of our own

Society.

Our field of work may be narrowed by the multiplication of so

many different agencies—private as well as official—which take

up the different branches of science and study. But there is

plenty left for the Members to do if they only follow, in all reverence

and humility, the pursuit of truth and the elucidation of what

remains within the full scope of the Royal Asiatic Society of

Ceylon.

Portuguese, Dutch, and early British Maps.

A series of copies of Dutch maps of the whole or parts of the .

Island and plans of the towns have lately been procured by the

Ceylon Government from The Hague, and are now, some of them,

in charge of the Surveyor-General and some of the Government

Archivist. I have been favoured with lists of the same, which it

is well to put on record :—

Inst of Dutch Maps in Surveyor-General’s Office.

927 .. Map of Ceylon (one section only).

929° .. Do. Giant’s Tank.

930... Do. do.

O31 ee Do. do.

O32 ee. Do. do.

OSS) ae Do. do.

934 .. Do. do.

935.05" Do. Kalutara District.

936... Do. Salpiti Korale.

O37 see. Do. Alutkuru Korale.

G38 eu Do. Panadure.

939 .. Do. Trincomalee District.

1,014 .. Do. Trincomalee.

LO es Do. Galle.

Besides the above, there are in office one ferro-gallic copy of a

map of Karachchi, one folded map of Jaffna, and one folded map

of the Island.

No. 57.—1906.] PROCEEDINGS. ot

Inst of Maps with the Government Archivist.

941 .. Map of old Colombo.

942 .. Do. Siege of Colombo.

944 .. Do. ‘Colombo.

946... Do. do.

948 .. Do. do.

950... Do. do.

OD Die ii.: Do. Fort of Colombo.

953... Do. Environs of Colombo.

954 .. Do. Environs of Fort of Colombo.

Inst of Maps and Plans with the Government Archivist.

(1) Plan of Colombo, circa 1656.

(2) Plan and Chart of the Environs of Colombo, circa 1750.

(3) Chart of the Fortress of Colombo, of the Pettah, showing

the situation of the Lake and the surrounding land.

Prepared by Captain Foenander in 1785.

(4) Portuguese Map of Colombo.

(5) Plan of the Castle of Colombo and the Pettah, 1681.

(6) Plan of the Castle of Colombo, 1697.

(7) Map of Colombo and its Environs, without date.

(8) Map of the Jaffna Peninsula, 1720.

Maps.

I have also been favoured from the Surveyor-General’s Office

with the loan for this evening of a map prepared in 1719 for the

then Dutch Governor, and which deals mainly with districts in

the south-west maritime coast, coloured fully where occupied by

the Dutch, and with a red line to indicate the limit of the territory

taken from the Kandyan ruler and more or less within Dutch

influence. The map refers mainly to cinnamon cultivation, and

the divisions growing the finest are specially shown, while little

circles in red indicate the villages occupied by the Chaliyas when

engaged in peeling. Dutch maps of Ceylon are not uncommon ;

but there is scarcely anything of this kind appertaining to

Portuguese times. The Government Archivist reports: “‘ I have

among the maps in my possession an old rudely drawn one of

Colombo with the names in Portuguese. This I believe to be a

map of the Portuguese times. I have not seen any other of the

period, although I have an idea the Museum has some very old

maps.”’

This plan of Colombo in Portuguese times has been lent for this

evening, and is now before you. Though, undoubtedly, a Portu-

guese plan, many Dutch words are inserted in it. It is very

interesting, as showing how far the fortifications of Colombo at the

time extended,—quite out to Kayman’s Gate and embracing all

the Pettah, which, indeed, to this day is known as the old city.

It is also interesting for the number of churches shown (one on

38 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XTX.

the site of the present Pettah Burial Ground), and altogether for

its quaint look. Had there been time this map ought to have been

engraved for the forthcoming Paper on the Portuguese in Ceylon.

The Honorary Secretary, Mr. Joseph, exhibits from his office

an old Portuguese sketch (doubtless enlarged) of the Colombo

-Inner Harbour, Customs House, and other buildings, which may

have been taken from the more detailed map or perhaps a little

later.

From Mr. D. W. Ferguson I have got the loan, on purpose to

exhibit here, of the only copy he has heard of being available, of

the illustrated map, prepared by Mr. Charles Wynne Payne, to

accompany a bookon ‘‘ Ceylon, its Products, and its Capabilities,

&c.,’’ published in 1854 in England. The illustrations show types

of different sections of the Sinhalese, Tamil, and Moormen, with

some attractive views of scenery, of the elephant, coffee in fruit

and flower, &c. This map, published fifty years ago, is specially

interesting because of the author having, at so early a date,

boldly drawn the lines of railway which he thought ought to be con-

structed in order duly to develop the Island. Beginning at Galle

he ran a coast line, not only to Colombo, but on to Puttalam and

Mannar and over the Mannar Island facing Adam’s Bridge, ready

for the connection with India. Then, this coast line was continued

to Jaffna ; and was then led diagonally across country to Trinco-

malee. Thence, the line connected across country with Kandy

and ran on to Colombo. Another line from Kandy ran direct to

Batticaloa, ignoring intervening mountain ranges! It will be

observed that Mr. Payne never anticipated the necessity which

has carried our railway system up to 6,200 feet and down into the

heart of the Uva Principality—the most wonderful mountain

railway of 160 miles from Colombo to Bandarawela, in some

respects, that can be found on the surface of the globe.

8. The Hon. Mr. John Ferguson, C.M.G., President, then read

the following Paper.

No. 57.—1906.| cocoNUT CULTIVATION. 39

THE COCONUT PALM IN CEYLON:

BEGINNING, RISE, AND PROGRESS OF ITS CULTIVATION.

No. 1.—From earliest Times to 1660 A.D. or the close of the

Portuguese Occupation of the Maritime Provinces.

By the Hon. Mr. JoHn FERGUSON, O.M.G.

THE Coconut Palm has been the subject of several Papers

included in the Journals of this Society. In the very first

number, published in 1845, there is a Paper “ On the Ravages

-of the Kuruminiya or Coconut Beetle,” by J. Capper. The

same beetle is referred to by Edgar Layard in the fourth

issue of the Journal a few years after, in the course of a

sketch on the Natural History of Ceylon. Again in Journal

No. 5 the brothers J. G. and W. 8. Taylor of Batticaloa con-

tributed an interesting Paper “On the Manufacture of

Sugar from the Juice or Sap of the Coconut Tree.” In 1853

Mr. A. O. Brodie of the Civil Service contributed a statistical

account of the Districts of Chilaw and Puttalam, in which

reference is made to topes of coconuts along the sea coast,

the total of the palms in the two districts altogether being |

then estimated at 950,000, covering about 12,000 acres.

Then in 1882 we had brief references to the coconut palm

from Ibn Batuta’s account of his visit (in 1343) to the

Maldives in the Paper translated for us by Mr. Albert Gray.

And, finally, there is a reference to this palm in Johann

Jacob Saar’s Account of Ceylon in 1647-1657, translated for

the Society by Mr. Freudenberg, Vice-President, in 1885.

The traveller there speaks of “the many and beautiful trees

called coconut trees” in the Island, and details some of the

ways in which they are utilized ; while he also mentions

40 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

that the numerous monkeys “ do much damage to the trees.” .

[ Mr. Geo. Wall in his Papers on an Introduction to a History

of the Industries of Ceylon, vol. X., No. 37, 1888, makes

no reference to the coconut palm. |

But nowhere throughout the Proceedings and Journals of

this Society extending over a period of sixty years is there

information afforded on asubject which, we might consider,

should be of special interest to its members, namely, the

first appearance and gradual spread, through cultivation, of

the coconut palm in Ceylon. Unlike cinnamon, which is

found growing wild as a tree in the jungles of the interior,

the coconut palm (Cocos* nucifera, the Pol-gas or Pol-gaha

of the Sinhalese) is not indigenous to the Island. All

that the late Dr. Thwaites, F.R.S., in his ‘“‘ Knumeratio

Plantarum Zeylaniz” says of this palm under “ Habitat” is:

* Dr. Trimen mentions that “ Cocos” is from the Portuguese name Coco

or Coquo, given to the fruit from a fancied resemblance to a monkey’s |

face. Marshall quotes Mr. Booth’s Analytical Dictionary: “The three

holes at the end of the shell give it the appearance of the head of a

monkey.” Buthe himself considers Coco is derived from the Greek word.

Kocos, a seed, nut, or shell. Baldzeus, in his account of the idolatry of the

East Indian Pagans, mentions how Ixora [Isvara] turned the head of a man

(beheaded by her) into a coco tree, “‘ whence it is that the Indians say

that the print of a man’s face was fixed in the coconut.” Harly European

writers up to the 10th century speak of it as ‘the nut of India,” a term

used by Robert Knox in the 17th century. Mudaliyar A. Mendis Gunasékara

informs me that the Sinhalese word “pol” is considered a pure original

Sinhalese word. He also writes: “ Maharuk or maruk, another ancient

Sinhalese word for coconut, literally means the great or chief tree, and

indicates that it must have been in the Island in great abundance from a

very ancient date.”

[The derivation of the name of the nut from Portuguese coco, “ bugaloo,”

rests on the statement of Barros (Dec. III. III. vii.} and Garcia da Orta

(Col. 16), whose books were both published in 1563. Barbosa (1516) says :

“‘ We [Portuguese] call these fruits cocquos.” But the anonymous writer

of the voyage of Vasco da Gama (1498-9) speaks of coguos as if the name

were the ordinary one, though the Portuguese had never seen the palm or

fruit before this voyage (see Count Ficalho’s remarks in his edition of

Garcia da Orta’s Colloquios, i, 247-50). See also Hobson-Jobson, s. v.

The word pol is derived by Professor W. Geiger (tym. des Singh.) from

Sanskrit puta, ‘“‘funnel-shaped, hollow space ;” Pali puta, puti, ‘‘ vessel ;”

and he adds that in Sanskrit putodaka is coconut, lit, ‘ having water in its

hollow (fruit).”—D. W. F.]

No. 57.—1906. | COCONUT CULTIVATION, 4}

* Commonly cultivated throughout the warmer parts of the

Island.” The late Dr. Trimen, F.R.S., in his ‘“* Handbook to

the Flora of Ceylon,” is more explicit, his statement being :

“Universally cultivated throughout the low-country, es-

pecially near or on the sea coast; but not wild.” A very

experienced Ceylon coconut (as well as cinnamon, coffee,

and tea) planter—Mr. W. B. Lamont, who first came to the

Island in 1841, and still survives near Ratnapura—gives the

following reasons, as the results of his observations in

different districts of the Island, why the coconut cannot be

regarded as indigenous :—

** We do not find in the coconut tree, as it appears in Ceylon,

the characteristics of an indigenous plant; we do not find

it growing to maturity, and producing its seeds in the midst

of the other natural growth ; but wherever Nature resumes

her sway and maintains it for afew years on land in which

this palm grows, we see it pine, cease to bear fruit, and ulti-

mately die off ; the neighbourhood and agency of man seem

necessary not only to its propagation and well-being, but to

its existence. It is only found as a cultivated plant ;

starved and neglected indeed it may be, but never totally

abandoned to Nature for a long period of years.”

Again, as Tennent so well puts it :—

“The presence of the coconut palm throughout Ceylon is

always indicative of the vicinity of man, and at a distance

from the shore it appears in those places only where it has

been planted by his care. The Sinhalese believe that the

coconut will not flourish ‘unless you walk under it and

talk under it’; but its proximity to human habitations is

‘possibly explained by the consideration that if exposed in

the forests it would be liable, when young, to be forced down

by the elephants, who delight in its delicate young leaves.

“In the deepest jungle the sight of a single coconut

towering above the other foliage is, in Ceylon, a never-

failing landmark to intimate toa traveller his approach to

a village. The natives have a superstition that the coconut

will not grow out of sound of the human voice, and would

42 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

die if the village, where it had previously thriven, became

deserted.” —Tennent, vol. I., p. 119, fifth edition.

Then again Sir Samuel Baker, after eight years of wander-

ings in Ceylon jungles, remarks :—

‘Groves of coconut trees towering over the thorny jungles

often become monuments sacred to the memory of an exter-

minated village, and wild elephants generally overturn

(ownerless) coconut palms, luxuriating in the succulent

tops.” *

De Candolle—I suppose, the greatest suing on the

subject—places the original habitat of the coconut palm in

the Hastern Archipelago, somewhere in the neighbourhood

* On the other hand, Simon Casie Chitty (in his ‘‘Ceylon Gazetteer,’ 1833)

has no doubt about the coconut palm being indigenous. Here is how he

introduces the subject :—

“Among the trees indigenous to the Island (if we except cinnamon,

which furnishes the greatest item of its commerce) the claims of the .

“coconut tree appear to predominate. Such is the benefit which this tree

confers on the natives, that it is celebrated in song by the ancient bards ;

and one of them oliete: Sinhalese or Tamil is not mentioned] thus

elegantly expresses the quality of its fruit in a Sanskrit stanza :—

Usaggra uasé nacha pakshi raja [1 |

Jalanta tari nagato na mégha

Subbrahma chari nacha chandro maya

Trinétr dhari nacha Iswaranaém. [2]

Tt resides on high—yet it is not the king of the birds ;

It yields water—yet it is not the raining cloud ;

It is white—yet it is not the moon ;

It has three eyes—yet it is not Iswara.

[1] The Garuda, a bird sacred to Vishnu, and consequently worshipped

by his votaries. It is the Pondicheri eagle of Brisson, and its origin and

history form the subject of one of the eighteen Puranas.

[2] Iswara is one of the mystical names of Siva, who is represented

with three eyes.”’

Mudaliyér Gunasékara reminds us that the coconut is mentioned in the

great Indian epic Mahdbhdrata ; and the Sanscrit ddkshindtya—one of the

names of the palm—literally means “native of the south.” The “ Materia

Medica” of the Hindus compiled from Sanscrit medical works makes

mention of various medicinal properties and uses of the coconut. The

Mudaliyar adds that the name of the coconut tree in Tamil (¢ennet) seems

to mean the southern tree, this tree having been brought, according to

tradition, from Ceylon. So also says Dr. Caldwell in his grammar _ the

Dravidian languages; but this is quite consistent with the view that the

coconut originally came to Ceylon from the farther south-east.

No. 57.—1906.] COCONUT CULTIVATION. 43

of Sumatra and Java, and surmises that nuts floated thence

both east and west—eastwards to the islands of the Pacific

and the coast of Central America, and westward to Ceylon

and India and the east coast of Africa. He considers that

the introduction of the coconut into Ceylon, India, and

China does not date back beyond 3,000 years ; but that it

floated by sea to the coasts of America and Africa at a more

remote epoch. The native Sinhalese tradition that locates

the earliest specimen or grove of this palm in the neighbour-

hood of Weligama, on our southern coast, is in strict accord-

ance with what might be expected under De Candolle’s

theory. [A glance at the map of Asia would seem to

show how readily coconuts could float from Sumatra to

Ceylon. After the eruption of the volcano Krakatao

in Java, in August, 1883, the south-east shores of Ceylon

were invaded by tidal waves carrying ashes and other

debris.| The tradition is that a king of Ceylon was a leper,

or afflicted with some skin disease, and that he (Kusta

Raja) was cared by sea-bathing and the milk of the coconut,

or the use of its expressed oil. The legend goes on to say

that the king found no people where he found the coconut

palm of his dream, as if to testify to its introduction through

nuts carried across the sea from Sumatra and taking root on

the sea coast near Weligama.*

* The affinity of a great majority of the genera (represented on our Ceylon

south-west coast) is distinctly Malayan as opposed to Indian.—7Z?imen.

Curiously enough to Trimen’s remark “‘ Coconut cultivated throughout the

tropics, the origin is not known,” Sir Joseph Hooker adds : “ Indigenous

according to Kunz in the Cocos and Andaman Islands.” But Dr. Henry

Marshall, Deputy Inspector-General of Army Hospitals, writing in 1836,

says: ‘It is remarkable that the coconut tree has never been introduced

into the Andaman TIslangs, although it is very extensively cultivated in the

Nicobar Islands, which are within 30 leagues of the little Andamans.”’

Evidence, I believe, has been afforded within historic times of the coconut

taking root of itself after floating across the sea ; but a curious case of pre-

maturely jumping to a conclusion occurred in 1890 to a distinguished

botanist, who wrote to the London weekly, Nature :—

Self- Colonization of the Coconut Pulm.

The question whether the coconut palm is capable of establishing itself

on oceanic islands, or other shores for the matter of that, from seed cast

44. JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

The fullest version I have seen of the “ Traditional account |

of the original discovery of the coconut tree, by an ancient

Sinhalese Prince of the Interior of the Island of Ceylon” is

ashore, was long doubted ; and if the recent evidence collected by Professor

Moseley, Mr. H. O. Forbes, and Dr. Guppy, together with the general

distribution of the palm, be not sufficient te convince the most sceptical

person on this point, there is now absolutely incontrovertible evidence

that it is capable of doing so, even under apparently very unfavourable

conditions. In the current volume of Nature (page 276) Capt. Wharton

describes the newly-raised Falcon Island in the Pacific ; and in the last

part of the Proceedings of the Royal Geographical Society Mr. J. J.

Lister gives an account of the natural history of the island. From this

interesting contribution to the sources of the insular floras we learn that

he found two young coconut palms, not in a very flourishing condition, it

is true ; but they were there, and had evidently obtained a footing unaided

by man. There were also a grass, a leguminous plant, and a young candle-

nut (Aleurites) on this new volcanic island—a very good start under the

circumstances, and suggestive of what might happen in the course of

centuries.— W. Botting Hemsley (Nature, April 5, 1890).

This was answered in the following issue :—With reference to Mr.

Hemsley’s note on this subject to Nature (page 537), I regret to have to

inform him that the two young palms found on Falcon Island were placed

there by a Tongan Chief of Namuka,who in 1887 had the curiosity to visit

the newly-born island, and took some coconuts with him. This informa-

tion I received from Commander Oldham, who had been much interested

at finding these sprouting nuts at some 12 feet above sea-level and well in

from the shore of the Island, but who found out the unexpected facts

in time tosave me from making a speculation somewhat similar to.

Mr. Hemsley’s.—W. J. L. Wharton (Nature, April 24, 1890).

A writer in the Jowrnal of the Indian Archipelago for 1850 observes

that the tendency of the coco palm to bend above the sea, causing its fruit

to drop into the water, appears to account for its extension to the numerous

islands and atolls to which the nut is floated by the winds and tide. The

little island of Pulo Merga off Sumatra, not a mile round and so low that

the tide flows over it, is of a sandy soil and full of coconut trees, although

at every spring tide the salt water goes clear over the island—so foad is the

palm of the sea and salt.

“Essentially littoral,” says Dr. Hartwig, in his Tropical World, ‘‘this

noble palm requires an atmosphere damp with the spray and moisture of

the sea to acquire its full stateliness and growth; and, while along

the bleak shores of the northern ocean the trees are generally bent land-

ward by the rough sea breeze, and send forth no branches to face its

violence, the coco, on the contrary, loves to bend over the rolling surf and

to drop its fruits into the tidal wave. Wafted by the winds and currents

over the sea, the nuts float along without losing their germinating power,

like other seeds which migrate through the air; and thus, during the

No. 57.—1906.] COCONUT CULTIVATION. 45

in the Ceylon Miscellany for July, 1842. A much more

concise statement (which I give as a note) was sent to me

some years ago by the late Mr. W. N. Rajapakse, Proctor of

the Supreme Court.*

lapse of centuries, the coco palm has spread its wide domain from coast to

coast throughout the whole extent of the tropical zone. It waves its

graceful fronds over the emerald isles of the Pacific, fringes the West

Indian shores, and from the Philippines to Madagascar crowns the atolls

or girds the sea-border of the Indian Ocean. But nowhere is it met

with in such abundance as on the coast of Ceylon, where for miles

and miles one continuous grove of palms, pre-eminent for beauty, encircles

the ‘ Eden of the Eastern Wave. Multiplied by plantations and fostered

with assiduous care, the total number in the Island cannot be less than

twenty millions of full-grown trees [the estimate of 50 years ago.—J. F.];

and such is its luxuriance in those favoured districts, where it meets with

a rare combination of every advantage essential to its growth—a sandy and

pervious soil, a free and genial air, unobstructed solar heat, and abundance

of water—that, when in full bearing, it will annually yield as much

as a ton’s weight of nuts—an example of fruitfulness almost unrivalled

even in the torrid zone.”

* THe TRADITION RESPECTING THE INTRODUCTION OF THE

Coconut INTO CEYLON.

(By the late Mr. W. N. Rajapakse, Proctor, Supreme Court.)

1. Kusta Raja (so called because he was afflicted with a cutaneous

distemper) is the first person whose name is associated with coconut

cultivation. He was a provincial king or prince in the midland parts

of the Island. His disease having baffled the skill of his physicians,

he was going about seeking a cure. On the beach of the sea coast

somewhere near Weligama he found a coconut tree growing there and

bearing fruit. The tree is supposed to have grown from a nut washed

on shore from some foreign land. He drank the water of the nut

either out of curiosity or by advice, and probably repeating the dose he

got cured. This induced him to make a plantation of coconuts in _the

vicinity of Weligama. The result having proved beneficial to man,

his image cut out of the solid rock was placed by the people of the place

to perpetuate his memory.

2. Kusta Raja is believed to have lived after the conquest of the

Island by Wijaya, and there are reasons to suppose that the coconut

was known in Ceylon in the time of our first king.

3. The worship of certain gods, devil-dancing, and balz or invocation

of the flowers were observed in Ceylon in the time of Wijaya and hefore

that, and in all these three things the coconut plays an important part.

In worship of gods the oil of the nut is used for lighting the lamps, and

it is preferred to all other oils, except scented oils. In devil-dancing

46 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XIX.

Curiously enough, the Mahawansa (the ancient Sinhalese —

history of Ceylon) does not contain nearly so many refer-

ences to the coconut as it does to the palmyra palm, probably

and bali a coconut is placed at the feet of the patient, and the devil-

dancer concludes the ceremony by imploring that the ailments of the

patient may descend to the coconut.

4, The invocation consists of the repetition of a number of verses

which are herewith enclosed. This poem was composed by Totagam-

muwe Sri Rahula, the Shakespeare of Ceylon, who by the way was a

contemporary of the Bard of Avon, though they lived in different

countries and were unknown to each other. In the commencement

the poem sets out that the coconut was imported into Ceylon to be

placed at the feet of Wijaya on the occasion of a bal, intended perhaps

to avert the evils of hisingratitude to Kuvéni and murder of her people.

According to this poem the home of the coconut was beyond seven seas.

Then it goes on to describe .the different kinds: the king-coconut,

the scoert-husked* coconut, the diminutive coconut, and the fembili or

the first-mentioned kind, being the one from which the other kinds .|

sprang. Before this poem was composed in Sinhalese it is believed

that the same existed in Sanskrit, like most of the mantras or charms

used in devil-dancing, but it was rendered into Sinhalese and versified

for facility of learning it by heart and to please the patient by its

melody. This poem bears on it the impress of antiquity and is full of

poetic genius and fire: no one now living can compose poetry like this,

I[think. This poem is repeated throughout Ceylon.

5. If this statement of importation of the coconut be true, this is

a new and important fact, and Kusta Raja must at once be deprived

of the credit of being the first finder of the nut and the honour be given

to whom it is due. In this connection it is interesting to be reminded

that the coconut tree flourishes best in that part of the Island where

Wijaya reigned.

1, seg dey 36e

31793 IDnogu nic

8659 DAS.

22199 2908 o18EG 008

2. e86s3 a8 6

@a8 69 ade F1yQDz

BIQHOSaT Yosh

aN EBdeI D1zBEG 2OOCH

* “* Scoert-husked coconut” puzzled me somewhat ; but I am inclined to

think ‘‘ seoert” stands for the Dutch zoet, sweet. It is this description

of coconut which I believe Mudaliyaér Gunasékera translates Navase (see

page 9). MNavase, I know, is a kind of coconut with a sweetish husk

which, when tender, is eaten with great relish by the villagers. G.

Anthonisz.

Co OROROMO)

No. 57.—1906.] | COCONUT CULTIVATION. 47

because the latter, flourishing in a drier region, was better

known at that time in North Ceylon and in India. Tennent

finds an explanation in the fact that the Mahdwansa was

3. Ase OaGQS

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48 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XIX.

written by residents in the interior of the Island, while the

coconut palm grew along the sea coast. One shrewd

surmise why the Mahawansa has so little to say about the

13. @890 eqoomBs msg QuMaG@In QD, aed

B6eG Ja} OHas GOON O80 Daag sos ood

8000 wal oefam Gaoss 0Gs oI mAG0e oad

351H1,HH Vie GHODS 5,93 SSsn ed16 oad

The translation was made for me some years back, at the instance of

Mr. H. C. P. Bell, C.C.S., by the late learned Chief Translator to Govern-

ment, Mudaliyar B. Gunasékera, and runs as follows :—

Translation.

1. In by-gone days a king-coconut could not be had when King

Vijwya wanted one to put his noble feet upon (on the occasion of a

ceremony intended) to avert a severe calamity.

2. On inguiry he was told that a king-coconut of golden colour

might be had in a country on the other side of the Severi Oceans. He

procured it in the following manner.

3. In order to remove the calamity it assumed the form of Ganésa

(a Hindu god) typified by Nalikéra (a term for coconut in general).

I am going to give an account of the origin of the golden tembilz (king-

coconut).

4. When a question arose as to who would go to fetch the tembilz,

the great Tera (Buddhist priest) Anada immediately brought and

gave it.

5. At the end of seven days from the coronation of the wise Ganésa,

born in the womb of Queen Irugal (who lived) in a country beyond the

Seven Seas, the germ was seen.

6. Ganésa was defeated in a battle and his head fell in an extensive

forest. Sakra, with his divine eyes, observed it in an instant and

enclosed it with a strong fence.

7. It (the head metamorphosed into a coconut plant!) grows daily

and attains height, with flowers of a cubit in length. Its young shoots

become green and rustle before the wind.

8. At the end of full three months the flowers burst open with

pedicles loaded (with tender fruit) at the tips. The bees alighting with

joy make anoiseonthem. The tree bore five kinds of coconut.

9. The first was “ ran-tembili ” (king-coconut of golden tint), the

second was ‘‘ gon-tembili,” the third ‘‘ navisi,”’ fourth “bodiri’’ (the

fifth, not specified). After six months the fruits ripen.

10. The goddess of the Earth lives at the foot of the tree ; Mahakela,

the snake-king, at the middle of the trunk ; the elephant-king and the

god-king (Sakra) at the top; while Vishnu and Sak-king live within

the nut.

1l. Ganésa, the three-eyed god, wearing a crown on his head, has

given this coconut. By the efficacy of the incantations now used in

No. 57.—1906.] COCONUT CULTIVATION. 49

coconut, hazarded by the late Mr. H. Nevill of the Civil

Service, is that the practice of toddy-drawing after a time,

and its distillation into spirit, would prejudice the priestly

historians against the palm and its cultivation.

The very earliest references to the coconut in the Maha-

wansa are more or less legendary, the first especially, when

we are told in chapter XXV., page 98 :—

‘“‘ During the battle between Dutugemunu and Elala (about

161 B.c.) Gotha (one ef the former’s warriors) is said to

have seized a coconut tree and Mahasona (another warrior) -

a palmyra tree — with which they slaughtered the

Damilas.”

The next, from the same chapter, page 140, is quoted by

Tennent as the very earliest mention of the coconut. It is

simply mentioned as being known in Rohuna to the south,

161 B.c.; and again, the milk of the small red coconut is

stated to have been used by Dutugemunu in preparing

connection with the 35 yagas (sacrifices or religious ceremonies) may

every misfortune come down to this coconut.

12. In the first place, the eminent sage brought (it) into existence.

The divine Prince Ganésa cut it up. The divine Iswara (Siva) gave it

three eyes. Hence the appearance of golden king-coconut in ‘the

world.

13. Iswara went and broke the head of Ganésa, Sakra picked up

this head and threw it up to a height of 3 gaw (12 miles). Then it

beeame ran-tembilt in Sakra’s beautiful pleasiure-garden: (hence) the

present calamity has been removed.

[The usual nonsensical language of native charmers and kapurdalas

and kattadiyas (god-priests and demon-priests).—B. G.]

To another Sinhalese gentleman still in our midst, we are indebted for the

following: ‘The earliest mention of coconuts occurs in a story known as

the ‘Kuweni Hella.’ It is stated there that Wijaya was afflicted with a

dire skin disease and was roaming about in despair when he came across

some fruits fallen under a tree which grew wild, which he ate, being quite

unaware that it was wholesome, and discovered its wholesome properties,

and that this fruit was the king-coconut. The date of this compilation

and the author are unknown. One thing is certain, that when the com-

pilation was made the tradition was prevalent in the Island, that at the

_ date of the Wijayan invasion coconuts grew wildon the coast of Ceylon,

and that neither the indigenous Yakka population nor the invading

Aryans of Northern India knew the use of it.”

E 43-06

50 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

cement for building the Ruwanweli Dagaba (Mahawansa,,

chapter XXX., p. 169).*

But the strange fact (remarks Tennent) is that notwith-

standing these and other very early references nothing

is said of the coconut as an article of food, nor is the

palm given in the list of fruit trees to be planted, before

1153 a.D., Prakrama I. (Mahawansa, chapter LXXII.).

But before we come to this date we have the passage

in chapter XLII., first brought to light by the late Mr.

H. Nevill, C.C.S.,;which records how King Agrabodhi I.

about 589 A.D. caused ‘‘a coconut plantation of three yojanas

(about 36 English miles) in extent” to be formed, probably

between Dondra and Weligama, and so it is surmised

that his statue was cut out of the rock near the Weligama

Vihare as a memorial of the king who introduced coconut

planting into Ceylon. ee

This is doubtless the very first record of the formation ofa

regular coconut plantationin Ceylon; butthattheremusthave

been many palms growing before this time on the southern

coast, and more especially around the port of Galle, we know

from independent authority. Even Atlian, the Roman

Historian, so far back as the middle or end of the 2nd century

speaks of the sea coast of Ceylon as covered with palm trees

(possibly referring to palmyras in the North and coconuts.

in the South). Chinese writers of the 5th century—when

Galle was a chief port for the exchange of trade between

Kast and West—mention “ coconuts ” and “ arrack” (distilled

* “ Philalethes”’ (Dr. Robt. Fellowes, M.A.) in his summary of Sinhalese:

history has a curious statement, apparently from Valentyn, but not trace-

able in the Mahawansa. Itruns: “MutaSinga Raja (the Mutasiva of the

Mahdwansa, who reigned 60 years) planted in the wilderness a great grove

of coconut trees to which he gave the name of Mahamuna.”’ In chapter

XI. of the Mahawansa we are told the King Mutasiva formed the delightful

royal garden Mahimégha (so called because of an unseasonably heavy fall

of rain just as it was being laid out) which was provided in the utmost per-

fection with every requisite, and adorned with fruit- and flower-bearing

trees of every description ;” but no mention is made of coconut, nor indeed

is any fruit specified at all.

No. 57.—1906.] COCONUT CULTIVATION. 51

from the coconut palm) as produced in Ceylon. Elsewhere

in the same century the coconut is spoken of as the palm

tree that bears “the great Indian nut ;” and curiously enough

Robert Knox, 1,200 years later, writes of the same palm as

if it belonged to India rather than Ceylon.* Writing in

520 A.D., Sopater described Ceylon as surrounded by a

multitude of exceedingly small islets (referring to the Mal-

dives) ‘all containing fresh water and coconut palms.”

Henry Marshall (Deputy Inspector-General of Army

Hospitals in Ceylon about seventy years ago), who published

a Monograph on the Coco Palm in 1834 (2nd edition, 1836),

begins by stating: ‘“‘The earliest notice of the coco tree

which the author has seen is contained in an account of the

travels of two Mohammedans in India and China in the

9th century.” This reference seems to have been chiefly to

arrack, and was about 810 a.D.

The fact is that a very backward part of Ceylon up to

1000 A.D. or later was the south-west coast, where the palm

grew ; the people seem to have been of the aborigines or

Veddas, so primitive were their ways, and any trade

was in the hands of the Moors, who up to the beginning

of the 16th century controlled all commerce,j but these

* « Here are also of Indian Fruits, coker-nuts ”»—<Knowx, page 28

(edit. 1817) ; and that is all he has to say, although he gives a long account

of the areca, talipot, jak, kitul, cinnamon, &c.

7 This is what Tennent says: “ During the middle ages, when Ceylon

was the Tyre of Asia, these immigrant traders (the Moormen) became

traders in all the products of the Island, and the. brokers through whose hands

they passed in exchange for the wares of foreign countries. At no period

were they either manufacturers or producers in any department ; their

genius was purely commercial, and their attention exclusively devoted to

buying and selling what had been previously produced by the industry and

ingenuity of others, They were dealers in jewelry, connoisseurs in gems,

and collectors of pearls ; and whilst the contented and apathetic Sinhalese

in the villages and forests of the interior passed their lives in the cultivation

of their rice lands, and sought no other excitement than the pomp and

ceremonial of their temples, the busy and ambitious Mahometans of

the coast built their warehouses at the ports, crowded the harbour with

their shipping, and collected the wealth and luxuries of the Island, its

precious stones, its dye-woods, its spices, and ivory to be forwarded to

E 2

52 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

same Mahommedan traders do not seem to care to mention

the coconut or arrack, and for good reasons. The celebrated

traveller Marco Polo, about 1300 A.D., speaks of the people

in some parts of Ceylon as having for “ their drink coconut

toddy ” or “‘wine drawn from trees.”* This use of the

palm is sufficient to explain why so little is made of it by

the pious Buddhist writers of the Mahdwansa, as also by

Mahommedans, equally zealous in abstention from intoxi-

cants.

To return now to the Mahawansa, we find that in

chapter LXXIV. (page 214) the following passage occurs,

giving the coconut a special position among the fruit-bearing

trees planted by order of one of the greatest of Sinhalese

kings :—

“He (Prakrama Bahu, 1164-1197 A.D.) also adorned both

sides of the road with fruit-bearing trees, as the king-coconut,

plantain, areca, coconut, and such like, and with water jars

filled with bunches of beautiful flowers, and with many

kinds of banners and flags, and with lamps, censers, and

such like.”

‘Then of another great king,much given to travel and to

make his ministers travel too in order to keep such roads

China and the Persian Gulf.” Again: “The Sinhalese mode of trading

with the Chinese, Arabs, or Moormen long continued precisely the same as

that adopted by the Veddas of the present day, namely by barter, the parties

being concealed from each other, the one depositing the articles to be

exchanged in a given place, and the others, if they agreed to the terms,

receiving them unseen, and leaving behind what they give in return.”

* Edrisi, the most renowned of the writers on Eastern Geography who

wrote in the 12th century, in his account of Ceylon, mentions that the

islanders cultivate rice, coconuts, and sugarcane; although the only

exports he gives are precious stones, crystals, diamonds, and perfumes. A

Chinese author so late as 1211 A.D., in speaking of the trade and products

of Ceylon, only specifies “‘Cardamoms; cinnamon, coarse and fine; and

mangrove.” And even in 1611 the trading report is of cowries, cinnamon,

pepper, gems, and elephants as obtainable in the Island. But may this

indifference not be explained by the bulky nature of the nut, even when

unhusked, and ignorance at the time as to any special value of the oil

beyond its local use ?

No. 57.-—1906.] |= COCONUT CULTIVATION. 53

and bridges as then existed in repair—Prakrama Bahu II.

(1240-1275 a.D.)—we find that he is said to have thought

within himself, saying :—

“Great indeed his (Minister Dévapatiraja’s) piety, for

once he prayed that he might become a Buddha, and planted

a coconut, having earnestly prayed and resolved (that some

sign should be shown him that his desire would be fulfilled),

and lo, there opened up three buds from the three eyes

thereof.” And the king ordered his minister (among other

things)—“ At the Bhimatittha Viharé, where the King

Nissanka planted an orchard, do thou likewise, in my name,

lay out a large garden full of coconut and other fruit

trees.”

Then as the outcome of the kine’s thought it is recorded

in the same chapter (14th verse) :—

“Thence this great minister proceeded to the port of

Bhimatittha. Andthere he built a bridge, eighty-six cubits

span, at the mouth of the Kalanadi®* river ; one of about 100

yatthist span at the village Kadalisena ;t one of 40 yatthis

span over the Salaggama§ river; and one of 50 cubits span

over the Salapadapa| river. Thus did he build these and

other bridges at divers places where it was difficult to cross

over ; and likewise also he made numerous gardens and halls

for preaching and the like, and did even give away much

arms and hold feasts (in connection herewith).

“Afterwards this great minister of the king formed a

large coconut garden, full of fruit and fine shade, and gave

it the famous name Prakrama Bahu; and it extended from

the Bhimatittha Viharé (Bentota) unto the ford of the

Kalanadi (Kalu-ganga), a space of about one ydéjana in

width.

* The Black river, Kalu-ganga.

t+ A yatthi is equal to seven cubits of two spans to the cube.

~ Kehelsen, Kehel-lenawa ?

§ Salgamu-ganga.

\| Salruk.

54 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XTX.

‘‘And when he-had caused the great forest Mahalabu-

jagaccha* to be cut down altogether and rooted up, he made

a fine village thereon and planted a large grove of jak trees

near it.”

This shows that a coconut plantation was formed in the

13th century between Kalutara and Bentota “one ydjana”

or 12 English miles “in width” (really in length) along the

coast as it extended from the Bentota Viharé to the ford on

the Kalu-ganga. (The distance of the road between Bentota

and Kalutara in the present day is a little more than 115

miles.) |

The next mention is in the 90th chapter, which is as

follows: “ He also gave for the benefit of that Pirivena a

village named Salaggama near the bank of the river Gimha

(Gin-ganga), and in that delightful village of Titthagama

(Totagamuwa) he formed a grove with 5,000 coconut trees.”

This was in the reign of Prakrama Bahu IV., who was sur-

named Pandita Prakrama Bahu, whose seat of government

was Kurunégala, and reigned in 1295 A.D.

There are two further references to the coconut in the

Mahawansa; but as these are so recent as the 18th

century, they will come in more properly into the second

division of my Paper, which is to embrace Dutch and

British times.

The slow progress made in the cultivation of a palm so

pre-eminently beneficial, in purely Sinhalese times, is no

doubt accounted for by the seat of monarchy and authority

being (for the most part) so far in the interior, and popula-

tion congregated chiefly in the north-central and central

districts, while the south-west coast was at that time com-

paratively sparsely occupied.t| During several centuries,

even after the important plantations formed by order of

their kings, the Sinhalese people, we may suppose, did not

* MAdelgasvanaya.

+ King Prakrama Bahu sent in the 12th century to reduce the South of

Ceylon.

No. 57.—1906.] COCONUT CULTIVATION. 55

do much to extend the cultivation of the coco palm beyond

what might be needed for the supply of their own families.

Indeed they had no object or special inducement to do so;

for the produce could not be carried very far inland (in the

absence of roads) with the means of transport at their com-

mand, and there is no evidence to show that the nuts, oil,

or arrack were exported much before the end of the 15th

century. Still by this time we may take it for granted that

not only the people on the south-west coast from Kalutara

round to Dondra Head, but also many of the villagers farther

north and farther inland had begun to realize the value

of the coco palm. To Mudaliyar Simon de Silva, the learned

Chief Translator to Government, I am indebted for re-

ferences which bear out the view that coconut gardens had

been formed by this time in the Western Province even up

_ to the banks of the Kelani-ganga. I append in a note the

references given by the learned Mudaliyar to classical works

other than the Mahawansa.* A Chinese writer who

describes Ceylon about the year 1413 A.D. writes of ‘the

coconut which they have in abundance supplying them with

oil, wine, sugar, and food.” = Tt must have been about this

time that the enterprising Moormen who commanded all the

foreign commerce began to turn the coconut to account. At

first undoubtedly, being Mohammedans, they would have

nothing to do with arrack as an intoxicating spirit, and not

much was at the time known of the value of the oil, while

* 1. In the 71st and 76th verses of the Gira Sandésa, a poem written in

the 15th century, reference is made to coconut gardens in the Panaduré

and Kalutara Districts,

2. In the 107th verse of the Paravi Sandésa, written about the same

time, mention is made of a coconut garden beyond Balapitiya.

3. In Kovul Sandesga references are made to coconut gardens in the

Southern Province.

4. In the 42nd verse of the Selalihini Sandésa of Totagamuwa, who

flourished in the reign of Prakrama Bahu VI. (1415 to 1467 A.D.), refer-

ence is made to coconut trees growing on the bank of the Kelani-gagga.

7 “ Ceylon Literary Register,” vol. IV., 1889-1890, page 118.

56 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vot. XIX.

the nuts were far too bulky a freight, in proportion to value,

to be carried like cinnamom, gems, or silk all the way to

Arabia or up the Red Sea for transport overland to Hurope.

But evidently a market nearer home, in the North-West of

India was discovered ; for, although the South of India may

have had palms enough of its own* to make Robert Knox

(160 years later) speak of the coconut as an Indian rather

than Ceylon fruit; yet further up, beyond Bombay and

along the Cambayan coast, the coconut produce of Ceylon

found aready market. This I gather from the very first ex-

perience of the Portuguese at Colombo recorded in Gaspar

Correa’s history of the doings of his countrymen in India

and Ceylon during the first half of the 16th century.t

For instance, we are told of Dom Lourencgo de Almeida’s

arrival in 1506—that “as he entered the harbour there

were many vessels (Moor) which were loading cinnamon

and small elephants, in which there is great traffic to all

parts, chiefly Cambaya, and in this port they were also

loading green coconuts and dry ones, from which is extracted

oil, and much arequa, all of which is much prized in Cam-

baya ; also masts, yards, and planks, Ceylon having a great

supply of good wood.” Then later on we read that the Sin-

halese king (then at K6tté) sent the Portuguese Commander

‘6a present of provisions for the whole fleet, consisting of

abundance of fowls and figs (really plantains) and coconuts,

which are all eaten with the shell on, and sweet oranges and

lemons (limes),”’ Andon Lopo Soares’ departure in 1518, as

a farewell gift, the king sent him “ six rings of sapphires

(worth 1,000 cruzados) and six small elephants (a fathom in

height, easily shipped), with great abundance of eatables

for the fleet,and especially so many coconuts that they piled

* That there were many coconut palms in Malabar when the Portuguese

came to India we know from Varthema (1510) and Barbosa (1516), both of

whom ¢all the coconut tenga (Malayalam). See Hobson-Jobson, s.v. “ Coco.”

—D. W.F.

+ “Ceylon Literary Register,” vol. III., 1889. page 133.

No. 57.—1906.}]_ cCocONUT CULTIVATION. 57

on the shore those that each inclined to load, and even then

there were many over.”’*

The next reference we need quote is from the record

of his experiences by the first Englishman who visited

Ceylon. This was Ralph Fitch, who touched at Colombo in

March, 1589, on his way from Bengal to Cochin, and who

reports in the account of his travels: “This Ceylon is a

brave land, very fruitful and fair; but by reason of con-

tinual war with the king thereof, all things are very dear.

The provision of victuals for the Portuguese cometh out of

Bengal every year.” He speaks of the people as “ black and

little,” and adds: ‘ Their houses are very little, made of

* In “ The Thousand and One Nights”’ or ‘“‘ Arabian Nights’ Entertain-

ment” (Lane’s translation), written about 1475-1515 A.pD., thera are some

amusing references to coconuts, no doubt gained from the experience of

Mohammedan travellers in previous centuries. One occurs in the “ Fourth

Voyage” of Es Sindebad of the Sea, where he and companions got cast away

among ‘‘a magian people” whose king was a ghoul, eating human flesh ;

in addition to bringing strange food to fatten and stupefy them, they gave

them ‘coconut oil’ to drink, and also anointed their bodies with the

oil, and all perished save Es Sindebad, who loathing, could not eat this food,

and who got so emaciated as not to be worth the eating. Secondly, in

the “ Fifth Voyage,” after his experience of ‘“‘The Old Man of the Sea,” on

getting to the City of Apes, he was befriended by a man who gave him a

bag to fill with pebbles and to go forth with a party, all similarly laden, toa

wide valley having lofty trees which no one could climb, and also many

apes which at the sight of the strangers ran up the trees, evidently coconut

palms. For, on the men pelting the apes with the stones, the apes responded

by plucking off the nuts and flinging them atthe men, and in this way the

latter collected a great quantity of coconuts ;and Es Sindebad did this for

many days until he was able to sell a large quantity of nuts, ‘‘ the price of

which became a large sum in my possession.” (To do this, the price must

have been very different from that recorded for the Maldives 100 years

later of 400 coconuts per larin, or equivalent of 8d. sterling.) This country

from the context must have been the Malay Peninsula or Sumatra ; for,

in returning to the Persian Gulf itis told they passed ‘“‘by an island in

which are cinnamon and pepper”’—evidently Ceylon. And in the next or

“Sixth Voyage,” Es Sindebad, after an extraordinary fashion, came to

‘“Sarandeeb” (the Arabic name for Ceylon), which he describes as to

situation and area very fairly, and mentions much about its minerals and

gems and lofty mountains and trees with spices, but not a single reference

to coconut or any palm all the time he was there ; while, finally, the king

sent him away with rich gifts (gems, &c.) to his own king, Kaleefah

Haroun Er-Rashud.

58 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

the branches of the palmer or coco tree, and covered with

the leaves of the same tree.” od

In view of the export trade in coconuts which the Portu-

guese discovered immediately on their arrival, in view also of

the abundance of coconuts gathered no doubt from gardens

in the Kotté and adjacent districts along the Kelani-ganga,

nay probably from the neighbourhood of Colombo itself—

while we know that the coast from Kalutara to Galle and on

to Dondra Head was covered with the palm 400 years ago, as

it is to-day—it is most astonishing that there is little or no

mention of the coconut by the otherwise full and careful

Portuguese writer Ribeiro, whose manuscript was presented

to the King of Portugal in 1685. The areca (betel-nut) and

talipot palms are freely mentioned ; but the coconut scarcely

atall. This would seem toshow that the Portuguese never had

much export trade in coconut produce ;* that they esteemed

it as of lessimportance than cinnamon bark, and the arecanut

—both, of course, much more valuable at the time, in pro-

portion to bulk, a matter for consideration in days when the

biggest of their ships (small brigs and barques) would be

deemed unequal even to a coasting trade in the present day.

In the account of the arrival of the Dutch Admiral J. van

Spilbergen off the south-east coast of Ceylon in 1602 it is

mentioned that as they approached a bay they “founda great

grove of coquos trees ;” + and the French traveller Pyrard

(1601-1605) gives a very full description of the coconut palm

and its different products,{ while he also reports having seen

as many as 100 ships loaded with coconuts at the Maldives

* On the other hand, Barros, describing Ceylon CIII., IL. i.), says :—

“It has great palm groves, which is the best inheritance of those parts ;

because, besides the fruit thereof being the common food, these palm

trees are profitable for divers uses ; of which food, called coco, there is

here great loading for many parts.” In III., III., vii., describing the

Maldives, he treats at length of the coco and its uses. See also Linschoten,

chap. 56 (partly taken from G. da Orta).—D. W. F. [Doubtless the ship-

ments were for Indian and other Asiatic ports and not for Europe. }

+ Query, Arugam Bay, see “Ceylon Literary Register,” vol. VI., p. 316.

“Ceylon Literary Register,” vol. V., 1890-1891, p. 300.

No. 57.—1906.] | COCONUT CULTIVATION. 59

(doubtless for Cambay and Persian ports); while 400 nuts

were in these islands sold for a larin, a coin of about 8d.

sterling or 30 cents of our rupee in value. (The Maldives

have maintained a continuous export trade in coconuts—as

their staple product—for, probably, 500 to 600 years at least.

Percival records how early in the past century a ship from

the Maldive Islands touched at Galle, which was entirely

built, rigged, provisioned, and laden with the produce of the

coconut palm.) Although such a Portuguese authority as

Ribeiro took so little notice of the.coco palm, we know from

other contemporary writers that its cultivation was, by the

beginning of the 17th century, attended to round many

villages in the interior as well as on the coast. An interest-

ing reference to this period is found in the diary of a Jesuit

priest (Father Manoel Barradas) who travelled in 1613 with

other priests as far inland as Seven Korales.* They were

welcomed at several towns and villages, notably at Matte-

gama,f{ ‘“‘capital of the Seven Corlas” (then an important town,

‘© 10 leagues from the coast,” apparently situated about two

miles from Giriulla between the Maha-oyaand Deyahandula)

with decorations along the roadsides “of tender leaves of.

palms, hanging at one place and another cocos and bunches

for those of our company to help themselves to them at their

will,” and so at some other villages on their way back to

Madampé and Chilaw; but it must be noted that there is no

mention of the palm growing at Madampe, Kalpitiya (Calpen-

tyn), or Mannar at that time. It is of further interest to

quote two passages from this Jesuit writer referring, first to

coconut palms at Colombo in‘1613, and secondly to palms

generally in the Island :—

‘“As the Portuguese in the time of the kings of Ceilad

possessed nothing outside the walls, on account of sieges

being frequent, the same city served them as a palm-grove,

* See “ Monthly Literary Register,” vol. IV., 1896, page 129 et seq.

+ Mattegama, in 1613 the then capital of Seven Kéralés and “ a large

town well laid out in streets,” is now a poor little village, the change

being possibly due to its malarious situation.

60 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

there not being a palm therein that had not been planted, |

even on the hill,* above the stones, as is even now seen ; and

the goodness of the soil and its coolness allows of all this.

So that even now, after their being cut down (and they are

going onevery day cutting down many palm trees), the least

that is visible isthe city. This makes ita little sombre and

melancholy, although inside it is becoming beautified with

many and good d welling-houses which look like palaces; and

outside with many country-houses which have been and are

being built with splendid houses and large enclosures; and

they are already getting near to the river Calane, which is

close upon aleague.”’

Again: ‘ There are in Ceila6 all the varieties of palm trees

that are distributed over the other parts of India, to wit, the

White Trefolins,t the Cajurins,t Nipeira§ or Date-palms,

but these wild ones; because though they yield fruit it is

not fit for food. There are the Talapates, which bear a leaf

so large, and united after the manner of the bat’s wing, that

of one alone is made an umbrella which can shelter three or

four persons together from the sun andthe rain. There are

lastly the cultivated ones, which bear such large cocos that

they are two and a half spans in circumference, particularly

in Mateigama. Among the cultivated ones there is one

variety in Ceilao which is not found in any other place ; nor

have I heard it spoken of until now. In our Castle of

Columbo there is a palm tree whose bark, leaves, new and

old, fruit in little lanhas| and afterwards cocos, always have

a yellow colour, like that of gold; and it may well be that

* St. Sebastian.—D. W. F.

{ Kitul?—D. W. F.

~ Areca ?—D. W.F.

§ See Hobson-Jobson, s. v.““Nipa.” The Nipa fruticans, not the Date-

palm, as the writer seems to imply.—D. W. F.

|| Vieyra’s Port. Dict. has ‘‘Lanha, s. f. (in Ethiopia), the fruit of the

cocoa tree when it is tender and green.” I donot know what the origin of

the word is ; but ¢f. Sinh. 1a, unripe, young, immature. From Tannilan-

kay = unripe fruit.—D. W. F.

€ The ‘‘ King-coconut’’ is, of course, referred to.—D. W. F.

No. 57.—1906.] COCONUT CULTIVATION. 6L

this is the branch of which the poet speaks: Aureus et

simili frondescit virga metallo. 1 say this, because Virgil

says of it, that it was the offering of Proserpina: Hoc sibi

pulchra suum ferri Proserpina munus institut. And of

these palm trees, which many call royal from the beauty of

the colour, but of which the Father Nicolao Paludano, of

our Company, who travels about those parts, writes that

with more reason they might be called Luceferinas, since

the fruit is used by the heathen Chingalas only for offering

to the devil.”

There is also a ccfctenee by this Jesuit priest to “ Canals”

—forty years before the arrival of the Dutch—which is

worth quoting, though of no bearing on our immediate

subject :—

_ “Near Columbo the Fathers embarked ona canal* by

which they entered into the river Calene, and going down

the river they proceeded into another canal as narrow as

shady, so that the oars, although they were very short, could

scarcely fulfil their office, and for a good distance the trees

which intertwined their branches served them as a protection

from the sun, until they came out into some level cultivated

fields over which it was pleasant to the sight to gaze. By

this they went as far as Negumbo, which is six Chingala

leagues. ‘This canal was artificially made by the king when

he was at war with the Portuguese; because the principal

internal trade of the Island being by the river Calene, and

its mouth being near Columbo, our people easily stopped it

by sea; wherefore he diverted it by means of this canal,

which is of no little convenience.’’}

This shows that canal communication between Colombo

and Negombo was established by a Kandyan king (probably

Don Juan Dharmapala, 1542-1584) long:before the time of the

Dutch, who usually get the credit of all our canal systems

in Ceylon.

* St. John’s Canal, probably.—D. W. F.

+ Tke Muturajawila is doubtless the canal referred to. I do not know

who was the king who constructed it.—D. W. F.

62 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XTX.

There is not much more to learn respecting coconut culti-

vation in the time of the Portuguese; and yet there is one

reference dating from 1644-1649—seven to nine years before

_their final expulsion by the Dutch—which goes to show

that if not valued by the historian or foreign merchant, the

supreme importance of the palm as a food producer was

duly recognized by the Portuguese occupants of the Island.

We quote from Johann von der Behr’s account of his

experiences in Ceylon from 1644 to 1649” (he wasa Cadet in

the Dutch Service, and was attached to an invading army).

It is where he describes the landing at Negomboand an island

in front of it “on which stand more than 3,000 cocos or

kochers trees,” each tree bearing ten, twenty, or thirty small

and large nuts, and later on he adds that from the branches,

&e., of the palms, houses were made to accommodate 600 of

the troops. The palm was for all uses, and he adds that .

“the Portuguese esteem the tree very highly, and say that if

one shot a bullet through a tree and struck the heart (in

consequence of which it would dry up) it was as if he had

put a man to death.”

Baldzeus in his account of Ceylon, printed in 1672, should

be able to show how the south-west and especially the north

of Ceylon stood for palms at the time the Dutch arrived.

He gives a very particular description of the different divi-

sions, parishes, and churches in the Jaffna peninsula and

islands ; often refers to gardens with “ Indian fruits” and

‘‘ delicious vineyards,’ but seldom mentions the coconut.

Of Mannar island, he only tells us it abounds in fish, so that

here, as at Negombo, is a great industry in drying and

sending large quantities to other parts. He refers to the

fertility of the Mantota district in rice crops, and to the

great mischief done by elephants which used to cross the river

(lagoon) into Jaffna to feed upon the fruits of the palm

trees, knocking these trees down. Recurring to the Jaffna

churches, we are told of those at Changane, Paneteripo, and

* “ Ceylon Literary Register,” vol. VI., 1891-1892, page 82.

No. 57.—1906.] COCONUT CULTIVATION. 63

Batticotta as having behind ‘‘an orchard of cocoe and Portu-

guese fig trees, besides potatoes, bananaes,” &c. Patchiara-

palle was much infested with elephants, “by reason of the

vast quantity of wild palm-trees* that grow here and afford

food to the poorer sort of inhabitants, though the elephants

threw down some hundreds every year, being very greedy

after the fruit when it comes to maturity.” This could

scarcely be the coconut—evidently the palmyra. But in

chapter XLVII., in referring generally to the people of Jaffna

and the climate, Baldzus makes a statement which shows

that to some extent at least the people cultivated coconuts.

He mentions the eight months of dry weather when perhaps

rain only falls three times, “ which is the reason that

they are obliged even to water the coco trees till they are

six years old,” and he afterwards refers generally to “Cocoes”

in Ceylon. As regards the neighbourhood of the capital,

here is a curious paragraph from Baldzus, referring to the

beginning of the siege of Colombo: “The following day a

certain Portuguese prisoner was brought into the camp; he

was sent from Milagre, and had lived fourteen days upon

grass and herbs in the woods.”+ This would seem to show

there were no coconutsin the woods near Milagraya, and in-

deed we know Governor Van Imhoff in the next century had

jungle felled along the route from Colombo to Kalutara in

order, under the rules of rajakariya,to have coconuts planted

by the villagers.

We can now sum up the position of the coconut palm in

Ceylon about the middle of the 17th century, when the

Portuguese occupation of the Maritime Provinces came to an

end. In the first place we may venture to say that the cultiva-

tion was almost%®ntirely confined'to the south and west of the

Island. There is little evidence of the coconut palm grow-

ing along the eastern coast, at any rate above Arugam Bay

* This is one of the translator’s errors, The original has palmeer =

palmyra.—D. W. F.

7 See also chap. XXIV., under 19th October.

64 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

(Pottuvil) or Batticaloa ; and there cannot have been many

cardens of palms in the north. Robert Knox on his escape

in 1679 gives an account of the products of the ‘ Malabar ”’

country through which he had passed to the north-west

coast, and of which he had learned by observation and

report. He says: “The commodities of this countrey are

elephants, hony, butter, milk, wax, cows, wild cattel: of the

three last great abundance. As for corn, it is more scarce

than in the Chingulays countrey ; neither have they any

cotton. But they come up into Neure Caulava yearly with

great droves of cattel, and lade both corn and cotton.’”*

From an ‘account of the Jaffna peninsula in the Dutch

times, when there were 150 villages (many more than in the

time of the Portuguese), we learn these were all in the north

of the peninsula; for in the south forests prevailed, full of

elephants and other wild beasts ; and so numerous and bold

were the elephants that two of them waded across a lagoon

near Jaffna and appeared in the streets of the town about

the year 1660. We gather from this (and Baldzus) that the

coco palms then cultivated were confined to certain villages

in the north of the peninsula and a few in the islands.

The palmyra was probably much more common. We take

it, further, that up to this time the coconut had not been

planted (unless a few here and there) at Mannar, Kalpitiya,

Puttalam, or Chilaw—indeed very few north of Negombo.

Probably the Maha-oya may be taken as the northern limit

on the western coast; although farther inland the coconut

palm was found around villages north of that river, in the

Seven Korales, and generally near all villages throughout

what is now known as the Western Province. At the same

time, we cannot suppose—seeing what afterwards happened

in the time of Van Imhoff—that there was much cultivation

between Colomboand Kalutara. ‘There were certainly some

gardens near Colombo, more particularly in the direction

of K6otté and the Kelani river as far inland as Sitawaka,

* Page 356, Robert Knox’s “ Historical Relation,” edit, 1817.

No. 57.—1906.| COCONUT CULTIVATION. 65

but the great continuous extent of planting of which we are

quite sure was from the Kalu-ganga, southward to Bentota,

and from thence to Galle and on to Weligama, Matara, and

on to Dondra Head. At the same time it is unlikely that

this belt extended far inland, save where village topes or

gardens broke the continuity of the jungle or chena land.

The map which has been prepared through the courtesy of

the Surveyor-General and of Mr. Templeton of his staff, and

to which we now call your attention, indicates by different

colourings the successive stages in the advance of coconut

planting in Ceylon, so far as we are able to judge, from the

information and authorities laid before you. We begin witha

small patch of dark green colour with bars round Weligama,

indicative of the spot where the earliest nut or nuts floated

ashore from Sumatra, took root in the sand and gave Ceylon

its first coconut palm, perhaps 3,000 years ago. There must

have been a good deal of planting of the nuts in the neigh-

bourhood and at: intervals in the country towards Galle long

before King Agrabodhi, according to the Mahawansa in 589

A.D., gave the order to form a plantation from Weligama to

Dondra. For,asalready mentioned, the Roman writer lian

about the middle of the 2nd century ofthe Christian era, or

say 160 A.D., mentions on the authority of travellers that the

coast about Galle was covered with waving coco palms, and

further he records the notable fact that the palm trees grew

in regular quincunzes as planted by skilful hands in a well-

ordered garden. So we give ina second colouring (light green)

a sweep of country that must have shown palms to voyagers

up to 500 A.D. Then comes the historical planting of King

Agrabodhi, 589 A.D., coloured brown by itself, and equally

distinguished is the plantation ordered by King Prakrama

Bahu II. along the twelve miles of country between the Kalu-

ganga and Bentota, between 1240 and 1275 A.D., the colouring

being lightred. Before this time, however, there was plant-

ing (about 1100 A.D.} between Ambalangoda and Bentota,

for which we have put in a dark red colouring. About the

same period, or a little later, there were also certain roadside

F 43-06

66 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XIX.

plantings of fruit trees (including the coco palm) by orders of

King Prakrama Bahu the Great; but it is impossible to say

with what success, especially as regards palms. Undoubt-

-edly such kingly attention to this most useful of tree

food-producers must have acquainted the people throughout

many villages and districts with its value, and accordingly

from the 13th century on to the middle of the 17th, when our

observation closes for the present, the Sinhalese throughout

the low-country of the south-west, between Dondra Head

and the Maha-oya river, and in villages perhaps ten, twenty,

or even thirty miles inland, asin Three and Seven Koralés,

became more and more alive to the value of a palm which

so variously ministered to their comfort, entering into every

part of their life as food, drink, light, fuel, household uten-

sils, and building materials. We have accordingly added a

sixth distinct colouring in sienna, for villages north of the

Kalu-ganga in the Western Province, near Kotte, Colombo,

along the Kelani-ganga, indicating gardens planted up to —

1450 A.D.; and finally the seventh colouring (neutral tint)

covers planting done between the middle of the 15th and

17th centuries (up to 1660 A.D.), north of the Kelani-ganga,

about Negombo, in Seven and Three Koéralés, in a few

gardens in the north of the Jaffna peninsula, and at

Tangalla, Pottuvil, and Batticaloa. The wars which raged.

almost continuously for 150 years between the Sinhalese

monarch and the Portuguese must have sadly interfered

with agricultural progress of any kind; and there was not

the same strong inducement of a keen foreign demand

which prevailed in the case of cinnamon and arecanuts, to

induce a large export trade in coconut products. This

trade indeed did not attract much attention till towards

the end of the Dutch* and beginning of the British rule,

—$—$——=,

* T learn from Mr. Anthonisz, Government Archivist, that in the Instrue-

tions left for his successor by Governor Ryklof van Goens, in 1675, no

reference is made to any trade in, or revenue from, coconuts, oil, coir, or

arrack ; although full mention is made of arecanuts, pepper, rice, elephants,

Scale:24 Miles toan JnAch

(

COD Deipt Reference to Colours.

: NY 1. Dark Green with bars—

Pisasimundal wee Coconuts eel took voot oy were

lanted in Ceylon about 3000 years ago

2 Light ee cA 2

Gultivated with cocoyusts about 2000

years ago-tveported as flourishing

groves by Alien 160 4D.

3 iT

king Agrabodus plantation -569 AD.

4 Dark Hed —

= up to 1100 AD.

Light Hed.

Kokkulat Planted by Minister of King Peakra-

[ oma Bah St 1240-1275 AD.

= “y a 5. 52envwa—

NO Giants Tank f : “¥ by Planted up to 1450 4D.

{\ Mu 4 ‘? 6 Neutral tint—

Aripput ; ee ei) 5 5 Played u by 4p 1660AD,. whew the-

; : z S Dutch fully occupied the Maritime

Stlavaturar S ifs ! js Pr Previeesl

ichchukaddi

Kudremaiat rN

Medawathchiya >Horot ms Trincomalee

i ae i tent a Point

i tent :

Futter

Fee a

IBA Eas \ ) Peal Pa sonal

ala

uwara Wewa : ¢ Dank

¥ Hiss _—

(le \ {\Panizhchankoni

a OS,

ikaw)

Y Kalhudah

— »

IDEN SA

Chenkaladt

BATTICALOA

Bingiri a _-Hetfipola

—«Gadmuruiot

T—Dandagomuw. sf

Ve varwila 2 Navy f ala \ muna

Watlegama

} AND.

Pp aaa

A — ath

f Gumpoyd Rib 4)

Vawale pitiyer auf i 7]

= -Ragalla /)BADULL

COLOMBO g@& : : = -

: f r ;Dambagata SS / Soll

pa S aN . a, << ye aN arenes 0 ri sy ec

Mt Lavinia Ve : ; : Pottu

\ < :

Moraniwa \y

= Haputale, ».

Panadurak—\ig Pred NS Ledrise oa mal c aya

; = ee \

: elmadul ie

Pr \\

Kalutara } ais

Little Basses

“Blpitiya g hg

Ambalangoda aie ELO awake

Baddegama G\ oR Pp 4 Wé = Great Basse,

‘ a 7

arabantota

7 tangalla

Matara Dondra Head

Photo~lith S G.0., Colombo. No85/06

No. 57.—1906. | COCONUT CULTIVATION. 67

notwithstanding the enterprise of the Moormen traders as

shippers of nuts to Cambay and Persia so early as the 14th

to 15th centuries. At the beginning of last century the

estimate was that there were 10 millions* of coconut palms

in Ceylon. One hundred and fifty years earlier a safe esti-

mate would in our opinion be about 8 to 83 millions; for, we

do not think there was much extension of cultivation by the

people in the latter end of the 17th and 18th centuries, for

reasons which will be given in our second Paper covering the

Dutch and British periods to date. As centuries rolled by,

it must be remembered there was always work for the people

and especially cinnamon. Twenty years later, by the year 1695, however,

the Dutch rulers had discovered some value in coconuts as a source of

revenue; and Jaffna cultivators were specially exempted from the coconut

- tax, because they supplied the leaves of the palm to feed the elephants

belonging to the Government. But all this, with other interesting

extracts Mr. Anthonisz can give from Dutch archives, belongs rather to the

second part of my Paper.—Since writing the foregoing I have come across

an Order in Council of the Dutch Executive in Ceylon, dated May, 1669

(translated by the late R. Van Cuylenburg, Hsq., in a Paper for this Society’s

Journal, 1874, part I., page 69), which runs as follows :—“* May, 1669.—The

Council finding that the coconut plantation at Soute Tangh yields a

revenue of not more than 1,260 rix-dollars per annum, against an outlay

of 620 rds. per mensem, resolve on renting it out to the Burgher Louis

Trumble (see Valentyn, Ceylon, 245) at 900 rds. per annum from the 21st

June next to the end of February, 1671.” The Government Archivist, Mr.

Anthonisz, tells me that ‘‘Soute Tangh”’ must be a sort of hybrid equi-

valent (half Dutch, half Portuguese) for ‘“‘Tanque Salgado,” situated

at Mutwal. Mr. Anthonisz writes: ‘“ Tanque Salgado is Portuguese fur

salt pond. The name is now applied to a pretty large tract of land in the

northern suburbs of Colombo, below Fisher’s Hill. It is evident the

Portuguese either found such a pond, or made one, in the spot after their

arrival here. But all traces of a pond have, I believe, now disappeared.

In the oldest Dutch records the name is applied to a hamlet with a large

population. I find it mentioned in a 17th century school thombu with

other hamlets in the neighbourhood, such as Horta Padre (Priest’s

Garden), Horta Juan Swaris (Juan Swaris’ Garden), Goenswyck (Goen’s

Retreat), Horta Cadirane” (Garden of Cadirane), &c. All the names

are Portuguese except Goenswyck, which is called after the Dutch

Governor Rycklof van Goens.”

* Bertolacci in 1815.—Our estimate at the present time (1906) for all

Ceylon is that there must be about 60 millions ef coco palms growing.

of all ages and conditions.

68 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

in replanting the area already occupied; for, although

the coco palm is exceptionally long-lived, no one has ven-

tured to put its productive bearing age at more than 100

years.

DISCUSSION.

9. His ExcELLENCY THE GOVERNOR invited remarks on the

Paper.

Mr. C. M. FERNANDO referred to the archeology of the coconut.

He would distinguish between the coconut of commerce and

the special variety known as ‘‘ the King coconut,’’ a rarer and

more precious variety, which was used for medicinal purposes.

It was probably ‘‘ the King coconut”’ that had attracted Kusta

Raja’s attention and cured him of his skin disease. The coconut

was probably very much older in Ceylon. There was a Ceylon

before Vijayo, just as there was a Rome before Romulus, and

Generals before Agamemnon, and the coconut palm was pro-

bably much older than Kusta Raja. He said the Mahabarata

and the Ramayana mentioned the coconut palm, and the latter

referred to its existence in Ceylon.

Mr. FERGUSON pointed out that his argument was not at all

based on the legend of the Kusta Raja; but that, according to

the great authority of De Candolle, the dispersion of coconuts

from Sumatra probably took place about 3,000 years ago.

Mr. Harwarp instanced the frequent way in which legends

were created to account for misunderstood facts, and thought

that Kusta Raja and the legend with him was probably of similar

origin. He quite agreed with Mr. Fernando that there was a

civilized Ceylon before Vijayo’s time ; and considering how much

Ceylon was visited by traders from the North-West and Far East

in very early times, he did not think the floating theory was neces-

sary to account for the coconut being transferred and planted

here.

His EXCELLENCY THE GOVERNOR said that, before moving the

vote of thanks, he felt it incumbent upon him as an archeologist

to say a few words on the question raised by Mr. Fernando and

Mr. Harward, and, after humourously referring to the very old

legend of Ixora turning the head of a man into a coconut, as

related in a note to the learned Paper before them, His Excellency

proceeded :—Ladies and gentlemen, there is a very pleasant

duty which devolves upon me, that of proposing to you a most

hearty vote of thanks to our friend Mr. Ferguson for the treat

that he has given us this evening. It is not often that the Society

has such a treat as a Presidential Address, so teeming with most

instructive matter, and at the same time a Paper by the same

gentleman, so learned and full of interest as the Paper to

which we have just listened.

No. 57. 1906.] PROCEEDINGS. 69

In his Presidential Address Mr. Ferguson alludes to Polon-

naruwa and the work that is being done there. Undoubtedly an

immense amount of excellent work is being done at Polonnaruwa

under the supervision of Mr. H. C. P. Bell. The excavations of

the ruins have been suspended for a short time for the express

purpose of enabling the Archzological Commissioner to make

up his notes and bring his literary work up to the present time.

It was impossible for him to continue the compilations of his

work and at the same time carry on excavations, considering

how extremely close personal supervision must be maintained

by the archeologist over the work of excavation.

I was at Polonnaruwa not long ago, and while looking for one

of the ruins, we lost ourselves in the woods. We wandered

about for four hours and traversed several miles, and during the

whole of that time we never took our feet off bricks which

formed part of the buildings of the ancient city. That city

must have extended over many miles, for, wherever we went,

wherever we turned, we always found bricks, evidence that the

place had been built over in the years gone by.

Mr. Ferguson has mentioned the zoological collection here-

Well, ladies and gentlemen, there is a great difference between

the very interesting collection in question and a really well-

equipped zoological garden. But, in order to establish a

zoological garden, one has to enter upon a very large expendi-

ture.. The matter was fully gone into last year and the year

before. We found that the expenditure would be very great;

and there were strong objections from many people against

a large zoological garden being established in the vicinity. On

the whole, I came to the conclusion that the present collection

had better be left to the tender care of Dr. Willey to extend

in due course, rather than to take his pets and place them in a

zoological garden, where they might perhaps not be cared for

and looked after as well as they are at the Museum.

There is one matter which struck me when Mr. Ferguson referred

to the various directions in which Ceylon is advancing at the

present moment. I was reminded of an interesting fact, a fact

which is very complimentary to the Colony and its reputation for

progress. To-day I had a letter from the Government of a

Southern Colony. The letter informs me that they had come to

the conclusion to help education there by giving two important

scholarships on the results of their annual examinations; and

having considered what was best to be done with those scholar-

ships, they came to the conclusion that the soundest education for

the boys would be to send them to the Technical College in Ceylon,

and they asked me to give them information regarding the work

of the Technical College, the fees, &c. The fact that such a

decision has been arrived at by the Government of a Southern

Colony is, I think, a very great compliment to this Island; and also,

to a certain extent, an answer to some of the objections which

people make from time to time against the work of the Ceylon

Technical College.

70 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XIX.

Now, ladies and gentlemen, I have no doubt whatever that

you will respond with acclamation to the proposal I make, to

accord a hearty vote of thanks to the President, the Hon. Mr.

- Ferguson, for the admirable Address he has given us, for the

interesting Paper on the Coconut with which he followed the

Address, and for the pleasure with which we have listened to

Mr. Ferguson.

VoTEeE oF THANKS TO THE PATRON.

10. The Hon. Mr.8. C. OBEYESEKERE proposed a vote of thanks

to their Patron, His Excellency the Governor, for the encourage-

ment which his presence had given them. His Excellency had

had an arduous day—a journey from Veligama, a busy meeting

of the Legislative Council, and the business of the Colony—and

it was a proof of his extreme interest in the Society that he was

able to be there in spite of all.

Mr. FERNANDO seconded.

The PRESIDENT heartily supported the vote. In the Society’s

past records the name of Sir Arthur Gordon ranked foremost

among Governors for the interest he took in the Society ; yet,

short as Sir H. A. Blake’s term had so far been, he had already

eclipsed the previous record by the warm personal interest His

Excellency took in the Society, and his very frequent presence at

their Meetings.

The vote was carried with applause.

No. 57.—1906. | PROCEEDINGS. 7 |

GENERAL MEETING.

Colombo Museum, August 6, 1906.

His Excellency Sir H. A. Blake, G.C.M.G., Patron, in the Chair.

Present :

Mr. R.G, Anthonisz Mr. P. E. Murgappah

Mr. T. P. Attygalle, J.P. Dr. A. Nell

Mr. C. Batuwantudawe, Advocate | Mr. J.P. Obeyesekera, Advocate

A. K. Coomaraswamy, D.Sc. Mr. P. T. Pandita-Gunawardana

Mr. Peter de Abrew Mr. E. W. Perera, Advocate

Mr. W. A. de Silva, J.P. -| Mr. P. E. Pieries, M.A., C.C.S.

Dr. W. H. de Silva, F.R.C.S. Mr. R. C. Proctor

Mr. C. M. Fernando, M.A., LL.M.| Mr. F. C. Roles

Mr. A. M. Gunasekera, Mudaliyar| Mr. E.S. W. Sendthi Raja, Ad-

Mr. I. Gunawardana, Mudaliyar vocate

Mr. D. B. Jayatilaka, B.A. Mr. G. W. Sturgess, M.R.C.S.V.

Mr. P. D. Khan Mr. F.A.Tisseverasinha, Proctor

Mr. S. B. Kuruppu, Proctor Mr. G. E. S. 8. Weerakoon,

Mr. G. B. Leechman | Mudaliyar

Mr. G. A. Joseph, Honorary Secretary.

Visitors : 13 ladies and 24 gentlemen.

eed)

Business.

1. Read and confirmed minutes of last General Meeting held on

March 16, 1906.

2. Mr. Joseph announced the election of the following Members

since the last General Meeting :—

Lire Memper.—Don Solomon Dias Bandaranayaka, C.M.G., Maha

Mudaliyar.

ORDINARY MempBers.—Dr. J. W. 5S. Attygalle, M.B.,C.M.; Mr. G.

Gardner ; Mr. F. A. Tisseverasinha, Proctor, S8.C.; the Hon. Mr. A.

Kanagasabhai; Mr. J.P. Obeyesekera, Advocate ; Mr.G. D. Templer ;

Mr. P. Tudave Pandita-Gunawardana; Mr. G. W. Sturgess,

M.R.C.V.S.

3. Dr. A. K. Coomdraswimy spoke on the following Paper by him,

instead of reading it :—

M2 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

SOME SURVIVALS IN SINHALESE* ART.

By AnanpvaA K. Coomaraswamy, D.Sc.

I BEGAN the study of Kandyan arts and crafts and the

kind of life that lay behind them, having a little knowledge

of the art and life of medizeval England, but not much

of early Indian life and art. I found that life in the

Kandyan Districts a hundred years ago resembled in many

ways the life of medieval Europe, and one may gather

from what remains of the social organization of that time

a more vivid realisation of medieval England than years

of study in England alone would give. Thus, the village

communities were still to the fore a hundred years ago, largely

democratic and communistic in principle ; in other respects, too,

the Nindagama reminds one of an English Manor, the Gama-

rala corresponding to the Bailiff, and the Vel-viddna or village

headmen to the English Prepositus. Moreover, there was no

class of free agricultural labourers working for hire ; all land

not owned outright was held on a service tenure. Although

there was no approach to political equality, the security of

tenure and general stability of social relations were very mark-

ed ; the caste system upheld the former, for men of high caste

could not and would not own or receive lands to which a low

caste man’s service was attached ; and it produced the latter

by removing the possibility of social ambition. The vast

majority of people cultivated the soil with their own hands ; that

* TI use this term in preference to Kandyan, in order to avoid

making unnecessary and misleading distinctions between different

sections of the Sinhalese people; nevertheless most of my remarks

apply only to the Kandyan districts, where alone Sinhalese art has

been preserved in any quantity.

—

No. 57.—1906. | SINHALESE ART. 13

is still true even of the craftsman castes. The sight of many

men working together in the fields or chenas and chanting over

their labour recalls the ‘‘ Faire feldeful of folke’’ of Piers Plow-

man. There was not much foreign trade, and that little was

in the hands of Moorish tavalam merchants who brought their

goods on pack bulls. The Sinhalese, though in part a nation of

skilful craftsmen, have never been a “nation of shopkeepers,”’

and, like other Eastern nations, regarded it as a degradation to

work for hire; wherein they did well, inasmuch as the hired

labourer—whether an English farm labourer or a Civil Ser-

vant in India—can never have the absolute independence of

a perfectly free man. Books existed only in manuscript form ;

even now a strange feeling of remoteness is felt when one hears

that such and such a man owns some rare unprinted book of

which perhaps few or no other copiesremain. Then, too, here-

ditary craftsmen in many a prosperous village produced the

beautiful and straightforward work of which no more than the

wreckage now survives. So I was delighted by this revivified

image of the medizeval England that was known and dear

to me.

But after a time I began to see behind these obvious survi-

vals and analogies of medizeval times the traces of still earlier

days—survivals from a remoter period—habits of thought and

tricks of craftsmanship that must have been handed down

from early Aryan times, and can be traced back to early work

in Northern India, whence history tells us the ‘‘ Lion race”’ of

Ceylon actually came; and patterns whose history is even more

_ ancient.

We shall find that a study of the decorative forms surviving

in Sinhalese art tends to support the historical account of the

Sinhalese as a North Indian race, and of the subsequent inter-

course between North India and Ceylon in the time of Asoka.

We may remark also that the Kandyan village economy

differed very little in principle from the village economy of

Northern India two thousand years ago (see Rhys Davids,

** Buddhist India,” ch. 3, and Sir John Budd Phear, “Aryan

74 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XTX.

Villages in India and Ceylon”). Moreover, “the Bible and

_ Homer and the Greek poets generally are full of idyllic scenes

from the life of ancient Greece, Syria, and Eeypt, which are

still the commonplace of the daily life of the natives of India,

who have lived apart from the corruptions of European

civilization” (Sir George Birdwood). It will accordingly

be obvious that all India and Ceylon are full of survivals

of the past; but in the present Paper I shall try to trace

only the history of some that are specially characteristic

of Kandyan art. Sinhalese art and culture have an especial

interest and value, for in them may be found a survival

of the Aryan past and of the “Early Indian’’ or “‘Indo-

Persian”’ artistic traditions more free from later Puranic and

Mohammedan influence than anywhere in India itself. Ceylon

is one of those islands (other such are Iceland and Ireland)

which have preserved in considerable purity an earlier stratum

of thought and an earlier artistic tradition than any surviving

on the neighbouring continents. For this preservation of what

is elsewhere lost we owe these peoples much, for otherwise the

worid would be vastly poorer in interest and ideals. I shall

now proceed to a more detailed comparison of the char-

acteristics of 18th century Sinhalese (Kandyan) art with the

art of the Bharhut sculptures.

The sculptures of Bharhut are faithful pictures of North

Indian life and thought—mainly Buddhistic, it is true,

but essentially Indian none the less—in the second century

B.c. The sculptures represent real Indian art at its purest

and. best before direct Greek influence affected figure sculpture,

and will I hope inspire the ‘“pre-Raphaelites” of the

‘‘ Indian revival’’ of the future. Let us compare some of its

minor characteristics with what may be seen in Kandyan

mural paintings of the eighteenth century—e.g., those at

Danagirigala* and Degaldoruwa.t This comparison will be

* See Bell, ‘‘ Report on the Kégalla District,” p. 43.

+ See Lawrie, << Central Province Gazetteer,’’ p. 137.

No. 57.—1906.] SINHALESE ART. 75

made in both in respect of general style and of technical

peculiarities.

All artists concerned primarily with decorative art are im-

pressed with the necessity of filling evenly the space at their

disposal, avoiding any undue appearance of relief, and em-

phasizing the decorative nature of the work. If we examine

the Bharhut sculptures we shall see several examples of spaces

occupied by sculptured lotuses, not an essential part of the

design, but introduced to fill up the space and equalize the

distribution of light and shade on the surface (see fig. 8 from

Plate IX. of Cunningham’s Bharhut Stupa). We find the very

same lotuses used in just the same way in Kandyan paintings ;

these rosettes or lotuses are called mala (flower), and are put in

here and there wherever an unsightly gap would otherwise

occur ; they have no organic relation to the rest of the picture

(for examples see fig. 2 from Danagirigala and fig. 3 from

Degaldoruwa)*. We may note in passing that similar rosettes

are used in the same way elsewhere, as for example in early

Greek painting (see Percy Gardner, ‘‘ Grammar of Greek

Art,” fig. 45).

Amongst the lotus medallions of Bharhut which have

parallels in medieval Sinhalese work there are some in which

the outer whorl of petals is replaced by cobra heads, all

turned in one direction, right or left, around the centre (see

figs. 4and 5, Cunningham’s Bharhut Stupa, Pl. XX XVIII). ;

in Others the same forms can be recognized, but the cobra

heads are so much more conventionalized that recognition

would be difficult without the other type to guide us (see fig. 6

from Cunningham’s Pl. XXXVIII.). It is worthy of note

that the evolution from cobras’ heads to purely conventional

forms had already taken place at Bharhut; and the more

conventional type alone survives in Kandyan art (see fig. ]

from wall paintings at Danagirigala; the same form occurs

* See Lawrie, ‘‘ Central Province Gazetteer,” p. 137.

76 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

also at Degaldoruwa, Ridi Vihare, and elsewhere). The

- same conventionalized cobras’ heads appear on a carved

Lotus ornaments, Bharhut & Ceylon,

1-3 CEYLON ; 4-8 BHARHUT

table in the author’s possession and also in the border of an

embroidered betel bag (PLI., fig. 3; see also fig. 17. It will

ROYAL ASIATIC. SOCIETY, CEYLON.

es SELES

a IRL AR IR

A,K.C., E,

No. 57.—1906. | SINHALESE ART. 717

be seen later that a form almost indistinguishable from this is

derived from a conventional arrangement of lotus leaves or

petals (palmette) (see figs. 7, 9, 11, &c., and Pl. L., figs. 1 and

2), but these are arranged symmetrically about a central

upright line, while the cobra-forms are forms found in a

continuous series of similarly oriented elements (see figs. 4—6

and Pl. I., fig. 3B).

If now we compare the Bharhut sculptures and the Kandyan

paintings as regards style and treatment of the subject matter,

we shall find that the conventions of the ancient and modern

artists are close akin. The ancient method of ‘‘ continuous

narration” is equally characteristic of each, 2.e., the story is told

by repeating the same characters again and again in the same

picture or panel, performing successively the actions proper

_ tothestory. The whole picture also is brought into one plane,

and there is little or no attempt at perspective. A delight

in almost microscopic detail, as for example in the

delineation of costume, feathers on birds, and the like, is

apparent in both schools. The representation of trees

is very characteristic; the’sculptured trees of Bharhut and

the painted trees of the Kandyan vihara have much in common.

In both cases the tree is unmistakable—not by reason of

a naturalistic realism, but in consequence of the prominence

given to the distinguishing features, the emphasis laid,

as it were, upon the ideal form of the tree. It is not any par-

ticular tree that is drawn or carved, but a representation of the

generalized image of the tree in the artist’s mind, based on pre-

vious impressions gathered almost unconsciously from many

such trees seen by the artist. It is difficult to imagine the artist

drawing direct from the model, human or vegetable ; his style

is traditional and conventional and represents, not individual

things, but the notion of such things in general formed in the

artist’s mind. The human interest of such work is very great,

we see the world through the very eyes of the Bharhut and

Kandyan people in a way that no impersonal and realistic

representation would enable us to do. After all, this is the

78 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XIX.

aim of all art—to awaken in the beholder emotion kindred to

the artist’s own—

<‘ For, don’t you mark, we’re made so that we love

First when we see them painted, things we have passed

Perhaps a hundred times, nor cared to see ;

And so they are better, painted—better to us,

Which is the same thing. Art was given for that.”

We must not, however, think that these peculiarities of style

in early art are deliberate ; they are just the natural result of

the artist’s attempt to picture things as he sees them. We

may gather from such art, and from the art of Medizval Eu-

rope, a notion of the Aryan workman’s childlike seriousness

and simplicity that cannot fail to touch us. On the other hand,

we find in Mongolian, especially in Japanese, art what appears

to be an original and spontaneous impressionism tending rather

to superficiality than seriousness. The Aryan or Semitic

artist drew what he knew or imagined, the Mongolian drew

what he saw.

Things are otherwise amongst the civilized, sophisticated

nations of modern times, where the artist is surrounded by

examples of every sort of ‘‘style,’’ and there can be no one

national style appealing equally to all men ; nor is it possible that

the realistic, or impressionist styles which most directly repre-

sent the tendencies of modern life in its mechanical and super-

ficial aspects, can have the seriousness and calm to be found

in the less conscious and often also less technically perfect art

of earlier periods, when the social structure was not in a state

of rapid evolution, but remained for long periods relatively .

stable. The modern artist then has to choose his methods

with the deliberate intention of expressing himself in the par-

ticular way desired, and must use his mind and brain in deli-

berately avoiding what is unsuitable to his purpose or to the

kind of workin hand. All this the primitive artist does uncon-

sciously. Now that the Kandyan artist isno more, it is well to

lay some stress on the survival, in eighteenth century work at

least, of this absence of self consciousness, and the presence

No. 57.—1906. | SINHALESE ART. 79

of that serious idealism which appears to me to be associated

with Indo-Aryan art in general.

All this has a bearing on the history of Sinhalese art. We

have seen therein a survival of the conventions and ideals of

the early Indian or Indo-Persian school; and now we may refer

briefly to the Sigiri paintings (neither these, nor Kandyan mural

paintings are really ‘‘ frescoes’) considered from this point of

view. The Sigiri paintings are as different from the Kandyan

in style as are those of Ajanta from the sculptures of Bharhut.

The impressionist element in them is equally foreign to the

art of Bharhut and to the art of the Sinhalese. We do

not find in these paintings of Ajanta and Sigiri (in spite

of the grace and elegance of the latter) that love of fine detail

and appreciation of clear form and line that are seen in

Kandyan paintings and Bharhut sculptures. These considera-

- tions alone appear to me sufficient to prove that the Sigiri

paintings were not executed by ‘‘ Kandyan”’ artists; it is

impossible to believe that the Sigiri artists can have been either

the lineal descendants of painters of the early Indian school,

or the ancestors of those of the Kandyan school. I can

hardly doubt that a school of mural painting existed at Bharhut,

and that it was in style and feeling close akin to the work in

stone (itself a replacement of earlier work in wood); and it is

with some such early school of mural painting rather than with

the work at Ajanta or Sigiri, the Kandyan paintings must be

associated.

We must now return to the more detailed study and com-

parison of particular patterns. Perhaps the most striking

survival that I know of is that of a particular type of armlet.

On Plates 21-23 of Cunningham’s Bharhut Stupa will be

found figures of various male beings, wearing the heroic garb

of India, viz., turban, shawl, and dhoti; all wear, beside

other jewellery,a peculiar armlet (fig. 10), consisting of an

ornamented band supporting ornamented flat plates shaped

hike a ‘‘Fleur de lys’’ or ‘‘ Prince of Wales’ feathers”

_ (*‘ palmette’’ ornament). Now, if we examine a beautifully

80 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

worked devil dancer’s dressin the Colombo Museum (see

Plate I., fig. 1), we shall find the very same type of armlet

Lotus, ‘honeysuckle’ or ‘palmette, and pineapple’ ornaments, Bharhut & Ceylon.

10-12 BHaRruutT ; 14, 15, 19 CryLon.

embroidered on the sleeve. Such special resemblances in the

minor details of costume support the conclusions derived

from. more general considerations.

No. 57.—1906. | SINHALESE ART. 81

The survival of a peculiar form of armlet is in itself sig-

nificant enough ; but the form of it raises the question of

‘‘palmette,’’ or “ honeysuckle” patterns, and the possibilities

of Greekish influence. The “ palmette’’ Greek honeysuckle is

one of a series of decorative forms which have a very long

and interesting history; including the “Fleur de lys”’ and

the Renaissance “shell,” they often alternate with another

element in what are known as “knop and flower’ patterns,

for a short account of which the last chapter of Sir George

Birdwood’s “ Industrial Arts of India’’ may be consulted. The

earliest forms of these patterns are found in Egyptian art,

the “Fleur de lys” lotus forms (see Flinders Petrie’s

‘‘ Keyptian Decorative Art’’). The Grecian forms themselves

are developments of borrowings from Egypt (or Assyria),

through the Phcenians and Mykene; the early Indian and

also the Sinhalese forms are likewise in the last analysis trace-

able to Egypt through Assyria. As to the date of the borrow-

ing, it will be recalled that it is generally considered that

writing was introduced into India from lemitic sources not

long before Asoka’s time, and it is reasonable to suppose that

with the writing sculptured on stone, the associated deco-

rative forms were also introduced. ‘There is no necessity for

postulating a direct Greek origin for any of these patterns,

which would follow their own line of development from

Egypt through Mesopotamia and finally into Persia and

India ; at the same time the possibility of Greek influence is

by no means excluded, as there was, after the 6th and 7th

centuries B.c., considerable intercourse between Greece and

Persia and between Greece and Northern India in the time of

Alexander. It is difficult to avoid regarding such a pat-

tern as that shown in figure 17 as evidence of Greek influence ;

because it is a specimen of what the Germans call fortlaufende

wellenranke, 1.e., an arrangement of decorative vegetable

elements on both sides of a continuous wavy line connecting

them. Now this method of associating decorative elements on

a continuous undulating stem is first met with in Mykenzan

G 43-06

82 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX...

decoration and was fully developed in the well-known

Grecian forms; but it is quite absent in Egyptian and old

Oriental (Assyrian, &c.) decorative art, and so cannot have

reached India by way of Assyria. It would be difficult to

exaggerate the importance of its discovery and development,

for it became of supreme value in Greek and Roman, Medi-

zeval and Saracenic, and Renaissance art, and remains so still.

It is typically developed at Bharhut; it is also a character-

istic feature in Sinhalese art, where it can be studied in the

various creeper (wela) patterns, of which figure 17 is a single

example selected on account of the obviously palmette

character of the floral elements. I am inclined to regard

this wellenranke as a specifically Greek element in Sinhalese

art, and as we meet with it in the Indo-Persian art of

Bharhut (Cunningham’s Bharhut Stupa, plate XI.), to trace

it back to intercourse between Greece and Persia anterior to

the Christian era (see Perrot and Chipiz, ‘‘ History of Persian

Art,’’ 1892, p. 492), or more probably to the period of Grecian

influence in North India subsequent to Alexander’s conquests

about 3008.c. This Greek influence could hardly have reached.

India before the departure of Vijaya, for the evolution of

Greek decorative art had not progressed very far previous to

the 5th century B.c. We have no remains to guide us as te

the actual artistic capabilities of the Vijayan immigrants, who,

by the way, are said to have been all of the cultivator

caste. It is therefore reasonable to trace to the period

of Asokan influence and the introduction of Buddhism, the

introduction of whatever Greek elements are recognizable at

Bharhut. It may be indeed that we should trace to this

period the origin of most of the vegetable decorative elements

in Sinhalese art. We are hardly in a position to say just

what decorative art motifs the Vijayans may have brought

with them or found amongst the aboriginal Yakkhas. At any

rate wecannot doubt that with Asoka’s missionaries (who are

specifically stated to have been accompanied by craftsmen)

and the resulting impulse to the erection of magnificent

No. 57.—1906.] SINHALESE ART. 83

buildings and their elaborate decoration, a new impulse

was given to the indigenous arts, and new elements added

to them ; just as the Christian missionaries of St. Patrick’s

time spread a knowledge of writing in Ireland and replaced

the purely native decorative art by an art based on the

Byzantine.

We have finally a still later period of Greek influence to

consider. In the early sculptures, representations of Buddha

were quite unknown ; early Buddhist artists represented the

founder of their religion by symbols only.* The first figures

of Buddha appear in the Gandhara sculptures (by artists of

what is known as the Greco-Buddhist school) in the extreme

north-west of India. These works were executed between

the Ist and 5th centuries A.D., while Buddhism still flourished

in India ; they show clean traces of Greek, Roman, and even

Christian influence. “The ideal type of Buddha was created

for Buddhist art by foreigners ” (Griinwedel, ‘‘ Buddhist Art

in India’’). These Gandhara types were the foundation of all

later representations of Buddha, whether in Burma, China,

or Ceylon. It may be that some of the decorative patterns of

the foreigners travelled with the new type of figure sculpture.

But as most of the decorative motifs under consideration,

as well as particular modes of associating them (wellenranke,

&c.), are already found at Bharhut, it is unnecessary to assign

their introduction to this later period of stronger classical

influence. We may however safely say that whatever traces

of Greek influence already existed were likely to be strength-

ened and reinforced at the later period of classical influence

on figure sculpture. The latest period of indirect Greek

influence on Indian art, viz., at second-hand through the

Mohammedan conquests, left Ceylon, or at any rate the

Sinhalese, untouched.

Before leaving the question of Greek influence, we may

remark that it is possible to attach undue importance to the

* The Mahdwansa account of the Ruanveli relic chamber cannot

therefore be contemporaneous.

G 2

84 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

Greek patterns because we are more familiar with them than

with those of the other nations of antiquity. As pointed out

above, it is not the actual decorative motifs so much as certain

modes of associating them that are traceable to Greece.

Before returning to Ceylon we may notice one other Indian

example, viz., the decoration of the /dt (1605 a.p.) at Allaha-

bad (see fig. 13, from Ferguson’s “‘ Indian and Eastern Archi-

tecture’), as it shows, in addition to the lotus and palmette

forms, the real and bead pattern which is also common in

Ceylon (see Plate I., fig. 3 D).

FROM Jat AT ALLAHABAD.

Returning now to Ceylon, we shall find that ‘‘ palmette”’

patterns are less rare than at Bharhut.* Their actual existence

however is significant. The following is a list of a few

unmistakable examples of ‘‘ palmette’’ patterns comparable

with the forms (figs. 10, 11, 12) occurring at Bharhut: the

embroidered armlet (Plate I., fig. 1) already described ; the

almost identical pattern on the border of an embroidered betel

bag in my possession (Plate I., fig. 3) ; a characteristic form

found on Kandyan eaves-tiles of recent make (Plate II. and

fig. 14)—this is an example of what has been termed

gegenstindige lotus-bluth und palmeite, and is suggestive of

Greek influence; some very similar tiles in the Museum (one

* It must be taken into consideration that if examples of the minor

arts survived from Bharhut, it would be much easier to compare the

Kandyan patterns with those found there; our knowledge of modern

Sinhalese patterns would be very limited if we had to confine ourselves

to the study of work in stone.

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY, CEYLON,

E.M.C. photo.

PLATE II. KANDYAN EAVES-TILE.

No. 57.—1906.] SINHALESE ART. | 85

being labelled Dambadeniya, 1235 a.p.); the carving on a

yatura hiramane (coconut scraper, fig. 15) in the Colombo

Museum ; the form shown in fig. 9 from an ola book cover;

DECORATION FROM AN OLA BOOK COVER.

7 DECORATION OF A GREEK LEKYTHOS.

ons

PART OF A DECORATION OF A KALAGEDIYA FROM KELANIYA.

the sgraffito decoration (fig. 17) of a kalagediya made at

Kelaniya ; and lastly the pattern shown in fig. 18 from a

lac-painted stick of recent manufacture. All these examples

are Kandyan, except the kalagediya and possibly the hiramane,

which are low-country ; many others could be pointed to.

- 86 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XIX.

Figure 17 already referred to has a very Greek aspect ;

figure 16 shows the ornament of a Greek lekythos (from

Professor Percy Gardner’s “‘Grammar of Greek Art,” 1905),

for comparison with it. Of the pattern of figure 18 Professor

Gardner tells me that it ‘‘is very different in character

from Greek work, far less simple and logical.” It is in

more than one respect reminiscent of Assyria. Another pat-

tern I have not yet referred to is that shown in figure 19 (p. 80)

which represents the simplest form (taken from a piece of

Kandyan painted pottery) of the common “ pineapple ” pattern

ORNAMENT FROM A KANDYAN LAC-PAINTED STICE.

with acanthiform foliage, recalling the forms of late Italian

and early Renaissance brocades, which Sir George Birdwood

(Joc. cit.) thinks are of Assyrian origin. It should be hardly

necessary to mention that to suppose that any of these forms,

such as this pineapple, the Greek honeysuckle, or palmette,

or even the well-known acanthus, represent deliberate pictures

of the plants whose names they bear, would be a great mistake.

To take for example even the acanthus, which used to be

universally regarded as a representation of the acanthus plant:

the Vitruvius anecdote which claims for it this origin is now

regarded as mythical, for the evolution of the ‘‘ acanthus ” from

certain types of the ‘‘ palmette”’ has been clearly traced (see

‘* Stilfragen,”’ by Alois Riegl, Berlin, 1905, p. XV., and p. 248

seq.). Still less are the acanthus or pineapple forms in

No. 57.—1906.] SINHALESE ART. 87

Kandyan art to be regarded as actual representations of those

plants.

There is, however, one plant ornament of indigenous origin

exclusively Indian, if not purely Sinhalese; I refer to the

bo-leaf and the innumerable different representations of it,

a full account of which would alone fill many pages. The

outline of the Kandyan eaves-tile shown on Plate II. affords

an example of it. This ornament must have come into use

after the time of Buddha, and in connection with Buddhism

only ; and as it is not found at Bharhut it may very possibly

be purely Sinhalese in origin.

Of other forms the palapetr pattern (lotus, or water-leaf

pattern) may be mentioned; here we have a spatulate leaf

alternating with a more pointed and narrower element. This

form is clearly derived from the lotus petals of medallions,

and is thus not strictly a cone and flower form, though re-

minding us of the classical “‘ egg and tongue ’”’ and “ tongue and

dart ’’ forms which Sir George Birdwood considers belong to

the knop and flower type; it may be however that they also

are derived from lotus petals. An example of palapeti is

seen in Plate I., fig. 3 F.

This brings me to the end of the list of definite survivals

from the early art of Northern India which I think I have been

able to trace in Kandyan art, and though I am fully aware

that the subject is only superficially dealt with, still the Paper

now written may be the means of awakening further interest

in the important question of the origin of some of the patterns

surviving in Sinhalese and especially Kandyan art.

My object in bringing the matter forward now is to provoke

discussion and invite criticism, and also to demonstrate the

historical value cf the study of Sinhalese art and the impor-

tance of carefully preserving its remains, as much from the

intellectual as from the artistic point of view.

Perhaps before summarizing my remarks it should be

pointed out that I have only referred to the history of patterns

derived from plant forms: the simple geometrical elements

88 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

of Sinhalese art—dots, squares, circles, parallel lines, inter-

lacings (plaits), and the like are on a different footing, for such

geometrical patterns have originated independently in va-

rious parts of the world, instead of spreading from a single

centre where they were first elaborated, as appears to have been

the case with the ancient conventionalized patterns derived

from representations of plants, in particular the lotus.

The conclusions arrived at may be summarized as follows :—

(1) There can be traced in Sinhalese (Kandyan) art of the

eighteenth century, and even much later, features which are

almost certainly survivals from the early art of Northern

India, some knowledge of which may be supposed to have been

brought to Ceylon by the “Lion race” at the time of their

immigration, though the main part of it is traceable rather to

the Asekan period and the religious and artistic revival that

followed the introduction of Buddhism into Ceylon. The old

Indian art of the Asoka period can be best studied in the

Bharhut sculptures (200-150 B.c.) which belong to the early

Indian or Indo-Persian school of the first five centuries TYGL.

and were contemporaneous, more or less, with the Asokan

missions to Ceylon.

(2) In particular, the following elements in Kandyan art can

be traced to the early art of Northern India :—

(a) In mural paintings, the use of rosettes, both simple and

with an outer whorl of conventional cobra heads,

to fill up inconvenient spaces. |

(6) Style of composition and general artistic convention

resembling that of the sculptures, suggesting the

possible existence of a Bharhut school of painting

corresponding to them.

a modern Sinhalese embroidered jacket.

(4) Palmette patterns on Sinhalese embroideries, wood

carving, lac-painting, and pottery.

No. 57.—1906.] SINHALESE ART. 89

(3) The present Paper is not primarily concerned with the

still earlier history of the patterns in question ; but it is sug-

gested that they are partly at any rate, as suggested by Sir

George Birdwood many years ago, derived from Assyria,

whence they may have travelled with that alphabet of the

oldest northern Semitic or Phcenician type which became the

ancestor of all later Indian alphabets and which appears on

the Moabite stone and on Assyrian weights of 800 B.c.* ;

Assyria, however, is but a step on the way, for the patterns

are ultimately traceable to Egypt. The existence of Greek

influence, via Persia and as a result of Alexander's conquests,

is indicated ; but it must be remembered that even the Greek

forms themselves are also in the last analysis traceable to

Kgypt; it is therefore quite unnecessary to postulate any

direct borrowing of the simple motifs of Sinhalese art from

Greece by early Indian (Indo-Persian) or by Sinhalese artists,

although we may trace Greek influence in the mode of

association of some of these elements (wellenranke, gegen-

standige lotusbluth und palmetie, &c.). The period of later Greek

influence on Indian art must also be allowed for, inasmuch

as with the spread of the foreign types of figure sculpture

there must have gone also a strengthening of any Greek element

already existing in the purely decorative art of the peoples

influenced.

Mr. R. G. ANTHONISZ—speaking as a “ layman ”—said he did not

know whether Dr. Coomaraswamy had intentionally omitted from that

discussion the fact that the Portuguese and Dutch had been in Ceylon

for about 20) years before the production of the specimens which

formed the subject of Dr. Coomaraswamy’s remarks. They knew,

for instance, that the Portuguese first, and the Dutch after them, im-

ported a large amount of manufactures—works of art—which they

presented to the Kandyan Kings, and these had been going about

the country toa great extent. They saw some of these works of art

even row in some of the out-of-the-way villages— boxes with carvings

and various other specimens of European art of the 15th and 16th

centuries—so that he did not know whether they might not toa certain

extent have influenced the character of the specimens which had

been presented to them that evening. He merely threw out these

* Macdonell, ‘* History of Sanskrit Literature,” p. 16.

90 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX. -

suggestions as a layman, not having made the matter a subject of

particular study.

H. E. rHe GoveRNoR :—To what do you allude particularly—the

embroidery patterns ?

Mr. ANTHONISZ :—I am speaking generally. Proceeding, he pointed

to one of the illustrations in the Paper which contained a lion which

it seemed to him was a characteristic of heraldic lions. The jflewr-

de-lys was, he thought, another instance. He thought the Portuguese

and Dutch had brought a good deal of influence of the 15th and 16th

centuries to bear upon some of these designs. He mentioned that

the other day a fine discovery had been made at the Chartered Bank

premises when some stones were dug up. One of them was a pillar

beautifully carved with scalloped shells and other designs. They very

closely resembled some of the stone pillars they saw represented in

the Museum as Sinhalese art. Now they knew that the Sinhalese did

not occupy Colombo as a station. ‘There wasno fort at Colombo until

the Portuguese came there and built a stockade and then a fort in the

16th century ; so that some of the stone pillars which were pointed out

to them as works of Sinhalese art might possibly be traced to the

Portuguese.”

Mr. C. M. FERNANDO congratulated Dr. Coomaraswamy on the

discovery, which he had established, of the connection between 18th

century Kandyan art and the Indian Bharhut art. It was certainly

a very great discovery, and students of Sinhalese art in the future

would always claim him as the first gentleman to point out the connec-

tion between the two.

When he had read Dr. Coomaraswamy’s Paper carefully, as he

did, the first question he asked himself was: Where does Sigiri come

in? The“ Sigiri frescoes’ was a question raised in that Society about

ten years previously, and on which the Archeological Commissioner

and he had “agreed to differ.’ Mr. Bell, in the course of a very able

Paper delivered during the régime of His Excellency’s predecessor,

mentioned that the Sigiri frescoes were the work of Indian

artists, and not the work of Sinhalese artists. He quite agreed with

Dr. Coomaraswamy that it was very difficult to draw the line between

Indian and Sinhalese art. Dr. Coomaraswamy had pointed out the

great alliance which arose between Southern India and Ceylon by its

proximity 1,000 years ago, but he had always maintained there was a

similar alliance between Northern India and Ceylon in and before the

time of Wijayo, and, therefore, he ventured to differ from Mr. Bell

that the Sigiri frescoes should be attributed to Indian and not to

Sinhalese. The Sigiri paintings being in Ceylon, he would, as a

lawyer, claim that possession was nine points of the law; and until it

was definitely established that they were not painted by Sinhalese

artists, he would not concede the proposition that they were painted |

by Sinhalese artists. He alluded to the Mahdwansa which stated that

stonemasons were at one time brought from India. Other craftsmen

were not mentioned—and he maintained the inference was that the

other artists were had locally. He pointed out the close resemblance

between the Sinhalese frescoes and those at Ajanta. The Ajanta

* [The short pillar unearthed at the Chartered Bank premises is clearly

of Oriental workmanship.—B., Hon. Sec. |

No. 57.—1906.] PROCEEDINGS. 91

frescoes dealt with Sinhalese history, and he thought the presumption

was in favour of the view that Sinhalese artists went to Ajanta and

painted these frescoes, and not that Indian artists came to Ceylon.

While he expressed his great satisfaction at the very able stact which

Dr. Coomaraswamy had made, and which he hoped would culminate in

his magnum opus, he hoped he would find an opportunity to modify

that not very broad statement that in his belief the Sinhalese paintings

were not painted by artists of the country. They might, he urged,

have been painted by a school of artists also existent in India, and he

asked his audience to fancy any one 1,000 years after this ven-

turing to differentiate between English and American paintings.

Mr. W. A. pr Sinva said it was stated in the lecture that Bud-

dhist images were of the Grecian type, or commenced by Grecian

artists. There was a reference in old books to images being made in

gold and sandalwood ; and it was quite possible images had been made

for quite several hundred years before that period.

With regard to the Sigiri paintings he had quite a different theory,

with which he did not think either Dr. Coomaraswamy or Mr. Fernando

would agree. He thought they were neither Sinhalese nor Indian.

He thought they were Mongolian, because he had seen a representation

like that in a dance in Siam—a dance which belonged to the Celestial

regions. ‘The same dress, the same lotus flowers, and the same poses

were seen in that dance, so that it might be quite possible that these

particular paintings might have been done by the Chinese. They knew

from history that there were a number of Chinese artists in Ceylon,

and they had a record of their having decorated Dondra Temple.

He admitted that the Portuguese and |)utch had some influence, not

on Kandyan but on the low-country art, and he had seen in one or two

instances figures with skirts, and all kinds of different hats and

umbrellas. He thought that had come from the introduction of

Westernart. The chittra-waduwa in the low-country, if he was asked

to make a human form, wanted to put all sorts of ornaments on it ;

and if he drew a tree he put in lots of branches. He had seen in

temples pictures representing kings and princes of the olden times

mentioned in the sacred books. They were all wearing modern dress—

some of them with trousers and coats! That was undoubtedly the

influence exercised by the Portuguese and Dutch.

He thought that the Sigiri paintings were quite different from the

ideal paintings that were extant in India and Ceylon, and not done by

any Aryan or Indian, but by the Chinese artists who were employed to

paint realistic figures in the kings’ palaces.

Mr. P. E. Prerris referred to a curious ornament—a cobra’s head—

to which Dr. Coomaraswamy had alluded in his lecture. It might

interest the lecturer to know that at a temple four miles from K égalla,

projecting from a wall, there were snakes’ heads—hooded cobra. He

asked the priest if he could explain the significance, but, of course, he

could not. If Dr. Coomaraswamy visited the spot, in all probability

he would be in a position to give them much more information.

As regards the influence exercised by the Portuguese and Dutch

on Sinhalese art, he was entirely in disagreement with Mr. Anthonisz.

These people were too busy cutting the throats of their (the Sinhalese)

ancestors, in stealing the little money their ancestors had, and in

deposing their kings and ransacking their palaces, and he did not

92 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

think they had further time to devote to the cultivation of the

fine arts. It was impossible for any one familiar with the type of

ornaments and type of art in the Kandyan country to think the Por-

tuguese or Dutch influenced them. He would not go so far in connec-

tion with the low-country. The art of the low-country, which appeared

in all the household possessions—bits of jewellery their wives persuaded

them to buy, and the curiosities they bought themselves—throughout

showed the influence of European art. If they went to the

Kandyan country and went into the houses, it was however im-

possible to think they were in avy way influenced by European

artists. The arts were essentially dissimilar. He boldly controverted

the statement made by Mr. Anthonisz that there was no Sinhalese

settlement in Colombo at the period he stated, and quoted authorities

in support of his assertion. In regard to images of Buddha, the Prince

Priest, P. C, Jinawarawansa, who was present, at the Meeting, told

him he had an image of Buddha in a state of Asceticism dated 300

years before Christ.

Mr. SENATHIRAJAH felt it his duty to correct certain historical

inaccuracies in the remarks made by one of the speakers. It was said by

him that the Tamil influence on the art of Ceylon wasonly 1,000 years

old. The Mahdwansa said conclusively that the Tamil influence was

there from the very commencement. Vijayo and 700 followers went

over the first time to Southern India to find wives, and it is recorded

in the Mahawansa that they returned with palanquins and jewels, and

all these ornaments of olden times. The earliest laws and customs all

pointed to the fact that the Tamil influence was there from the

beginning. He claimed for the Tamil pundits the writing of a certain

Pali grammar. He would not venture to speak on the question of

Sinhalese art, because unless one had studied the subject carefully,

minutely, and scientifically, and unless they had compared the com-

parative details of modern and ancient Sinhalese art, it was mere

conjecture, and he was not prepared to participate in conjecture.

Mr. D. B. Jayatiuaka did not claim to be a Pali scholar, yet he

had some knowledge of Pali and had studied its literature ; but he had

never heard that Tamil pundits had ever written a Paligrammar. He

thought that no Pali grammar had ever been written by a Tamil.

Mr. SENATHIRAJAH could quote his authority. The book is in the

Library here. He could not recall the name, but it states that the

earliest Pali grammar was by a Tamil Buddhist monk.

Dr. COOMARASWAMY, replying, agreed with Mr. de Silva in thinking

that it was not especially difficult to recognize the limits of European

influence on Sighalese art ; it was generally, if not always, an influence

for the worse.

With regard to the Sigiri paintings—he and Mr. Fernando were at

one in associating them with those of Ajanta, as first pointea out by

Mr. Bell. It was clear that two schools of art had existed in India,

viz., the Bharhut or idealistic, and the Ajanta or impressionist ; 1t was

just possible that native Ceylonese artists of the latter school existed

at one time in Ceylon, though it seemed more natural to suppose

that they were foreigners. In any case, however, it was clear that the

late medizeval Sinhalese art referred to in the present Paper belonged

EB the idealist school and had no historical connection with that of

Ogiri.

No. 57.—1906.] PRGOBEDINGS. 93

He was grateful to Mr. Fernando and others for recognizing the

main point of his Paper, viz., the tracing back to the Asokan period

of the essential features of medizval Sinhalese art.

A knowledge of stone building was certainly of foreign origin, for

the Vijayans left their ancestral home at a time when it was not

known even there ; almost the first stone buildings in India are the

Asokan, and there isnothing to suggest that the idea was tndependently

arrived at in Ceylon.

H.E. the GovERNOoR asked those present to join him in giving Dr.

Coomaraswamy a hearty vote of thanks for the very interesting Paper

he had read. Dr. Coomaraswamy had entered upon the slow path of

investigation, and it was possible the result might be very interesting

in the future in Ceylon.

Mr. Fernando’s remarks regarding Sigiri were of peculiar interest.

He did not think any collection had been published of the various

frescoes in the different vihares in the Island. As far as he could

remember, there were some portions cf the frescoes at Dambulla

which showed something of the same influence as was seen at Sigiri.

He thought it would be very interesting from an archeological point

of view if they could collect the various frescoes which seemed to be

in existence in the vihares in Kandyan districts and get them together

with some care, as these things had been got together in India.

' Students would then have the opportunity of comparing the details

and coming to a conclusion.

He was not competent to express an opinion on the debatable points

raised ; but one thing he was quite clear about was that they would

all join with him in heartily thanking Dr. Coomaraswamy for the

Paper he had read before them, which must be interesting to all

interested in the Archeology of Ceylon.

Dr. CooMARASWAMY thanked his audience for the kind reception

they had given the vote of thanks proposed by His Excellency. The

pleasant and reciprocal duty now devolved upon him of proposing a

vote of thanks to His Excellency for kindly coming there and taking

the chair. The Society had every reason to congratulate itself on the

interest and support it received from His Excellency, and he might say

the whole Island should be grateful to His Excellency for the interest

he took in such matters and the sympathy and support he gave to all

efforts to preserve the handicrafts of the Sinhalese which were still to

some extent preserved, but the lives of which hung by so very slender

a thread.

This concluded the business of the Meeting.

APPENDIX.

[‘‘Ceylon Observer,” August 8, 1906.]

Colombo, August 8, 1906.

DEAR Sir,—As promised, I write to you. Thename of the Pali

Grammar referred to in my remarks at the discussion of Dr. Coomara-

swamy’s Paper at the last Meeting of the Asiatic Society at the Colombo -

94 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XIX.

Museum is Rupasiddhi. ‘‘ The oldest version of the compilation from

Kachchayano’s grammar,” says Turnour, “is acknowledged to be the

Rupasiddhi” (see Turnour’s Introduction to the Mahdwansa, p. 46).

I quote the passage from the Rupasiddhi, which shows that the author

was a Tamil Buddhist monk called Dipankaro, who flourished in the

Chola country when Buddhism was prevaient there :—

*Wikkhyatanandatherawhaya waragurunan Tambapanniddhajanan

sisso Dipankarakkhyo Damilawa sumati dipaladdhapakasa Baladich-

chadi wasaddwitayamaddhiwasan sasanan jotayiyo soyam Buddapiya-

who yati ; imamujukan Rupasiddhinakasi.”’ ‘

The above quotation is translated as follows :—

‘* A certain disciple of Anando, a preceptor who was (a rallying point)

unto eminent preceptors like unto a standard in Tambapanni, named

Dipankaro, renowned in the Damila Kingdom (of Chola) and the

resident-superior of two fraternities there, the Baladichcha (and the

Chudamaniyakyo), caused the religion (of Buddho)to shine forth. He

was the priest who obtained the appellation of Buddhabiyo (the delight

of Buddho) and compiled this perfect Rupasiddhi.”

E.S. W. Senarui Rasa.

[“* Ceylon Observer,” August 14, 1906. |

Siz,—-OwineG to absence from home, it was only yesterday that I

had the opportunity of reading Mr. HE. S. W. Senathiraja’s letter

appearing in your issue of the 8th instant. Mr. Senathiraja has, I

find, receded from his original position that the earliest Pali Grammar

was composed by a Tamil scholar. His letter under reply seeks to

prove that the Rupasiddhi, a work based on Kaccayana Grammar, was

composed by a Tamil Buddhist monk. In support of this second

contention Mr. Senathiraja quotes the concluding verse of the Rupa-

siddht which, I am afraid, does not help him much. This verse only

goes to show that Buddhabiyo, the author referred to, was famous in

South india, where he resided at one period of his life, and worked

for the propagation of Buddhism in that country. Quite possibly

the Rupasiddhi was written during that time. This does not, however,

show that Buddhabiyo was a Dravidian, any more than the fact that

Dr. Copleston wrote his work on Buddhism when he was Bishop of

Colombo proves him to be a Ceylonese. The evidence quoted by

Mr. Senathiraja cannot therefore be regarded as of much value in deter-

mining the point under discussion. Onthe contrary, that quotation,

combined with information available from other sources, justifies the

inference that Buddhabiyo was a Sinhalese scholar. According to the

Rupasiddht verse, his preceptor was Anando Thera, a famous Sin-

halese scholar. In the Pajja Madhu, another work of Buddhabiyo,

the full name 9f his preceptor is givenas Vanaratana Ananda. This

was doubtless the great Sinhalese scholar described in the Rasavahinni

as the tutor of Vedeha Thera, author of that work, and also of the Sida

Sangara and the Samantakuta Vannana. The Nikaya Sangraha, the

well-known history of Buddhism, composed during the period imme-

diately following that of these Theras, mentions Ananda Vedeha and

No. 57.—1906.] PROCEEDINGS. 95,

Buddhabiyo in order among the celebrated scholars who flourished in

Ceylon, and wrote works on Buddhism during the eighteenth and the

earlier part of the nineteenth century of the Buddhist era (p. 24 of

printed edition). Siddhattha Thera, the author of the Pali work Sara-

sangha, describes himself as “ the last pupil of Buddhapiya Thera, the

chief of the Dakkinarama” (erected by Prakrama Bahu the Great).

Unless stronger evidence to the contrary is forthcoming, the facts stated

above do, I venture to think, justify the conclusion that Buddhapiya

Thera, the author of Rupasiddhi, was a Sinhalese scholar, who,

however, resided for some time in the Chola country.—I am, yours

faithfully,

D. B. JAYATILAKA.

COUNCIL MEETING.

Colombo Museum, August 29, 1906.

Present :

The Hon. Mr. J. P. Lewis, Vice-President.

The Hon. Mr. P. Arunachalam, ; Mr. Simon de Silva, Gate Mudali-

M.A., C.C.8. |

A.J. Chalmers, M.D., F.R.C.S.

Dr. W. H. de Silva, M.B., C.M., LL.M.

F.R.C.S. Mr. A. M. Gunasékera, Mudaliyar.

Mr. R. H. Ferguson, B.A., Honorary Treasurer.

Mr. G. A. Joseph, Honorary Secretary.

yar.

Mr. C: M. Fernando, M.A.,

Business.

1. Mr. C. M. Fernando temporarily took the chair until the

arrival of the Hon. Mr. J. P. Lewis.

2. Read and confirmed Minutes of last Council Meeting held on

February 5, 1906.

3. Resolved,—That the following candidates be elected as Mem-

bers :—

J. Still

G. A. Joseph

C. M. Fernando

G. A. Joseph

M. Gunasékera

Gunawardhana

(1) Mr. D. F. Noyes: recommended by f

(2) The Hon. Mr. A. Wood Se

Puisne Justice : recommended by

(3) Mr. C. F. Perera Wijayasiriwardana

Kaviratna: recommended by t

(4) Mr. Mathavarayan Suppramaniyan :

recommended by S.

K. Coomaraswamy

B. Kuruppu

96 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

3. laid on the table list of Members elected recently by circular.

4. Laid on the table Circular No. 279 of November 18, 1905,

covering a Paper entitled ‘‘ A Copper Sannasa granted to King Kirti

Sri Rajasinha in Saka 1685,” by Mr. T. B. Pohath, with the opinions

of Messrs. J. Harward and A. M. Gunasékera, Mudaliydr, to whom

the Paper was referred.

Resolved,—That in view of the remarks by the gentlemen to whom

the Paper was referred, that it be not accepted; but that the writer

be thanked for forwarding it to the Society.

5. Laid on the table Circular No. 61 of February 7, 1906, covering

a Paper entitled “ Udapola Sannasa,”’ with translation and notes, by

Mr. T. B. Pohath, with the opinions of Messrs. H. C. P. Bell and

C. M. Fernando, to whom the Paper was referred.

Resolved,—That in view of the remarks by the gentlemen to whom

the Paper was referred, that it be not accepted ; but that the writer

be thanked for forwarding it to the Society.

6. Laid on the table Circular No. 71 of November 10, 1906, substi-

tuting Mr. Ek. B. Denham’s name as a Member of the Council for

1906 in place of the Hon. Mr. H. L. Crawford.

7. Laid on the table manuscript translation of ‘“ Barros” and

“De Couto” by Mr. D. W. Ferguson, with a letter dated May 10,

1906.

Resolved,—That Mr. Ferguson be accorded a most cordial vote of

thanks from the Council for the very able way he has prepared

the translation and annotations of works of considerable historical

interest.

_ Resolved,—That the translation of ‘ Barros” and ‘“ De Couto” be

issued as an Extra Number of the Society’s Journal.

8. Informed the Council that the Paper entitled “ First Discovery

of Ceylon by the Portuguese” by Mr. D. W. Ferguson has been

received and sent to the Printer. :

Resolved,—That the Paper be read at a Meeting and published in

the Society's Journal.

9. Read a letter from the Hon. Mr. J. Ferguson drawing atten-

tion of the Council to a letter from Dr. Haddon of Cambridge re-

garding Mr. Brown’s mission to investigate regarding the Veddas.

10. Read a letter from Mr. J. Harward resigning office as Hono-

rary Secretary during his absence from the Island.

11. Laid on the table a paper entitled ‘““Some Ruins in Ruihuna

Rate,” by A. Jayawardana, Mudaliyar.

Resolved,—That the Paper be referred to 8S. de Silva and

A. M. Gunasékera, Mudaliyars, for their opinions.

12. Laid on the table the following Papers by Mr. T. B.

Pohath :— :

(1) ‘‘ Royal Grant of Saka 1676.”

(2) “Translation of a Copper Sannasa granted by King Kirti

Sri Raéjasinha in Saka 1690.”

(3) “Text, Transcript, and Translation of a Royal Sannasa

granted in 1677.”

Resolved,—That the Papers be referred to Mr. C. M. Fernando

and Dr. W. H. de Silva for their opinions.

No. 57.—1906. | PROCEEDINGS. 97

13. Laidonthe table a Paper entitled ‘The Origin of Tamil

Vellales,” by Mr. V. J. Tambypillai.

Resolved,—That the Paper be referred to the Hon. Mr. P. Aruna-

chalam and S. de Silva, Mudaliyar, for their opinions.

14. laid on the table Circular No. 148 of May 30, 1906 (covering

the Essays received for the prizes offered for an Essay on Kandyan

Customs), with the opinions of the Members of the Sub-Committee

appointed to award the prizes.

Resolved,—That the prizes be awarded in accordance with the

opinion of Dr. A. K. Coomaraswamy, viz. :—

First Prize (Rs. 30) to Mr S. D. Mahawalatenna for an Essay on

‘““ Kandyan Music.”

Second Prize (Rs. 15) to ‘“ W. B. M.” c/o Mr. T. B. Paranatalla,

for an Essay on “ Sumptuary Laws and Social Etiquette of Kandyans.”

Third Prize (Rs.15) to Mr. T. B. Bakmigahawela for an Essay on

‘“Kandyan Medicine.”

COUNCIL MEETING.

Colombo Museum, November 206, 1906.

Present :

~The Hon. Mr. J. Ferguson, C.M.G., President, in the Chair.

Mr. P. Freudenberg, Vice-President.

A. J. Chalmers, M.D., F.R.C.S. Mr. A. M. Gunasékara, Muda-

Mr. S. de Silva, Gate Mudaliyar. liyar.

Mr. C. Drieberg, B.A., F.H.A.S. | The Hon. Mr,S.C. Obeyesékere.

Mr. G. A. Joseph. Honorary Secretary.

Business.

1. Read and confirmed Minutes of last Council Meeting held on

29th August, 1906.

2. Resolved, the election of the following candidate as a Member :—

Mr. L. W. F. de Saram, Solicitor nS (a) F. J. de Saram.

Proctor : recommended by (b) C. Batuwantudawa.

2. [Laid on the table Circular No. 244 of Ist September containing

the opinions of Mudaliydrs S. de Silva and A. M. Gunasékera on the

Paper entitled “Some Ruins in Rithuna Rata,” by Mudahyar A. Jaya-

wardana.

Resolved,— That, in view of the remarks on the Circular by the

gentlemen to whom the Paper was referred, it be not accepted ; but

that the writer be thanked for forwarding it to the Society.

H 43-06

98 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Worncex EX.

4. Laid on the table Circular No. 271 of 22nd September

regarding Dr. A. K. Coomaraswamy’s Paper on “ Painting, Dyeing,

Laework, Dumbara Mats, and Paper in Ceylon.”

Resolved,—That the action taken by the Honorary Secretary in

accepting the Paper for the Society be approved.

5. Read a letter dated 5th October, 1906, from Mr. D. W. Ferguson

regarding his translation of ‘ Barros” and ‘“ De Couto” on Ceylon.

6. Laid on the table papers sent by the Hon. the Colonial Secretary

regarding the reprinting of the English translation of the Mahawansa

and Mrs. A. K. Coomaraswamy’s offer to translate Prof. Geiger’s

Dipawansa and Mahawansa.

Resolved,—That, as it is not clear what book on the Mahawansa

Mrs. Coomaraswamy offered to translate, the Honorary Secretary do

inquire, and bring the matter up again before the Council.

7. The Honorary Secretary informed the Council that Dr. A. K.

Coomaraswamy is willing to deliver a lecture on a ‘‘ Sinhalese Painted

Box : a Study of Kandyan Art and Artists,’ on any day between 1st

and 13th December next.

Resolved,—That Dr. Coomaraswamy’s offer be accepted with thanks,

and that he be asked to deliver his lecture at a General Meeting

arranged for the 11th December.

8. Laid on the table a Paper entitled ‘‘ Some Portuguese Documents

of 1543 a.p.,’ by Mr. P. E. Pieris, C.CS.

Resolved,—That the manuscripts be returned to the writer in view

of the explanation made by the Honorary Secretary.

9. Laid on the table a Paper entitled ‘‘ Notes on some Eldlings,”’

by Mr. J. Still.

Resolved,—That the Paper be referred to Messrs. C. M. Fernando and

P. EK. Pieris for their opinions.

10. Laid on the table a Paper entitled ‘Roman Coins found in

Ceylon,” by Mr. J. Still.

Resolved,—That the Paper be referred to Messrs. C. M. Fernando

and P. EK. Pieris for their opinions.

11. Laid on the table a Paper entitled ‘‘ Notes on the Smith Caste,”

by Mr. H. W. Codrington, C.C.S.

Resolved,—That the Paper be referred to Mr. H. ©. P. Bell and

Mudaliyar S. de Silva for their opinions.

12. Resolved, —That the business of next General Meeting be left

in the hands of the Secretaries.

No. 57.—1906. | - PROCEEDINGS, 99

GENERAL MEETING.

Colombo Musewm, December 11, 1906.

Present :

His Excellency Sir H. A. Blake, G.C.M.G.,

Patron, in the Chair.

The Hon. Mr. J. Ferguson, C.M.G., President.

Mr. P. Freudenberg, Vice-President.

Mr. C. Batuwantudawa, Advo- Mr. P. E. Morgappah.

cate. Dr. A. Nell, M.R.C.S.

A. K. Coomaraswamy, D.Sc. Mr. E. W. Perera, Advocate.

Mr. W. A. de Silva, J.P. Mr. M. Suppramaniyan.

Mr. EK. Evans, B.Sc. Mr. G. W. Sturgess, M.R.C.V.S.

Mr. J. C. Hall. Mr. F. A. Tisseverasinha,

Mr. D. B. Jayatilaka, B.A. Proctor, 8.C.

Myr.J. Harward, M.A., and Mr. G. A. Joseph, Honorary Secretaries.

Visitors : Thirteen ladies and twelve gentlemen.

Business.

THE LATE SIR ALEXANDER ASHMORE.

1. The President said that before entering on the regular

business of the Meeting it was only fitting that some reference

should be made to the deplorably sad event which had been

occupying their minds very much during the past few days,

the death of Sir Alexander Ashmore, Lieutenant-Governor of

Ceylon. He had in his hands.a Resolution which he was sure all

present would approve, and which would be entered on their

records. Sir Alexander Ashmore was not enrolled as a Member

of the Society, but he manifested considerable interest in its

work ; and he was sure that had the matter of entering his name

only been brought to the notice of Sir Alexander, he would have

become a regular Member.

He moved : “ That the Members of the Ceylon Branch of the

Royal Asiatic Society offer to Lady Ashmore and her children

their deep condolence upon the irreparable and grievous loss

they have sustained in the death of Sir Alexander Ashmore. His

loss is deplored not only by the Members of this Society, but

by the whole of the inhabitants of the Island.”

His EXcELLENCY, much moved, asked the Members to signify

their assent in the usual way by standing; and the vote was

passed in silence.

100 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XIX.

2. Read and confirmed Minutes of last General Meeting held

on August 6, 1906.

3. Announced the election of the following Members since the

last General Meeting :—

life Member.

Mathavarayan Suppramaniyan.

Ordinary Members.

D. F. Noyes.

The Hon. Mr. A. Wood Renton.

M. C. F. Perera Wijesiriwardana Kaviratna.

4. Dr. A. K. CoomAraswdmy delivered a lecture ‘Ol a

Sinhalese Painted Box: a Study of Kandyan Art and Artists.”

The lecture lasted about an hour, and was brought to a close

by a series of lantern pictures. Dr. Coomaraswamy also showed

a number of actual examples of Sinhalese art, including a large

box, beautifully decorated, which served as “ the text ”’ of the

lecture.

Mr. Harwarp asked whether at any stage of the course gone

through by the pupils of the old draughtsmen actual drawings

from Nature were made ?

Dr. CoomARAsSwAmy : I think not.

Votes oF THANKS.

His EXcELLENCY said the subject chosen by Dr. Coomaraswamy

was most interesting and instructive. Dr. Coomdraswamy was

the only person who had plumbed the mysteries of Kandyan

art from the bottom. They had all learned something, and

he hoped the lecturer had awakened that which would be of

lasting interest. He agreed that the cultivation of indigenous

art should not be allowed to perish. They ought to be able

to elaborate some scheme, with the assistance also of the

Agricultural Society, which should have for its object the

affording to these people;-who had preserved up to the present

moment the art of their forefathers, a market for the goods they

made, in order to induce them, to. hand on to their sons the art

which had been carried down fer: so many centuries. It was

necessary they should enter.imto the question—the prosaic

question—as to how the. artistic productions which they hoped

to induce these people to continue to produce might be disposed.

of, because without a market for a man’s wares even the art of

the most enthusiastic artist could not live on for ever. He hoped

they would be able to make such arrangements as should make it

possible for these arts to be preserved.

The love of symmetry in Kandyan art—the fact that when a

certain figure was produced on one side a similar figure was

produced on the other—was most interesting. They found that

exactly the same thing existed in Chinese art. The Chinese,

No. 57.—1906.] PROCEEDINGS. | 101

when they made a pair of vases, as they were very fond of doing,

produced them of exactly the same pattern, only reversed, and

so closely copied that to an observer who did not look very atten-

tively at them they would appear to be stencil work turned

over. That symmetrical idea seemed to him to be peculiarly

Eastern.

He did not feel he had any right to say anything more upon

the lecture, though he might have all the valour of ignorence

on the subject. He would ask them to join in a hearty vote of

thanks to Dr. Coomaraswdmy for a lecture so full of thought

and instruction. He was afraid they would not have many more

opportunities of welcoming Dr. Cooméraswamy amongst them and

of listening to his lectures; but ‘he could assure Dr. Coomara-

swamy that when he returned—as he would return in a very

short time—to Europe he would carry with him warm feelings of

appreciation from the people of Ceylon, and amongst them the

heartiest of good wishes and the warmest feelings from the

Members of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society.

The vote was heartily accorded.

Dr. CoomMARASwAmy thanked his hearers for their kind attention,

and expressed his appreciative sense of the kind words of His

Excellency.

A vote of thanks to H. H. the Governor, proposed by the

President, and seconded by Mr. P. Freudenberg, terminated the

proceedings.

H. C. COTTLE, GOVERNMENT PRINTER, COLOMBO, CEYLON.

ed Crates J

AD To ie

Wh i

Ri ates

eRe

coe

Pee EE

JOURNAL

OF THE

CEYLON BRANCH

OF THE

1907.

VOLUME XIX.

No. 58.

EDITED BY THE HONORARY SECRETARY.

_ The design of the Society is to institute and promote inquiries into the

History, Religions, Languages, Literature, Arts, and Social Condition

of the present and former Inhabitants of the Island, with its

Geology and Mineralogy, its Climate and Meteorology,

its Botany and Zoology.

Price: to Members, Re. 1; to Non-Members, Rs. 2.

COLOMBO :

H. C. COTTLE, GOVERNMENT PRINTER, CEYLON.

1908.

MLM EEE DEDEDE EEE

JOURNAL

OF THE

CHYLON BRANCH

OF THE

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,

LOOT.

VOLUME XIX.

No. 58.

EDITED BY THE HONORARY SECRETARY.

The design of the Society is to institute and promote inquiries into the

History, Religions, Languages, Literature, Arts, and Social Condition

of the present and former inhabitants of the Island, with its

Geology and Mineralogy, its Climate and Meteorology,

its Botany and Zoology.

COLOMBO :

H. C. COTTLE, GOVERNMENT PRINTER, CEYLON.

1908.

‘

NASR esa had

Aare

eine

Caney

aan eh

Pate

free tina

CONTENTS.

Paper not read :—

“Notes on Painting, Dyeing, Lacwork, Dumbara

Mats, and Paper in mee by A. K. Coomara-

swamy, D.Sc. .. we aie

Annual General Meeting : March 15, 1907:

Annual Report for 1906 —

Archeological eG 1906 : ee. of work none

by the

Office-Bearers for 1907, Sesion of

The President’s Address

Paper read :—

, “ Nuwara-gala, Eastern Province,” by F. Lewis..

Council Meeting: May 30, 1907

General Meeting : May 30, 1907

[The Proceedings of this Meeting, and he Paper ae

was read at it (“The Discovery of Ceylon by the

Portuguese in 1506,” by DoNALD FERGUSON), with

the Discussion which followed, will be issued as

Vol. XIX., No. 59, 1907, of the Journal.]

Council Meeting: August 27, 1907

General Meeting : September 30, 1907

Papers read :—

“ Roman Coins found in Ceylon,” by JoHN STILL. .

“Notes on a find of Eldlings made in Anuradha-

pura,” by Joun STILL

“Some Early Peper Coins of Ceylon,” by JoHN

STILL ie

General Meeting : November 4, 1907

Papers read :—

** Joan Gideon Loten, F.R.S., the Naturalist Gover-

nor of Ceylon (1752-57), and the Ceylonese

Artist de Bevere,” by DonaLp FERGUSON

‘*“ A few Remarks on Prehistoric Stones in Ceylon,”

by JoHn POLE

PAGE

103

- 122

123

126

138

142

154

156

157

159

161

191

199

216

217

272

pratt

ibe

Coe i, vail

veer Le,

JOURNAL

OF THE

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,

CEYLON BRANCH.

NOTES ON PAINTING, DYEING, LACWORK, DUMBARA

MATS, AND PAPER IN CEYLON.*

By A. K. Coomaraswamy, D.Sc.

1.—Technique of Sinhalese Painting.

Iv is impossible in a short space to treat adequately of Sin-

halese painting, the most important and most interesting

branch of Sinhalese art, architecture excepted. The best

place to study painting is in old viharas such as Degaldoruwa,

Ridi Vihare, Danagirigala, where there still remains good 18th

century work done for King Kirti Sri, that liberal patron of

religion and the arts ; something is also to be learnt from old

painted furniture and from the few existing but very beautiful

illuminated paper manuscripts of the 18th and early 19th

centuries. |

Vihara paintings are executed an tempera on the walls and

ceilings ; the usual subjects are of course religious—Jatakas,

scenes from the life of Gotama Buddha, Mara’s battle, the

twenty-four assurances, and the like; pictures of the gods are

* Reprinted, with additions and corrections, from the <«¢ Handbook

to the Exhibition of Arts and Crafts in connection with the Ceylon

Rubber Exhibition.”? Colombo, 1906. SeeC.A.S. Journal, Vol, XIX.,

No. 57, 1906, p. 98, Council Meeting, November 20, ‘‘ Resolution 4.”

By, 36-07

104 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). or, 2 ODS

also common, and often. a portrait of the endower or restorer

of the shrine, which portraits are useful records of 18th cen-

tury costume.

The vihara wall paintings generally include narrative

illustrations of Jatakas; they use the method of continuous

narration, 2.e., the same figures are repeated continually with-

out break along a series of panels, in the different situations

proper to the progress of the story ; the story is depicted as a

whole, not as a series of isolated pictures. One of the most

noticeable features is the extreme delicacy of the drawing ;

there is often a wealth of fine detail which it is almost

impossible to copy. The style of course is strictly appropriate

and decorative, very restful, and pleasant ; the pictures do not

intrude themselves, but are there when you want them ;

adapting Morris, ‘* the wall is a wall still and not a window ;

nay a book rather, where, if you will, you may read the stories

of the gods and heroes, and whose characters, whether you

read them or not, delight you always with the beauty of

their form and colour.”

It is however in pattern designing that the Kandyan painter

really excelled. The finest work of this kind is found in ceiling

paintings of the 18th and early 19th centuries. Most elaborate

patterns based on a proper geometrical construction and

having withal a delightful spontaneity are found. The best

of this work is equal to anything that has ever been done

in pattern designing. Beside patterns, ceiling paintings often

include, as at Kelaniya, representations of the nine planets, the

twelve signs of the zodiac (all personified), and the like sub-

jects. Amongst the best surviving ceiling paintings are those

at Kelani, and in a vihara at Ganegoda near Pelmadulla.

The amount of furniture used was so small that it is not

surprising that few painted examples remain. It is clear how-

ever that the Kandyan craftsman, like the medieval European,

was given to painting his wood and ivory work. The finest

example of painted woodwork I know of is the large book-box

at the Ridi Vihare.

No. 58.—1907.] NOTES ON CEYLON PAINTING, &C. 105

Of illuminated manuscripts of the 18th century very few

survive, but these are in many respects so excellent as to

make the absence of others very regrettable. Those existing

, are executed on Dutch paper, and consist of Buddhist scrip-

tures with pictures and conventional ornament.

There exist also working drawings and specimen drawings

‘on Dutch paper, executed in the 18th century.

The old paintings are executed in a gum medium and in a

very limited range of colours—red, black, and yellow, and

sometimes shades of these produced by mixture with white.

Blue and green are only very rarely found.

The old pigments were prepared as follows :—

White.—This is makul or kaolin (Chinese white) ; it is chiefly

obtained near Maturata. It is often mixed with other pig-

ments to make pink, gray, &c.

Red.—This is sadilingam or cinnabar, which is still purchas-

able in the bazaars and used as of old. The mineral is not

known to occur in Ceylon and must always have been imported.

Yellow.—This is gamboge from the gokatu tree (Garcia

morella) ; but the material preferred for some purposes, such

as painting on wood, is orpiment (hiriyal) ; it is now custom-

ary to use hiriyal generally even where gokatu would be better.

Black.—This is lamp-black, to prepare which jak milk, kekuna

oil, and dwmmala are ground up together and mixed with shreds

of cotton cloth, then set over a small fire in a clean chatty with

another turned over it; the soot is deposited on the upper

chatty and collected.

Blue.—This colour is very rarely seen; it was obtained

from the leaves of the nilgas (indigo), but small quantities

only were available. In the great majority of old paintings

blue is absent, and so is green.

Green.—Made by mixing blue with yellow. Very sparingly

used and generally absent altogether.

Gold.—Gold is used in one case in an old (18th century)

pattern book which I have seen, and in an 18th century

banadaham pota, or breviary, a paper MS. said to have

106 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). = [Von. XIX.

belonged to King Narendra Sinha. The gold prepared for

use is said to have been brought from Siam. Its use is.

certainly not indigenous.

Shades of colour.—Red, black, and blue are mixed with -

white to form respectively pink (¢mbul sivi), gray (sudu kalu or

nilsivt), and pale blue (nilsiv ). The gray is generally used in

place of blue or green where either of these colours would

appear natural or necessary, as for trees, or representations of

Vishnu, the ‘‘ Blue God.” A little yellow added to the gray

gives it a greenish tinge. The use of these shades (never in

such a way as to produce undue relief or interfere with the

flatness of the decoration) and so also of mited quantities of

other ‘colours (particularly green on painted woodwork), and

of the invariable black outline tempers any hardness of con-

trast between the red and yellow.* The whole range of colours

may be thought very limited, but it willbe found that a

sufficiently varied use can be made of them, and the very

limitation was a safeguard and a stimulus to the imagination

and ingenuity of the Kandyan painter. :

According to the proper method the aforesaid pigments were

finely powdered and mixed with: gum (divul latu) of the

elephant-apple tree and water, which dries without glaze.

Oil colours were never used ;{ but where desirable, as

in the case of paintings on wood (book covers, book

boxes, and other furniture) or outdoor work, the colours are

protected by a layer of varnish (walichchiya). This varnish.

is made thus : powdered dummala (which must be white and.

clean, not dark) is mixed with dorana tel (oil obtained from the

dorana tree, Dipterocarpus glandulosus. Thw.) and boiled for

half an hour or more and then allowed to cool, when it is ready

for use ; after some two or three days it begins to harden, and:

more oil must be added and the whole boiled to make it

again fit for use. The varnish so prepared smells strongly of

| * Cf. Ruskin, ** Stones of Venice,”’ Vol. III., ch. I., § xxviii.

; I have finally assured myself on this point since the Handbook

was issued.

No. 58.—1907.] NOTES ON CEYLON PAINTING, &C. 107

turpentine and dries quickly. The yellow gokatu (gamboge)

paint is said to be itself a walichchiya and not to require any

other varnish. A superior method of varnishing small

wooden articles is to cover the painting with a thin coating

of carefully cleaned and strained keppettiya lakada. Old

book covers will always be found to have been so

treated.

The brushes tei kura used are made of cats’ or squirrels’

hair, and are very smalland delicate. Long, fine, stiff brushes

for drawing delicate lines are prepared from teli tana awns

(Aristida adscensionis). Larger brushes are made from the

aerial roots of wetakiya, a species of Pandanus.

One great merit of the old Sinhalese painter is the thorough-

ness of his knowledge of the preparation and properties of the

pigments and tools at his disposal ; their natural limitations

moreover tended to restraint and gravity. The old methods

_are still well understood and sometimes followed by the best

workmen ; unfortunately, however, those responsible for mod-

erm vihara decoration rarely take the trouble to secure their

services ; and the majority of inferior painters run riot with

Aspinall’s enamel and Rickett’s blue, with which they depict

designs more like those to be looked for on second-rate Christ-

mas cards than suitable for temple walls. Even the best men

are rarely proof against the temptation to make use of new and

gaudy colours, which destroy the beauty even of the best

design ; and even if they desire to adhere to old ways, those

_ responsible prefer to buy cheap colours and so save something

for themselves, for it must be admitted that the use of good

colours, as of most things worth using, involves the expendi-

ture of time and money. Itis to be hoped that Sinhalese, and

especially lay incumbents of temples, will in the future feel a

growing sense of their responsibility in these matters, both as

regards the preservation of good old work, and in seeing that

they do not continue to hand down to posterity productions

vastly inferior to those which they themselves received from

the past.

108 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

, 2.—Notes on Dyeing in Ceylon.

The three plants most extensively used for dyeing in Ceylon

are chaya (Oldenlandia umbellata), patangi (Cesalpinia sappan),

and jak (Artocarpus integrifolia).

Chaya root dyeing is, or rather was, only practised in the

Northern Province, and especially in the Mannar District ;

“Painter street’ in Mannar is still occupied by persons of

the Dyeing caste. Casie Chitty states in his Gazetteer (1834)

that “‘chaya root, which yields a scarlet dye, grows wild

almost all over the northern districts, and the collection as

well as the sale of it was once the exclusive monopoly of

Government, farmed out to private individuals. In 1830, how-

ever, the monopoly was abolished, the revenue having declined

from £2,000 to £200 per annum ; and the trade is now not

only left open, but free from all taxes. None but a particular

class of natives dig for the roots, and when under a monopoly

they were remunerated at the rate of ?d. per pound. Indigo

likewise grows wild. .... but does not seem to flourish when

cultivated.”” In Trimen’s Handbook to the Flora of Ceylon,

IT., 316 (1894), it is stated that the root was then still gathered

to a small extent, and that a village in Mannar is wholly

occupied by a caste who dye cloths with it. ‘‘ The colour is

a dull pinkish purple and very durable. There was formerly a

considerable export to India.... Extracts from the Dutch

records referring to the collection of this plant for Government

are given by the late Colonial Surgeon Ondaatje in the Appen-

dix to the Ceylon Almanac for 1853, pp. 14-16.”

The fullest description of the dyeing process is given by

S. Katiresu in the Ceylon National Review, No. 2, 1906.

The chaya root is generally used in combination with other

dyes; these are applied in the required places after the

parts which are to remain white have been protected by bees-

wax, and then comes the dyeing proper with chaya root.

‘* Tn a caldron or earthen vessel... .some 4 or 5 gallons of water

are gently heated and about a quart of chaya root powder is

put in and boiled gently, say the heat not to rise over 110° F.

No. 58.—1907.| NOTES ON CEYLON PAINTING, &C. 109

Now the cloth is allowed to boil in it for about two or three

hours at the same heat. It is taken out, dried in the shade,

washed in cold water, and dried again. A second caldron or

vessel is also made ready in a similar way, but in this case the

heat of the water is increased to about 145° F. ....A third

caldron is also so made ready and the process repeated, but in

this case the heat is increased to about 180° or 190° F. This

heat melts the wax on the cloth. Some dyers who believe in

doing things on the cheap try the third process directly without

going through the former two. This does not give the en-

during power to the cloth, nor is the colouring fast.... The

colour thus produced is called mantaliniram.” If alum be

mixed with the chaya root, a dark reddish colour is produced ;

“ this colour may also be obtained by soaking the cloth first

in a mixture of water with gallnut powder, and then, after

drying, in a mixture of water with alum.”

The dyes used in combination with chaya root to produce

black or red lines are called karam and are prepared thus : for

black, ‘“‘ about 2 ounces of alum and 1 Ib. of iron filings or rust

are put into a vessel containing about a quart of water and are

left to le for two or three days until the water grows dark.

If it is not dark enough, some more iron is put in; for red,

the karam is prepared without iron, and the cloth is previously

soaked in a mixture of gallnut powder and water; or for

black, iron put into the water of a young coconut, in the

proportion of about a pound toa quart may be used, and forms

an indelible black if used on a cloth previously soaked in gall-

nut water ; while for red a 10 per cent. solution of alum may be

used on a cloth previously soaked in gallnut water. The parts

to be so coloured are painted with the karam previous to the

general dyeing with chaya root, the parts to be white remaining

protected by beeswax throughout.

This art of dye painting on cloth is a very ancient one;

the old Kandyan flags and Dewala hangings used to be so

done, almost certainly by Tamil workmen. Painted cloths

are still made in Jaffna for the Sinhalese market. The

110 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). ~[Vou. XTX.

custom of Sinhalese painters of painting on cloth with pigments

(as in the Peradeniya Exhibition hangings) is quite different

and comparatively unsatisfactory. Chaya root dyeing, how-

ever, is almost a thing of the past, for alizarine or aniline dyes

are now almost or quite exclusively used in place of it, of which

Mr. Katiresu states that “the colour produced is totally

different from the chaya root dye. It has none of the good

qualities of the chaya root. It does not help to preserve the

cloth, nor is it warmer, nor can it stand the washing of the

dhoby.”’

So much for chaya root.

I am inclined to think that madder and indigo have not

been used as dyes in Ceylon, and that the blue and red cotton

used by Sinhalese weavers has always been imported, as is

now the case. Colonial Surgeon Ondaatje states that madder,

though found in Ceylon, appears never to have been used by

the Sinhalese as a dye. Trimen says the same.* Of indigo

Trimen remarks that it is not cultivated in Ceylon, but the

*‘ natives of Jafina use the leaves of the wild plant in obtaining

a dye for cloth.’’ Mr. Nevill (Taprobanian, Vol. I., p. 112) says:

‘* There is in Ceylon a wild indigo, but it does not appear ever

to have been exported, or to have been of special value. It

affords a bright pale blue dye, locally, but slightly, used.”’

The blue was also made use of asa pigment. It may be worth

while to encourage the cultivation of indigo on a small scale

in the northern districts.

Patangi (Cesalpinia sappan) is the most important of

other Ceylon dyes. it is used for colouring palm and grass

leaves for mat weaving, a fine red; it is also applied to rattan

for baskets, to ola leaves for various purposes, and to the

myanda fibre used by Rodiyas and Kinnaras for making

whips, brooms, anc mats.

* But Mr. Donald Ferguson reminds me that ruiva roots were used

in Dutch times for dyeing. (See Lee’s Ribeiro 173-4. 195 Pielaats

Memoir 29.) Post. rucva = Lat. rubia — madder,

No. 58.—1907.] NOTES ON CEYLON PAI NTING, &C. 111

The materials chiefly used in making the best mats are

ndikola (Phenix zeylanica) and hewan (Cyperus dehiscens).

The proper process of dyeing this with patang: is rather com-

plicated, and the practice varies in different districts. At

‘Niriella the process was as follows. On the first day two

handfuls of korakaha leaves (Memecylon umbellatum, Burm.)

are pounded in a mortar, squeezed out in water by hand, and

the resulting liquid, resembling pea soup, strained; two

handfuls of patangi chips are added and the whole left to stand.

On the second day thesolition has becomered. The patangi

chips are removed, pounded, and replaced, and the whole

boiled with the indikola which is to be dyed, tied up in little

sheaves. The pot is allowed to cool and left till next day. On

_ the third day leaves of bombukola (Symplocos spicata, Roxb.),

hin-bowitiya (Osbeckia octandra, D.C.), and korakaha, pieces of ;

kebella bark (A porosa Lindleyana, Baill.), and a handful of chips

of a yellow wood called ahu (Morinda tinctoria), together with a

small bundle of roots oi ratmulgas (Knoxia platycarpa, Arn.

var.) are pounded and added to the solution in which the

indi leaves remain ; the whole is boiled and then allowed to

cool and stand till next day, when the leaves are removed

and dried, after which they are ready for use. :

I have another receipt from Welimada. To a pound of

galeha (another grass used for mats) take two pounds korakaha

(or welikaha), half a pound of kiribat-mul (root of Knoxia

platycarpa), two pounds patang: powder, four cents weight

of green ‘‘ saffron,” half cent weight of lime, and four

pots of pure water. Boil for three days with a strong fire’

in the morning, slow fire during the day, and again strong

fire in evening and slow fire during the night. The pot

must not be removed from the hearth during the three days,

after which the dyed grass can be removed and dried in the

shade. |

The colour thus produced is a fine red, which does

indeed fade slowly, but lasts as long as the mat is likely to,

which is more than can be said of the aniline dyes which have

ial JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

now entirely replaced patang: in many districts. Of these the

magenta is unpleasant and the green very fugitive.

The customary method of dyeing grasses or palm leaves black

is to bury them in rice field mud, after soaking in an extract

of gallnuts (aralu or bulu). The lower oxide of iron in the

mud combines with the tannin to form tannate of iron, or ink.

For this information I am indebted to Mr. Kelway Bamber.

* A dye prepared from mangrove and called kadol is used in

the Kalutara District for dyeing nets, boat sails, and coir, and

as a coating for brick floors (information received from the

Totamune Mudaliyar).

A yellow dye is sometimes got from the young fruits of the

kaha (Bixa orellana), or from ‘‘saffron,” (% turmeric) which is.

pounded in a mortar, extracted with water, and boiled for an

hour with the leaves to be dyed.

The yellow dye of priests’ robes is obtained from the wood

of the jak (Artocarpus integrifolia), in an extract of which the:

cloth to be dyed is soaked ; the extract is sometimes boiled

also with bombu leaves. The yellow dye is not permanent,

but is easily renewed, and the colour improves with repeated.

applications.

The mats made by the Kinnaras from niyanda fibre are

coloured red, black, and yellow ; the red is made with patangr

with the addition of korakaha leaves and gingelly oil and.

alum ; the yellow is obtained from the yellow wood of the

weniwel creeper (Coscinium fenestratum) and kaha fruits ; the:

fibre is boiled for a day in a decoction of these ; the black

colour is produced with the help of gallnuts (aralu, Terminala

chebula, and bulu, Terminalia beleria) and rice field mud.

These dyes are satisfactory in appearance, but are not very

permanent, and the mats are found to be considerably faded

after one or two years. They are however cheap goods and not.

intended to last for ever. Still it would be very fortunate if

some better mordants could be devised, as the aniline dyes

(which are not yet used by the Kinnaras, but are much used

by other mat and basket weavers) are no better, but rather

No. 58.—1907.| NOTES ON CEYLON PAINTING, &C. 113

worse than the original ones in respect of perrnanency and

much worse in respect of beauty, which is after all the only

reason why dyes are used at all—a fact which is sometimes

forgotten.

It will be seen that the art of dyeing has not been developed

in Ceylon to so great an extent as in India, and it is now much

more neglected than was the case sometime ago. So long,

however, asit is thought worth while to dye materials at all,

it may as well be done well, and now that cotton is likely to be

grown again in Ceylon and weaving may be partly revived, it

may be possible also to improve and revive the art of dyeing.

This should be done by endeavouring to improve the method of

application of the old vegetable dyes of Ceylon and of India,

while the use of aniline or alizanin dyes should be carefully

discouraged.

3.—Lacwork.”

Lacwork is a well-known industry in India and Ceylon. In

Ceylon it is quite a small industry, and deserves to flourish

and be encouraged as such.

Ceylon lac is the product of two species of the lac insect,

both different from the Indian. One called keppettiya or kon-

lakada (Tachardia albizzice, Green) occurs on several trees,

amongst which are the keppettiya (Croton aromaticus), kon

(Schleicheria trijuga), and hinguru (Acacia cesia). The other

species (Zachardia conchiferata, Green) is called telakiriya

lakada, and is found on an euphorbaceous plant called .

telakiriya (Hxceecaria agallocha); this is a rarer species, but

produces lac of a brighter and clearer quality. Beside these,

small quantities of imported Indian lac are sometimes used.

Lacwork is now carried on in Kandyan districts at Hapu-

wida (South Matale), Pallekanda near Balangoda, and Huri-

kaduwa in Pata Dumbara, and in the low-country at Angal-

maduwa, near Tangalla.

* This account of lacwork in Ceylon is partly based on Mr. E. E.

Green’s article on Lac, Annals R. B. G., Peradeniya, Vol. I., Part V.,

Supplement, 1903.

114 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XIX.

The Matale work is by far the most distinctive, and may be |

described in detail, after which the Hurikaduwa and Angal-

maduwa methods will be referred to. )

The Matale work is called miyapoten weda or finger-nail

work ; this name is given because the work is done chiefly

with the finger or thumb nail. The lac pigments are prepared

as follows. The freshly collected twigs bearing the lac insects

are dried in the sun; the resin is then removed, pounded,

and winnowed or sifted. The crushed lac is enclosed in narrow

bolster-shaped bags of thin cloth ; the bags are heated over

charcoal fires and twisted till the melted lac oozes through

the cloth. The lac is scraped off ; a part of it is next softened

over a fire and attached to the point of a small stick, and then

again, warmed and a second stick attached. The softened

lac is then drawn out between the two sticks, worked about, |

doubled up, and redrawn many times until it assumes the

form of along stout ribbon of glistening fibrous lac of a bright

golden brown colour. The pigments are now mixed into the

lac by softening it and pounding the coloured powders into

it. The four colours used are red, yellow, green, and black ;

of these, the red is vermilion (sadilingam) ; the yellow, orpi-

_ ment (hiriyal); the green is yellow with the addition of

‘“ dhobies’ blue’, formerly ‘‘ pwnil” (indigo) ; and the black is

prepared in the same way as the black used in painting.

The lac thus prepared is used for the decoration of a large

variety of articles, especially wooden sticks of various kinds,

such as staffs (herimitc), handles of ceremonial spears, banners,

fans, &c., ceremonial pingos, &c., and also to many other

things such as powder horns (wedibehet karaka), clarionets

(horanewa), book covers (pot kambv), &c., and it is also used as

an inlay in ivory, horn, and chank work. For this purpose

the ivory is incised with lines and circles which are filled up

with the coloured lac. In the case of turned ivory or horn,

this is effected by holding a piece of lac against it, while

revolving on the lathe ; the lac heated by friction is softened

and fills up the incised grooves. The ornament in Kandyan

No. 58.—-1907.] NOTES ON CEYLON PAINTING, &C. 115

districts is confined to incised lines and circles similar to

work from Jodhpur in India (Watt, “Indian Art at Delhi,”

p. 179) ; but flat plates of ivory inlaid with scroll and floral

ornament are used in the fittings of calamander boxes made

in the low-country, particularly at Matara, and this style

reminds one of the similar methods of decorating ivory used

on the musical instruments still made at Tanjore.

Returning to a consideration of the ordinary niyapoten

weda, it will be best to describe the process in its simplest

and commonest form, namely, in the decoration of a staff.

The stick having been shaped and smoothed, the workman

squats on the ground, having before him a chatty (gin kabala)

containing a charcoal fire. The lacworker’s tools consist

of short sticks with a lump of coloured lac at one end of

each and a short strip of puskola (talipot leaf, Corypha

umbraculifera). The stick is first coated with the sround colour,

usually red. To effect this, the stick is warmed over the fire

and. lac applied, which lac is pressed and smoothed out with

the piece of talipot leaf, while still kept warm over the fire ;

in this way the whole stick is gradually covered with a coating

of red lac. It now remains to add the pattern, which may be

very elaborate. For this it is needful to draw out the lac into

strips of the desired thinness. To do this, the lump of lac

is well warmed, and then, a small piece being held between

finger and thumb, the rest is pulled away, leaving a long thin

connecting thread which is wound round the bent knee, into

a skin. After passing four or five times round the knee the

lac becomes cold and must .be warmed afresh. Now to apply

a narrow band of coloured lac to the stick, the stick is warmed

gently, while kept continually turning by a small boy who

squats behind the operator, and one end of the string of lac

is attached to the stick by pressure, and the rest likewise as

the stick turns ; the thread of lac is nipped off by the thumb

nail when a revolution is complete. The stick is then warmed

| again and smoothed with the leaf. For more complex patterns

(and some are very elaborate) string lac is applied in first

116 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). ~[Vou. XIX.

the same way, and nipped off with the nail; dots are thus —

formed by applying the end of the thread of lac and cutting

off a tiny piece with the nail; such dots are consequently

square or diamond shaped.

The lacwork is usually limited to a small number of good

conventional patterns admirably adapted to the nature of the

material ; when, as occasionally happens, these are departed

from, and an endeavour is made to represent some more

ambitious subject, such as an elephant or lion (as occasionally

on book covers), the result is necessarily not quite so satis-

factory. Most of the work however is from a decorative point

of view thoroughly sound, and the colours pleasing.

ORNAMENT FROM A KANDYAN LACWORKED STICK.

The following are many of the names applied to patterns

formed in finger-nail work—welpota (this is the pattern

illustrated), adarakondu (plain lines), bindu and galbindu

(diamond shaped spots), kola wela (an interlacing creeper —

pattern) pala peti (petal pattern), lanu geta (plait patterns),

patura (elongated isosceles triangles), bo-kola (bo leaf) dela

(net pattern), swli wela (another creeper pattern).

The Angalmaduwa and Hurikaduwa process differs from

that above described in that the lac is applied to the wood while

revolving on a turning lathe, the heat of friction softening

the lac and causing it to adhere. This process is more limited,

being only applicable to objects which can be turned on a

lathe, and it does not admit of the delicate pattern work of

No. 58.—1907.] | NOTES ON CEYLON PAINTING, &C. 117

_ the finger nail process. In fact, the ornament can only consist

of concentric bands of colour applied to the different parts

of small (usually rickety) tables, chairs, tom-tom frames,

and walking sticks. The old Kandyan lac striped round ~

boxes (abharana heppu), bed legs (enda kakul), &c., were hand-

some and substantial. Hones (kana lella) were also made by

lac workers, and consist of lac mixed with powdered

kurundugala, properly corundun, sometimes garnet.

Tt will be seen that both kinds of lacwork differ fundamen-

tally from painting in that brushes are never used; in this

respect the work differs entirely also from the lacquer varnish

work of Japan, with which it is sometimes compared and

confused.

The technique differs also from that of the Maldive Islands,

where the lac applied by turning is afterwards incised, a

process also characteristic of the well-known Sindh boxes.

Whether anything corresponding to the Kandyan niyapoten

weda is found in any part of India, lam notabletosay. It has

at any rate a well-marked character of its own.

4.—Mat Weaving by Kinnaras.

The well-known Dumbara mats, called kalala or kalale, are

made by low caste people called Kinnarayas. The fibre used is

niyanda, obtained from the “ bowstring hemp,” Sansevieria

zeylanica. The round green leaves are scraped against a log

(niyanda poruwa) with a wooden tool (gewalla) like a spoke-

shave. After scraping, which removes the fleshy part of the

leaf, the fibre is oiled and brushed, and is ready for use almost

at once. A part only is left white, while the rest is dyed red,

yellow, or black as required (see under “‘ Dyeing’’). The

warp thread (kalal heda) is spun like cotton on a spindle (idda),

but the weft elements (nul heda) are not spun at all and

consist of parallel fibres. The loom is a low horizontal one,

something like that used in cotton weaving, but much more

primitive. There is no alwala, and the operator squats on

the actual mat supported by a few flat logs between it and the

118 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). rVou. XIX.

ground. The pattern is picked up with a weaver’s sword

(wema), which has an eye at one end through which the weft

fibres are threaded, thus serving as a bodkin to draw them

through the warp ; a toothed comb (alu karala) like that of

the cotton weaver’s is used to drive the threads home. The

raising and separation of alternate threads to facilitate plain

weaving is effected by a very primitive type of heddles. The

actual loops of the heddles (welakadduwa) remain in one.

position; not moving up or down; every alternate warp thread

passes through a loop. The separation of alternate threads

is effected by the movement of two wooden rods, of which

one (uttarapata or kontaliya) rests on the warp, the other

(pannambate) passes ‘between alternate threads of it.

The warp is carried on two rods, koita kura and adina kanda.

The first of these is a thin rod which is tied to the stouter

heda kanda which is itself tied to sticks driven into the ground.

This is at the near end. At the far end, the adina kanda is

held by two strings (kadu pa-lanu) to two posts (kalalkanw),

and is tightly strained. The heddles are supported on a

tripod arrangement of sticks (tunpa kolle) which is moved

- along the mat as work proceeds. |

The warp is laid (diggahanawa or heda lanawa) in two

operations. First the spun thread (nul) is unwound from the

spindle, broken and passed through the loops of the heddles

and the teeth of the comb; the short ends left projecting

through the comb are loosely tied to prevent the threads

slipping out again. The remainder of the warp is then laid

according to the required length, broken off, and joined on to

_ the short ends already prepared.

Mats of perfectly plain weaving in stripes are called pannam

kalala ; the usual sort are also decorated with birds, and these

are called kurullu kalala ; mats with a variety of patterns are

called weda peduru or weda kalala. Other animals such as

fish, deer, elephants, cobras are often found on elaborate

examples as also trees (called malgaha) and a variety of ee0-

metrical patterns (toran petta, taruka petta, pannam petta,

No. 58.—1907.] NOTES ON CEYLON PAINTING, &C. Halas.

depota lanuwa, tunpota lanuwa, delgeta lanuwa, ratwat-

alankaraya, taniweliruwa, &c.).

When the weaving is finished the projecting ends of fibre

at each end of the mat are turned up over a thread drawn

tight along the edge (like a piping-cord) and knotted each one

to it by another thread which catches up each projecting end

in a slip knot, forming a neat binding.

The mats are pleasant in colour and sometimes varied in

design, and can be turned to various decorative ends ; they

may be made into screens or used as a dado or allowed to serve

their natural purpose on the floor. After two or three years,

‘however, the colours are somewhat faded, but as new mats are

not very expensive, the old ones can then be renewed.

5.—Paper and Pinder in Ceylon.

Of paper making, now a lost art in Ceylon, Mr. W. C.

Ondaatje wrote as follows in 1854 :—*

“The manufacture of paper by the Kandyans during the

period the country was under native rule is a subject which

I conceive is fraught with much local interest, nor am I aware

that public attention has before been directed to it. It seems

probable, from the intercourse that once subsisted between

the ancient inhabitants of the Island and the Chinese, es-

pecially in connection with the cinnamon trade, that the

Singhalese derived their knowledge of manufacturing paper

from the latter, who, it is well known, have made it from the

liber or inner bark of a species of morus, cotton, and bamboo

from time immemorial. Whilst botanizing in the jungles of

Badulla a species of fig was pointed out to me by an old

Kandyan doctor, which, he said, had formerly been used to

make paper from...... On further inquiry I ascertained from

another aged Kandyan that the plant to which my notice had

been first called was of a different species from that which had

been used by his countrymen for making paper. This indivi-

dual himself had never made any, but understood the method

* Observations on the Vegetable Products of Ceylon. Colombo, 1854. |

C 36-07

120 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

se Meh as his ancestors had to supply the stores of the Kings

of Kandy with paper, being that branch of the general service

that had been imposed on them—a service better known by

the name of ‘ Rajakariya,’ or compulsory labour. The paper

thus manufactured by them was not used for the purpose of

writing upon, but for making cartridges for gunpowder. The

people on whom this duty devolved were the natives of

Baddegama in the District of Badulla, who received grants

of land in consideration of the service they rendered to the

State. |

‘‘The tree from which the Kandyans made their paper is a

species of the Ficus, called in Sinhalese ‘ nanitol,’ which is

found in great abundance everywhere in this country......

_ The following is the Kandyan method of making paper. From

the tender branches the whole of the bark is stripped, and

afterwards the inner bark (liber), which is of great tenacity,

is separated by the hand from the outer skin, and is put into

a large earthen pot and boiled with the ashes of the Hrythrina

indica (Erabodu, Sin.) until it becomes soft, when it is

removed and beaten with a wooden mallet on a stone till it

assumes the consistency of dough. It is next put into water

and churned with the hand, which process soon converts it to

a fine homogeneous emulsion. This is poured into a frame,

having a cloth bottom floating in water. It is again agitated

with the hand until the whole becomes uniformly spread over

the cloth on which it settles down smoothly. The frame being.

then withdrawn from the water, which is allowed to drain off

gradually, is next put to dry in the sun. When dry the paper

thus formed is easily removed from the cloth bottom, and

becomes soon fit for use. It is very tough and remarkable

for its tenacity, and does not appear to be liable to the ravages

of insects, as I have seen a specimen of the paper made by the

Kandyans about fifty years ago, which is still in excellent

preservation, although no very great care seems to have been

taken of it. It is only adapted for writing upon with Indian

ink.”

No. 58.—1907.] PROCEEDINGS. i2la

COUNCIL MEETING.

Colombo Museum, January 30, 1907.

Present :

Proceedings of Council Meetings of January 30 and February 8

1907, accidentally omitted from Journal, Vol. XIX., No. 58

should be bound up as paged. |

— ee

two Papers by Mr. John Still, entitled “‘ Notes on a find of Kidhngs

made in Anuradhapura,’’ and “Roman Coins found in Ceylon,”

referred to Messrs. C. M. Fernando and P. E. Pieris for their

opinions.

Resolved,—That the Papers be accepted for reading and

publication.

4. Laid on the table Circular No. 351 of November 29, 1906,

regarding the reprinting of the English translation of the ‘‘Maha-

wansa.”

120 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

sycneeenl s as his ancestors had to supply the stores of the Kings

of Kandy with paper, being that branch of the general service

that had been imposed on them—a service better known by

the name of ‘ Rajakariya,’ or compulsory labour. The paper

thus manufactured by them was not used for the purpose of

writing upon, but for making cartridges for sunpowder The

people on whom_ this duty dowsleed sept? ;

vuus 1uliueu Is easily removed trom the cloth bottom, and

becomes soon fit for use. It is very tough and remarkable

for its tenacity, and does not appear to be liable to the ravages

of insects, as I have seen a specimen of the paper made by the

Kandyans about fifty years ago, which is still in excellent

preservation, although no very great care seems to have been

taken of it. It is only adapted for writing upon with Indian

ink.”

No. 58.—1907.] PROCEEDINGS. 12la

COUNCIL MEETING.

Colombo Museum, January 30, 1907.

Present :

The Hon. Mr. J. Ferguson, C.M.G., President, in the Chair.

Mr. P. Freudenberg, J.P., Vice-President.

Mr. R. G. Anthonisz. Mr. C. M. Fernando, M.A.,

Mr. 8S. de Silva, Gate Muda- LL.M.

jiyar. Mr. A. M. Gunasekera, Muda-

Dr. W. H. de Silva, M.B.,C.M., | liyar.

F.R.C.S. The Hon. Mr. 8. C. Obeyesekere.

Mr. J. Harward, M.A., Honorary Secretary.

Business.

1. Read and confirmed Minutes of last Council Meeting held

on November 20, 1906.

2. Resolved the election of following as Members :—

(1) J. Parsons, B.Sc.: recom- ae

mended by

(2) C. L. Joseph, Proctor,8.C.:

recommended by |

(3) Lieut. H. J. Jones, A.O.D.: ( (a

recommended by Te (b

a) A. K. Coomaraswamy.

) G. A. Joseph.

) C. M. Fernando.

)

J. Harward.

G. A. Joseph.

3. Laid on the table Circulars Nos. 312 and 324 containing

two Papers by Mr. John Still, entitled “‘ Notes on a find of Eldlings

made in Anuradhapura,’ and ‘“ Roman Coins found in Ceylon,”

referred to Messrs. C. M. Fernando and P. EH. Pieris for their

opinions.

Resolved,—That the Papers be accepted for reading and

publication.

4. Laid on the table Circular No. 351 of November 29, 1906,

regarding the reprinting of the English translation of the ‘‘Maha-

wansa.”

1216 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

Resolved,—That the Secretary do write—

(1) To the Pali Text Society, requesting particulars regarding

the scope of Prof. Geiger’s work and probable date

of its appearance, and informing the Society that the

question of a new edition of the English translation is

under consideration.

(2) To Government, notifying the above action, and adding

that the Council recommend that the question of

reprinting be deferred until a reply has been received

from the Pali Text Society.

5. Laid on the table a Paper entitled “Some Early Copper

Coins of Ceylon,” by Mr. John Still.

Resolved,—That the Paper be referred to Messrs. C. M. Fer-

nando and P. EH. Pieris for their opinions.

6. Laid on the table a Paper by Mr. Donald Ferguson, entitled

‘John Gideon Loten, F.R.S., the Naturalist Governor of Ceylon

(1752-57), and the Ceylonese Artist de Bevere.”’

Resolved,—That the Paper be referred to Messrs. R. G.

Anthonisz and F. H. de Vos for their opinions.

7. Laid on the table a letter from the editor of the memorial

volume to Dr. Friedrich von Spiegel soliciting contributions in

the field of Irunian literature.

Resolved,—That the Secretary do reply that there seems no

prospect of any Member being able to contribute a Paper on

Irunian subjects. :

8. Laid on the table and considered the Annual Report for

1906.

9. Considered date and business of Annual General Meeting.

10. Discussed the appointment of Office-Bearers for 1907.

Resolved,—That an expression of regret be conveyed to Mr.

H. C. P. Bell at his proposed resignation of office as Editing

Honorary Secretary, and that he be requested to reconsider his

decision.

11. Laid on the table a letter from Lady Ashmore thanking

the Society for the expression of sympathy on the death of Sir

Alexander Ashmore.

Resolved ,—That the letter be read at the next General Meeting.

12. Laid on the table an invitation from the Seventh Inter-

national Zoological Congress.

Resolved,—That it be announced at the next General Meeting.

13. Laid on the table an advance copy of the Journal for 1906.

14. Resolved,—That a Council Meeting be held on Friday,

February 8, 1907, at 5 P.m., to nominate Office-Bearers and

discuss the question of employing a paid Secretary.

No. 58.—1907.] PROCEEDINGS. 121e

COUNCIL MEETING.

Colombo Museum, February 8, 1907.

Present :

The Hon. Mr. J. Ferguson, C.M.G., President, in the Chair.

Mr. P. Freudenberg, J.P., Vice-President.

Mr. R. G. Anthonisz. | Mr. A. M. Gunasekera, Muda-

Mr. C. Drieberg, B.A., F.H.A:S. liyar.

Mr. 8. de Silva, Gate Mudaliyar. | Mr. C. M. Fernando, M.A.,

The Hon. Mr. 8.C. Obeyesekere. | LL.M. |

Mr. J. Harward, Honorary Secretary.

eee

Business.

1. Read and confirmed Minutes of Council Meeting held on

January 30, 1907.

2. Laid on the table a letter from Mr. H. C. P. Bell resigning

the office of Honorary Secretary.

Resolved ,—That the result of private correspondence between

the President and Mr. Bell be awaited.

3. Laid on the table a Paper on “ Nuwara-gala,’”” by Mr.

F. Lewis.

Resolved,—That the Paper be referred to Mr. H. C. P. Bell

and Mr. Simon de Silva, Mudaliyar, for their opinions.

4. Laid on the table a Paper entitled “‘ Portuguese Ceylon at

the beginning of the Seventeenth Century: a Sketch,” by Mr.

P. E. Pieris, M.A., C.C.S.

Resolved,—That the Paper be referred to the Hon. Mr. J. P.

Lewis and Mr. J. Harward for their opinions.

5. Discussed the question of employing a paid Secretary.

Resolved,—That a sum of Rs. 500 per annum be voted, to be

paid monthly, beginning from January 1, 1907, as an honorarium

to Mr. G. A. Joseph in recognition of his long and valuable

services as Honorary Secretary and Honorary Treasurer.

6. Considered the election of Office-Bearers for 1907. Dr.

J. C. Willis and Mr. E. B. Denham having been deemed to have

retired by reason of least attendance, the vacancies were filled

121d JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

by the nomination of the Hon. Mr. G. M. Fowler and the Hon.

Mr. Justice A. Wood Renton. Dr. Cooméraswamy having

resigned his place on the Council, Mr. P. E. Pieris was nomi-

nated.

Resolved,—That the following gentlemen be named as Office-

Bearers for 1907 :—

President.—The Hon. Mr. John Ferguson, C.M.G.

Vice-Presidents.—The Hon. Mr. J. P. Lewis, M.A., C.C.S.;

Dr. A. Willey, M.A., D.Sc., F.R.S.; Mr. P. Freudenberg, J.P.

Council.

Mr. C. M. Fernando, M.A., LL.M.|The Hon. Mr. P. Arunachalam,

Mr. A. M. Gunasekera, Muda-| M.A., C.C.S.

liyar. Mr. 8. de Silva, Gate Muda-

Dr. A. J. Chalmers, F.R.C.S. liyar.

Mr.C. Drieberg, B.A., F.H.A.S. |The Hon. Mr. G. M. Fowler,

1... R. G. Anthonisz. C.M.G.

Dr. W. H. de Silva, M.B., C.M.,|The Hon. Mr. Justice A. Wood

F.R.C.S. Renton.

The Hon. Mr. 8. C. Obeyesekere. |Mr. P. E. Pieris, M.A., C.C.S.

Honorary Treasurer.—Mr. G. A. Joseph.

Honorary Secretaries.—Mr. J. Harward and Mr. G. A. Joseph.

7. Laid on the table a Paper by Mr. H. W. Codrington, en-

titled “‘ Notes on the Smith Caste in the Kandyan Provinces.”

Referred to Mr. H. C. P. Bell and Mr. Simon de Silva, Mudaliyar,

for their opinions.

Resolved, that Mr. Codrington be thanked for offering the

Paper, but he be informed that the Council regret not being able

to accept it for the reasons specified.

3.0 NOY 1809

No. 58.—1907.] NOTES ON CEYLON PAINTING, &C. 121

I have seen specimens of the old paper in the possession of

Kandyan painters. It is of a whitey-brown colour, very

coarse texture, and rather thick.

Tinder making is also described by Mr. Ondaatje. There is

a woolly material found at the base of the leaves of the ketwi.

‘* After having collected a sufficient quantity of the material,

which they call ‘ kitul poolung,’ and well drying it in the sun,

they,mix it with the ashes of the leaves of the Solanum verbasi-

olium (Hakirilla, Sin.), Vitex trifolia, and lime rind, and

thus is made native tinder.” The tinder was carried in a

little round bag made of plaited cotton, and with a small

opening!from which a little of the tinder could be extracted

as required.

¥22 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

ANNUAL GENERAL MEETING.

Colombo Museum, March 15, 1907.

Present :

The Hon. Mr. J. Ferguson, C.M.G., President, in the Chair.

Mr. P. Freudenberg, Vice-President.

Mr. R. G. Anthonisz. Mr. D. B. Jayatilaka, B.A.

Mr. P. de Abrew. Mr. P. D. Khan.

Mr. F. J. de Mel, M.A., LL.B. | Mr. 8. B. Kuruppu, Proctor.

Mr. 8. de Silva, Gate Mudaliyar.| Mr. P. E. Morgappah.

Mr. L. de Saram, Solicitor. Mr. C. Namasivayam.

Mr. W. A. de Silva, J.P. Dr. A. Nell, M.R.C.S.

Mr. R. H. Ferguson, B.A. Mr. EK. W. Perera, Advocate.

Mr. C. M. Fernando, M.A.,LL.M.| Mr. F. A. Tisseverasingha, Proc- _

The Hon. Mr. G. M. Fowler,| tor, 8. C.

C.M.G. Mr. G. E. S. 8S. Weerakoon,

Mr. I. Gunawardena, Mudaliyar.| Mudaliyar.

Dr. C. A. Hewavitarana, M.B.,

C.M.

Mr. J. Harward, M.A., and Mr. G. A. Joseph,

Honorary Secretaries.

Visitors : Twelve ladies and twenty-seven gentlemen.

Business.

1. The CHairman, before beginning the Proceedings, expressed

his own regret and that of the Meeting that the Patron of

the Society, His Excellency the Governor, was not with them, as

he had fully intended to be. His Excellency’s Private Secretary

had sent a telegram from Hambantota to the Secretary of the

Society, stating that owing to the arrival of the Duke of Connaught

on Sunday, instead of Monday, the Governor regretted that he

must go to Kandy on the 14th, and could not, therefore, preside

at the Meeting of the Society on the 15th. That explained His

Excellency’s absence.

2. Mr. G. A. JoserH read the Minutes of the previous General

Meeting held on December 11, 1906, which were confirmed.

3. Mr. Harwarp read a letter from Mr. E. Alison, on

behalf of Lady Ashmore, thanking His Excellency Sir Henry

Blake, Patron, and the Members of the Society for its vote of

condolence with her on the death of her husband, the late Sir

Alexander Ashmore.

No. 58.—1907. | ANNUAL REPORT. 123

4. The CHarrman said he had next to call the attention of

those present to the architectural drawings and photographs of

ruined structure at Polonnaruwa made by the Archeological

Survey Department. The Head Draughtsman, Mr. Perera, was

present, and, after the ordinary proceedings were over, would be

able to point out to any one interested various points in regard

to those illustrations.

5. Mr. Harwarp read an invitation received from the Seventh

International Zoological Congress to be represented at its Meeting

to be held at Boston, Mass., U. 8. A., from 19th to 23rd August.

MEMBERS.

6. Mr. G. A. JosePH announced that the following gentlemen

had been elected Members of the Society since the General Meet-

ing held on December 11, 1906:—Mr. J. Parsons, Director of

the Mineralogical Survey, Mr. C. L. Joseph, and Lieut. H. J.

Jones, A.O.D.

7. Mr. HARWARD next read the Council’s Report for 1906.

ANNUAL REPORT FOR 1906.

The Council of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society

have the honour to submit the following Report for the year

1906 :—

MEETINGS AND PAPERS.

Three General Meetings of this Society have been held during °

the year, at which the following Papers were read and discussed :-—

(1) “The Coconut Palm in Ceylon: Beginning, Rise, and

Progress of its Cultivation,” Part I. up to 1660 a.p.,

by the Hon. Mr. J. Ferguson, C.M.G.

(2) ““Some Survivals in Sinhalese Art,” by Dr. A. K.

Coomaraswamy, Sc.D.

(3) ““A Lecture on a Sinhalese Painted Box: A Study of

5 Kandyan Art and Artists,” by Dr. A. K. Coomara-

sswamy, Sc.D. ;

JOURNALS.

One number of the Journal. (Vol. XVITI., No. 56, was published

during the year. It contains, in addition to the Proceedings of

the Meetings, the following Papers :—

(1) “Mr. Isaac Augustin Rumpf,” by Mr. F. H. de Vos,

Barrister-at-Law.

(2) “‘ Portuguese Inscriptions in Ceylon,” by Mr. J. P. Lewis,

M.A., C.C.S.

(3) ‘°‘ Rajasinha I., Parricide and Centenarian: A Review,”

by Mr. W. F. Gunawardhana, Mudaliyar. |

(4) ‘““Two Old Sinhalese Swords,” by Mr. C. M. Fernando,

M.A., LL.M.

(5) “ Third Supplementary Paper on the Monumental

Remains of the Dutch East India Company of Ceylon,”’

by Mr. F. H. de Vos, Barrister-at-Law.

124 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

(6) “‘ Notes on the Variations of the Copper Massas of Six

Sinhalese Rulers,” by Mr. J. Still.

(7) ‘*‘ Note on a Dutch Medal,” by Mr. F. H. de Vos.

(8) *‘ Notes on Paddy Cultivation Ceremonies in the Ratna-

pura District (Nawadun and Kuruwiti Korales),” by

Dr. A. K. Coomaraswamy, Sc. D.

(9) ““The Photography of Colour as applied to obtaining

correct Colour Records of Natural History Subjects,”

by Prof. W. Saville-Kent, F.L.S.

MEMBERS.

During the past year sixteen new Members were elected, viz. :—

Infe Members.

D. 8S. D. Bandaranaika, C.M.G., Maha Mudaliyar.

M. Supramaniyan.

Ordinary Members.

H. W. Codrington, C.C.S.

P. D. Warren, Surveyor-General.

Dr. J. W. 8. Attygalle.

G. B. Gardner.

F. A. Tisseverasingha, Proctor, S. C.

The Hon. Mr. A. Kanagasabai.

J. P. Obeyesekera, Advocate.

G. D. Templer.

P. T. P. Gunawardana.

G. W. Sturgess, M.R.C.V.S.

D. Finch Noyes.

The Hon. Mr. A. Wood Renton.

M.C. F. P. W. Kaviratna.

L. W. F. de Saram.

The following Members have resigned, viz. :—S. M. Burrows,

@.C.S., H. L. Moysey, C.C.S., and J. H. Renton.

The Society now has on its roll 213 Members, including 27 Life

Members and 10 Honorary Members.

The Council record with regret the death of the following Mem-

bers :—Messrs. P. Coomaraswamy , H. Freudenberg, and the Hon.

Mr. H. Wace.

Mr. Coomaraswamy joined the Society in 1871. He contri-

buted the following Papers to the Society’s Journal :—

(1) “ Chilappatikaram : A Tamil Poem,” Vol. XIII., No. 44,

1893.

(2) “ A Half-hour with Two Ancient Tamil Poets,’’ Vol.

XITI., No. 45, 1894.

(3) “ Gleanings from Tamil Literature,” Vol. XIV., No. 46,

1895.

(4) “ King Senkuttuvan of the Chera Dynasty,” Vol. XIV.;

No. 46, 1895.

No. 58.—1907.| _ANNUAL REPORT. 125

LIBRARY.

The additions to the Library, imcluding parts of periodicals,

numbered 406.

The Library is indebted for donations to:—The Govern-

ment of India; Mr. J. F. W. Gore; Revista da Commissao

Archeologica da India Portugueza; the Siam Society ; Cuerpo

de Ingenieros de Minas del Peru; the Archzological Survey of

Punjab and United Provinces ; the University of Colorado ; Mr.

L. Jones; Mr. Adair Welcker; Mr. M. Rangacharya; Iowa

Geological Survey ; the Hon. the Colonial Secretary, Ceylon ;

the Government of Madras; the Linguistic Survey of India;

Sir R. C. Temple, Bart. ; the Pali Text Society, London ; Mr. H.

R. Nevill, I.C.8. ; the Planters’ Association, Ceylon ; the Post-

master-General, Ceylon ; the Archzological Survey of Madras

and Coorg; Mr. J. H. Hollander, Ph.D.; the Secretary to the

Government of India ; the Secretary of State for India in Council ;

Mr. W. D. Whitney; Prof. W. A. Herdman, F.R.S.; the

Australian Association for the Advancement of Science; the

Archeological Survey of India; Mr. M. A. C. Mohamad ; the

_ Anthropological Society of Australasia.

The following Institutions are on the exchange list, and receive

the Society’s Journal :—

The Royal Society of Victoria, Australia ; the Royal Univer-

sity of Upsala, Sweden; the Royal Geographical Society, Lon-

don; the Academy of Natural Sciences, Philadelphia, U.S.A. ;

the Smithsonian Institute, Washington, D.C., U.S.A.; the

Bombay Branch of the Royal Asiatic Society ; the Buddhist

Text Society of India; U. S. Department of Agriculture, Wash-

ington, D.C., U.S.A.; the Wagner Institute of Sciences, Phila-

delphia, U.S.A.; the Geological Survey, New York, United

States of America; the Field Columbian Museum, Chicago ;

the State Archives, Netherlands; the Bureau of Education,

Washington, U. 8. A.; the Societie Zoologique, Paris; the

Anthropologische Gessellchaft Koniggratzer, Strasse, Berlin ;

the Batavia-asch Genootschap van Kunsten en Wetenschappen

Batavia, Java; the Deutschen Morgenlandischen Gesellschaft,

Halle, Germany; the American Oriental Society, Conneticut,

U.S.A. ; the Royal Society of New South Wales, Australia ;

the California Academy of Sciences, U.S.A.; La Societie

Imperiales de Naturales de Moscow, Russia; the China Branch

of the Royal Asiatic Society ; the Asiatic Society of Japan ; the

Royal Asiatic Society of Great Britain and Ireland, London ;

the Indian Museum, Calcutta; the Madras Literary Society,

Madras; the Asiatic Society of Bengal, Calcutta; the K. K.

Naturhistorischen, Austria ; the Musee Guimet, Paris; the Zoo-

logical Society of London ; the John Hopkin’s University, Balti-

more ; the Geological Society of London; the Anthropological

Institute, London ; the Oriental Society, Pekin ; the Geological

and Natural History Survey of Canada; the Royal Colonial

Institute, London; the Straits Branch of the Royal Asiatic

126 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von XX.

Society, Singapore; the Koninklijk Instituit voor de Taal-

Land-en Volkenkunde van Nederlandsch-Indie, Holland; the

Royal Geographical Society of Australasia (South Australian

Branch), Adelaide; the Korea Branch of the Royal Asiatic

Society ; the Techno-Chemical Laboratory, Bombay ; the Uni-

versity Library, Cambridge ; the Director-General of Archzology,

India.

COUNCIL.

Two Members of the Council of 1905, viz., the Hon. Mr. 8. C.

Obeyesekere and Mr. H. White, by virtue of Rule 16 are deemed

to have retired by seniority ; and under the same Rule Mr. P. .

Ramanathan and Dr. J. C. Willis by least attendance have

vacated their places. Of these gentlemen, two being eligible for

re-election, the Hon. Mr. 8S. C. Obeyesekere and Dr. J. C. Willis

were re-elected ; and the vacancies in the Council were filled by

the appointment of the Hon. Mr. P. Arunachalam and Dr. A. K.

Coomaraswamy.

Dr. A. Willey, D.Sc., F.R.S., Director, Colombo Museum, was

elected a Vice-President, and his place in the Council wassupphied

by the appointment of Mudaliyar 8. de Silva, Chief Translator

to Government.

The vacancy caused by the resignation of Mr. H. F. Tomalin

was filled by the appointment of Mr. E. B. Denham, B.A., C.C.S.

ACCOMMODATION.

The Council note that the extension of the Museum is to be

taken in hand in 1907 ; and trust the work will be pushed on so

as to afford much-needed room for the expansion of the Colombo

Museum, its Library, and the Library of this Society.

ARCH ZOLOGICAL.

The Archzeological Commissioner has been so good as to favour

the Council with a summary of the operations of the Archzological

Survey during 1906 at Anuradhapura, Polonnaruwa, and Sigiriya.

Further, he has permitted a set of beautiful coloured drawings,

on a large scale, of some of the chief ruins of Polonnaruwa,

made by the Archeological Survey Draughtsmen, as well as several

photographs to be exhibited at this Meeting.

I.—Anurdadhapura.

(1) Clearing Jungle.

The moiety of the annual clearing vote for Anuraddhapura,

allotted to the Archeological Commissioner for keeping ruined

areas outside Town limits free of jungle growth, was expended

on the clearing of under growth and weeds in the ruined reservations

at Abhayagiriya, Mirisavetiya, Elala Sohona, Tisavewa, Vessa-

giriya, Jetawanarama, and on the Outer Circular Road.

No. 58.—1907.] ANNUAL REPORT. 127

As in previous years, other important areas at Anuradhapura

and Mihintale had to be left uncleared for want of sufficient funds

to sweep all.

The Government has been moved to augment the annual

grant.*

(2) Hacavations.

By the order of the Government, excavation at untouched sites

was temporarily suspended during 1904 and 1905, and the

Archeological vote reduced in proportion.

The Department “ harked back ” to the re-cleaning of the very

numerous sites, which had been excavated in the fifteen years

since the Archeological Survey was commenced in 1900, and

much needed fresh attention.

Since January, 1906, renewed steady progress has been made

both at Anuradhapura and Polonnaruwa.

(2) Mirisavetiya.—Excavations were resumed at the point

where they ceased in 1903. In 1902 five monasteries (including

the chief pirivena, or monks’ residence, of the sazigharama) were

_worked off. These lie (except the large pirivena on the west) to

the north-east and east of the Dagaba.

In 1903 a series of four more monasteries, stretching along

the south side of the Dagaba, was unearthed, besides the hand-

some northern mandapaya, or portico, to the Dagaba’s maluwa,

' and the massive slab wall and gangway of its northern side.

The early part of 1906 was given to the completion of the

Mirisavetiya ruins. Starting from the south-west of the Dagaba,

four additional monasteries to the west, and a fifth outlying on the

south-west, were completed.

These Mirisavetiya monasteries, fourteen in all, which face

towards the Dagaba, and surround it except to the north, are

most uniform in plan. Each has its own entrance porch, directly

behind which stands the vihaéré with satellite piriven (here only

two instead of the usual four) lying off the front angles, and an

occasional extra building or two. The stonework is in the

simplest style. There is a marked general absence of that

elaboration in the carved accessories to stairs (moonstones,

terminals, balustrades), so noticeable elsewhere.

With the exception of one somewhat extensive slab-revetted

site lying off the south-west corner of the Dagaba maluwa, the

only ruins of any size are situated to the north-west. The largest

of these was a rectangular building supported by some 100

pillars, probably intended for general use. The monasteries on

the east contain an “ alms hall,” with sunk paved court in the

centre, in which is one of the smaller monolithic “ dug-outs,” or

stone boats, peculiar to Anuradhapura and Mihintale.

The excavation of the Mirisavetiya area was rounded off

finally by the unearthing of the three remaining porticoes of the

Dagaba’s square maluwa on the west, south, and east. The two

* An extra sum of Rs. 2,000 has been sanctioned from 1908. —

128 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XTX.

former lay very deeply buried under débris, piled up when the

quadrangle was freed of earth some years ago.

These mandapa differ from those of the three great Dagabas

(Ruwanveli, Abhayagiriya, Jetawandrama) in admitting directly

on to the raised paved platform instead of merely into the pita-

vidya, or outer procession path, of the quadrangle.

Altogether, between seventy and eighty buildings have, from

first to last, been excavated round Mirisavetiya Dagaba.

(0) Thiparama Area.—The ruins surrounding the Thiparama

Dagaba were finished in 1895-96.

To the north-east of the Inner Circular road and immediately

to the north of the present Hospital premises (which were gradu-

ally encroaching upon them) a quadrangular arrangement of

pillar stumps showed aboveground, pointing either to a four-

sided set of monks’ cells, or to a square “ alms hall.”

The site was therefore excavated in 1906, and proved to be a

large quadrangle, once divided up into rooms or cells for monks

(such as those discovered already at Thiparama and Ruwanvelli),

facing inwards towards a central, open, midula or compound.

The building is of no architectural interest, and was obviously

of late erection as it overruns older walls. A small dagaba, or

asohona, jostles this quadrangle, and there are one or two minor

ruins close by.

Commissioner at Polonnaruwa, a start was made in July by

his Assistant at this very ancient site—a tree sheltered outcrop of

gneiss rock and boulders adjoining the high road from Anu-

radhapura to Kurunegala, about a mile to the south of the Sacred.

Bo Tree enclosure (Udamaluwa).

Ruins of structural buildings and pokunw are traceable around

the cluster, evidently belonging to alarge monastery. A score or

more of caves occur in two of the three groups of rock boulders

which stand, slightly separated, in line north and south. At an

earlier period the caves alone served for shelter to hermit monks,

as inscriptions above their brows testify.* If the Mahawansa

is to be relied on, the Vessagiriya Vihare, as well as the not far

distant Isurumuniya Vihare, were built by King Dewanampiya

Tisa in the third century B.c.

The year’s work at Vessagiriya was confined to the smallest

and most northerly group of these rocks. Hxcavation has

gradually disclosed it to be the site of an important rock-placed

piriwena of a Buddhist monastery, which existed at least as late

as the tenth century.

There can be no question as to the period when the buildings

which once occupied this site were erected. Everything recalls

the citadel on Sigiri-gala constructed by the parricide Kasyapa

I. in the fifth century 4.D. Steps, walls, mouldings all bear out the

comparison. The two inscriptions of Mahindu IV. (975-991 a.p.),

* A dozen or so of these cave records have been published in the

Epigraphia Zeylanica. Vol. I., Part I.

No. 58.—1967.] ANNUAL REPORT. 129

found at Vessagiriya some years ago,* allude to “ Bo Upulvan.

Kasubgiri Vehera,” which the Mahawansa records was built by

Kasyapa I. (a.p. 479-497). So that architecture, lithic record,

and ancient chronicle unite perfectly in confirming the identifica-

tion of this site nearly fifteen centuries old.

Save perhaps the Toluvila Monastery and the “‘ Buddhist

Railing ’”’ sitenear Abhayagiriya Dagaba,these ruins at Vessagiriya

are the oldest yet brought to light by the Archeological Survey at

Anuradhapura.

Il.—Polonnaruwa.

Archeological work was resumed at Polonnaruwa in June,

and vigorously pushed on. until the end of September.

(1) Clearing.

A gang of Sinhalese continued, and completed, the clearing of

the outer rampart of the ancient city, working, from the point

reached previously, southwards to its junction with the bund of

Topavewa tank, a short distance to the south of the Promontory.

_ Subsequently the Sinhalese coolies widened the area already

cleared round the “ Potgul Vehera’’ Monastery, a mile to the

south, and the ruined viharé (mistermed ‘‘ Demala Maha Seya’’)

three and a half miles to the north, of the Promontory besides

re-clearing the extensive area embracing the “‘ Rankot Vehera,”’

“ Jetawanarama,”’ and the “ Kiri Vehera.’’ This ground teems

with ruins, those near the two large Dagabas being of consider-

able size and importance.

All this preliminary work will greatly aid the regular survey of

ancient Polonnaruwa which, upon the representation of the

Archeological Commissioner, has been sanctioned by the Govern-

ment, and is in hand.

(2) Hacavations.

(a) Quadrangle with Ruins.—During June the force was fully

occupied in most desirable “task work ’’—clearing away the

high dédris bank hiding the western wall of the large raised

quadrangle on which “ Thiparama,”’ “ Wata-da-gé,” and other

ruins stand.

The whole space between the present main road and the high

rubble ramp of the quadrangular site was levelled, freed of tree

stumps, brickbats, &c., and smoothed.

The ancient approach to the several shrines by a staircase and

entrance portico on the west has thus again been opened up.

The change in the appearance of the ruins upon the quadrangle,

as now viewed from the road, is very marked.

(6) “‘ Potgul Vehera’’ Monastery.—From July excavations were

transferred to the (so-called) “‘ Potgul Vehera,’’ a mile or more

fromthe Promontory. This, so faras known, is the only group of

ruins to the south of the ancient city.

* Recently translated and edited by Mr. Wickremasinghe in the

Epigraphia Zeylanica, Vol. 1., Part I.

130 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

The * Potgul Vehera’’ and its appurtenant ruins form one

monastery, and were doubtless connected with the granite-cut

ascetic (commonly misnamed King Parakrama Bahu) and small

dagaba, about two hundred yards to the north, where some work

was done in 1904.

These ruins and the adjoining rock-hewn figure (11 ft. 6 im.

in height) were briefly alluded to in the ‘‘ Summary of Operations ”

for that year.

‘South of the statue some two hundred yards, and within its

direct purview, is situated & unique ruin now known as the

‘ Potgul Vehera ’ or ‘ Library Dagaba.’ The chief feature is its

circular back room, once domed, on the interior wall of which

still exist traces of painting.

“ This part of the ruin was gutted some years ago by villagers

working under the orders of a Kandyan Chief, since deceased g

and has been left exposed to the very foundations.’’*

Excavations were this year (1906) begun from the back, round

the outside of the circular portion of the building, and gradually

carried north and south along the rectangular vestibule which

unites with the “ rotunda ”’ on the east front.

The outer face of the ruin was found to be embellished by

pilasters and a series of false altars with niches above a moulded

basement.

The ornamentation is in lime stucco, as at “ Thipérama”’ and

“* Jetawanarama;” but simpler. There is an entire absence of

those elaborate zoophorous band-courses (dwarfs, lions, hansas,

&c.) to be seen at the larger shrines. On the whole the mouldings,

&c., are well preserved.

The back room of the structure was originally domed in the

overlapping style of brick and mortar work, of which the vaulted

roof of “ Thiparama”’ Viharé furnishes a still existing example.

The walls are even now sixteen feet high in places, and exhibit

clearly at top the bellying shape they assumed from the spring

of the dome.

- What is left of the painting on the wall inside shows faint

signs of flowers, &c.

Through a breach made in the circular wall, the room had

been dug out by treasure seekers down to its foundations 3 ft.

6 in. below the stone sill of the only entrance from the vesti-

bule, a doorway now choked with débris. Its real object is,

therefore, unascertainable.

The ‘* Potgul Vehera’’ stood on a rectangular maluwa, or

terrace, stretching about 43 yards by 37, approached on the

east. Its revetment still displays remains of a series of fronting

elephant caryatides in bas-relief.

At each of the four corners of the maluwa is a diminutive

pseudo-dagaba. These definitely fix the ruins as Buddhistic, not

Hindi, though not a vestige of any images has been unearthed. T

* C. A.S. Journal, vol. XVIII., No. 56, 1905, p. 339.

{ Confirmed by a short inscription of ‘Chandavati, chief queen to

Pardkrama Bahu, cut on a fallen door jamb.

No. 58.—1907.| ANNUAL REPORT. 131

Below, and on three sides at least of, the raised terrace holding

the shrine are about a dozen or more buildings, facing inwards,

evidently the piriven of the resident priests, the whole enclosed by

a wall.

Between this and the outermost wall* (sima pahura) of the

entire monastery lies a low bank of débris. This has still to be laid

bare.

The whole area embraced by this monastery covered about

three acres.

Dravidian style of architecture, stands at the north-east corner

of the old city. It is far better preserved than the other, and

larger, Siva Dévalé (strangely termed by guide books “‘ Dalada

Maligawa’’) near the main group of Buddhist ruins (“‘ Thipdrama,”’

** Wata-da-gé,”’&c.).

The roof of its vestibule has partially fallen in, and the side walls

are bulging in places. But the main part of the structure (except

to a small degree in the north wall, and a few pieces of the coping

and dome) remains nearly as perfect a when erected.

_ The shrine itself is 26 ft. in height and square (20 ft. 6 in.) in

shape (lengthened by its vestibule to 29 ft. 3 in. in front) with an

irregular octagonal, dome-like, roof of limestone which, now

blackened by age, must once have contrasted strikingly with the

dark granite of the walls.

The sanctum is windowless, and entered by a single door

from the vestibule gn the east. Inside it tapers up in angular,

chimney-form, wherein colonies of bats have revelled undisturbed

for centuries.

The lingam and argha, discovered outside the “‘ Siva Dévalé,”’

have been replaced in the centre of the shrine.

Some rough digging appears to have been done here in 1885-

$6 ; but no attempt was made to drain off the rain water, which

during the north-east monsoon collects round the base of the

shrine, and must tend to loosen its foundations. The Dévalé

stands 3 ft. or more below the present ground level; and it was

highly important for its protection, (after digging out the whole

of the earth which has in course of years silted up and filled the

roughly walled premises surrounding the building), to carry a

drain thence through the neighbouring city rampart into the

low ground outside. This drain was cut at the end of the past

season. : |

Two smaller subsidiary shrines were built towards the back

of the premises. That to the south-west is sacred to Ganesha,

whose image was unearthed in stu.

(3) Restorations.

No restoration work was done at Polonnaruwa in 1905, owing

to the same reason as affected excavations.

* ‘This exterior wall measures nearly 360 ft. each way.

+ Hitherto misnamed ‘* Vishnu Devale.’’

132 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

(a) “ Thuparama.”—By the close of the season in 1904 the

partially fallen back wall of “ Thiparama Viharé”’ was rebuilt

in brick and cement, with concrete filling (lime, cement, and

pebble), to a height of some 12 ft. from the floor. All vegetation

was also rooted out from the walls ; and the serious cracks tem-

porarily protected from percolation of rain water by bricking

them at top.

These precautions have prevented further damage ensuing

to this fine brick ruin.

A fresh start was made this year (1906) in filling in the danger-

ous vertical cracks through the back wall, and continuing its

inner face upwards until it should re-connect with the vaulted

roof, open and unsupported, at the west end of the building.

Here the soffit of the arched roof had lost a great number of

voussoir bricks, and was holding only by the strength of the thick,

tough, mortar used with the irregularly fixed bricks.

In widening the cracks sufficiently to permit of their being

re-united from end to end, the interior of the walls revealed loose,

disintegrated, lime concrete which crumbled to the touch. All

this ancient “shoddy” core had, therefore, to be removed,

augmenting the cracks into wide fissures in places (at one point

6 ft. by 5 ft. by 4 ft.), and very greatly adding to the labour of

re-uniting the walls.

Before work closed for the year the three great cracks had been

joined up, and the west wall rebuilt from the bottom to match

the others, 7.e., first vertical, then gradually projecting as each

course of bricks slightly overlaps the one below, and finally once

more vertical at the level of the spring of the real arch of the

rcof.*

The broken end of the arch has been most carefully united to

the back wall, as upon correct and strong junction here will

wholly depend the permanent stability of the Viharé roof and its

massy superimposed square tower, the north-west corner of

which is also cracked.

It is proposed next season to deal with the remaining cracks

elsewhere, and specially with the great crack which runs along

the soffit axis of the arched roof.

But the roof and west wall of the “ Thiparama ”’ ruin are now

practically safe for the time being with the work already done.

The narrow, veiled, staircase, 2 ft. in width, which pierced the

south wall of the vestibule rising east had become so worn and

dangerous that its immediate renewal was desirable. The steps

were accordingly relaid in cement. :

At the head of this staircase, was a very cramped landing at

right angles, and further steps (all now broken away) which

mounted west on to the flat roof of the Viharé. The almost total

collapse of the vestibule’s arch has left this part of the ascent

exceedingly risky, and some safeguard must be provided.

* In all some 7,700 cubes of masonry have been so far rebuilt.

No. 58.—1907.] ANNUAL REPORT. 133

(6) “ Wata-da-gé.’’—In 1904 the following progress was made

in the restoration cf this magnificent specimen of Buddhist stone

architecture :—

The north and east steps were relaid level. The latter had to be

wholly taken down and reset, after filling in a deep tunnel which

had been formed by the wash of years under the stone pavement

of the upper floor round the central dagaba. :

Along the north-east quadrangle the entire moulded revet-

ment of the handsome stone stylcbate, and the slab wall above

it, were reset in lime mortar pointed with cement. Vegetation

had pierced the joints and displaced most of the stones. The

broken octagonal shafts of the stone columns, between the slab

wall and the inner high brick wall, were also joggled, cemented

together, and replaced.

Similarly, about two-thirds of the north-west quadrant was

completed before the season of 1904 closed.

_ A portion of the undulating stone pavement of the circular

maluwa round the stylobate required taking up and relaying in

lime mortar.

Near the dagaba within the circular wall twe more of the four

-cardinally seated granite Buddhas, found broken into many

pieces, were neatly cemented.

Ths past season (1906) witnessed material advanced in the

restoration of the “ Wata-di-gé.” |

The relaying of the pavement of the circular maluwa has been

completed from the east to the west stairs on the north side ; the

west steps, and the unfinished porcion of the north-west stylobate,

with its slab wall and column shafts, reset ; and the entire portico

(walls, steps, pavement) on the north rebuilt.

Many of the pavement slabs are very heavy, and every stone

has had to be lifted and relaid, the levels being so arranged that

the slope is outwards and inclined to the pili, or spouts, which

project through the ma/uwa revetment wall at regular intervals.

The west stairs had suffered terribly from fire, probably when

the trees covering the site, felled in 1885-86, were foolishly burnt

instead of being cut up. Both balustrades— the left (north) one

especially—are spilt and their surface ornament (lion and pilaster)

greatly damaged. |

Fortunately the steps, “moonstone ”’ slab at foot, and both

Naga dwarpal terminals, remain intact. A good deal of earth

and veg2tation, which had crep* in behind the steps and balus-

trades, had to be removed. It was necessary to raise, re-level,

and make a fresh bed for the steps which had sunk, and to

straighten the guardstones.

The revetment slabs of the “‘ Wata-da-gé ”’ stylobate just north

of the western staircase also bear sad traces of fire. They lay

on the pavement in disorder, and had to be sorted, before being

_ raised, and fitted piece-meal in their original places.

The portico on the north, through which the lower circular

maluwa of the “‘ Wata-da-gé”’ is entered, was in hopeless ruin

in 1903. The slab faced walls were then temporarily reset and

134 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (VoL. XIX.

supported by log struts to prevent the heavy stone again falling.

It was finally and well reconstructed last season.

The south-west and south-east quadrants of the stylobate will

be, it is hoped, restored in 1907. Whilst the south-east quadrant

is the best preserved of the four ; that to the south-west quadrant

is quite the most damaged, and will need wholesale rebuilding

from its original slabs, &c., lying about, greatly broken.

existing Dagabas of Polonnaruwa are, on the whole, in excellent

preservation.

In 1905 the bell (garbha) of both was freed of ficus and other

trees, which had penetrated the masonry everywhere, and were

gradually loosening the brickwork.

Towards the close of the past season (1906) attention was

given to the square tee (hatares kotuwa) and pinnacle (kota) of

both Dagabas.

They were found to have suffered, not only from tree roots

and vegetatior that had got firm hold of their wall surface,

but from considerable corrosion as well, due to the south-west

gale which beats fiercely upon them for five months of every

ear.*

It was desirable to affect repairs without delay.

These were carried out during October (after the still north-

east monsoon setin). Atthesametime Mr. D. A. L. Perera, Head

Draughtsman, Archeological Survey, made, as directed, sketches,

and took full detail measurements of the hatares kotu and kot of

both Dagabas. to be drawn to scale when these Dagabas come

to be dealt with by the Archeological Survey. I+ is hoped

that next season Mr. Perera may be able to complete similar

drawings of the several chapels, or offset altars, which stand

round the base of the Dagabas.

Their true periphery will be ascertained by the survey of

Polonnaruwa now in hand.

LIT.—Srgiriya.

Beyond the annual clearing of the citadel on the summit and

of the terraces below the Rock, little work was done at Sigiriya

in 1906.

The reduction of the Archzological vote for 1905 prevented

arrangements being made for the usual supply of bricks, lime,

and sand for the continued restoration of the “ gallery,” &c.

(a) * Gallery.’”’—With such materials as remained from 1904

the stairs were rebuilt last season as far as the foot of the iron

ladders leading to the summit of the Rock.

* This ‘‘ scour’’ is very noticeable also on the outer face of the

‘«Thuparama”’ and Jetawanarama ”’ ruins at Polonnaruwa; and at

the Jetawanarama Dagaba, Anuradhapura, is so advanced as to

seriously endanger the stability of the pinnacle.

No. 58.1907. ] ANNUAL REPORT. 135

Some protection had to be afforded at the lowest ladder to

ensure against accident on the narrow space where it rises from

the steeply sloping sides of the ruined “‘ Lion-staircase-house.”

A four-feet half-wall was, therefore, built, curling round the

ladder on the off side so as to unite with the Rock.

This necessitated swinging the lower ladder itself inwards at

right angles to the Rock’s face, and a small landing stage being

added between it and the upper ladder.

(6) “ Fresco Pockets.” —The netting in of the two “ Fresco

Pockets ”? was virtually finished in 1905.

The wire netting had only to be tightly stretched and screwed

down, an iron frame door with padlock fixed, and the roughly

laid floor of the caves smoothed in cement. Except the door,

these few remaining touches were put to the work in the “ pock-

ets” during the short season at Sigiriya of 1906.

IV.—Epigraphy.

The lithic records of Ceylon are yearly disappearing owing to

_the invasion of its wilder parts by ignorant and unscrupulous

treasure seekers, and their wanton destruction of inscripticns

under the fatuous belief that these mark treasure spots.

In England Mr. Wickremasinghe has still to issue Part II. of

the Epigraphia Zeylanica.* Parts III. and IV. are also over-

due. This slow progress justifies the Archzeological Survey in

collecting and storing material for future use before it is too late.

Nearly all the inscriptions of the North-Central Province have

been eye-copied, and of the majority ink “squeezes ”’ taken, as

well as photographs where practicable.

But there is a vast field of epigraphical work almost untouched

in the Northern, North-Western, Eastern, Central, and Uva

Provinces, besides some records in the Western and Southern

- Provinces.

The Government has granted from 1907 a sum of Rs. 1,000 for

the systematic work of copying yearly, until completed, of

inscriptions throughout the Island, still unrecorded.

The overseer specially trained by the Archeological Commis-

sioner for this work will tour through the several Provinces to

make “‘ eye-copies’’’ and “ squeezes ”’ of all known inscriptions.

As his work comes in, the “ estampages ”’ will be photographed ;

and a permanent record thus preserved, to be utilized whenever

desired.

V.—Archeological ‘* Finds.”

The large and varied collection of metal work and coins collected

by the Archeological Survey in the course of fifteen years’ work

was overhauled, chemically treated (to prevent further corrosion),

and docketed by the Assistant to the Archeological Commissioner

in the course of the year.

—_____

* This Part has since appeared (1907).

D . 36-07

136 JOURNAL, R.A.S, (CEYLON). [Vov. XTX.

The ‘Catalogue of Finds,”’ prepared by Mr. Still, and an Album

of photographic illustrations, have been handed over to the

Director of the Colombo Museum, to be issued as a publication.

of that Department.

In December, upon the decision of the Government to transfer

all portable “ finds’ made by the Archeological Survey to the

Colombo Museum—there being no local Museum at Anuradha-

pura worthy the name—the greater part of the antiquitiss.

hitherto stored at Anuradhapura (stone carvings, bricks and

pottery, metal work and coins, crystals, &c.), were sent down to

Colombo. Mc. Still will arrange these at the Museum.

When the extension of the Museum building is completed, it is.

hoped that it may be possible to exhibit a more complete series

of stone inscriptions than at present shown.

Many inscribed slabs and pillars are collected in gna

pura ready for transfer to Colombo.

PROSPECTS FOR 1907.

The following Papers have been received :—

1. Translation of “ Barros and Couto on Ceylon,” by

Mr. D. W. Ferguson. |

2. “The Discovery of Ceylon by the Portuguese,” by Mr.

D. W. Ferguson.

3. “ Kandyan Music,” by Mr. S. D. Mahawalatenna.

4. ‘*Sumptuary Laws and Social Etiquette of the Kandyans,”’

by Mr. T. B. Parnatella.

5. “ Kandyan Medicine,” by Mr. T. B. Bakinigahawela.

6. “ The Origin of Tamil Vellalas,” by Mr. V. J. Tamby

Pillai.

7. “* Joan Gideon Loten, F.R.S., the Naturalist, Governor of

Ceylon (1752-57), and Ceylonese Artist de Bevere,” by Mr. D. W.

Ferguson.

8. “Notes on a Find of Eldings at Anuradhapura,” by Mr.

J. Still.

9. “ Roman Coins found in Ceylon,” by Mr. J. Still.

10. “Some Early Copper Coins found in Celyon,’” by Mr.

J. Still.

11. ‘‘ Nuwara-gala: Eastern Province,” by Mr. F. Lewis,

F.L.S.

12. “Portuguese Ceilao at the Beginning of the XVII.

Century : A Sketch,” by Mr. P. E. Pieris, M.A., C.C.S.

13. ‘* The Age of Parakrama Bahu.” by Mr. EH. W. Perera,

Advocate.

FINANCES.

The following is the balance sheet showing the receipts and

expenditure of the mpclely for 1906 :—

137

ANNUAL REPORT.

No. 58.—1907. |

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JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON).

(Vou. XIX.

8. Mr. D.B. JayatitaKa proposed the adoption of the Report.

9. Mr. FE. W. PERERA seconded.—Carried.

ELECTION OF OFFICE-BEARERS.

“10. Mr. R. H. Fereuson proposed that the following Office-

Bearers be elected for the year :—

President.—The Hon. Mr. J. Ferguson, C.M.G.

Vice-Presidents.—The Hon. Mr. J. P. Lewis, M.A., C.C.S.

Dr. A. Willey, M.A., D.Sc., F.R.S. ; and Mr. P. Freudenberg, J.P.

Council.

Mr. C. M. Fernando, M.A., | The Hon. Mr. 8. C. Obeyesekere.

LL.M. The Hon. Mr. P. Arunachalam,

Mr. A. M. Gunasekera, Muda- M.A., C.C.S.

liyar Mr. Simon de Silva, Gate Muda-

Dr. A. J. Chalmers, M.D., liyar, Chief Translator to

F.R.C.S. Government.

Mr. C. Drieberg, B.A., F.H.A.S.

Mr. R. G. Anthonisz, Govern-

ment Archivist.

The Hon. Mr. G. M. Fowler,

C.M.G. .

The Hon. Mr. Justice A. Wood

Renton.

Mr. P. EK. Pieris, M.A., C.C.S.

Dr. W. H. de Silva, M.B., C.M.,

F.R.C:S.

Honorary Treasurer.—Mr. Gerard A. Joseph.

Honorary Secretartes.—Messrs. J. Harward, M.A., H. C. P.

Bell, and Gerard A. Joseph.

11. Dr. A. NELL seconded.—Carried.

THE PRESIDENT’S SPEECH.

12. The PREsIDENT :—It is my pleasing duty once more to

seturn thanks in the name of the Office-Bearers of the Society for

the honour you have just conferred in unanimously electing us to

our several posts. We all trust that the minor changes made

during the year may tend to the increased usefulness of our Society.

We begin the year with 213 members—a number which com-

pares favourably with that of the Asiatic Society of Bengal,

which has 407 on its roll.

We, in Ceylon, have certainly had great encouragement of late

in the number of acceptable Papers made available, there being

no fewer than thirteen, as you have heard, ready for reading.

One by Mr. D. W. Ferguson of Croydon, now in the hands of

the printer, is on the “ First Discovery of Ceylon by the Portu-

guese in 1506,” and was sent out by the author so far back as

May last, but we regret could not be read or disposed of, so as

to be included in our volume for 1906, to which, of course, it

properly belongs. The death of the Government Printer and

some difficulty in deciding about fitting illustrations in the absence

of Mr. Harward and myself in England caused delay.

No. 58.—1907. | PROCEEDINGS. | 139

Another important work undertaken by the Society, and

shortly to become available, is Mr. Ferguson’s annotated transla-

tion of the parts of Barros and de Couto’s History of Portuguese

India bearing upon Ceylon.

I regret to say that it has not been possible for me to complete

the second and more practically important part of my Paper on

“The Coconut Palmin Ceylon: Its Spread and Cultivation in

Dutch and British Times;’’ but I have a mass of material well

in hand, and must hope to overtake the compilation during the

present year.

Meantime, it is a matter for congratulation—thanks to the energy

of our Editor, Mr. H. C. P. Bell, and of his co-Secretaries, Mr.

Harward and Mr. Joseph, and of the ready co-operation of the

Government Printer, Mr. Cottle, and his locwm tenens, Mr. Richards

—that, for the first time in our history, I believe, the Journal for

the past year has been published immediately after its close, and

copies placed in the hands of Members before the Annual] Meeting.

Treferred last year to the need of a full and final anthropological

investigation in reference to our wild or cave-dwelling Veddas,

and to the regrét felt that the Cambridge * Anthony Wilkins ”’

student had to go to the Andamans in place of coming to Ceylon.

Since then we have been interested to learn of the ce-arrival here

of the Messrs. Sarasin for further investigation, and still later of

a Lady Professor, Madame Selenka, from the Berlin Academy of

Sciences, with a competent Assistant in Professor Moszkowski to

make such study of the Veddas as time and opportunity will

permit before going on to Java. I learn from our Secretary,

Mr. Joseph, that he was able to place the Lady Professor and her

Assistant in communication with Mr. Herbert White, Government

Agent of Uva (a Member of our Council) and with Mr. EK. F. Hop-

kins, Agent for the Eastern Province, both of whom have promised

to give every possible assistance in studying the manners, customs,

ceremonies, and language of the Vedda. Although fifteen years

ago the brothers Sarasin conducted their researches in Uva, below

Lunugala, it is now considered that there are few or no genuine

Veddas in this Province, they having intermarried with the

villagers. Our present visitors are therefore to pass into the

Eastern Province to two or three points where the officials consider

some real, unsophisticated Veddas are still to be found. We

trust success will attend the scientists efforts, but clearly the time

at their disposal will prevent exhaustive final work, and it is a

question worthy the consideration of the Council of this Society

as to whether the Ceylon Government: should not be moved to

originate a full investigation ere it be too late for ever.

It is very satisfactory to know that since I last addressed you it

has been decided that Colombo is to have a proper well-equipped

Observatory as befits its position as the great and most central Port

in the Indian Ocean. We are also rejoiced to see that the urgent

indispensable work of extending the Museum building—on the

design approved by Mr. Smither—is to be taken in hand this year,

a vote to account of Rs. 40,000 having been passed and the site

having been already marked out. It is quite clear that all the

140 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL XLX.

additional space provided will be most fully in demand—indeed

already, I believe, some of our friends of the “‘ Ceylon Society of

Arts”? are wondering if space could be made in the Museum

building for a limited collection of paintings, if such should be

brought together, as the nucleus of a future national collection.

The Members of this Society, I feel sure, will be in full sympathy

with this aspiration ; but whether the space can be made avail-

able is another matter to be considered hereafter.

In view of a recent decision of the Council of this Society, on an

application from Government, itis satisfactory to have an opinion

from Mr. D. W. Ferguson by a recent mail to the effect that “I+

will be a thousand pities if the Ceylon Government do not wait for

Dr. Geiger’s edition of the Mahawansa before printing a new

edition of the English translation. Wijesinhe’s edition ’’—he

adds—“ is utterly inadequate.”

This Society may well take an interest in the completion of Dr.

Herdman’s great work on our Pearl Oyster Fisheries, Parts IV.

and V., having appeared since I referred to the subject in my last

year’saddress. The great permanent value of thelarge number of

reports by the great experts of the day on the Marine Biology of

Ceylon cannot be over-estimated, and the Government as well as the

Royal Society may well be congratulated onthe result. Mention

should be made of the “Finds” of the Archeological Survey brought

to the Museum during the past year and filling no fewer than three

cases. Photographs of the same lie on our table to-night ; but: all

who possibly can should make a point of examining the originals,

which make a valuable addition to the Museum Collection. In the

Museum generally progress has been made; but more room is

the urgent need. The headquarters of the Mineralogical Survey

are now in the Museum, where Mr. Parsons and his Assistant work.

There are several bits of useful work before the Members as yet

untouched ; but for this I must refer to my address in last year’s

Journal.

Meantime, with reference to Mr. Bell’s long and able summary

of his archeological operations, just read to us, I wish to direct

attention specially to one point, namely, the wholly inadequate

vote made by Government at present for restoration work. This

is, I believe, only Rs. 5,000 in all, whereas the Indian Government

votes for this single purpose Rs. 132,500, or about double the total

Archeological Survey vote for Ceylon. Now the small sum

allowed in Ceylon is becoming a serious question from a practical

point of view, and for this reason Mr. Bell who, for eighteen years

has devoted himself with so much enthusiasm to this archeological

work, is getting on in years; his time for pension is, in fact,

within sight, even if the Government, as we hope it may, secure

his services as Archeological Commissioner until 1911, when he

will be sixty years of age, or why not indeed (as Mr. Bell is still

hale and hearty) until 1916. But the point is, that it will be a

thousand pities if the Ceylon authorities do not make the fullest

use of Mr. Bell’s great experience and ardour, during whatever

time remains for him at his present work, by enabling him to

supervise far more extended works of restoration. With Rs. 5,000

No. 58.—1907.] PROCEEDINGS. __ 141

he can only continue at Sigiriya and restore one or two ruins

at Polonnaruwa ; but if this annual vote were increased, say, to

Rs. 25,000 or even Rs. 20,000 for the next few years, the necessary

work of restoration could be got through at an accelerated pace

at Polonnaruwa, at Anuradhapura, and at some other places,

before the invaluable experience, gained in the past score of years

by the present Commissioner, 1s lost tc us. I sincerely trust that

Sir Henry Blake may be able to make this provision in His

Excellency’s next Supply Bill as a truly wise and economical as well

as most desirable mode of forestalling what must be regarded as

inevitable expenditure at some time or other.

I began by congratulating you on an increased roll of members,

213 as compared with 407 for Bengal; but when we realize how

much more of useful work the Society could do (in getting

further translations or annotated editions of old works, or

reprinting past Journals now out of print, and in printing papers

bearing on Ceylon in other Society’s transactions) if funds were

only available, and when I mention to you that the Bengal

Society had a credit balance afew weeks ago, of more than ten

times the amount in our hands in Ceylon, I would plead for

- further support to our Society. I think, for instance, that every

intelligent Member of the Public Service of a certain status (as well

as of the general community) ought to belong to the Society, with

a view to learning as much as possible of the history of the people

and of the land we live in, and so securing that sympathetic insight

and local knowledge which cannot fail to re-act beneficially in

many ways on the discharge of public duties.

13. Mr. HaRwarp next read the following Paper by Mr. F.

Lewis on “ Nuwara-gala: Eastern Province.” Printed copies

of the Paper with illustrations were distributed to the audience.

142 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ VoL. XIX.

NUWARA-GALA, EASTERN PROVINCE.

By F. LEewiIs.

Agout the middle of 1906 I had occasion to examine the

forests to the south of the Badulla-Batticaloa road in connec-

tion with forest matters. I had with me the excellent

topographical maps prepared by the Surveyor-General to

assist me in the location of certain points. Among others

a large group of hills is shown to the southward of Maha-oya

that from their situation indicated that as a whole they were

of importance with respect to water supply to a system of

irrigation works further to the eastward. I decided therefore

to make a preliminary inspection of this cluster of mountains,

and with that object in view I arranged a short expedition

in company with my Forest Ranger, the Ratemahatmaya,

and the Arachchi of Pollebedda village.

Starting from the Maha-oya resthouse, we first crossed the

dry bed of the oya of the same name, and proceeded through

a very superior forest for about six miles, when we reached a

little tank that the Arachchi explained was for the irrigation ~

of a small plot of fields owned by the people of Pollebedda.

We reached these fields by about 11 a.m., and camped for

breakfast on the banks of the Rambukkan-cya, that at the

time of my visit was perfectly dry. This is a broad stream

when in flood, and takes its rise beyond the group of hills

called Sitala Wanniya, which I shall have reason to mention

later. The banks of the stream are lined with a curious

mixture of plants, leading me to suspect, on finding the green

bamboo and enormous dadap trees, that they were “ escapes ”

from earlier plantations and inhabited lands.

After breakfast we followed what seemed to be a

path” that ran eastwards, through very large high forest,

broken here and there with large masses of rock. After

* game

Map

SHOWING POSITION OF

NUWARAGALLA

REFERENCE.

A.B. Approximate position of Bund of Maha Wata wala

. Handy a Tank.

C____Stone Channel.

0... Ruins at Numaragetla.

Scale,1 Mile to an Inch

j,i

Zi Sg

Zi fl WS

Ga i

SF, AN Zui

Sz A

LUIXS

AY |

C77

iy,

Wingate

{Ur

S GO. N20 07.

No. 58.—1807 | NUWARA-GALA. | 143

following this path for about two hours I noticed that there

were occasional traces of large blocks of stone that at an early

stage appeared to form into a sort of line, and upon a distinct

fixed inclination.

Following this for about half a mile further, the ground

began to show signs of being steeper and more rugged, while

the above-mentioned stones correspondingly became more

and more wall-like, till at last it was obvious that they sup-

ported the path I was following. This form of structure now

began to become more and more elaborate, as the path followed

up into a mass of rocky hills, terminating in a sort of dead end.

Here the road made a zig, and the walling correspondingly

presented a deeper and broader surface as we climbed along

the edge of a huge mass of rock. The path now becomes

entirely built of large close-set masses of rough broken stone,

but so perfectly have the stones been laid, both as regards

gradient and position, that one could ride a horse along the

path if the branches of overhanging trees were only removed.

After making a few more zig-zags that were rendered

necessary by the bends or hollows of the rocky mass that the

path climbs, it became quickly evident that we were well

above the plain, that now lay far below.

It was also apparent that we were climbing a huge mass

of precipitous rock, standing out like a vast column from

among its smaller brethren. On one side the rock is vertical

or nearly so, and as soon as the angle of the slope became very

high the path zigged back towards the flatter surface, seizing

as it went all points of advantage in formation or surface. At

one particular spot I found what at first sight looked like

sockets cut into the living rock for a doorway, but after later

consideration I have reason to suppose that this doorway was

for a huge block-house constructed for a special purpose to

defend a weak point. Near these sockets are a number of

steps cut into the rock to enable one to take a short cut up

the rock without continuing along the more even line of

constructed roadway.

144 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vion rx: ©

Following the road, I found that we were getting on to a

shoulder of bare rock, and here the path branched, one

portion still rising, while the second or lower track passed

through a slight gap and entered upon a ledge, below which

the rock was, roughly speaking, vertical for approximately

800 feet. The ledge at this point is on one’s left-hand side, and

it quickly opened into a magnificent cave measuring 118 ft. by

25 ft., capable of easily accommodating at least 100 people.

The mouth of the cave has a full and elaborately cut drip

ledge, and also an inscription.*

The drip ledge in this case has, to me, the peculiarity of

having a bending the purpose of which I presume is ornamental

only. Several sockets are cut in the rock that forms the roof

of the cave, and probably were for the purpose of forming a

wall on one side to shut out the wind as well as rain and to

form partitions. From the mouth of the cave one has a

magnificent view of the mountain known as Kokka-gala,

overlooking the little village of Kallodai, where the present

cart road to Badulla crosses the old military (?) road that

traversed the base of the Uva country, which reached Tissa-

maharama on the south and the Madura-oya on the east.

The object and purpose of this road is not, as far as I am

aware, made known in any of our historical records, but it is

impossible to avoid the conclusion, both from its general trend

of direction and its size and stability of construction, that this

was the highway from Tissamaharama to Polonnaruwa, or, in

other words, to connect Ruhunu-rata with Pihiti or Raja-rata.

Such a road could be of commercial value, while equally it

could be of strategic importance, and I am inclined to believe

that perhaps the latter object was more in view while it

was in course of construction, than the former. This road, it

will be observed, followed the base of the Uva hills, and after

*TThe defective copy sent with the Paper appears to read: Deva-

napiya Maha Rajaha Gamini Tisahaputa Maha Tisa ayaha lene

saga(sa).—B., Honorary Secretary. |

No. 58.—1907.] NUWARA-GALA., | 145

reaching Kokka-gala, its course lay more or less through open

country. This had its dangers as well as objections. In

an open country the road could be attacked from both sides,

while in the case where it followed the sides of hills the

hills alone afforded protection.

In considering Nuwara-gala as an outpost, it is important

to bear this in mind, more especially as Kokka-gala was a high

point overlooking the spot where the road debouched from the

hills into the plains. This point too was weak from the south

and east, as for forty miles eastward lay a Tamil country, flat,

easily crossed, and backed by the sea, together with the large

lagoon at Batticaloa.

Kokka-gala therefore offered one outpost, but taken in con-

junction with Nuwara-gala as the last outlying natural fort to

_ the east, its value became supplemented greatly, because from

Nuwara-gala’s lofty summit the movements of hostile parties

or troops moving inland from Puliyantivu, or along the east

coast, could be all the sooner seen and watched, and the obser-

vations signalled across the eight miles of valley between, to

Kokka-gala, giving time for defenders to be placed on the road

I have just mentioned at its place of extreme weakness. An

enemy advancing from, say, Batticaloa could be watched for

some days from Nuwara-gala, and their movements signalled

to Kokka-gala, and at once the outlet of the road could be

guarded, and in all probability the base of the supply—Tissa—

speedily communicated with ; but so far this may be considered

as pure theory in the absence of further support by internal

evidence.

This I propose to describe more fully. Returning once

more to our cave near the western summit of Nuwara-gala, we

proceeded to follow the rising path. This now gets on to

pretty nearly flatrock, and I found that in one place, in full

command ofa perfect view of Kokka-gala, there wasa circular

hole of about 74 inches in diameter drilled into the solid rock

itself. I take it that this afforded a socket for a mast or

signal post of some kind, possibly a beacon.

146 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XTX.

Passing by this, one finds that all the little undulations in

the surface of the rock are dammed across, so as to catch water,

till suddenly one alights upon a magnificent pokuna cut out

of the living rock, measuring 773 ft. by 584 ft. by about 5 ft. in

depth, full of sweet water.

The sides are perfectly cut, and the whole is a triumph of

stone cutting, for the rock at this point is completely solid.

Small deflecting bunds still exist, which directed the rain water

into this perfect tank, till difference of level rendered them

inoperative. ;

Leaving the tank or pokuna to the south-west, one finds the

rock rising slightly into a densely wooded summit. Here one

finds the remains of a huge fort-like building with stone walls.

I was unable, as I was unprepared at the time, to make a

detailed survey of this building, so as to gather its particulars

of exact outline, but measured at hazard it appeared to be

about 440 ft. long by 385 ft. wide and divided into an outer

and inner series of outposts. At certain intervals I found

passages through the walls with one that formed what I call

a baffledoorway. ‘The door frame was evidently a mixture of

wood and stone, the sills indicating a baffle system, as the

sketch will show (fig. 1). It will be seen thatthere is a double

series of mortice holes, the larger facing the outer side of the

building, and the smaller the inner.

_ It suggests itself to me that the position and relative sizes

of the mullions would effectively afford resistance from the

inside, while admitting both light and air, and also a hindering

‘“* baffle ’’ from within, so that before a would-be invader could

get a direct blow at the defender on the inside, the former

would have to squeeze his way through a double phalanx of

posts.

This building or fort that I speak of commands the very

summit of the mountain, and is approximately 1,200 feet

altitude. From it one can get an unbroken sweep of view

from the Tamankaduwa hills on the north to Arugam bay in

the south-east. To the east Batticaloa is clearly seen, and of

Fig: 1

Nuwaragalla. Baffle doorway.

——= a

Su) a ~

~~ 22 =

TR Zaeae

alee

| Sizes

a ut ¥,

@= /4 X12 x43 deep

Ou 7 X'bExXS. 7

Gn ee! Ce ae

4 DG XBL Sn

Oa YS IE Se :

y 2 ” ! ‘

Fi 6X 6 x. 4% (froutopen) |

G =/2 X/2X 13 with a second step

ou 7]

| ° 4 4 F

} HOSS deep » ovokent away ;

| EE

No. 58.—1907. NUWARA-GALA. _ 147

course the sea line. Away to the southward stands Sitala

Wanniya and a precipitous mass of vast rocks. Westward,

again, one sees the Uva hills, and to the north-west the

mountains that cluster around the eastern confines of Rangalla,

in fact a perfect spot from which to view the eastern side of the

country.

I found several more or less broken monoliths of dark stone,

but nowhere did I see any trace of Buddhistic import, either

as puja-gal, rupa, or karandu-gal ; the place looked grimly

fortification-like, and severely strong in natural as well

as artificial protection. ‘The commanding position, the

solidity of structure, the natural difficulties of approach,

combined with the elaborate design for the conservatism of

water supply, leave a particularly convincing impression on

the mind that this could be no place of pious retreat only,

coupled as it is with a striking absence of shrines. The water

supply arrangements would serve probably 1,000 people, if

not more. This could hardly be necessary for a handful of

priests, especially when nature had planted a fort that could

lend its aid to guard a great arterial path creeping along the

outskirts of a probably unsubdued country, that at that time

was possibly inhabited by the Yakkus, or Veddas, that the

Sinhalese never really subdued.

My time and means did not admit of excavation. This

must in time, when made, reveal the object and purpose of

Nuwara-gala, that I venture to suppose was a military strong-

hold, to which the cave added a suitable annexe for devotional

purposes.

I mentioned in the earlier part of this Paper that I observed

what I believe to have been a guard-gate or block-house. It

may be desirable to describe this structure. I found certain

steps and slots cut in the living rock that would admit of

beams being placed at a high angle just sufficient to cover the

road, especially as they were probably jointed to horizontal

beams placed at an angle with the sloping rock.

148 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

‘These beams again could be cross-braced and made to carry —

an enormous load, or roof of stone, that undisturbed would,

by weight alone, serve to make a rigid enough covered way,

and but by inserting either a wedge or a lever behind any of

the transverse beams, the whole could be canted forward to

a dangerous angle, the least addition to which would overset

the whole and crash down upon the road far below, sweeping

it away or blocking it in its fall. A trap, in fact.

This would hinder all possible means of ready ascent from

below, because at this point the road crosses a ravine, and is

built up on rock ledges by a sort of connecting wall. Assuming

this theory of construction of a block-house or barrier is correct,

I submit that a further evidence in support of the idea that

Nuwara-gala was a fortification is strengthened, though certain

groovings in the rock require elucidation.

I mentioned that on my way to this fine point of rock I first

came to a place called Pollebedda. I was informed that

not far from it was a great stone work, and the remains of a

vast tank. Accordingly on my return I proceeded to examine

both.

The stone work appears to have been an incompleted channel

or aqueduct constructed on a most magnificent scale. The

work has been constructed out of enormous slabs of split or

wedged stone, placed like a letter wi laying along its back

(see fig. 3).

The stones so laid are jointed together at their ends, besides

being let into or morticed to the bedwork. Placed as they

are, two parallel channels run dead true for 366 feet, and —

hardly a stone is out of place, notwithstanding the fact that |

the whole is within a mass of high forest. An idea of the

magnitude of the work can be gained by considering the size

of the individual pieces of stone that form the whole. For

example, slabs 20 ft. by 6 ft. by 2 ft. 6in. are abundant, while |

some are even longer, but taking these figures as typical, such |

a stone would contain 300 cubic feet, and would weigh prob-

‘ably between 23 to 25 tons !

ound) ekIpury epeaeyey eye Jo meta puy S21

pea ee ea ee» ame

he yr I | ei

a Th fr

No. 58.—1907.] NUWARA-GALA. 149

It is very significant that the measurements of the stones

cut for this aqueduct and their other specifications as regards

widths, distances apart, &c., all have a most remarkable

analogy to our systems of measurements. For example, I

found measurements to follow closely the order of a foot

divided by 2 or 3; thus, I got 1 ft. 2in., 1 ft. 4in., 1 f. 8 in.,

and 1 ft. 10 in., or by the second system of division I got

1 ft. 3in., 6in., 9in., &c. Inno case did I get a compound

figure such as 1 ft. 7i in. I attach a table of slab measurements

in illustration.

List of Stone Measurements.

Maha Wattawalla Kandiya Channel.

Length. Width. ee Length. Width. a me)

Ft. in. Ft, in. Ft. in. Ft. in. Ft. in. Ft. in.

il 6 by 60 by 26 | 170 by 60 .by 28

16 6 by 6 0 by 138 | 170 by 60 by 28

110 by 60 by 29 | 230 by 60 by 26

100 by 60 by 29 | 103 by 60 by 28

136 by 60 by 29 82 by 60 by 26

150 by 60 by 28

-QOne row numbered twenty-nine stones, of which the

smallest was 8 ft. 2in. by 6 ft. by 6 ft. This peculiarity may

have significant bearing on our standard of length, as I can

hardly suppose that it could be only a mere coincidence.

Again, the length of the channel, even in its seemingly

unfinished state, has a curious relation to the number of days.

in the year or leap year, but I do not venture to advance any

theory on this point.

The tank that lay beyond the stone channel just referred

to is known as Maha Wattawalla Kandiya. If it ever was

completed, its object was to hold back the waters of the

Rambukkan-oya, when that stream was in flood, and to

distribute the same later.

150 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

The bund is beautifully pitched with stone, and at the

breach (?) measures 107 ft. from the summit to ‘‘ floor level ”’

along the inclination of its surface. The top of the bund is

in places over 50 ft. wide. The area along the water hne I

am unable to state without a contour survey, but probably

it ran into some thousands of acres. I find no trace of a sluice.

The question now arises as to the date of the inscription over

the cave at Nuwara-gala.

It is uncertain who the particular Devanampiya Tissa

mentioned in this inscription was. If the 7th monarch,

the inscription goes back to about 300 years before

the Christian era. I am under a debt of obligation to

Mudaliyar Simon de Silva, to whom I submitted a copy, for

his translation. Upon the assumption that ‘‘ Devanampiya

Maha Rajaha Gamini Tisa”’ is identical with the sovereign

in whose reign the revered bo-tree of Anuradhapura was

introduced, and that ‘‘ Maha Tisa’’ was his son,* it is fair to

assume that the date of Nuwara-gala must be somewhere

between 275 and 307 B.c., allowing, that is to say, that Maha

Tissa had reached manhood at the time of the establishment

of this stronghold.

The inference that the cave was a devotional annexe to the

fort is based on the inscription which indicates that the lena

(cave) was “common to the priesthood,” but I think that

the inference is permissible, taking situation and surroundings

into consideration, and that the larger artificial building

already referred to was the primary structure, to which the

cave became subordinate in point of importance. This point,

however, must be left to a later period, when expert archzxo-

logical explorers will be in full possession of detailed material

to establish or demolish what I now respectfully beg to advance

as a theory.

I may add that I think that it 1s exceedingly probable that

Nuwara-gala may be found to be only one of a number of

*[The assumption is not borne out by the Mahawansa.—B., Honorary

Secretary. |

No. 58.—1907.] NUWARA-GALA.. 151

natural forts for the protection of Ruhuna, or for the

subjugation of the Yakkus, whose stronghold lay between the

chain of hills that include ‘‘ Westminster Abbey”? and

‘* Friar’s Hood’? and the base of the Uva mountains—a

country that to-day is said to be the haunt of the real Vedda.

It remains only for me to say that in submitting this Paper

to the Society I do so with considerable hesitation, as I cannot

cite any historical grounds for pitching upon Nuwara-gala as

an outpost, and I must leave my conjectures to sink or swim

upon the facts as already outlined and the proofs which

further and expert investigation will undoubtedly evolve.

NOTE.

Mudaliyar Simon de Silva writes as follows :—

** Mahatisa, the son of Dewana-piya Maharaja Gamini.

‘« Devanpiya means ‘ beloved of gods,’ and may be applied

to any king. In this place the name of the king is Gamini

(Gemunu), known also as a Dutu Gemunu. Descendants are

sometimes called sons, but I would rather think Maha Tissa in

this inscription is a relative of Dutugemunu.” [161 B.c.]

Note sy Mr. H. Storey.

REFERRING to Mr. Lewis’s excellent paper on Nuwara-gala, I see

he does not refer to the fact that this curious hill was reported

on by Mr. Halliley of the Survey Department in the Surveyor-

General’s Administration Repott of 1900.

As regards the stone “ conduit’’ near the ruined tank near

Pallebedda, I think it will be found to be merely an unfinished

“sluice culvert,’ and that the tank in question was never com-

pleted, hence the non-finding of any sluice. This is not the only

case of the kind: I have myself seen unfinished tanks, half-built

temples, and such-like. There is certainly in existence in the

Eastern Province a perfect specimen of a similar case in which

a tank bund is complete but for the sluice ; and this sluice chamber,

culverts, &c., complete, lies “‘ set up ” some little distance away

from its intended position in the bund; thus showing that the

ancient builders undoubtedly “fitted” their work complete before

TB 36-07

152 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). PViou. \ XTX:

removing it to its final bed. In the case mentioned by Mr. Lewis

all that is missing seems to be the covering stones. The w shape

is due to the fact that all outlet culverts of big tanks had double

channels.

THE DISCUSSION.

14. The PRESIDENT, at the closing of the reading, said it

would be ef interest to have the subject discussed.

15. Mr. C. M. Fernanpo thought it would be a poor compliment

to Mr. Lewis should there be no discussion on so interesting a

Paper. Mr. Lewis seemed to hesitate between the two theories,

as to whether Nuwara-gala was a hermit’s abode or a military

outpost. Mr. Fernando saw no reason why both these theories

should not be correct. Judging from the fact referred to in the

Paper that the Rock commanded the road to Polonnaruwa, it

seems to have been used as a military outpost in the time of

Parakrama the Great, who is celebrated for his military forti-

fications. He reigned 1,000 years subsequent to Dutthagamini.

16. Mr. E. W. Perera said: A good deal of light may be thrown

on the history and origin of Nuwara-gala by a reference to some of

the lesser known chronicles of Ceylon, such as the Thupawansa and ~

Dhétuwansa. Both these chronicles contain valuable informa-

tion about the settlement of the southern and south-eastern

districts of the Island not contained in the Mahawansa. 'The

Dhdatuwansa, probably founded on an old Pali work, gives an

account of the settlement of the district round Batticaloa and the

names of the princes who founded cities and vihares in those

parts. It deals with the period cerca 200-100 B.c., and includes

the reign of Kawantissa with references to the early youth of

Dutugemunu. Pridham has given a brief reswmé of this chronicle

in his work on Ceylon. The Mahawansa too proves that the

Batticaloa District was one of the earliest and most flourishing

Sinhalese settlements, with its capital of Digamadulla identified

by Turnour as Digavewa. (Mahawansa, chapters IX., XXIV.,

XXXII. XXXII.) He was inclined to think that Nuwara-gala

was an early stronghold belonging to the period of the wars of

EHlala and Dutugemunu.

17. The PRESIDENT said that the discussion opened up some

interesting points which might well be the occasion for further

inquiry and investigation. They were all apt, he thought, to

overlook and forget the great importance of the Eastern division

of Ceylon in ancient times: how, for instance, the town of

Bintenna is older even than Anurddhapura, while Ptolemy gave

it as the capital of Taprobane beside the great river Mahaveli-

ganga. It is possible, too, that in early days the Mahaveli-ganga,

before it divided into two branches, forty miles from thesea, may

have been navigable far inland. Governor Wilmot Horton had

it examined and reported on for navigation, and it was considered

that for 80 miles to Kalinga it could be made navigable. Valentyn

states that solate as 1700 the kings of Kandy had ship and boat

No. 58.—1907.] PROCEEDINGS. 153

building works at Bintenna. Now the old road from Kandy

through Bintenna to Batticaloa must have passed close to Nuwara-

gala and Maha-oya. Bintenna was a military station in 1817

and for some time after. He was much struck by the facts brought

out by Mr. Lewis as to the commanding position of Nuwara-gala,

1,200 ft. high in the midst of a flat expanse, and commanding a

view from Tamankaduwa to Arugam Bay and from the Rangala

and Uva hills away to the far south. Here was the great Vedda

and sporting country which, if taken to be 80 miles long by 40 wide,

could occupy 3,200 square miles, or nearly one-eighth of the whole

area of Ceylon. A more modern interest would now attach to

some parts of the neighbourhood if the rich valley of the Mahaveli-

ganga at different points became the scene of rubber cultivation,

as had recently been hinted at. In any case they had to thank

Mr. Lewis for a very interesting and suggestive Paper,and he

proposed that a hearty vote of thanks be carried by acclamation.

18. Mr. FREUDENBERG proposed a vote of thanks to the Chair.

19. Thecoloured paintings and photographs attracted general

interest, and were carefully inspected by those present, Mr, D. A L.

Perera, Head Draughtsman, Archeologica! Survey, being freely

interviewed and complimented.

The album of ‘“ Archeological Finds” laid on the table also

attracted attention. :

BE 2

154 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Won. sx. X:

COUNCIL MEETING.

Colombo Museum, May 30, 1907.

Present :

The Hon. Mr. John Ferguson, C.M.G., President, in the Chair.

Mr. R. G. Anthonisz. | Mr. C. M. Fernando, M.A., LL.M.

The Hon. Mr. P. Arunachalam, |The Hon. Mr. 8. C. Obeye-

MAS ‘C:C:S: | sekere.

Mr. J. Harward, M.A., and Mr. G. A. Joseph,

Honorary Secretaries.

Business.

1. Read and confirmed Minutes of Council Meeting held on

February 8, 1907.

2. Resolved that the following candidates be elected Mem-

bers of the Asiatic Society :—

(1) H. F.C. Fyers: ee (a) G. A. Joseph.

by (6) J. Stall.

(2) P. A. Goonaratna: recom- { (a) 8. B. Kuruppu.

mended by (6) A. W. Wijesinha.

(3) T. EH. Goonaratna: recom- , (a) S. B. Kuruppu.

mended by | (0) A. W. Wijesinha.

(4) W. T. D. C. Wagiswara : a (a) H. Sumangala.

commended by (b) W. A. de Silva.

(5) Rev. R. P. Butterfield: re- , (a) J. Ferguson.

commended by 1 (6) G. A. Joseph.

(6) S. G. Koch: recommended ; (a) J. W. Vanderstraaten.

by 1 (6) G. A. Joseph.

(7) T. Harward: recommended ( (a) J. Harward.

by 1) G. A. Joseph.

(8) L. S. Woolf, B.A., C.C.S.: j (@) G. D. Templer.

recommended by ) (b) G. A. Joseph.

(9) M. A. C. Mohamed: recom- ; (a) 8. G. Lee, M.A.

mended by | (6) G. A. Joseph.

, (a) A. Willey

(10) J. Hornell: recommended by ‘ MOUE £ joasst

(11) A. H. Fernando: ee (a) F. H. Modder.

mended by (6) G. A. Joseph.

(12) A. E. Roberts: recommended { (a) F. H. Modder.

by (6) G. A. Joseph.

SE ne ee ee

No. 58.—1907.| PROCEEDINGS. — 155

3. Laid on table Circular No. 248 of September 1, 1906, con-

taining the opinions of the Hon. Mr. P. Arunachalam and Simon de

Silva, Mudaliyar, on the translation of a Tamil Paper entitled “ The

Origin of the Tamil Vellalas,” by Mr. V. J. Tamby Pillai.

Resolved,—That the translation be accepted on the condition

that Mr. Tamby Pillai do obtain the permission of the original

writer and the Editor of “‘ Shen Tamil’s’”’ to allow the transiation

to appear in the Society’s Journal.

4. Laid on the table Circular No. 18 of February 5 last

containing the opinions of Messrs. C. M. Fernando and P. E.

Pieris on a Paper entitled “‘ Some early Copper Coins,” by Mr. J.

Still.

Resolved,—That the Paper be accepted and be read at a Meet-

ing and published in the Society’s Journal.

5. Laid on the table Circular No. 25 of February 11, 1907,

containing the opinions of Messrs. J. Harward and J. P. Lewis on

the Paper entitled “ Portuguese Ceilao,” by Mr. P. E. Pieris,

C.C.8. .

Resolved,—That in view of the suggestions of the gentlemen to

whom the Paper was referred Mr. Pieris be asked to revise the

Paper in the direction indicated, quote his authorities, and

modernize proper names.

6. Laid on the table Circular No. 40 of February last contain -

ing the opinions of Messrs. R. G. Anthonisz and F. H. de Vos

on a Paper entitled “‘ Joan Gideon Loten, F.R.S., the Naturalist

Governor of Ceylon (1752-7), and Ceylonese Artist de Bevere,”’

by Mr. Donald Ferguson.

Resolved,—That the Paper be accepted, read, and printed in

the Society’s Journal, together with Messrs. R. G. Anthonisz’s and

FE. H. de Vos’s Memoranda.

7. Considered the desirability of sending the Society’s Journal

to L’EKecole Francaise D’ Extreme Orient, Hanoi, who have sent

their Journal continuously from 1901.

Resolved,—That L’ Ecole Francaise D’ Extreme Orient, Hanoi,

be put on the exchange list, and do receive the Journal from this

year.

8. Laid on the table English translation of the Prize Essay

_ on“ Kandyan Medicine,” by Mr. T. B. Bakinigahawela.

Resolved,—That the opinion of Dr. J. Attygalle (senior) be

solicited in regard to the value of the Paper; and that with this

opinion the question of publishing the Paper in the Society’s

Journal be left to the discretion of Mr. H. C. P. Bell, Editing

Secretary.

_ 9. Laid on the table a Paper entitled “The Age of Sri Parak-

rama Bahu VI.,” by Mr. E. W. Perera, Advocate.

Resolved,—That the Paper be referred to the Hon. Mr. P.

Arunachalam and Mr. C. M. Fernando for their opinions.

156 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

10. Read a letter from Dr. A. Willey, F.R.S., resigning the

Membership of the Council and of the Vice-Presidency of the

Society.

Resolved,—That this Council do convey to Dr. Willey the

expression of their hope that he will allow his name to remain as

@ Vice-President of the Society.

11. Read a letter from the American Oriental Society asking

for past Numbers of the Journal.

Resolved,—That the Society be sent any number of the Journal

asked for of which there are more than six copies in stock.

12. The Hon. Mr. P. Arunachalam brought up the question

of the compilation of a proper Gazetteer of Ceylon.

Resolved,—That the Hon. Mr. Arunachalam, Messrs. C. M.

Fernando, J. Harward, and P. E. Pieris be esha to consider the

matter and inform the Council.

13. The Chairman raised the question of asking the Govern-

ment to increase the subhead of the Archeological Survey on

account of ‘‘ Restoration and Preservation of Ancient Structures”

from Rs. 5,000 to Rs. 20,000 in order that the work may be pushed

on during Mr. H. C. P. Bell’s tenure of office as Archeological —

Commissioner.

Resolved,—That it be left to the President, the Hon. Mr. J.

Ferguson, to approach His Excellency the Governor on the

subject.

14. The Chairman pointed out the necessity for taking imme-

diate steps to obtain a Scientific Report on the Veddas, and the

desirability of securing the services of Mr. Brown of Cambridge

University, an expert now engaged in Anthropological Work in

the Andamans.

Resolved,—That the Hon. Mr. Ferguson do consult Dr. Willey

and then approach His Excellency the Governor with the request

that provision may be made for the services of Mr. Brown.

GENERAL MEETING.

Colombo Museum, May 30, 1907.

[The Proceedings of this Meeting, and the Paper which was read

at it (** The Discovery of Ceylon by the Portuguese in 1506’’),

with the Discussion which followed, will be issued as Number 59,

Vol. XIX., 1907, of the Journal.]

No. 58.—1907.] PROCEEDINGS. 157

COUNCIL MEETING.

Colombo Museum, August 27, 1907.

Present :

The Hon. Mr. J. Ferguson, C.M.G., President, in the Chair.

The Hon. Mr. J. P. Lewis, M.A., C.C.S., Vice-President.

Mr. R. G. Anthonisz. Mr. C. Drieberg, B.A.,

Mr. S. de Silva, Gate Mudali- F.H.A.S.

yar. | Hon. Mr. 8. C. Obeyesekere.

Mr. G. A. Joseph, Honorary Secretary.

Business.

1. Read and confirmed Minutes of Council Meeting held on

30th May last.

2. The Council was informed that a sum of Rs. 3,000 had been

promised by Government, and would be included in the Supply

ill, under the heading ‘‘ Colombo Museum, for Vedda Research.”’

Action had been taken by the President and Dr. Willey to secure

a capable man for the work.

3. The Honorary Secretary notified that the following had

been elected Members of the Society :—

(1) J. D. S. Rajepakse, J.P., ape ) G. A. Joseph.

Mudaliyar : recommended by / (6) J. Parsons.

(2) D. H. O. K. Jayawardana, , (a) G. A. Joseph.

Mudaliyar: recommended by |! (6) J. Parsons.

(3) O. W. Henman, [rrigation | (a) J. Still.

Engineer : recommended by ( (6) G. A. Joseph.

(4) T. Southwell, F.A.C.S., j (a) G. A. Joseph.

Scientist : recommended by | (6) J. Parsons.

(5) T. A. J. Noorbhai, Mer-§ (a) G. A. Joseph.

chant : recommended by (b) Parsons.

(6) Cas. A. Marshall,

Proctor, 8. C.: oa

(7) J. A. Daniel, Assistant

Mineral Surveyor: recom-

mended by

{8) L. B. Fernando, Proctor,

S. C. : recommended by At

M. Fernando.

G. A. Joseph.

ig de

C. M

G. A. Joseph.

158 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XIX.

(9) M. F. Khan, Merchant : } (a) P. de Abrew.

recommended by (6) P. D. Khan.

(10) W. F. Skene : recommend- te (a) a Still.

ed by . A. Joseph.

(11) T. B. Madawala, President, 7 s Modder.

V. T. : recommended by (6 A. Joseph.

(12) J. W. A. Ilangakoon, B.A., F

L.L.B., Advocate: recom- Hie A. Daniel.

mended by A. Joseph.

(13) E. C. de Fonseka, Proctor :

recommended by

(14) Francis de Zoysa, Advo-

cate : recommended by

(15) G. S. Schneider, Advocate :

‘ M. Fernando.

(

( (

recommended by U(

} (

(

W. Perera.

EK.

C. M. Fernando.

K. W. Perera.

C. M. Fernando.

K. W. Perera.

Cc:

Bi.

€

M. Fernando

W. Perera.

Ferguson.

A. Joseph.

. M. Fernando.

. W. Perera.

. A. Joseph.

M. Fernando.

(16) F. A. Hayley, Advocate :

recommended by

(17) L. A. Mendis : recommend-

ed by

(18) D. R. A. P. Siriwardana,

Advocate : recommended by

(19) H. J. M. Wickramaratna,

Proctor : recommended by

(20) F. E. Vaid, Secretary,

Oriental Government Secu-

rity Life Assurance Co. Ltd. :

recommended by

4. Resolved that the following candidates be elected Mem-

bers :— /

(a) G. A. Joseph.

(b) A. Willey.

ee ot ae

(1) Miss M. Rollo: oe (a) J. Still.

mended by (6) D. F. Noyes

(2) Dr. W. P. Rodrigo, M.R.C.S.

(eRe eP Helee re He ren

commended by

ical

(3) O. M. Obeyesekera, Medica! ( OME Cunadeteta.

ae : a) A

Practitioner : recommended (b) W. F. Gunawardhana.

5. Laid on the table Mr. P. E. Pieris’s Paper on Portuguese

Ceilio, &c., revised by him at the suggestion of the Council.

Resolved,—That the Paper be now accepted, read at a Meeting.

and published in the Society’s Journal.

6. Laid on the table a Paper entitled “‘ Letters from Raja Sinha

II. to the Dutch,’ by Mr. Donald Ferguson.

Resolved,—That the Paper be referred to the Hon. Mr. J. P.

Lewis and Mr. R. G. Anthonisz for their opinions.

No. 58.—1907.] PROCEEDINGS. 159

7. Laid on the table a Paper entitled ““ The Dutch Embassy to

Kandy in 1731-1732,” &c., by Mr. P. E. Pieris, C.C.S.

Resolved,—That the Paper be referred to the Hon. Mr. J. P.

Lewis and Messrs. H. C. P. Bell for their opinions.

8. It was decided to invite His Excellency the Governor Sir

Henry McCallum to become Patron of the Society, and to ask

Sir Joseph Hutchinson, Chief Justice, and the Hon. Mr. Hugh

Clifford, Colonial Secretary, to join the Society and become Vice-

Patrons.

9. Resolved,—That a General Meeting be held shortly, and

followed by another Meeting in October, when His Excellency the

Governor as Patron would be asked to preside, and the Paper by

Mr. Donald Ferguson on “Joan Gideon Loten, F.R.S., the

Naturalist Governor of Ceylon (1752-57), and Ceylonese Artist de

Bevere’”’ would be read.

GENERAL MEETING.

, Colombo Museum, September 30, 1907.

Present ;

The Hon. Mr. John Ferguson, C.M.G., President, in the Chair.

Mr. C. M. Fernando, M.A.,LL.M., Dr. A. Nell, M.R.C.S.

Mr. J. Hornell. Mr. M. Supramaniyan.

Mr. R. John. | Mr. A. H. Thomas.

Mr. G. A. Joseph, Honorary Secretary.

Visitors : One lady and six gentlemen.

Business.

1. Read and confirmed Minutes of last General Meeting held

on May 30, 1907.

2. Laid on the table a list of thirty new Members elected

since the last General Meeting.

3. The CHarrMAN said that before entering on the business

before the Meeting he might mention that it was now certain that

a scientific authority was coming out and would be here by Decem-

ber next to investigate the sociology and everything connected

with the Veddas. He was also glad to learn that there would be

160 / JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON.) [VoL. XIX.

a moderate vote in the next Supply Bill in aid of the expenses

incurred. The name of the gentleman was Dr. C. G. Seligmann.

Dr. Haddon, in a letter to him, said: ‘‘ I think there is now not

the slightest doubt that Dr. C. G. Seligmann will be available this

winter. As I said before, he is thoroughly competent, having

been trained by Dr. Rivers and myself, and he has been twice to

New Guinea and once to Sarawak. Fortunately, though the

Drs. Sarasin have done a good deal, physical, &c., and recently

-archeologically, there is still much to be done, especially in

sociology, religion, magic, psychology, &c., and all this Dr. Selig-

mann can do extremely well.” They as a Society would do all

they could to welcome Dr. Seligmann in Ceylon.

Then they were interested to note that their Vice-President,

Mr. J. P. Lewis, was continuing his papers in the “‘ Architectural

Review.” In its August number appeared the concluding part

of his paper on Dutch Architecture, certain illustrations from

which were placed on the table for inspection.

Further, he had received from Mr. John Pole of Maskeliya an

interesting brief Paper, which he had sent at his request, with a

collection of stone flakes and other remains connected with the

Veddas. All this collection had been made by him after the

Drs. Sarasin had left, as Mr. Pole had presented to them his

previous collections. They felt it would not be fair to Mr. Pole

to bring up his Paper that evening as no announcement had been

made, and friends specially interested in the Stone Age would

like to be present. Atthe next Meeting they would have, too,a

Paper by Mr. Donald Ferguson on the Dutch naturalist Governor,

which with Mr. Pole’s paper might go well together.

The Chairman then invited Mr. C. M. Fernando to read Mr.

J. Still’s papers. Mr. Fernando, who had himself made a study

of numismatics, had brought to the Meeting his own collection of

old coins.

4. Mr. C. M. Fernanpo read the following Papers :—

(N04 NOGT TAVH

SNIO) NYNOT WUE

YNIMOHS

NOTICTD

nhagdy

;

Boleanjag

——

nupliiey SESS

Zoo NN. Wd TTS:

DOU

DUVOSSY, T ees ppopaimog pampnoyy

ol Pages VG yy

oo) te

No. 58.—1907.] ROMAN COINS. — 161

ROMAN COINS FOUND IN CEYLON.

By Joun STILL.

Au information I have been able to gather is embodied in

this Paper. At the same time no claim is made to have

exhausted the subject. Doubtless some references have been

overlooked, and probably many coins remain unidentified in

the hands of collectors. It is to be hoped that these gaps in

the record will be filled in by those who, possessing information,

read this Paper and notice omissions.

I have much pleasure in gratefully acknowledging help from

the following gentlemen, without whose courtesy this list

would have been far shorter than it is:—Messrs. H.C. P. Bell,

A. E. Builtjens, H. W. Codrington, C. M. Fernando, J. P.

Lewis, P. E. Pieris, C. D. Vigors, R. Wickremesinghe, and the

Colombo Museum authorities. Most particularly Mr. Bell has

opened to me many sources of information.

This Paper has for convenience been divided into three

portions, viz. :—

I.—General Remarks and Conclusions.

I1.—Description of the Finds.

III.—Detailed List of the Coins.

I.—GENERAL REMARKS AND CONCLUSIONS.

The Roman coins found in Ceylon, although of but little

value and numbering few that are rare in Kurope, occupy a

position of peculiar interest in the numismatic history of the

Island.

To show clearly how important they are, it is necessary, for

the benefit of those who have not made a special study of

Ceylon numismatics, to very shortly describe the large variety

162 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). . [Vou. XIX.

of coins that make Ceylon so interesting a field for the collector.

These may be roughly divided into three classes :—

(i.) Native, unmarked by letters or by any form of device

by which the date can be at all accurately ascer-

tained. .

(ii.) Native, bearing the name of the king who struck

them.

(iii.) Foreign.

(i.) includes eldlings or punch-marked coins, which are the

earliest form of coins known in India and Ceylon, and which

continued in use for a very long period of time.

Up to what date these eldlings remained in circulation is at

present uncertain ; but information recently available indicates

a considerably later period than had been believed likely.

Possibly they may have survived even until the 11th or 12th

century A.D. Besides the eldlings, there are various copper

coins which circulated in very early times, but which cannot

be definitely ascribed to any particular king or even dynasty.

Larins too, though of a much later period than these others.

must also be included in this class (i.), for they bear no inscrip-

tions which fix their date, and although of foreign type were

undoubtedly in many cases struck locally.

(ii.) includes a small class of coins, found in gold, silver, and

bronze, which were struck by the kings of Ceylon in the

Polonnaruwan period (12th and 13th centuries a.p.). They are

all similar in type, and each bears the name of a king or queen.

(ii1.) is by far the largest class, and includes coins of various

Indian dynasties, of the Chinese, Portuguese, Dutch, Vene-

tians, English, &c. But of all these, the earliest that bears

writing is the Raja Raja copper coin of the 11th century A.D.. |

save only the Roman coins which form the subject of this

Paper, and which were struck in the 3rd, 4th, and 5th centuries

A.D., chiefly in the 4th.

So from the beginning of Sinhalese history up to the 11th

century A.D. the only coins found in the Island which can be

accurately dated are the Roman issues. When it is added they

have been found in considerable quantities and in a variety

of places widely apart, their archeological value will be evident.

No. 58.—1907.| ROMAN COINS. . 163

At the beginning of this Paper is given a map marking all

places at which I have been able to obtain any record of Roman

coins. It is noticeable that nearly all harbours and mouths of

rivers on the west coast are marked, showing undoubtedly the

importance of the trade with India. It is curious that Jafina

and Trincomalee should remain unrepresented. Another

marked exception is Polonnaruwa, which is thus shown to

have been of comparatively modern foundation, or the exten-

sive excavations would surely have produced one specimen.

Further on a list of Roman coins found in Ceylon (so far as

T have been able to obtain information) is given. But before

proceeding to consider them in detail, it will be interesting to

compare our finds with those made in the far greater field of

India.“ Fortunately this is rendered easy by Mr. Robert

Sewell’s most interesting Paper, “Roman Coins found in

India,’* in which all available information has been tabulated.

Mr. Sewell divides the coins’ into five periods :—

(a) Time of the Consulate.

(5) Augustus to 68 A.D.

(d) 217 a.v. to 364 A.D.

(e) 364 a.p. to the end of the Empire.

Of period (a), Mr. Sewell notes 15 specimens; of period (0),

some thousands, “the product of 55 separate discoveries ”’; of

period (c), only a few score; of period (d), about a dozen; of

period (e), large numbers, mostly in the south.

The Ceylon specimens belong to (d) and (e), with only some

half dozen exceptions.

Mr. Sewell goes fully into the reasons for this fluctuation in

trade ; and as the same reasoning will in large degree apply to

Ceylon, I quote a paragraph explanatory of the revival of

trade in the fifth and last period :—

‘*The Hastern Empire at Constantinople, first occupied as a

seat of Government by Constantine the Great in 330 a.p., and

established as the capital of an Empire in 376 a.p., lasted

much longer and enjoyed far greater success. Almost in

* Journal, Royal Asiatic Society, October, 1904.

164 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XIX.

contact with Asia, and its upper classes having leisure as well

as wealth, it was natural for the Asiatic trade to improve.”

It may appear curious that the only remaining indication of

Roman trade should consist of small comparatively valueless

copper coins, and of a very small number of those of more

precious metal. But apart from the possibility that the bulk

of the trade may have been carried on by means of barter,

owing possibly to the unaccustomedness of the Sinhalese to see

coined money in large quantities, it does not seem to me, on

consideration, to be unlikely that the gold and silver currency

has practically completely disappeared.

When the great rarity of genwine* specimens of the Sinhalese

gold and silver currency of the 12th and 13th centuries 4a.p.

is remembered, it is not difficult to conceive that their more

remote Roman predecessors may have been nearly all melted

down, especially when it is borne in mind that the centuries

which separate the issues one from another, z.e., the 6th to 11th,

were among the most stormy and troubled in the history of

Ceylon—a time when the language and the written characters

were changing, when the country was continually in a state.

of civil war and was frequently over-run by invaders, and

when no man’s life or property was safe or secure. This period

was the Sinhalese dark ages.

Isit therefore to be wondered at if money, no longer current, +

was as rapidly as possible converted into ornaments which

might be worn upon the person, or melted down and dedicated

to the propitiation of the gods who so stonily hid their faces

from troubled Lanka ?

Another point to be considered with regard to these small

copper coins is that raised by Captain Tufnell in his “ Hints to

Coin Collectors in Southern India.” Captain Tufnell describes

coins found in the Madura District, which are very similar to

* How rare genuine specimens are I am inclined to think very few

people thoroughly realize. Gold ‘‘ Lankesvaras”’ and “‘ Vijaya Bahus”’

are turned out wholesale in Kandy now, and are so skilfully done that

most of them are duly absorbed into collections. The improved

manufacture of late is marked.

+ This would not apply to the silver eldlings so strongly, as I believe

they were current through this whole period.

No. 58.—1907.] ROMAN COINS. | 165

those found in Ceylon, and which, for several reasons, he

decides, were minted in India to meet local requirements.

After examining over two thousand copper Roman coins

found in Ceylon, [am convinced that our coins are true Roman,

and not coined either in Ceylon or India, with the exception of

the Naimana find and of a very few other specimens. I give

a few extracts from Captain Tufnell’s book, and at the same

time attempt to show clearly where the Ceylon finds differ.

But throughout this comparison it must be understood that

the Naimana find is excepted, and will be dealt with separately.

Of course I do not for a moment presume to criticise Capt.

Tufnell’s conclusions regarding the coins he found in India ; in

fact, when describing the Naimana find, I hope to strengthen

them ; but I wish to show that the great majority of the Ceylon

specimens, although in some respects similar, yet differ funda-

mentally from those described in “ Hints to Coin Collectors ”’ :—

Capt. Tufnell’s Couns.

(a) “‘ For the following rea-

sons I incline to the opinion

that they were struck on the

spot, and were not importations

from Rome. In the first place,

during a recent visit to Madura

and the surrounding villages

in quest of specimens, | came

across no less than seven of

these coins, Roman beyond any

doubt, but of a type which

appears to me to be totally

distinct from that found in

Europe.”

(8) “ Moreover, they are not

the kind of money that one

would expect the rich Roman

merchant to bring.”

(y) “ That they are found

almost exclusively in one lo-

Cality... >

Ceylon-found Corns.

(a) Among many hundreds

of specimens examined, I have

found that 99 per cent. of coins

that are sufficiently legible to

be made out clearly either on

obverse or reverse are of one or

other of the types described

in standard books on Roman

coins.

(8) AsI have already attempt-

ed to show, it is by no means

impossible that a large number

of gold and silver coins may

have been current and have

afterwards disappeared.

(y) A glance at my map will

show that Roman coins have

been found over half Ceylon.

166

(0) “On the obverse of all

that I have met with appears

an Kmperor’s head, but so worn

that with one or two exceptions

the features are well-nigh obli-

terated. In one or two speci-

mens a faint trace of an inscrip-

tion appears running round the

obverse, but hitherto I have not

come across a single specimen

in which more than one or two

JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON).

[Vou xix!

(6) My detailed list of coins

at the end of this Paper shows

more than sixty varieties identi-

fied and described. Especially

noticeable is the identification

in their exerga of the mint

abbreviations of Carthage, Tre-

veris, Antioch, Narbonensis,

Constantinople, Rome, and

other cities which had the privi-

lege of striking coins.

letters are distinguishable.”

These extracts are, I think, sufficient to show that our coins

are not of the same class as those found by Captain Tufnell.

Now to deal with the exceptions, which seem to be similar to

what Capt. Tufnell describes. At Naimana, near Matara, in

the Southern Province, a find was made of some 350 coins,

hitherto supposed to be Roman. But Iam glad to say they are

something a great deal more interesting than another find of 4th

century A.D., third brass coins, which would at most only add

one or two varieties to those already known in the Island.

They are in fact an issue struck in imitation of the Roman coins

of the 4th and 5th centuries a.D. Whether they were struck

in India or in Ceylon there is not much evidence to show.

They may be the same as the coins Capt. Tufnell found near

Madura ; but, whereas his specimens were all quite illegible, ©

many of these are well enough preserved to admit of detailed

description. But before describing them I must explain the

sources of my information :—

(i.) The Colombo Museum possesses seventeen of these

Naimana coins.

(ii.) Mr. Buultjens sent for my inspection ten specimens.

Unfortunately the rest of his collection was carried

off by burglars.

(iii.) Mr. H. C. P. Bell possesses eighty-eight coins of

precisely the same type as the foregoing, which he

bought in the Pettah of Colombo.

(iv.) Two coins of this type were dug up at Anuradhapura

during the excavation of the monastery known as

Toluvila.

No. 58.—1907. | ROMAN COINS. 167

In size and in general appearance the imitation and the real

Roman money tally pretty well ; but a closer examination of

the workmanship and design at once makes evident the decep-

tion. Of the ninety-four specimens which are sufficiently well

preserved to be determined, no less than twenty-six bear heads

facing left, the remaining sixty-eight face right. This is 274

per cent. of heads to left, whereas the ordinary Roman coins

with hardly an exception face right. This discrepancy is

explainable by the fact that, although the Sinhalese coiners

were used to making dies for coining money, yet their own

designs presented few, if any, designs that would suffer

from reversal, whereas in the picture of a head it is very

noticeable.

Most of the faces are distinguished by rather full lips,

characteristic more of the Asiatic than of the European type of

feature ; and the noses are not Roman but straight, owing, I

think, to lack of skill on the part of the artist. The diadem has

been retained ; but in several specimens the two ends of the

fillet, which show in the Roman coins behind the head, have

been exaggerated and multiplied into something resembling

locks of hair. But, though of crude execution, these coins

retain sufficient resemblance to the Roman coins to render

them infinitely better representations of the human form

divine than the figures on the later coins of Parakrama Bahu

and his successors.

_ Evidently the craftsmen who manufactured the coins had no

knowledge of the Roman writing, for the inscription round the

head is replaced by various makeshifts, which serve to fill the

coin, and which indeed at a little distance or in worn specimens

give quite the effect of letters. In some specimens the writing

is represented by a series of small stars, in others by rows of -

dots or of the figure 1, and in yet another by a serrated line

like a piece of string knotted at short intervals. Four or five

of the heads bear helmets, and in one or more this has de-

generated into a sort of cap, or even a turban.

Now to turn to the reverses. Sixty of the 117 coins are

sufficiently clear to enable one to describe them in some detail.

F 36-07

168

JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

These I have classified as follows :—

(i.) Imitation of the type common to Constantine I. and

his successors, representing two soldiers on either

side guarding a standard. The varieties of this run

through a regular series, beginning with a very fair

imitation of the Roman design and ending with a

- mere diagram of lines which bears no manner of

likeness to its original. Round the edge is seen an

imitation of an inscription in the same manner as

on the obverse. Of this type there are thirty-three

specimens.

(ii.) A cross, after the fashion found on the coins of many

of the Christian Emperors, save that a plain circle

is substituted for the surrounding wreath. Of this

type there are five.

iii.) A standing figure, which I take to be a pseudo-

Victory. Of this type there is only one.

(iv.) A design of two, three, or four concentric circles.

Of this type there are six.

(v.) A design after the fashion of a wheel. This in its

simplest form is four intersecting lines forming an

eight-armed cross. The next development was to

substitute a small circle with radiating arms, which

vary in number up to nearly thirty. In most

cases this design is ehclosed in a circle, and some-

times is surrounded by an imitation legend.

No exergum or mint mark is visible on any of the coins.

Owing to their bad state of preservation, no photograph can

adequately represent them ; but it is hoped that the illustration

given will be sufficient to indicate the points described.

All of the coins, both Roman and imitation, have been

thoroughly well used, and are so worn that even where corro-

sion has not pitted the surface only a small percentage can be

accurately read and identified. But designs are less easily

obliterated than are inscriptions, and the majority of the coins

can safely be fixed to within a limited period. Beyond that,

however accuracy can only be obtained by actually reading

No. 58.—1907.] ROMAN COINS. 169

the inscription, for though the heads, when well preserved, can

be recognized as portraits, one head diademed right is very like

another, while in the majority of cases the reverse is of a

pattern common to the coins of several Emperors.

Finally, before proceeding in Part II. to detailed descrip-

tion, I give a list of the Emperors and Cesars whose coins have

been found in Ceylon :—

1. Claudius I. or Il., 49-54 | 14. Crispus, 317-326 a.p.

A.D. or 268-270 A.D.* 15. Constantinus II., 335-340

2. Nero, 54-68 A.D. A.D.

3. Vespasianus, 70-79 A.D. 16. Constans, 337-350 a.pD.

4. Trajanus, 98-117 A.D. 17. Constantius II., 337-361

5. Antoninus, 138-161 a.p. A.D.

6. Marcus Aurelius, 161-180 | 18. Constantius Gallus, 351-

A.D. 354 A.D.

7. Geta, 209-212 a.p. 19. Julianus II., 358-362 a.p.

8. Aurelianus, 270-275 A.D. 20. Helena, 360 a.p.

9. Maximianus II., 292-311 21. Valens, 364-378 A.p.

A.D. 22. Gratianus, 375—383 A.D.

10. Maximinus II., 308-313 23. Valentinianus II., 375-

A.D. 392 A.D.

11. Licmius I., 307-324 a.p. 24. Theodosius 1.,379-395 a.p

12. lLicinius II., 317-323 a.p. | 25. Victor, 383-388 a.p.

13. Constantinus I., 306-337 | 26. Arcadius, 395—408 a.p.

A.D. 27. Honorius, 394—423 a.p.

Il.—DESCRIPTION OF THE FINDS.

Mantota.

I am indebted to Mr. P. E. Pieris for this passage from

De Couto :—

‘Por in the year of our Lord 1574 or 1575, when Joao de

Mello de Sampaio was Captain of Manar, while some buildings

on the opposite shore, called the district of Matota—where

to-day great ruins of Roman masonry may still be seen—were

being pulled down, the workmen who were digging up a rock

* This is a most doubtful identification. See under Mannar.

170 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

came upon a portion of the foundation. This was removed.

anteren ees There were also found two copper coins, one en-

tirely worn out and a gold coin worn out on one side, while on

the other was shown a man’s head from the shoulders upwards.

Round it could be traced fragments of letters, obliterated in

part, but the first stood out quite clearly as a C, though the

succeeding ones could not be deciphered. The lettering ran

quite round, and among them could be traced RF, M, N.

“We are of opinion that the letter C is the initial of the name

Claudius, the following letters which were worn out reading

Imperator, while R, M, N were clearly meant for Romanorum.’’

I am of opinion that De Couto was wrong in ascribing the

coin to Claudius on such very slender grounds.

Claudius I. (41-54 a.p.) is styled on his coins “‘ Ti Claudius

Cesar Aug. P. M. Tr. P. Imp.” Claudius IL. (268-270 a.p.)

is styled variously ‘“‘ Imp. Claudius Cesar Aug.,” “‘ Imp. C. M.

Avi. Claudius Aug.,” and ‘“ Diuus Claudius Gothicus.”

Not one of these would suit.

Some of the coins of Constantinus I. would suit the descrip-

tion. Add to which we have found several of Constantine’s |

brass coins, and none belonging to Claudius.

In the Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic

Society, vol. I. (3), 73, occurs the following reference to Roman

coins :—

“Sir Alexander Johnston states that in the ruins at the same

place [Mantota] a great number of Roman coins of different

Emperors, particularly of the Antonines, have been found.” —

In the Journal of the Ceylon Branch of the Royal Asiatic

Society, vol. I. (3), 157, in a Paper by the Hon. Mr. Justice

Stark, mention is made of “a coin of lead 75 grains in weight,

having on one side a Roman head, and on the other an eagle

standing on a thunderbolt, asin the Roman Scrupulus.” There

is no further information given.*

Kalpitiya.

Mr. H. W. Codrington, C.C.S., possesses two small copper

Roman coins found at Kalpitiya. He kindly sent them to

* This sounds like a billon coin, and was probably Greco-Roman.

No. 58.—1907.] ROMAN COINS. 171

me to examine. Unfortunately they are quite illegible, but

they undoubtedly belong to the same period as do the

bulk of those described, 7.e., between Constantine I. and

Honorius.

Hendala.

At Hendala, at the mouth of the Kelani-ganga, was found a

Roman coin with the full face head of a young Emperor. The

reverse is a winged Victory bearing a long cross. I think the

coin belongs to either Arcadius or Theodosius II.

Colombo.

In 1889 a large find of nearly 300 coins was made in Colombo,

in or near the Military Cemetery, and was sent to Mr.

H. C. P. Bell for identification.

Mr. Bell’s identification and notes appeared in the “‘ Ceylon

Literary Register’ in November, 1891; and from there I

have taken over their descriptions and added them to my

list. They include the following :—

Crispus, No. 1. Constantius Gallus, No. 1.

Constantinus II., Nos. 2, 3. Valentinianus II., Nos. 1, 2, 4.

Constans, Nos. 1, 2, 3. Theodosius I., Nos. 3, 4, 5.

Constantius IT., Nos. 1, 2, | Arcadius, Nos. 3, 6, 7.

3, 4. Honorius, Nos. 1, 2, 3, 4, 5.

Colombo (Galle Face).

In 1887, while the Galle Face battery was being built by

prison labour, several hundred Roman coins were turned up.

‘Little trouble seems to have been taken to collect them, but

there are a few specimens in the Colombo Museum, and both

Mr. H. C. P. Bell and Mr. C. D. Vigors have kindly allowed

me to see specimens they secured. All are of precisely the

same period as the majority of the finds, and they include

the following :—

Constantius II., No. 1. Arcadius, No. 7.

Valentinianus IJ., No. 1. | Honorius, Nos. 2, 3.

Theodosius I., No. 6.

172 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

Colombo (Petiah).

Mr. H. C. P. Bell has at different times picked up Roman

coins in various shops in the Pettah, Colombo. Of course, being

found in the bazaar of a great cosmopolitan city, there is

always the possibility of their having been imported in some

way or other, but it is best, I think, to include them among

the Ceylon finds. The first is a beautifully struck silver coin

of Geta, there are several of the ordinary small brass of the

4th century, and finally a most interesting find of exactly the

same type as the Naimana coins.

Geta, No. 1

1 t :

Arcadius, No. 3 Netmane ype

Balapitiya.

In 1896 finds of Roman coins were made on two of the little

islets in the Madu-ganga. The larger find was on Peruma-

marakkala-duwa, and is said to have aggregated about 13 |b.

This, taking the average of the coins I have examined, would

amount to some 5,800 coins. It was rumoured at the time

that there were gold and silver coins in the hoard, but none

ever came to light.

Mr. H. C. P. Bell secured some 250 of the coins, and has

kindly allowed me to examine them. The majority are

very much corroded, but the following are legible :—

Constantinus I., No. 4. | Theodosius I., Nos. 1, 5.

Constans, Nos. 4, 5. t Arcadius, Nos. 3, 6, 7.

Constantius II., Nos. 1, 2. | Honorius, Nos. 1, 3, 4.

Valentinianus IT., No. 2. |

The second find was on the island named Gonaduwa.

Its numbers I do not know further than that it was described

as a “ large quantity.”

Of Mr. Bell’s twenty-two specimens, the only legible one is

Arcadius No. 2.

Bouregoda.

This is a small village near Weragoda in the Southern Pro-

vince. In 1888 some villagers digging a grave came upon

No. 58.—1907.] ROMAN COINS. 173

some Roman coins. Mr. Bell secured forty specimens, among

which are the following :—

Constantius I1., No. 1. Arcadius, No. 6.

Valentinianus IT., No. 5. | Honorius, No. 2.

Theodosius I., No. 1.

: Hikkaduwa.

Mr. R. Wickremesinghe kindly sent for my inspection

seventeen Roman coins supposed to have been found at Hik-

_ kaduwa. They included :—

Constantius Gallus, No. 1. Gratianus, No. 1.

Valens, No. 1. | Arcadius, Nos. 5, 6.

Gintota.

’ Mr. P. E. Pieris, C.C.S., kindly allowed me to examine some

Roman coins in his possession. They were found at or in the

neighbourhood of Gintota, were half a dozen in number,

and included the following :—

Constantius II., No. 1. | Honorius, No. 7.

Arcadius, No. 6.

Galle.

In April, 1906, I obtained the following Roman coin in a

jeweller’s shop in the Fort of Galle :—

Theodosius, No. 1.

Note.—Probably the coins from Hikkaduwa, Gintota, and

Galle all form part of some find made in that neighbourhood.

Matara.

Mr. J. P. Lewis obtained two Roman coins from the rest-

house-keeper at Matara some years ago. One of them, which

he kindly let me see (and has since presented to the Colombo

Museum), is a large copper coin of Galerius Valerius Maxi-

mianus, No. 1 in the list.

174 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

Naimana.

In 1887 or 1888 Mr. A. E. Buiiltjens found about 300 coins

in the possession of a villager, who had dug them up. Seven-

teen of these are in the Colombo Museum, and Mr. Buiiltjens

kindly sent me ten toexamine. These are all henow possesses,

as the rest were taken by burglars. All of the coins are

imitation Roman. I have described them fully above.

Tissamaharama.

In the Colombo Museum there are four small Roman coins

found by Mr. Parker at Tissamaharama. They are not legible,

but clearly belong to the same period as the bulk of those

described.

Batticaloa.

In the Museum Catalogue five coins are mentioned as being

found at Batticaloa. Among them are the following :—

Arcadius, No. 2. | Theodosius, No. 6.

Anuradhapura.

Tn the course of excavations at Anuradhapura Roman coins

have frequently been found in small quantities at a number

of different places, viz., Toluvila, Abhayagiri, Thuparama,

Selachaitiya, the Buddhist rail, Sanghamitta’s tomb, &c.

Unfortunately nearly all the specimens are too much corroded

to be identified, though they are evidently of the same

period and type as the rest. One Theodosius, one Arcadius,

and two coins of the Naimana type are all that can be

identified.

Mihintale.

Some fifty or sixty Roman coins were found at Mihintale

some years ago. They are of the same type as the majority

of the rest, but are too corroded to admit of identification.

Sigiriya.

This is not one “ find,” but many. Apart from the several

heavy finds of coins made in digging the prison rock terrace

and the moated islands, Roman coins have been found singly,

No. 58.—1907.] ROMAN COINS. - 175

and in small quantities together, all over Sigiriya wherever

excavated : summit, terraces, and the city below. Indeed,

during that period it almost seems as though they were the

current coinage of the short-lived capital of Kasyapa the

Parricide. Sigiriya’s record in coins is as follows :—

Punch-marked eldlings .. 8

Sinhalese coins of the Polon-

naruwa period (13th cen- |

tury A.D.) ow 4

Roman coins, chiefly of

the 4th century A.D... 1,675

Such an enormous preponderance of one type leaves little

doubt that it was that in circulation. The latest Roman

coin is that of Honorius, who died 423 4.D., only a few years

before the reign of Kasyapa.

_ That the coins were freely used is quite evident from their

worn condition, and it is quite noticeable that those of older

date are much more worn than those of later date. The

following have been identified :—

Licinius IT., No. 1. Valens, No. 2.

Constantinus I., Nos.1,2,3, 4. | Gratianus, Nos. 1, 2.

Constantinus II., No. 1. Valentinianus I1., Nos. 1, 2, 3.

Constans, Nos. 1, 4. Theodosius I., Nos. 1, 2, 3, 5,

Constantius IT., Nos. 1, 3, 4. Gea:

Constantius Gallus, Nos. 1,2. | Victor, No. 1.

Julianus II., No. 1. Arcadius, Nos. 3, 4, 5

Helena, No. 1. Honorius, Nos. 1, 2, 3.

6, 7.

Kandy.

In January, 1905, in a jeweller’s shop in Kandy, while

searching through a basin full of hundreds of mixed copper

coins, I found 84 small brass Roman coins. The jeweller did

not know where they had been discovered further than that

he had bought them from a Kandyan villager who had

dug them up. The following were identified and sent to the

Colombo Museum :—

Constantius II., Nos. 1, 2, 4.

Constans, No. 3.

Valentinianus, No. 1.

Gratianus, No. 1.

Theodosius I., Nos. 1, 5, 6.

Arcadius, Nos. 1, 2, 3, 5, 6.

Honorius, Nos. 1, 2.

MWB ae. JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

Mr. H. W. Codrington afterwards obtained one in Kandy,

probably in the same shop. It was Honorius, No. 6.

Kurunegala District.

Somewhere in this district were found six coins of Roman

emperors. They are thick coins of billon, an alloy of copper

and silver. Struck at Alexandria, and bearing Greek inscrip-

tions, these coins are not strictly Roman. They are in fact

Roman colonial coins, and may as such find a place in this

Paper. They are as below :—

Nero, No. 1. Trajan, Nos. 1, 2.

Vespasian, Nos. 1, 2. | Marcus Aurelius, No. f.

Badulla.

A fine copper coin bearing the head of Aurelian was found in

the Badulla river. Like the above it is a colonial coin, and

bears an inscription in Greek.

In the Museum is a small copper coin of Arcadius, which

came from Badulla :—

Aurelian, No. 1. | Arcadius, No. 5.

————

T1.—DeEtTAILeD List OF THE COINS.

The object of this list is to serve as a reference for collectors

who have not opportunities of seeing either collections of or

books on Roman coins. It also serves the purpose of showing

at a glance exactly what Roman coins have been found in

Ceylon.

In a few instances it is rather doubtful whether a coin belongs

to the first or second emperor of the same name; and

although care has been taken to avoid mistakes of this kind,

no claim is made to have attained absolute accuracy.

The overlapping and apparent confusion of dates is explained

by the fact that there were often several rulers who shared

between them the Empire and the title of Emperor. For

instance, Gratianus I. shared his power with Valentinianus I.

and Valens, next with Valens and Valentinianus II., and finally

with Valentinianus II. and Theodosius I.

No. 58.—1907.] ROMAN COINS.. 177

Where not otherwise stated, all the coins in the list are small

brass. I believe them all to be what are known as “ third

brass.”’ But the distinctions between first, second, and

third brass are so subtle that in some instances this opinion

may be wrong.

The letters G, 8, or C against a coin denote respectively gold,

silver, or copper, the latter being used in its most comprehen-

give sense of including all forms of brass and bronze.

The following abbreviations occur on coins described :—

“Alm. P”? = Alexandric Percussa, the mint mark of Alex-

andria.

** Ant. ”’ = Antiochie, the mint mark of Antioch.

** Ant. A.”’ = Antiochie officina prima.

** Ant. H.” ) = Antiochice octava officina.

pss eR. 2) pail).

‘** Concordia Augg.’’ = Concordia duorum augustorum, used

| when two emperors reigned together.

** Concordia Auggg.” = Concordia trium Augustorum, indi-

cates that at the time of its use three emperors

shared the Empire.

** Cons. A.” = Constantinopolis officina prima. The mint mark

of Constantinople.

“Cons. T.”’ = Consiantinopolis tertia officina.

7, Op (Sate Ge

*D.N.” = Dominus noster.

* D.N. Fl. Cl. Constantius Nob. Ces.’’ = Dominus nosier Flavius

Claudius Constantius nobilissimus Cesar.

“D. V. Constantinus P. T. Augg.’? = Divus Constantinus Pia

Tranquillitas augustorum. Appears on coins of Con-

stantine the Great struck after his death.

** Fel. Temp. Reparatio’’? = Felix temporum reparatio.

“ F]. Helena Augusta”? = Flavia Helena Augusta.

“Fl. Jul. Constantius Nob. C.” = Flavius Julius Constantius

Nobilissimus Cesar. )

“Gal. Val. Maximinianus Nob. Ces.” = Galerius Valerius

Maximanus Nobilissimus Cesar.

“Imp. C. Gal. Val. Maximinus P. F. Aug.” = Imperator Cesar

Galerius Valerius Maximinus Pius Fela Augustus.

“Imp. C. Val. Licin. Licinius P. F. Aug.” = Imperator Cesar

Valerius Licunianus Licinius Pius Felia Augustus.

** Just. Ven. Mem.” = Juste Venerande Memorie, on a post-

humous coin of Constantine I.

178 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vout. XTX.

* Lug.” = Lugdunensis, the mint mark of Lyon.

“Max. Aug.” = Maximus Augustus.

“<P. F. Aug.” = Pius Felix Augustus.

“P. Sept. Geta. Cas. Pont.’ = Publius Septimus Geta Cesar

Pontifex.

“S M. Ant.” = Signata moneta Antiochie. The mint mark

of Antioch.

“8. M. Ant. B.”?) = Signata moneta Antiochie officina secunda.

~ S. M. K.?? \& Signaia moneta Carthagine. The mint mark

of Carthage.

8. M. KIA.” f = Signata moneta Carthagine apierne prima.

*°S. M. N.’’ = Signaia moneta Narbone or Nicomedere.

Mint mark of Narbonensis or Nicomedia.

“§.M.N.A.” ( = Signata moneta Narbone or Nicomedeve

officina prima.

iS. MER ea = Signata moneta Rome. The mint mark of

f Rome.

“S.M.R.O0.” J = Signata moneta Rome officina.

Nici oy Leon = Signata moneta Treveris. The mintmark of

oe a Ms oo Treves.

“Vot. V.”’ = Votis quinquennalibus.

““Vot. X., Mult. XX.’ = Votis decennalibus multis Vicennalibus.

“Vot. XX., Mult. XXX.”’ = Votis Vicennalibus Multis tricenna-

libus.

No. Nero (54-68 a.p.).

]

Obverse ; pas head of Nero. Right.

( Alloy) .. KAAYKAISSEBrEP[M]....”

Reverse : Head of Agegrippina. Right.

‘“* (ArPI] [1 PJINASEBASTH....”

In field ‘‘ [A ’? which indicates 57-58 A.D.

Struck at Alexandria.

Vespasianus (70—79 a.D.).

1 .. Obverse : Laureated head of Vespasian. Right.

(Alloy) ‘* (ANT|OKKAIZ3E(B)AOVES [] ASIANOV.”

In field ‘‘ [8 ’? which indicates 69—70 A.D.

Reverse : Figure of the city of Alexandria standing left,

with wreath in extended right hand and

sceptre in left.

No legend.

Struck at Alexandria.

2 .. Obverse : Laureated head of Vespasian. Right.

** [AVTO] KKAISSEBAOVES [] ASIAN [ov].”

In field “* [B.”? = 69-70 a.D.

No. 58.—1907.]

No.

1 eae

(Alloy)

Teele

(Alloy)

Q-=

Reverse :

ROMAN COINS. ~ 179

Figure of Roma wearing crested helmet,

standing left, spear in right hand and shield

on left arm.

PBIOUNMUET

Struck at Alexandria.

Trajanus (98-117 a.D.).

Obverse :

Reverse :

Obverse :

Reverse :

Marcus

Obverse :

Reverse :

Laureated head of Trajan. Right.

““ AVTKAITPAL...”’

Eagle to right.

In field ‘‘ La,”’ indicating 100-101 a.p.

Struck at Alexandria.

Laureated head of Trajan. Right.

‘* AVTKAITPATA. .””

Canopus of Osiris, wearing head dress of horns,

disc, ureei, and plumes.

In field ‘L€,” indicating 101-102 a.p.

Struck at Alexandria.

Aurelius (161-180 a.p.).

Bearded and laureated head of Marcus Aure-

lius. Right.

... AVPHAIOC..”’

Helios in his car drawn by four horses.

In field “ LZ,” indicating 163-164 a.p.

Geta (209-212 a.p.).

Obverse :

Reverse :

Head of Cesar. Right.

*“ P. Sept. Geta. Czes. Pont.”

Standing figure of Minerva. Right.

** Nobilitas.”’

Aurelianus (270-275 a.p.).

Obverse :

Reverse :

Bust of Aurelian, laureated head. Right.

** AKAAOMAVPHAIANOCCEB.”’

Eagle, with open wings, wreath in beak.

Head right. 7 |

* €TOVC.”

In field ““S,” indicating 274-275 a.p.

Struck at Alexandria.

OiS

JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

Maximianus Jf. (292-311 a.p.)

Obverse : Laureated head of Emperor. Right.

“Gal. Val. Maximianus. Nob. Czs.”’

Reverse : Genius holding in left hand a cornucopia and

with right hand pouring a libation.

‘““Genio Populi Romani.”

In exergue “ ANT.”

Maximinus If. (308-313 a.p.).

Obverse : Laureated head of Emperor. Right.

“Imp. C. Gal. Val. Maximinus P. F. Aug.”

Reverse: Genius with modius on head, on left arm

cornucopia, pouring libation.

In field “‘ B. K. P.”

‘““Genio Imperatories.”’

In exergue “ LUG.”

Licinius 1. (307-324 a.p.).

Obverse : Diademed head of emperor. Right.

“Imp. C. Val. Licin. Licinius P. F. Aug.”

Reverse: Jupiter wearing pallium, holding Victoriola in

right hand and spear in left ; before him an

eagle bearing a wreath in beak.

In field “ C. 8.”

“ Jovi Conservatori.”

In exergue “S. M. N.”

Licinius Ef. (317-323 a.p.).

Obverse : Bust of Cesar, helmeted head. Left.

Legend illegible.

Reverse : Winged Victory. Legend illegible.

Gonstantinus I. (306-337 a.D.).

Obverse : Bust of emperor, diademed head. Right.

‘““Constantinus Max. Aug.”

Reverse : Two soldiers guarding a standard.

‘Gloria Exercitus.”’

In exergue “S. M. N.”

No. 58.—1907.]

No.

Q >

Obverse :

Reverse :

Obverse :

Reverse :

Obverse :

Reverse :

ROMAN COINS. — 18]

Pog

Bust of emperor, diademed head. Right.

** Constan [tinus, &c.] (?).”

Two Victories

illegible.

Veiled head of emperor. Right.

‘*D.V. Constantinus P. T. Augg.”’

Standing figure of Justitia, left, bearing scales

in right hand.

«« Just. Ven. Mem.”

In exergue “S. M. A. N. T.”

Veiled head of emperor. Right.

““D. V. Constantinus P. T. Augg.”’

Emperor (?) driving a chariot and four horses.

Legend illegible.

bearing wreaths. Legend

Crispus (317-326 a.p.).

Obverse :

Reverse :

Bust of emperor, diademed head. Left.

Legend illegible.

Across field “‘ Crispus,” ‘° Czesar.”’

In exergue “8S. M. A. N. T. B.”

Constantinus ff. (335-340 a.p.).

Obverse : Bust of emperor, diademed head. Right.

Reverse :

Obverse

Reverse :

Obverse

Reverse

Obverse

*“ Constantinus [P. F. Aug.] (?).”

Two soldiers guarding a standard. Legend

illegible.

Bust of emperor, laureated head,

over left shoulder.

“ Constanti{nus P. F. Aug.]”’

Two soldiers, armed, guarding two standards

on either side.

** Gloria Exercitus.”’

Exergum illegible.

looking

Bust of emperor, helmed and paludated, face

looking left. Spear over left shoulder.

** Consta[ntinus P. F. Aug.] (?).”’

Winged Victory, left, with spear and shield,

within a circle. Legend illegible.

In exergue “8S. M. T. 8.”

Emperor’s head. Right.

“*Constantinus [P. F. Aug.] (?).”

182

@e)

JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

Reverse : Two soldiers guarding two standards on either

side.

** Gloria Exercitus.”’

Exergum illegible.

Constans (337-350 A.D.).

Obverse : Diademed head of emperor. Right.

““D. N. Constans. P. F. Aug.”

Reverse: Laurel wreath enclosing “Vor. XX. MULT.

DOO:

Exergum illegible.

Obverse : Diademed head of emperor. Right.

*“'D. N. Constans. P. F. Aug.”

Reverse : Winged Victory, left, holding wreath.

Var. Aug.>?

Exergum illegible.

Obverse : Diademed head of emperor. Right.

““D. N. Constans. P. F. Aug.”

Reverse : Two winged Victories bearing wreaths.

Legend illegible.

Obverse : Diademed head of emperor. Right.

*¢ D. N. Constans. P. F. Aug.”’

Reverse : Two soldiers guarding a standard.

** Gloria Exercitus.”

In exergue “S. M. K. A.”

Obverse : Diademed head of emperor. Right.

*“Constans. P. F. Augg.”’

Reverse : Illegible.

Constantius If. (337-361 a.p.).

Obverse : Diademed head of emperor. Right.

“D. N. Constantius P. F. Aug.”

Reverse : A soldier spearing a prostrate horse and its

rider. |

‘‘Fel. Temp. Reparatio.”

In exergue “Ant” or “S. M. T. BR.” or

{¢ As eB

133

No. 58.—1907.] ROMAN COINS.

No.

2 Obverse : Diademed head of emperor. Right.

C *“D. N. Constantius P. F. Aug.”

Reverse ;: Within laurel wreath “Vor. XX. Motz.

XXX.”’

Exergum illegible.

3 .. Obverse; Diademed head of emperor. Right.

C ** D. N. Constantius Aug.”

Reverse : Two soldiers guarding a standard.

“ Gloria, Exercitus.”

In exergue “S. M. A. B.” (2S. M. T. R..).

Obverse : Diademed head of emperor. Right.

“'D. N. Constantius P. F. Aug.”

Reverse : Standing figure, helmed, holding spear in leit

hand, right arm extended.

*“Spes Reipublice.”’

Exergum illegible.

Constantius Gallus (851-354 a.p.).

Obverse : Diademed head of Cesar. Right.

“D. N .FI. Cl. Constantius Nob. Caes.”’

_ Reverse : Soldier piercing a fallen horse and rider with a

spear.

“Fel. Temp. Reperatio.”’

Exergum illegible.

2 .. Obverse: Bust of Cesar, diademed head. Right

“Fl. Jul. Constantius Nob. C.”

C .

Reverse : Two soldiers guarding a standard.

** Gloria Exercitus.”’

In exergue “S. M. K. A.”

Julianus ff. (358-362 a.p.).

1 ... Obverse ; Head of emperor.

| Legend illegible.

On comparing this head with an illustration

in ‘‘ Roman Imperial profiles,” there can be

no doubt that the coin belongs to Julianus.

Right.

Reverse : Standing figure.

Legend illegible.

36-07

OQ vo

JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

Helena (360 a.D.).

Obverse : Bust of empress, diademed head. Right.

“Fl. Helena Augusta.”

Reverse : Standing female figure, bearing a branch in her

hand.

Legend. illegible.

Valens (364-378 A. D.).

Obverse : Bust of emperor, diademed head. Right.

“DAN: Valens. ee aus. -

Reverse : Standing figure (of emperor ?).

‘“‘ Gloria Romanorum.”

Exergum illegible.

Obverse : Bust of emperor, diademed head. Right.

“D. N. Valens. P. F. Aug.”

Reverse : Winged Victory, left, bearing a wreath.

‘* Felicitas Reipublice.”

In exergue “ A.N.T.”’ or ** A.L.E.”

Gratianus (375-383 A.D.).

Obverse : Bust of emperor, diademed head. Right.

“D. N. Gratianus P. F. Aug.”

Reverse : Laurel wreath conclosing “ Vor. XX. Mutt.

XXX.”

In exergue “S. M. K. A.”

Obverse : Similar to the preceding, but larger, both as

regards the head and the letters.

Reverse : Ilegible.

‘Valentinianus HI. (375-392 a.p.).

Obverse : Bust of emperor, diademed head. Right.

“D. N. Valentinianus P. F. Aug.”

Reverse : Winged figure of Victory holding a captive by

the hair. Monogram of Christ in field.

“ Salus Reipublice.”’

In exergue “S. M. R. O.” or “S. M. K. A.”

Obverse : Bust of emperor, diademed head. Right.

“D. N. Valentinianus P. F. Aug.”’

Reverse : Laurel (or oak) wreath containing “‘ Vor. X.

Morr. XX.”

Inexergue 5S. Mei or 7S. Me Bee

No. 58.—1907.]

No.

CQ wo

Obverse :

Reverse :

Obverse :

‘ Reverse

Obverse :

Reverse :

ROMAN COINS. 1&5

Bust of emperor, diademed head. Right.

“D. N. Valentinianus P. F. Aug.”

Winged Victory, left, holding aloft a wreath.

“Salus Reipublice.”

Exergum illegible.

Bust of emperor, diademed head. Right.

“D. N. Valentinianus P. F. Aug.”

: Emperor or soldier walking to right, dragging

small captive by the head.

** Gloria Romanorum.”’

Exergum illegible.

Bust of emperor, diademed head. Right.

“<[D. N. Vjalentinian[us P. F. Aug.]’’

Helmed figure seated on a throne with spear in

left hand and some object in right.

* Concordia Auggg.”’

In exergue “A. N. T. H.”

Theodosius i. (379-395 a.p.).

Obverse

Reverse

Obverse

Reverse

Obverse

Reverse

Obwerse

Reverse

: Bust of emperor, diademed head. Right.

*“ D. N. Theodosius P. F. Aug.”

: Winged figure of Victory holding a captive by

the hair. Tones of Christ in field.

** Salus Reipublice.”’

In exergue “8S. M. T. R.” or “C. O. N.S. T.”

-: Bust of emperor, diademed head. Right.

““D. N. Theodosius P. F. Aug.”

: Laurel wreath enclosing a cross.

Exergum illegible.

: Bust of emperor, diademed head. Right.

Star behind head.

“D. N. Theodosius P. F. Aug.”

- Three standing figures.

** Gloria Romanorum.”’’

In exergue ““S. M. K. A.”

-: Bust of emperor, diademed head. Right.

“D.N. Theodosius P. F. Aug.”

: Winged Victory, left, holding wreath.

Legend illegible.

186 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (VoL. XIX.

5 .. Obverse : Bust of emperor, diademed head. Right.

C “D. N. Theodosius P. F. Aug.”

Reverse : Laurel wreath enclosing ‘‘ Vor. X. Mutt.

DOXGs

In exergue *“ S. M. K. A.”

6 .. Obverse : Bust of emperor, diademed head. Right.

C Star behind head.

““D. N. Theodosius P. F. Aug.”

Reverse ; Two standing figures with spears.

Legend illegible.

7 .. Obverse : Bust of emperor, diademed head. Right.

C “'D. N. Theodosius P. F. Aug.”

Reverse : Laurel wreath enclosing *“‘ Vor. XV. Mutt,

XOXe

Exergum illegible.

Victor (383-388 a.D.).

1 . Obverse : Bust of emperor, diademed head. Right.

C “DN. Victor’ P. i. Aug.’

Reverse : Open gate with two towers, between which

a star.

Legend illegible.

Arcadius (395-408 a.p.).

1 .. Obverse : Bust of emperor, diademed head. Right.

Cc “D. N. Arcadius P. F. Aug.”

Reverse ; EWmperor on horseback.

**Gloria Romanorum.”’

Exergum illegible.

2 .. Obverse ; Bust of emperor, diademed head. Right.

C A star behind head.

“D. N. Arcadius P. F. Aug.”

Reverse : Three armed figures standing.

‘* Gloria Romanorum.”’

In exergue “S. M. K. A.”

3 .. Obverse : Same as the preceding, but with much smaller

C head.

Reverse : Laurel wreath enclosing ‘‘ Vor. V.”

In exergue “S. M. N. A.”

ROMAN COINS. 187

: Bust of emperor, diademed head. Right.

“D. N. Arcadius P. F. Aug.’’

: Laurel wreath enclosing “* Vor. X. Mutt.

: Bust of emperor, diademed head. Right.

“D. N. Arcadius P. F. Aug.” (Sometimes

the final “2” is omitted, and the legend

ends “* P. F. Au.’’)

-. Winged figure of Victory holding a captive by

the hair. ome) of Christ in field.

** Salus Reipublice.”’

In exergue “S. M. K. A.”

-: Bust of emperor, diademed head. Right.

“D. N. Arcadius P. F. Aug.”

: Emperor standing, with spear and _ shield,

being crowned by Victory with a wreath.

* Virtus Exerciti.”’

In-exergue “A. N. T.. Hi.”

: Bust of emperor, full face, helmed and palu-

dated, spear overright shoulder, and shield

on left arm.

7D: N- Arcadius P. Fk. Aug.”

: Concord seated, helmed, spear in right hand.

Victoriola on left hand.

** Concordia Augs. ee

In exergue “A. N. T. H.”

Bust of emperor, diademed head. Right.

‘*'D. N. Arcadius P. F. Aug.”’

Standing female figure. Right.

** Salus Reipublice.”’

In exergue “‘C. O. N.S. T.” :

Honorius (394-423 a.p.).

No. 58.—1907.]

No.

4 ... Obverse

Reverse

5 Obverse

Reverse

6 Obverse

Reverse

7 Obverse

Reverse

8 Obverse :

Reverse ;

L Obverse :

Reverse :

Bust of emperor, diademed head. Right.

-Star behind head.

‘**D. N. Honorius P. F. Aug.”

Three figures standing, armed with spears.

*“ Gloria Romanorum.’’

Im-exergoue “* A, N.. H.,° “A. N. TT. A.,”

cr S.. MN. At’

188

Obverse

Reverse

Obverse

Reverse

Obverse

Reverse

Obverse

Reverse

Obverse

Reverse

Obverse

Reverse

JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON).

: Bust of emperor, diademed head.

[Vou. XIX.

: Bust of emperor, diademed head. Right. .

**D. N. Honorius P. F. Aug.”

: Two figures armed with spears.

** Gloria Romanorum.”’’

In exergue ~'S: Mike vAcZ

: Bust of emperor, diademed head. Right.

*D.N. Honorius P. F. Aug.”

: Emperor standing, armed with spear and

shield, being crowned by Victory with a

wreath.

‘“* Virtus Exerciti.”’

Invexercue:” ©: O. Nos A.:

: Bust of emperor, diademed head. Right.

‘“‘D. N. Honorius P. F. Aug.”

: Emperor helmed, standing, facing right.

spear in right hand, Victoriola on left.

Legend. illegible.

: Bust of emperor, diademed head. Right.

‘“D. N. Honorius P. F. Aug.”

: Emperor on horseback.

‘* Gloria Romanorum.”’

: Bust of emperor, diademed head. Right.

**'D. N. Honorius P. F. Aug.”

- Winged figure of Victory left, dragging a

captive by the hair.

in field.

‘Salus Reipublice.”’

In exergue “‘C.O. N.S. T.”

Monogram of Christ

Right.

Star behind head.

‘*D. N. Honorius P. F. Aug.”

: Standing figure of Victory (left) offering

some object to (?) emperor.

Legend illegible.

No, 58.—1907.] ROMAN COINS. 189

APPENDIX.

Every coin collector knows what endless toil and trouble,

besides straining of the eyes, is incurred in the cleaning of old

coins that are caked with green or red patina. A certain

amount of this incrustation can be loosened by the use of lime

juice, citric acid, &c., but in a large number of cases the only

method which seems available is the use of a knife. This is

not only a great trouble and a danger to the coin, but often

the result is unsatisfactory.

It may therefore be of interest to briefly describe the

method adopted by the Archeological Survey Department.

The method is the invention of Herr Krefting, and is described

in detail in a little book called ‘‘ The Preservation of Anti-

quities,”” published by the Cambridge University Press. The

results are most satisfactory. If the inscription or design that

was on a coin is completely gone, this method of treatment

can do nothing. But if the inscription is still there and only

obscured by a hard crust of patina, Krefting’s method will

bring it out in the most wonderful manner, at the same time

rendering all the incrustations so soft and soluble that they

can easily be removed by rubbing the coin between the fingers

with brickdust and water.

The modus operandi is as follows : A thin sheet of zinc must

be perforated with a bradawl of about 4 inch diameter at

intervals of about 2 inches round the sides and at similar dis-

tances across the centre. This is placed flat with the sharp

edges of the holes uppermost, and on it are laid the copper

coins, each distant from its neighbour about the length of its

own diameter, that is to say, on a sheet 6 in. by 6 in. about

sixteen coins, each ? inch in diameter, can be laid, and there

will be a similar number of holes. On this is superimposed an

exactly similar plate of zinc and another layer of coins. In

this way six or eight double layers—zinc and coins—can be

laid, so that each sheet rests on the edges of the holes in the

sheet below, and on the top is placed a covering sheet with the

190 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XIX.

edges of the holes downwards. The whole are now placed

in a glass or earthenware dish and a weight is put on the top,

so that each zinc plate is not only strongly in contact with the

edges of the holes in the plate below, but also presses on the

coins which lie between. Over the whole is poured a 5 per

cent. solution of caustic soda (sodium hydrate 2 oz., water

1 quart), which converts the zinc and copper into a galvanic

battery. In twenty-four hours the process is complete (unless

the coins are very much incrusted, when a longer time is re-

quired), and the coins may be taken out and at once thoroughly

rinsed in water. They should then be placed in a dish and

hot water poured over them. This washing should be re-

peated four or five times, and the coins should be allowed to -

soak for a day, after which they can be cleaned by rubbing

with soft sifted brickdust and water, grit being carefully

excluded. They should then be thoroughly dried by hot

sunlight (tropical) or by placing in the oven for a few minutes.

When in the solution the bottom zinc plate should rest on

supports (not on the bottom of the dish), so as to allow the

dissolved matter to settle.

Everything which has been in caustic soda should be

rinsed before handling. 3

The solution and zine cannot be used twice, but are so cheap

that this does not matter. Prolonged immersion does not

seem to damage coins.

Single coins or small batches can be treated easily by

merely wrapping them in zinc tapes and immersing. The

zinc should be the thinnest procurable. |

No. 58.—1907.] ELDLINGS. _ 191

NOTES ON A FIND OF ELDLINGS MADE IN

ANURADHAPURA.

By JOHN STILL.

In August of this year (1906), during the course of

excavations in the north end of the archeological reservation

known as Vessagiriya, a find was made of seventy eldlings

or punch-marked coins. The interest which attaches to this

particular find lies, not in the symbols, for all of the coins

are bad specimens, but in its position.

One of the greatest puzzles of Ceylon numismatics is the

question as to what coinage immediately preceded that which

may be called the Polonnaruwan type.

The punch-marked eldlings are known.to have existed in

remote antiquity. Major-General Sir A. Cunningham surmises

that they may possibly have been current even 1,000 years

B.C.,* but so far as I can gather they have not been placed

lec than up to 150 4.D.+

Tf this date, 150 a.D., which appears to be estimated to be

about the limit of their circulation in India, is accepted for

Ceylon as well, we are left with a great gap of some 1,000

years almost unrepresented by any indigenous currency.

Indeed, practically the only coins found in the Island which

can be safely placed in that period are Roman or South

Indian.

Judging from the number, distribution, and condition of

the Roman coins found, it is safe to assume that they

were in pretty general use during the 4th and 5th centuries

A.D., so that we are at once confronted with this difficulty.

Is it likely that a nation who were accustomed to using

* «« Coins of Ancient India,” page 43. t Loe. cit., page 55.

192 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

money would remain for many centuries without any? I

think it is almost inconceivable that they should do so;

yet it remains to be demonstrated that there was a coinage

in circulation.

Prof. T. W. Rhys Davids* says that coins were unknown

in Ceylon in the 4th century a.p., and ascribes to Parakrama

Bahu I. the credit for having introduced the art of coining

into Ceylon. But he wrote thirty years ago, and had not a

tithe of the information we have now, and he mentions

neither eldlings nor Roman coins. Nevertheless, the question

regarding the currency has never been settled, and it is

the light which it throws on this matter that renders the

find under consideration so interesting.

The conclusion I draw from the circumstances of this

find is that the punch-marked eldlings were in circulation

right up to the time that they were supplanted by the issues

of the Polonnaruwan type. In order to give this theory a good

chance of acceptance, it will be necessary to enter into

considerable detail, and to describe at some length both the

coins found and the surroundings of the building in which —

they were found. I shall take the latter first.

One mile south of Anuradhapura (the present village),

in the midst of paddy fields under the Tissa tank, is situated

the rock temple Isurumuniya. At the present time the

rock itself, the pansala, and a limited compound comprise

the whole area generally recognized as Isurumuniya Vihare.

But a very short examination of the neighbourhood is

sufficient to show that the old boundaries of the vihare were

much wider.

Some half a mile from the rocks of Isurumuniya is another.

much larger group of rocks known as Vessagiriya. It is very

easily seen that in this case also the old boundary enclosed

very much more land than is included in the present archzo-

logical reservation. |

When both of these establishments were in their pristine

state they were therefore close neighbours, and not separated,

as at present, by half a mile of paddy fields.

* «¢ Numismata Orientalia,’? Ceylon, page 26, section 48.

No. 58.—1907.] ELDLINGS. 193

In the Mahavansa* it is stated that Kasyapa I. (479-

497 A.D.) repaired the Isurumuniya Vihare, making it larger

than before, and calling it after the names of his two daughters

and after his own name. His own name was Kasyapa,

and his daughters were named Uppalavanna and Bodhi.

The inscription slab, which (it is practically certain) came

from a position 50 yards south of the building in which the

coins were found, bears two inscriptions.t Both of these

chronicle grants made. to the monastery Bo-Upulvan-Kasub-

giri Vehera. } :

Even without any further evidence there can be hardly any

doubt that the site known as Vessagiriya is that occupied by

the vihare built by Kasyapa in the 5th century a.p. But

further evidence is found in the resemblance of the style of the

_ recently excavated buildings to the style of much of Sigiriya,

Kasyapa’s fortress capital; in the fact that in a cave

immediately opposite the supposed site of the inscription

slab, and within 40 yards of the excavated buildings (writing

in September, 1906), there is an inscription, not legible, but

of that period, as told by the form of the letters; and in the

existence in another cave, within twenty yards of the first,

of the remains of a painting in which all that is left strongly

resembles in character the famous Sigiriya frescoes.

It may thus be taken as proved that the excavations

now in progress are bringing to light a 5th century vihare

named Bo-Upulvan-Kasub-giri Vehera.

But both of these inscriptions which mention the name are

of far later date. One is dated in the 9th and the other in

the 10th year of the reign of Mahinda IV., who reigned,

according to Wijesinha’s computation, from 975 to 991 a.p.

So we are certain that this Bo-Upulvan-Kasub-giri Vehera

was flourishing up to about 1000 a.p. This has been

already stated in Hpigraphia Zeylanica, but I have added a

little information here to that given in that publication, and

have stated the case at greater length, because this find of

* Mahavansa, ch, XX XIX., vv. 10-12; also mentioned in Epigraphia

Zeylanica, vol, I., page 31,

+ Hpigraphia Zeylanica, vol, 1., page 29,

194 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

eldlings makes it of importance to leave no doubt as to the

identification of the site. |

Having now proved that the building in which the coins —

were found was in a flourishing condition 1000 a.D., it re-

mains to show conclusively that the coins had not lain

where they were buried for many years prior to the abandon-

ment of the monastery. Fortunately this is settled beyond

all doubt by the fact that the coins were found in a passage,

on brick pavement, at the foot of steps that must have

been used daily. They cannot have possibly lain where

they were found for even a day during the occupancy of the

monastery. But they may have been—probably were—

concealed in the roof in a bag. They were found in a heap

all together, showing that they had fallen in a bag, or

cloth, or box, or perhaps in the folds of a man’s clothes.

Even if they were concealed in the roof, that should not long

antedate their disappearance from use. And for all we know

to the contrary, the vehera may have been undisturbed until

a considerably later period than 1000 a.p.

The evidence so far given is sufficient, in my opinion, to make

it almost certain that these coins were in circulation up to,

or nearly up to, 1000 a.p. But there is yet another way of

gaining evidence on this point, and that is by examining the

state of the coins themselves.

As already stated, the coins were found in a small heap.’

They are seventy in number, and consist of sixty-eight silver

coins, one silvered copper, and one copper coin. This last

I take to be the core of a silvered copper coin, and I have

therefore left it out in all the calculations. Of the sixty-nine,

thirteen are circular, and the rest square or oblong, with

sometimes a corner cut off, probably for the correct adjust-

ment of the weight to the recognized standard. All of the

coins are very much worn, so much indeed that of sixty-nine

no less than thirty are worn so smooth as to show no sign

whatsoever of the original punch marks.

But as the punch marks were not all put on at one time, but

mark successive stages in the life of the coin, a better criterion

to their age than the dimness of the device will be afforded

No. 58.—1907. | ELDLINGS. 5 195

by the degree in which they have deteriorated from their

original weight. Major-General Sir A. Cunningham* gives

the weights of punch-marked coins as follows :—

z Karshapana = 14:4 grains, called Tankha or

Padika.

4 Do. = 28°8 do. Kona.

call Do. = 576 do. Karshapana,

Dharana, or

Purana.

10 Do. = 57°6 do. Satamana or

Pala. |

Now, although the existence on one of these coins of a com-

paratively well-preserved punch mark is no proof that the

coin was not in circulation for a long time previous to the

application of that mark, yet the existence of very much

' worn marks is proof that the coin was in circulation for a very

long time after the punch was used.

Major-General Sir A. Cunningham, after trying some 800

coins, came to the conclusion that the average wear of a

Karshapana was about 14 grain per century.+ His estimate

is based on quite unequalled experience, and must therefore

be accepted as correct in so far as such an estimate can be

correct.

Taking into consideration the fact that all of these coins are

greatly worn, as may be seen by their marks, which are in all

cases almost obliterated, I think we may safely say that all

those which are in their present condition 25 grains and

upwards in weight must have originally been whole Karsha-

panas weighing 57:6 grains each.

To take a very much worn coin of 25 grains to have been

originally 28:8 grains in weight does not allow enough margin

for deterioration in weight consequent on wear. Assuming,

therefore, that those which are now 25 grains and over in

weight are deteriorated Karshapanas, we have fifty-three

coins averaging 30°73 grains. Supposing them to have cir-

culated for fifteen centuries—from 500 B.c. to 1000 a.p.—

* <« Coins,of Ancient India,”’ page 46, t+ Loc. cit., page 55.

196 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XIX.

they will have deteriorated at the rate of just over 12

erain per century. Not very far from Major-General Sir A.

Cunningham’s estimated rate, which is of necessity only

approximate.

Of the remaining coins, those under 25 grains in weight all

save one are doubtful. I do not feel at all sure that they,

too, were not originally whole Karshapanas, but prefer on the

whole to leave them as doubtful. The one concerning which

there can be no doubt is one weighing 15 grains. This is so

comparatively well preserved that I have little doubt that

it is a Kona or half Karshapana. Assuming, as before, that

it has seen some 15 centuries of wear, it will have deteriorated

in weight at a rate of -87 grain per century. The criterion |

of weights therefore gives us quite a reasonable amount of

corroborative evidence in favour of the protracted usage of

these coins.

At the end of these notes I have given a table showing the

weight of each coin, and by quoting the number of designs

visible on each side, indicating the condition of preservation. —

The only other matter worthy of notice is the question of the

symbols shown on these coins. Very nearly all are obliterated,

but the best examples are shown in the accompanying plate.

None of the symbols are peculiar to Ceylon, and all may be

found on reference to W. Theobald’s Paper on the subject.*

In the list below, where I have noted a coin as bearing

punch marks, it does not necessarily mean that these are

even partly legible. In most cases they are not. Where

even a small dent attests to the former existence of a mark

I have noticed it, as itis the more valuable evidence of

age and of wear in proportion to its seeming insignificance.

The plate shows typical specimens of the find, which have

been chosen for their comparatively well-preserved appearance.

The numbers refer to the list below. |

* «¢ Notes on some of the Symbols found on the Punch-marked

Coins of Hindustan,” Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal, 1890,

vol. LIX.

No. 58.—1907.] ELDLINGS. 197

Table of Weights and of Wear.

Square and Oblong Covns.

No. . Grains. Obverse. Reverse.

1 38 ws — —

2 35 ae — ae

3 34 a4 — aities

4. 34 oy a teal

5 34 we — dah

6 34. nu — —

7 33 Ae he — HUES

8 33 J

9 a 32 — —

10 « 3 a sea

1] we 31 3 1

12 a 31 — aa

13 ig 31 3 nek

14 as 31 2 aol

15 ie 31 — ——

16 a 30 2, —

17 we 30 2 1

18. es 30 ]

19 ef 30 i — as —

20 ee 30 es i} 1

Dall aie 30 3 1

22 Ly, 29 i Sau

23 ae 29 ae 3 1

24 ae 29 Bue 1 au

25 Ws 29 = use

26 ag 29 — ae

27 man 29 _ ate

28 Me 28 1 _

29 ay 28 4. —

30 as 28 1 —

31 ag 27 Z 1

32 rae 27 a —

33 ae OAT — = ——

34 bye 27 — —

35 See ine 26 — —

36 et 26 Be aa —

37 am 26 dee — —

38 ° es 26 “xs 4 « 2

39 ie 26 3 # i]

198 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

No. Grains. Obverse. Reverse.

40 eat 1G me 2 i 1

41 ; 26 ng 3 oe —

42 3 25 a — ae —

43 ae 25 av — aie —

44 a 24 - _ a

45 es 23 we 4 Hie —-

46 a 23 — =

Ae ae 2x3) — —

48 aan De, Nes i aie 1

49 ie 92 hepa . 1

50 ae 21 — —

51 aN 21 — —

52 oe 20 1 oe

53 a 20 a 1 1

54 aie 20 Gye 3 1

55 Hor 18 1 —

56 Sa 15 6 5

Circular Coins.

57 — 434 4 si

58 we 38 1 ——

59- oe 37 —- —

60 ee 36 3 1

61 ae 35 3 1

62 zi BD ua 1 ==

63 2 34 a 3 za

64 fe 334 4 H

65 om Be — —

66 Sa 26 2 I

67 Bie 24 — —

68 aA 23 1 —

69 us 22, 3 —

The numbers in the columns marked “‘ Obverse’’ and “ Reverse”’

refer to the number of punch marks on the coin. No. 66 is the

copper silvered coin. It is broken, and probably weighed several

erains more.

Note.—Since writing the above I have noticed, in the Colombo

Museum coin cabinet, a Kurumbar coin which supports my idea

of the comparatively late survival of the eldlings. In this coin

the head of the bull on the obverse has been quite obliterated

by punch marks similar to those on eldlings. The swastika for

one is plainly visible. The Kurumbars flourished broadly trom

the 6th to the 9th century.

COINS

‘Ss PUNCH-MARKED ”

No. 58.—1907.] EARLY COPPER COINS. 199

SOME EARLY COPPER COINS OF CEYLON.

By Joun STILt.

ARCHAOLOGICAL problems may be divided broadly into

two classes: Firstly, those which present a great deal of

conflicting evidence, often seemingly irrelevant, all of which

has to be thoroughly sifted before the rejection of the major

part discloses the truth; and secondly, those which at first

sight seem to offer no tangible evidence at all.

The study of Ceylon’s numismatics constantly brings one

up against dead walls of this latter description, where one is

confronted by questions of considerable historical interest

which seem to be almost impossible to solve.

Perhaps the most important of all these questions is the

mystery which prevails regarding the money used by the

Sinhalese before the introduction from India of the coinage

bearing names. The Mahavansa abounds with references to

money ; but so far as I know there is no existing literature

available to the historian or coin collector which throws any

light on the nature of this money.

In the hope of to some extent remedying this lack, I have

already written on the subject of the silver punch-marked

coins or eldlings and on Roman coins found in Ceylon; and

it is with the same purpose in mind that these somewhat

scanty notes on the early copper money have been put into the

form of a Paper.

The materials from which I have drawn my information

are the collection of Ceylon coins in the Colombo Museum, the

collection in the custody of the Archeological Survey Depart-

ment of Ceylon,* and Mr. H.C. P. Bell’s fine private collection. +

Mr. C. D. Vigors, too, has been kind enough to help me.

* Now transferred to the Colombo Museum.

+ I desire here to record my indebtedness to Mr. Bell, who not only

put his collection and notes at my disposal, but also assisted me much

by his great knowledge of the bibliography of the subject, not only in

this but also in former Papers on Coins.

H 36-07

200 JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XIX.

There must be coins that would fall within the scope of this

Paper in the hands of collectors. Where coins are of little

intrinsic beauty or value they are only of interest because they

are links ready to be forged into a chain of historic evidence ;

and it is a pity when this interest is minimized by their being

unknown to any but their owners.

Punch-marked Coins.

Small, square, oblong, oval, or round discs of copper,

generally bearing no device of any kind, but occasionally

showing light traces of punch-marks, are sometimes found.

In all cases that have come before me these are merely the

copper cores of silvered punch-marked coins. They are found

in all stages of peeling, from those in which the copper is only

just exposed to those in which all traces of the silver coating

have disappeared.

Copper eldlings have been found in India, and in all proba-

bility existed in Ceylon; but so far as I know none have been

yet discovered in this Island.

These are more properly classed with the silver eldlings,

but are mentioned here as they might easily be mistaken, when

thoroughly worn, for copper coins pure and simple.

Single-die Coins.

During the excavation of the ruin enclosed by the Buddhist

railing, close to Abhayagiri Dagaba in Anuradhapura, eight

small, roughly square, copper coins were found in company

with a few Roman coins of the fourth or fifth century A.D.

At Selachaitiya Dagaba another coin of the same type was

found, also with similar Roman coins, and during the excava-

tion of the northern end of Vessagiri a tenth specimen was

unearthed, which possesses enough of its character in common

with the others to be included in the same class. For lack of

another name I have described these as single-die coins.

All of these coins are more or less deeply concave on one side,

and either flat or slightly convex on the other.

The natural inference is that they were struck with a die

on one side, the other being left plain. Coins of this style

have already been described by General Cunningham in his

No. 58.—1907.] EARLY COPPER COINS. 201

“Coins of Ancient India.”* Describing the coins of Taxila,

he says: “ Figs. 6 to 17 are single-die coins, the reverse being

quite plain. They present some well-known Buddhist symbols,

such as the Chaitiya and the Bodhi tree.” Owing to their

hopeless state of corrosion, I am unable to make out any of the

devices on any of the ten specimens available; and for the

same reason it is difficult to imagine what their original weight

may have been. With the exception of two, which are broken,

they now weigh as below :—

ol grains | 30 grains | 23 grains | 19 grains

ee |, 28, Le 2250. eo

the heaviest being the one from Vessagiri, which differs from

the rest in being circular.

From their company their date may be roughly estimated

to be about 500 a.p., for the Roman coins with which they

were found at the Buddhist railing and at Selachaitiya are of

the fourth and fifth centuries a.p., and the building in which

the Vessagiri specimen was discovered flourished from the

fifth to tenth centuries a.p., and perhaps later.

In style a single-die coin is the natural link between punch-

marked and double-die coins. But in this case I think it

must have been the result of degeneration, for the circular

double-die coins, to be described later, were undoubtedly

modelled on the punch-marked eldlings, and must have existed

prior to 500 A.p. Ten specimens, all at present available,

are too few to establish the type as being undoubtedly

Sinhalese. They may come from India. We can only hope

for finds of better specimens.

Circular Double-die Coins.

_ In 1884 Mr. H. Parker published in the Journal of the

C. B. RB. A. S. his interesting paper on archeological discover-

ies at Tissamaharama. Among other coins found he men-

tions a roughly circular copper coin bearing Buddhist symbols

on either side. This coin was at that time unique; but fifty

* ¢¢ Coins of Ancient India,’”’ by Major-General Sir Alexander

Cunningham, page 61.

H 2

202 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

or more specimens have since been found at Anuradhapura,

and others at Mantota; the coins are, however, very rare.

Those from Anuradhapura were found E.N.E. of Abhayagiri

Dagaba, not far from the Malwatu-oya. Having had oppor-

tunities of carefully examining about thirty of these coins,

I am able to give a much more accurate description than was

possible from Mr. Parker’s single not very good specimen. In

general appearance the coins are roughly circular, averaging

1-31 inch in diameter and 75 of an inch in thickness. They

are fairly uniform in size, but vary a little in weight, twenty

examples I weighed averaging 242°75 grains, and varying

from 197 grains to 275 grains. They probably represent the

dwipana or double copper karshapana, in which case their

correct weight would be 288 grains, and their value 4 of the

silver karshapana or punch-marked eldlings.*

Although these latter were in use so early as to have been

known as “ purana,” or “old,” in the earliest Buddhist

literature, they survived in Ceylon at least until the fifth

century A.D., and not improbably a great deal later, so that

they were almost certainly in circulation together with these

large copper coins, which it is natural to suppose represented

some integral part of their value.

At first sight it may seem unlikely that coins so diverse in

type as punch-marked money and money struck in a double-

die were current at one and the same time. But it will be

shown further on that these copper coins are modelled from the

punch-marked coins, and that their die was in point of fact

only a group or arrangement of symbols which already existed,

stamped irregularly on the punch-marked coinage. The

calling in or suppressing of a coinage would have been very

difficult in ancient times, so that even if the eldlings were

succeeded by an improved silver coinage, after the pattern

of these copper coins, they probably continued in circulation

side by side until the older money either became exhausted

or was discredited through loss of weight. That some such

silver coinage existed is probable, but no specimens have as yet

been discovered.

* << Coins of Ancient India,”’ page 46.

No. 58.—1907.] EARLY COPPER COINS. 203

On all of the double-die coins, with the single exception of

the unique } pana described later, the design is practically the

same, though in a few specimens the symbols on the obverse,

which I have denominated H and J, are transposed, and in two

cases I, the trisula, is reversed, and stands upside down.

On both obverse and reverse the design consists of various

symbols so arranged as to fill up nearly the whole space of the

field, odd corners being occupied by single, or sets of three,

dots, and the whole enclosed in a circle.

The obverse is a design consisting of five symbols arranged

- thus :—_

EBD

A.—A swastika mounted on a staff or pole, and surrounded

by what seems to be a fence.

B.—A triangular symbol.

C.—An elephant walking left, with trunk extended.

D.—A stupa, symbol of three cells. |

H.—A three-branched bo-tree in an enclosure, with, on

either side, a taurine, or ball and crescent symbol,

below the branch.

The reverse shows four symbols arranged thus :—

F.—A swastika exactly the same as A.

G.—A similar stupa to D.

H.—A symbol consisting of two triangles joined apex to

apex, with a bar across the joint.

I.—A trisula.

So there are in all eight symbols, viz., A and F, swastika ; B,

triangular symbol; C, elephant; D and G, stupa; EH, tree; H,

double triangle symbol; I, trisula, and finally the ball and

crescent, which forms part of HK.

All of these symbols, except the irisula, are found on silver

punch-marked coins, a strong argument in favour of these

204 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

circular coins having been the immediate successors of the

punch-marked eldlings.

All of the symbols are Buddhist ; that is to say, each symbol

ean be justly taken as indicative of Buddhism, if its surround-

ings allow of the probability of such being the case.

This sounds rather unconvincing, but, when analyzed,

almost all symbolism goes far back beyond the days of the

religion which it commonly typifies. Christianity, for instance,

uses many pre-Christian symbols. But as the cross, though

pre-Christian, is everywhere recognized as emblematic of that

religion, so the tree, the trisula, and other symbols, each in

itself much older than the time of Gautama Buddha, are to be

fairly included among Buddhist symbols. '

Doubtless to the king who struck these coins they were

emblematic of Buddhism and of little else. But taken

separately and examined critically they are sufficiently

interesting to excuse a somewhat longer notice of them than is

perhaps strictly necessary in a coin Paper. The swastika is a

universal symbol of good fortune, and is found throughout half

the world. Its origin and age are alike unknown.

The stupa is meant to represent a dagaba enclosing (in this

instance) three relic cells. The tree, although not clearly

recognizable as a bo-tree, may be presumed to be one, as it is

enclosed within a railing.

The ball and crescent symbols which accompany the bo-tree

may represent the sun and moon, or perhaps the full and new

phases of the moon; in which case the Buddhist association

of this symbol is easily realized, when it is remembered that

Buddhist festivals are all at fixed lunar periods.

The elephant, as the vehicle of Indra, who figures so largely

in Buddhist mythology, is also Buddhist in this case. Nor

must the occurrence of the elephant be thought to be indicative

of a decadent period of Buddhism, and thus of comparatively

late date, for Buddhism was only a reformation of Brahmin-

ism; and, as Rhys Davids has pointed out, Buddha himself

lived and died under the conviction that he was an ulira

sincere Hindu.*

* «¢ Buddhism,” by T. W. Rhys Davids, page 83.

No. 38.—1907.] EARLY COPPER COINS. 205

The trisula is of remote eld, and its import is unknown. It

has been considered phallic, and it has been thought to be a

form of the scarabeus. But as it occurs among the propitious

_ signs on Buddha’s footprints, it may be included as an adopted

child of Buddhism. An example very similar to the type on

these coins occurs on an Amaravati carving of Buddha’s

footprints and another on the pavement round Thuparama

Dagaba.

There remain the triangular and the double triangular

symbols; and these are so alike that | fancy their origin and

meaning is probably in both cases identical.

Mr. Theobald, in his Paper on punch-marked coins,* figures

symbols very like these, and explains them as “food receptacles

for birds,” conjecturing that they have evolved from a figure

of a begging-bowl placed on a post. I must confess this

seems a little hard to follow. Of the two symbols, the larger

seems to be only a more ornate form of the smaller, whichis 7.

On the rock at Vessagiri in Anuradhapura one of the second

century B.C. inscriptions ends with a symbol 4, evidently

closely allied to 7%, and perhaps not far removed from >

the crux ansata, which was the Egyptian hieroglyphic

meaning “life to come,” and probably in its origin phallic.

But whether food receptacles or no, these symbols are

evidently Buddhistic in Ceylon, or they would not. occur, as

at Vessagiri and elsewhere, in the stone-inscribed dedication

of a cell to the “ priesthood of the four quarters.”’

Together with the large coins described above must be

included a small coin that was found near Thuparama Dagaba

in Anuradhapura. Unfortunately this specimen is (so far as

I know) unique, and is much damaged. It weighs in its

present state 16 grains; but in addition to being worn it is

broken, and in all probability only weighs half or even less

than half of its original weight. I am inclined to think that it

probably was the 1 pana of 36 grains, and thus 4} of the

larger coins described above.

* <«« Noteson some of the Symbols found on the punch-marked Coins

of Hindustan,” by W. Theobald.—Journ. of the Asiatic Society of

Bengal, 1890, Part I., No. 3:

206 JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

On the obverse appears part of an elephant with extended

trunk, and above that a triangular symbol. Adopting the

same letters as in the larger coins, the obverse, so far as

remains, is thus :— te

N a

On the reverse the stupa and swastika symbols occur as on

the larger coins, and the double triangle symbol is faintly

visible :—

SS lie

At the end of this Paper an attempt is made to examine the

available evidence, and to settle the approximate dates of

the various issues described. Absolute and incontrovertible

evidence is lacking. But I think the inferences deduced may

fairly stand as the most probable estimate until new discoveries

either confirm or shake my conclusions.

Coins or Plaques.

What have been already described have, with all their

uncertainty of period, &c., at least certainly been money. But

the objects now to be described have been the subject of some

difference of opinion, the point at issue being “ are they money,

or are they not?”’ Having had opportunities of examining

some 200 specimens from places widely apart, and having

through Mr. Bell’s kindness had access to a good deal of

correspondence bearing on the subject which he has carefully

kept by him for some years, I am able perhaps to throw more

light on this question than has been possible hitherto.

Before entering into the question of whether or no they are

coins, and if not coins, what they are, I will fully describe

them. |

They divide primarily into two and secondly into five types

or classes, the first and main division being between (A) those

in which the device is struck on to more or less malleable metal,

and (B) those which are cast and which would break sooner

than bend.

No. 58.—1907.] EARLY COPPER COINS. | 207

(A) Struck plaques divide into three varieties, which will be

dealt with separately.

(i.) Roughly oblong pieces of thin sheet copper, which

measure about 14” x 4”. These measurements are only

approximate, and no two pieces are exactly alike.

In thickness they vary as much as in size, averaging about

‘04 of an inch. In weight they are anything from 20 to 60

grains.

As with their weight, size, and thickness, so with the device,

which varies frequently in detail, though never departing far

from the common type, which is as follows :—

Obverse.—A standing full-face female figure occupying the

whole length of the plaque. This goddess, for such I take her

to be, holds in either hand a staff slightly higher than her

_ shoulders and surmounted by some object which may be a

trident. On her arms are bangles, and she wears anklets. She

also wears conspicuous nee Apparently she is draped in

a very curt skirt. 2 |

Reverse.—A swastika exactly like that on the coins described

above. In most cases the emblem is thus t., but in a few

instances .f—,. With its staff and rail this swastika occupies

the whole length of the reverse. On either side of this is a

symbol. On one side a bull recumbent, and on the other a

vase or pot containing flowers, probably three conventional-

ized lotus buds. As a rule, the bull occupies the left field and

the flower pot the right ; but they are often transposed, and

notinfrequently one or both is reversed and placed upside down.

The manufacture of these plaques is of the most careless

description. Evidently sheet copper was sliced into strips of

suitable width, which were then chopped up into pieces small

enough to fit the die.

No single specimen that I have seen was well struck even on

one side, and in no instance is the whole of the device clearly

visible. That this is not the result of wear may be clearly

seen on examination of the edges, which remain so sharp that

almost any specimen would cut the skin if drawn sharply across

one’s finger. The corners, too, are exceedingly sharp in some

instances, and are quite unworn in all.

— 208 _ JOURNAL, RB.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XIX.

An examination of the plaques leaves no doubt that they

were never circulated and used as money.

In this class (A) (i.) quite 99 per cent. of all the plaques from

Mullaittivu, Anuradhapura, Mantota, and Polonnaruwa must

be included.

(ii.) The next class are those in which the female figure is _

replaced by a male figure in a sitting position, with the right

leg hanging down and the left tucked up beneath him. In

his hand he seems to bear a weapon similar to that held by the

goddess, and on his head appears a conical cap. The reverse

is in every way simiar to (i.), and in all points, save in the

figure, the two classes are similar. Of this type (ii.) there

are six specimens, five from Maullaittivu and one from

Anuradhapura.

(iii.) A single specimen found within Kiribat Vehera at

Anuradhapura has evidently been struck, and must come

under (A), but in several ways it differs considerably from

(i.) and (ii.). It measures 7§” x $2”, and is very thin,

weighing only 134 grains. It has been cut from sheet copper,

but is of superior workmanship to any of (i.) or (ii.). The

obverse is a very rough representation of a female figure as in

the larger plaques. The reverse bears the usual swastika ; but

the bull and vase are replaced by two curved EUS thus a:

What these mean I do not know.

(B) Cast plaques.—(iv.) The most striking are oblong

plaques with outcurving sides—barrel-shaped—which were

unearthed near Thuparama in pony with the small double-

die coin described as being possibly a + pana.

There are three specimens all too rich damaged for the

weight to be accurately determined. It may have amounted

to 80 grains. On the obverse is a graceful representation of

the standing goddess, and on the reverse is the usual swastika,

with a symbol in the field on either side. That on the left may

be a trisula ; that on the right I am unable to determine.

(v.) Together with these barrel-shaped plaques and the {

pana was found a single small oblong specimen, which I think

iscast. It is much corroded, but appears similar to the general

No. 58.—1907.] | HARLY COPPER COINS. 209.

type, in that it shows a female figure and a swastika on the

obverse and reverse respectively.

A similar specimen was found in Kiribat Vehera. Before

proceeding to weigh the evidence in favour of these plaques

having actually been money, I will quote an authoritative

definition of what money is. |

Mr. W.S. W. Vaux of the British Museum, in a Paper read

before the Numismatic Society,* thus defines money :—

“I understand by ‘money,’ a certain measure of value,

whether in metal or not does not matter, though obviously

metal and precious metal would be most frequently used as

the substance, adjusted to a certain definite and unchanging

weight, and consisting of several sizes (so to speak}, themselves

multiples, sub-multiples, or aliquot parts of some other

piece.”’

This is the theory. In practice coins of primitive manu-

facture vary somewhat in weight. And of course use and

wear carries the variation further, until we get a considerable

latitude of weight among coins, which when struck new

possibly did not vary 10 per cent. in all. For an instance of

this it is only necessary to turn back to the description given

of the circular double-die coins, where a maximum variation

of 314 per cent. and a minimum variation of 44 per cent. from

the original dwipana of 288 grains may be observed. This is

not a larger divergence from the original than is to be expected

in the worn condition of these coins.

Twenty plaques of the ordinary type (Ai. and ii.) taken at

random weigh as follows :—

67 grains | 44 grains | 37 grains | 30 grains

A 86 a | AT

i, [ AN ya | 35 i | 2am

D2 \..,, | wy a : sl, hr 20 5,

46 29 | 39 29 | 30 29 | 16 99

showing a divergence of no less than 76 per cent. between

the maximum and minimum. Even were the plaques worn,

* <¢ On the Coins of Ceylon, with some Remarks on the so-called Ring

and Fish-hook Money attributed to that Island,” by W. 8S. W. Vaux,

M.A. Numismatic Chronicle, 1853.

210 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

this would be a very large variation. But in no single speci-

men are there any signs of wear. In every case the edges

and corners are clean cut and even sharp, a property which

would be most awkward in use, and which would be speedily

destroyed by actual wear. From the weights given it will be

observed that the great variation is not caused by single very

high or very low specimens, but represents an even gradation.

Further, it must be remarked that the plaques are more

alike in size than in weight, and that certainly no division

into various recognizable sizes can be observed.

So, judged on their suitability for use, these plaques show

none of the characteristics of money, and would be more ill-

adapted to that purpose than are the South Sea Islanders’

strings of perforated shell discs.

But the subject is not exhausted by an analysis of their

practical value. Let us consider the arguments of Mr. Parker,

the original discoverer, and an ardent advocate of the ‘“‘ money ”

theory.

At risk of being prolix, I shall quote Mr. Parker’s arguments*

at some length :—

Mr. Parker. The other side.

They have in some cases been Various small objects have

found buried with coins, and been found buried with coins.

were therefore considered coins Silver and copper rings, for in-

by the man who buried them. stance, and small ingots, which

may be weights. I cannot see

that the association of coins with

other objects is any argument

in favour of such objects being

money.

It is even an argument in the

other direction ; for where coins

of known form existed, it is un-

likely that these most inconve-

nient plaques would have been

used as money.

One of the Mullaittivu plaques

has three beads adhering to it.

eee ee ee ee ie ee ee ee ee ee ee

* Taken from letters held by Mr. H. C. P. Bell.

No. 58.—1907.| EARLY

Any one who wishes to prove

they are not coins must, in the

first place, give a satisfactory

explanation of the swast: mono-

gram on them, which as much

belonged to royalty as ‘‘God Save

the Queen’’ at the end of a mo-

dern Proclamation is an indica-

tion of its royal authority. I

faney it would be a difficult

matter to produce instances of

the ancient use of swastt without

royal authority.

COPPER COINS.

211

In a book on the swastika* so

‘many instances are given that

the difficulty is to choose those

most striking.

Some of its meanings are the

sun, male and female principles,

those of the ~ Scandinavians,

blessing, long life, good fortune,

&e. It is found on the spinning

whirls of Troy; in the graves

of American Indians, engraved

on shell or cut from copper. In

England, Ireland, and _ Scot-

land it has been used decora-

tively ; it is a favourite orna-

ment with the Chinese and

Japanese, and was in the seventh

century A.D. the Chinese char-

acter meaning the sun. It is

marked on the pottery of Baby-

lon, Assyria, Chaldea, Persia,

Egypt, Greece, Cyprus, and the

Swiss lake dwellings. It was

the first of the 65 auspicious

signs on Buddha’s feet. The

Jainas use it, drawing it with

the finger in. spread rice flour,

sugar, salt, or any suitable sub-

stance. It is a horse brand in

Circassia, and has been found

stamped on copper ingots from

Ashantee and carved on a pillar

in Algeria. At the present day

it is drawn by the Bengalee

merchant on his door, and is

used generally as the symbol of

good. luck.

In fact it is no more royal

than is the four-leaved sham-

rock,

* The ‘* Swastika,”’ by Thomas Wilson, Government Printing Office,

Washington, U.S.A.

212

On one specimen Mr. Parker

thought the inscription “ Raja

Aba’ might be distinguished.

Mr. Parker recognized varie-

ties. ‘* There are three distinct

classes of plaques: (1) Those

from Tissa ; (2) those from Mul-

laittivu ; (3) those from Anu-

radhapura. The Mullaittivu ones

are distinguished by the bull,

while the Tissa ones differ in

workmanship.”

Finally, Mr. Parker connects

the sitting figure with the figure

on the reverse of the Polonna-

ruwa type coins.

JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON).

(Vor. XIX.

Mr. Hi. C. P. Bell, the greatest

authority upon Ceylon’s epigra-

phy, saw the same plaque and

was unable even to identify the

marks as letters.

Plaques from Mullaittivu,

Mantota, Polonnaruwa, and

Anuradhapura, which I have

examined, all show the bull, and

if the Tissa specimens were suffi-

ciently clearly struck, I fancy

they would too. But evenif the

difference does exist, surely it

only lessens the probability of

the objects being money.

It may possibly be that both

are from a common model.

Sedent figures of gods, similar

to that on the plaques, have

been found in store.

Two of these plaques were submitted by Mr. C. D. Vigors

to the British Museum, and were pronounced to be probably

votive offerings.*

Mr. S. M. Burrows sent four to Dr. Burgess of the Indian

Archezological Survey, and received a reply as below :—

* The plaques I have to report are nof coins, but are much

like the Sati and Pitri plaques (in silver) worn in Rajputana by

living relatives to secure peace to the spirit of deceased Satis

(wives and mothers) and Pitris (fathers). They are in fact a

sort of charm. Yours bear the figure of some Buddha god-

dess, the swastika, &c., and are probably not at all very old

objects.’’*

This appears to settle the question. As the point appears

never to have been discussed in any literature available to the

student, perhaps the length of this disquisition may be par-

doned.

* From letters in Mr. Bell’s possession

ESI NIE ES ES LIT TT

No. 58.—1907.] EARLY COPPER COINS. 213

Summary.

Having discussed all the evidence available, it will be inter-

esting to see how it bears on the original problem as to what

was the currency in Ceylon prior to the establishment of the

coinage bearing the names of kings, which was introduced in

about the twelfth century 4.D. or perhaps a little earlier.

Gold we have none.

Silver is represented by the punch-marked eldlings, which

probably were in circulation from the invasion in the sixth

century B.c. up to the fifth and perhaps even the tenth century

A.D. Probably these ceased to be manufactured many

centuries before their final disuse.

Copper is represented (i.) by the punch-marked coins, most

or all of which are probably the cores of coins originally silver :

(ii.) by the single-die coins, of which no specimen even partly

legible has yet been recorded, and which may not belong to

Ceylon ; (iii.) by the circular copper coinage, which was the

result of grouping punch-marks in one die; and (iv.) by the

coins struck in imitation of the Roman issues of the fourth and

fifth centuries, which have been described in my Paper entitled

“Roman Coinsin Ceylon.” Theseare all the money we know

of during a period of fifteen centuries.

As for their dates—

(i.) The punch-marked coins were, as already stated, used

from the earliest historical times up to possibly 1000 a.p.

They have been found in company with Pallavar and Kurum-

bar coins of about 700 4.p., and a large number were discovered

at Anuradhapura in a fifth century 4a.p. building. This I

have dealt with in a separate Paper called “Notes on some

Eldlings.”’

(u.) The single-die coins were coeval with the Roman coins,

say the fourth and fifth century A.D.

(iii.) The double-die circular coins have never yet been

determined, but I think light can be thrown on the subject

and an approximate date gained.

Within the dagaba called Kiribat Vehera coins were found

during the excavation at various depths. At 28 ft. from the

214 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vou. XIX.

surface a plaque of type V. was found in company with three

Pallavar coins, and near to this a plaque of type I. was dis-

covered.

During excavations near Thuparama Dagaba a plaque of —

type V. and several of type IV. were found together a the

unique circular double-die } pana.

Near Elala Sohona at Anuradhapura plaques of types I.

and II. were found together with Pallavar coins.

This all goes to prove that the Pallavar coins, the plaques,

and the circular double-die coins were in existence at one and

the same time. :

_ The Pallavar dynasty ended in the seventh century A.D.

How long before and after this period the plaques and

circular coins were in use it is hard to say.

Mr. 8S. M. Burrows found some plaques in the Jetavanarama

at Polonnaruwa, which brings them up toabout 1200 4.p. That

the circular coins lasted solong I think mostimprobable. For,

not being liable as are gold and silver to be melted down for

jewellery, we should find them at Polonnaruwa if they were

current much after 800 or 900 a.p. Probably they existed

from a fairly early date up to somewhere about the end of the

Anuradhapura period.

The general result of this Paper is to establish the following

points :—

That the coinage of Ceylon in early days was very scanty

indeed. ,

That there was a single-die coinage in the fourth or fifth

century A.D., possibly struck in Ceylon.

That a double-die money of a most interesting character

existed up to somewhere about 700 a.p., and was certainly

the immediate successor of the copper punch-marked money,

which probably went out long before its type in silver

did. |

That the oblong plaques were used from the seventh to

the twelfth centuries a.D., and very likely both earlier and

later.

And that they were not money.

No. 58.—1907. ] PROCEEDINGS. 215

5. The CHatRMAN said he thought the Papers were of

considerable value. Some old opinions were upset, and some were

confirmed. Spence Hardy mentioned that in the early laws of

Buddhism the difference between coined money and bullion was

recognized. He (the speaker) was under the impression that local

gold coins had been found in Anuradhapura of an earlier date

than the Christian era. Mr. Still, however, said that no Ceylon

gold coin was known before the twelfth century. He wassure they

had all been interested by the Papers ; and he was only sorry the

weather had interfered with the attendance. He hoped that

further light would be thrown, by new finds of coins, on the

subject—in confirmation or correction.

6. Dr. A. NELL next proposed a vote of thanks to Mr. Still.

In England whenever such a discovery was made there were

quite a dozen experts to give their opinions. Unfortunately very

few coin experts were to be found in Ceylon. They were indebted

to Mr. Still for the results of his researches. He was sure they

would join heartily in a vote of thanks to him for his Papers.

7. Mr. J. HORNELL seconded. There was more yet to be

brought forward regarding the intercourse of Ceylon with the

Romans. It was stated that an old King of Madura had for

his bodyguard Greek and Roman mercenaries. That was in the

second century ; and gave the suggestion how the Roman coins

found their way to India and Ceylon, not to speak of trade

between Egypt, Southern India, and Ceylon.

8. Mr. C. M. FERNANDO said that, regarding the Roman coins

found in Ceylon, Mr. Still seemed to him to attach too much

importance to the question of weight. Pliny, in his account of

the shipwreck off the coast of Ceylon, said that when the

shipwrecked farmer went before the Sinhalese king what surprised

the latter most was that all the coins were of the same weight,

which showed that inequality in weight in the Ceylon coins was

the common thing. The Romans had a military outpost in South

India; and may be the Naimana coins were a local coinage at

that military outpost. Regarding trade between Rome and

Ceylon, cinnamon from Ceylon was sold in the streets of Rome

1900 years ago, and was more valuable than rubber in the present

day.

9. The vote to Mr. Still proposed by Dr. Nell was carried

with acclamation.

10. Mr. R. JouN proposed a vote of thanks to the Chairman.

Mr. FERNANDO seconded.—Carried.

I 36-07

216 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoLt. XIX.

GENERAL MEETING.

Colombo Museum, November 4, 1907.

Present :

His Excellency Sir Henry McCallum, G.C.M.G.,

Patron, in the Chair.

The Hon. Sir J. T. Hutchinson, Vice-Patron.

The Hon. Mr. Hugh Clifford, C.M.G., Vice-Patron.

The Hon. Mr. J. Ferguson, C.M.G., President.

Mr. P. Freudenberg, J.P., Vice-President.

Mr. R. G. Anthonisz, Govern- | Dr. A. Nell, M.R.C.S.

ment Archivist. Mr. James Pieris, M.A., LL.M.

Mr. F. J. de Mel, M.A., LL.B. Mr. T. Rajepakse, Gate Muda-

Mr. C. M. Fernando, M.A., LL.M. liyar.

Mr. D. B. Jayatilaka, B.A. Mr. F. A. Tuiseverasingha,

Sir William Mitchell. Proctor, 8.C.

Mr. M. A. C. Mohamad. Mr. F. E. Wait.

Mr. P. E. Morgappah.

Mr. J. Harward, M.A., and Mr. G. A. J oseph, Honorary Secretaries.

Visitors : Twelve ladies and seventeen gentlemen.

Business.

1. Read and confirmed Minutes of last General Meeting held

on September 30, 1907.

2. His EXCELLENCY THE GOVERNOR—after preliminariés—

called on Mr. R. G. Anthonisz, Government Archivist, to read the

following Paper by Mr. Donald Ferguson on “ Joan Gideon Loten,

F.R.S., the Naturalist Governor of Ceylon (1752-57), and the

Ceylonese Artist de Bevere ”’ :—

No. 58.—1907.] JOAN GIDEON LOTEN, F.R.S. 217

{

}

JOAN GIDEON LOTEN, F.RS.,

the Naturalist Governor of Ceylon (1752-57),

and the Ceylonese Artist de Bevere.

In a catalogue entitled Bibliotheca Néerlando-Indica, issued

in 1883 by the well-known bookseller at the Hague, Martinus

Nijhoff, occurred the following entry (in French, which I

translate) :—

2299. Fauna of the Indian Archipelago and of the Island of

Ceylon.—Collection of drawings in colours, representing birds,

mammifers, insects, &c., of the Indian Archipelago and Ceylon.

144 folio sheets in two portfolios. f. 300.

These drawings of a really extraordinary beauty from living

- animals [are ?] by a Sieur de Bevere, who, it would appear, was

in the service of Mr. J. G. Loten, who was in the service of the

East India Company from 1731 to 1757, successively as Commis-

sary at Bantam,* Governor of Ceylon, &c., and who retired later

to Fulham in England. Mr. de Bevere executed his drawings

from 1754 to 1781.7

The collection is divided as follows: Birds, 101 sheets ; mammi-

fers, 5 sheets ; insects, 10 sheets ; fishes, &c., 14 sheets ; plants,

14 sheets. {

Had the Ceylon Government had (as it ought to have) an

agent in England on the constant look-out for literary and

artistic treasures relating to the Island, the collection de-

scribed above would now form one of the most valuable exhibits

in the Colombo Museum. Now the opportunity is gone, per-

haps for ever, for in 1885 the collection was bought by Mr.

P. J. van Houten, now President of the Commission of the

Colonial Museum .at Haarlem, who, at the annual meeting of

the council of the Museum in 1905, at which the paintings were

exhibited, gave some interesting details regarding their history,

* It was after he had been twenty years in the Netherlands East

India Company’s service, and had held several important posts, that

Loten was sent as Commissioner to the coast of Bantam.

+ As Mr. van Houten shows, they were executed between 1754 and

1757.

{ This division differs from that of Mr. van Houten given below. — ©

I 2

218 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

his address being printed in the Indische Mercuur (Amsterdam)

of 6th June 1905. In the issue of the same periodical of 13th

March 1906 appeared a communication from Mr. van Houten,

in which were given further interesting particulars relating to

the drawings and the two persons chiefly concerned in their

execution. As the majority of these paintings are of Ceylon

fauna, and were drawn in Ceylon by a young Ceylonese under

the direction of a Dutch Governor of Ceylon, I thought that

my fellow-Ceylonese would be interested in their history. I!

have therefore translated all that Mr. van Houten has written

about them,* and have added in a third section such additional

information as I have been able to glean.

Croydon. DoNALD FERGUSON.

————— —t a

SrctTion I.

This time it falls to my lot to have the honour to draw your

attention for some minutes to the subject chosen, which is the

collection of plates that for the moment adorns this hall, and,

according to the intention of our Director, will remain here on

exhibition for a period of four weeks.

For some twenty years I have myself been the lucky owner

of these plates, the possession of which I acquired at a book

sale of the firm Mart. Nijhoff at the Hague.

** Lucky ” owner, I called myself, and I believe that you

will consider the word lucky rightly chosen when I shall have

told you all the facts concerning the plates.

In the first place, they are already fairly old, having been

made between the years 1754 and ee or just a century

and a half ago.

In the second place, they appear, in spite of this, saving for

some brown damp-spots on the paper, especially as regards

the perfectly fresh colours, as if they had been drawn and

coloured only in our present time. And that notwithstanding

that they were made in the tropical regions, namely, in Ceylon

and Java, in the stirring times of the East India Company,

* All the footnotes to the first two sections are by myself, and Mr.

van Houten is in no way responsible for them.—D. F,

fe,

No. 58.—1907.] JOAN GIDEON LOTEN, F.R.S. 219

where they had to undergo the disadvantages of the often un-

hygienic and damp dwellings of the Company’s servants, and

these in addition to the great danger of long voyages by sailing

ship.

As the third and, in my opinion, perhaps the most remark-

able feature, I may mention that the artist was a man of three-

fourths Indian (namely, Ceylonese) blood, who had received

very little instruction, certainly none in drawing or painting,

and yet in spite of this produced this work, which—as I hope

presently further to demonstrate—deserves our admiration

in a high degree.

Let me now name the artist to you and tell you the little that

I know regarding his person.

He was named de Bevere, and was what we should now-

adays call an Indo or “ country-born,” but was at that time

reckoned among the “ native Christians,” according to the

note on one of the plates of his employer, J. G. Loten, who

there calls him “ the untaught Christian Cingalese,’’* to which

he adds the following regarding his origin + :—‘‘ His father,

whom I have known, was a natural son of the major de Bevere

(of the most noble and ancient family of de Bevere) by a Cin-

galese or black Portuguese woman; this son was married at

~ Colombo with a similar brownish woman of whom the artist

was a son. In 1755 the father seemed about 50 or 55, the

mother 50, the son I guessed was circa 22, was on [sic—? in]

the Surveyor’s office somewhat instructed in handling com-

passes and scales.” In a letter written in 1781 Loten also

says of him : “ a youth born of native Ceylonese parents, living

with me and helping me very much in drawing.”

From this it appears that de Bevere was unmarried ; that he

accompanied Loten when the latter was transferred to Batavia

m 1757; and also that he did not attain to any considerable

age. In one of the notes, made by Loten later in England on

the plates, we read of ‘‘ the late de Bevere.”’ That was about

the year 1781.

This is all that I know at present of the artist.

* The words quoted are in English.

+ The quotation that follows is also in English.

~ On this, see footnote further on.

220 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

Let me now for some moments direct your attention parti-

cularly to the artist’s work, I mean to the plates themselves.

They are all drawn from life or from newly-killed animals.

In number 144 paintings, they depict :—5 mammals, 103

birds, 7 fishes, 3 crustaceans, 3 cephalopod molluscs (so-called

“*ink-fish ’’), 10 insects, 13 plants ; there being besides on the

plates of birds also various plants represented from life.

Thereareinaddition, beingin aseparate group, ten plates that

are not by de Bevere, but were executed by othersand mostly

in later years, which were in the collection as I bought it.

You see that the pictures of birds form by far the majority.

It also seems to me that these are in the main the most beauti-

fui in execution.

Regarding the execution and the value of these plates, now

a single word.

Although it cannot be ignored that certain figures are some-

what stiff and, owing to insufficient shading, do not entirely

represent the rounding of the bodies, they are otherwise

deserving only of praise.

Let us notice, first of all, the complete firmness of the hand

that controlled the drawing pencil and brush, whereby every-

thing appears quite distinctly on the paper, and in addition

the astonishing precision with which forms and colours are

represented. The artist extemporized nothing, but remained

true to nature even to the smallest details, were it a bird, a

fish, a flower, or anything else that he was delineating. That

precision was demonstrated to me still more clearly when last

week, assisted by Dr. van Oort, in the National Museum of

Natural History at Leiden, for the identification of the birds

depicted, I compared the plates with those in standard works

of more recent date or the stuffed birds in the collection there.

There, where, as is so often the case, various kinds closely

allied, and much resembling each other exist, the painted ones

were always recognizable by little peculiarities of the plumage.

IT may by way of explanation refer to two points. Look, for

example, in the picture of the Ceylonese Lemur,* at the form of

* The Ceylon Loris or Sloth: see picture in Tennent’s Nat. Hist. of

Ceylon 12. Plate xliv. in Brown’s New Iilust. of Zool. is of the Lemur,

but whence it is copied is not stated.

No. 58.—1907.] JOAN GIDEON LOTEN, F.B.S. 221

the very small hands and feet and the reciprocally unequal

length of the fingers and toes. Inthe case of the birds, attention

should be paid to the so-called beard-hairs which some kinds

bear at the root of the beak, the colours so varying of the iris

of the eye and of the eye-circles, the size and form of the

cutaneous scutellz or excrescences on the legs and toes; in

connection with which I specially draw your attention to the

correct representation of the characteristic skin of the foot of

the parrots, and, on the other hand, the entirely different one

of the ducks, also to the difference in the placing of the toes, in

proportion as we have to do with sitters or with climbers; the

same with respect to the web of swimmers and paddlers.

_ And now let us observe once again how de Bevere knew

how to handle the colouring brush. Whether it be dark

simple tints or fiery and variegated colours, broad surfaces

or fine lines, he knows how to represent everything faithfully,

be it with bird, insect, or plant. He shrinks from nothing ;

whether it be that he has to do with the finely marbled plu-

mage of an owl, the handsome feather shades of a gay-coloured

barbet, the metallic lustres of other birds’ bodies, the eye of

a peacock’s feather, the body of a fish glistening hke mother-of-

pearl, a satiny butterfly’s wing, a fine plant-leaf with coloured

veins, or the delicate transitions of colour in the corolla of a

flower.

And then several of the plates considered in their entirety,

such as those of the Little-eared Owl,* the Little Barbet,7 the

Paradise Flycatchers,{ the pair of little Honeysuckers § on the

tree-stem overgrown with orchids, the nest of the Tailor-bird,]||

are these not gems of natural life ?

I flatter myself to have thus said enough to commend these

plates to your special attention and to that of your artistic

friends and acquaintances.

* The Little Horn Owl referred to below.

{ The Red-crowned Barbet of Brown’s New Iilust. of Zool. (see infra).

~ This plate does not appear to have been reproduced in any of the

works mentioned later on.

§ I am uncertain if this plate has been copied in any of the works

described under Section IIT.

{| See further on regarding this.

222 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

I have however with this not yet said all that is to be told

of the plates.

We rightly praise the maker, the skilful artist de Bevere,

but should be incomplete and even ungrateful if we did not

remember with respect the man who discovered and caused

expression to be given to de Bevere’s talent, who indeed prob-

ably took a practical interest in the preparation of the plates.

I also venture to think that your attention will be well

bestowed upon some particulars that I can tell you regarding

his career and the further history of the plates.

The man who set de Bevere to the work and paid him for it

was—I have already a while ago named him several times—

Joan Gideon Loten, during the years 1731 to 1757 in the

service of the Netherlands East India Company, and steadily

climbing up to their most important offices. What I can tell

you regarding his personality and his services I owe, first, to

his own notes, made upon the back of the plates and in a

couple of bundles of papers left by him, which form part of

the collection ; but second,—having had my attention drawn —

thereto by that widely-read expert in documents relating to

the colonies, Mr. G. P. Rouffaer at the Hague, whom I hereby

thankfully mention,—especially to the Kronijk van het His-

torisch Genootschap te Utrecht, 16th year (1860), 4th series,

part I., wherein on page 106 and following appears a detailed

report from the hand of the late Prof. P. J. Veth on papers

left by Loten. Of the papers themselves, which I should so

willingly have consulted, in the hope of learning further

details of the life of the testator, all trace has, alas, since been

lost. At least I have not yet, in spite of investigations made,

succeeded in finding them again.

From Prof. Veth’s report I borrow the following :—

Joan Gideon Loten left 28th December 1731,* in the rank of

under merchant, by the ship Beekvliet from Amsterdam. The

ship formed part of a squadron of five ships, and put to sea

from Texel, 4th January 1732. In the beginning of August

they arrived safely at Batavia.

* For information regarding Loten’s parentage and birthplace see

Mr. van Houten’s second paper below.

No. 58.—1907.] JOAN GIDEON LOTEN, F.R.S. 223

Animated with much love and sympathy for nature,

especially the animal world, Loten made several excursions

in the neighbourhood of Batavia, such as to Tandjong-Priok,

Tanahbang, the island of Onrust, &c.

He did not, however, remain long in Batavia. On 10th

July 1733,—Prof. Veth writes 1732, which, however, cannot

be correct,—being already appointed fiscal of Java’s north-

east coast, and having on 24th August of that year

married Anna Henrietta van Beaumont,* he left on 10th

September with his wife per ship *t Huis de Vlotter for

Samarang, where he arrived on 29th September—thus after a

19-days’ voyage.

He continued with his business duties to study natural

history, and made inter alia an excursion inland from

6th to 10th November 1740, and appears to have then

taken an interest also in the architectural antiquities of Java.7

Re-appointed to Batavia in 1741, he returned thither per

ship Zorgwijk, and remained there this time until the beginning

of 1744, when, being nominated as Governor of Macassar, he

embarked thither with his wife and a little daughter on 2nd

March on board the ship Adrighem, to arrive at the place men-

tioned on 24th March. On the “ Journael in *t edele Com-

pagnieschip Adrighem van Batavia na Makasser,” kept by

the skipper Herbert Sam, and read by Prof. Veth, Loten made

some notes, and says therein with regard to the said “‘ Capteyn

Herbert Sam ”’ that he was ‘“‘ I understand from Dordrecht,

of a good family, but a dissolute and not very polished

man.”

Advanced to Councillor Extraordinary of India,i Loten in

1750 § handed over the government of Macassar to his successor,

Rosenboom, at the same time leaving him a memoir (printed

in the works of the Utrecht Society) comprising a detailed

* Regarding whom see znfra.

+ It was during his residence at Samarang that Loten’s three children

_ were born, only one of whom survived (see under Section IT.).

+ In December 1747 (see Hooykaas, Repertorium op de Koloniale

Litteratuur ii. (1880) 104).

§ On 17th October 1750, according to Robidé van der Aa in the

paper cited infra.

224 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CHYLON). [Vout. XIX.

report of the state of the Government of Macassar and of what

the writer as Governor had accomplished.

From the other papers quoted by Prof. Veth in the journal

named it appears that in 1752 Loten was nominated as

Governor of Ceylon,* and on 30th September of that year

arrived at Colombo per ship Gressenburg. There he discovered

the artistic talent of de Bevere, and got him to prepare the

majority of the plates exhibited.

On Ilth} August 1755 his wife died in Colombo.

Loten occupied the Governorship until March 1757, when

with the rank of “‘ Councillor Ordinary of Netherlands India ’’t

he returned to Batavia, entertaining the purpose of shortly

leaving the service of the Company and setting out upon the

return voyage to the fatherland.

From a paper written at Colombo in February 1756, and

_ addressed to the Political Council, it appears that he expe-

rienced great difficulties with one of his head officials, the

upper merchant and chief administrator Noél Anthonie le

Beck.§ Prof. Veth also remarks that Loten’s rule in Ceylon

was much disturbed by internal commotions, fear of attack

from external enemies, and great scarcity of finances.|| There

also existed from his hand a “‘ Geprojecteerd Reglement ver-

vattende d’ ordres die men in cas van eenig onverwagt allarm

* In succession to Gerard Joan Vreelant, who died in February

1752, after a governorship of under a year. The commandeur of Jaffna,

Jacob de Jong, acted.as Governor until Loten’s arrival (see C. As. Soc.

Jl. xi. 141, Wolf ii. 75, 126). Wolf was in Ceylon during the whole of

Loten’s governorship, but, being in Jaffna, did not come in contact

with him, and says nothing of hisrule. In the C. As. Soc. Jl. viii. 430-3

(misprinted 336-9) will be found a letter in Sinhalese, with translation,

written by Loten from Colombo on 4th July 1754, to the Siamese priest

Upali, who, with other theras, had recently arrived in Ceylon in re-

sponse to an embassy sent to Siam by King Kirti Sri Rajasinha (see C.

As. Soe. Jl. xviii. 17-44).

jt This should be 10th : see second paper injfra.

t According to Robidé van der Aa (wu. 2.), Loten was raised to this

rank in October 1754 (see also Hooykaas, op. cit. 102).

§ See R. G. Anthonisz’s Report on Dutch Records 50.

|| For a summary of the events in Ceylon during Loten’s governorship,

see the Beknopte Historie (C. As. Soc. Jl. xi. 141-5).

No. 58.—1907.| JOAN GIDEON LOTEN, F.R.S. De

zou hebben t’ observeeren,”* of which Prof. Veth says that

the document is very circumstancial, whilst the conclusion

testifies to the calm deliberation of the author; also a “‘ Ruwe

Schets der behuizingen binnen ’t casteel Colombo met dier

bewoonderen in de jaren 1756-1759.”’+

That his departure from Colombo was accompanied by

special ceremonies appears from a document, printed in the

journal named, entitled ‘“‘ Project van het Cerimonieel dat

©’ observeerd zal dienen te worden zo aan de wal als op de

schepen, ten dage van het vertrek van den Wel Edelen Groot

Achtbaren Heer Joan Gideon Loten, Raad Ordinair van Ne-

derlandsch India en afgaande Ceylon’s Gouverneur en Direc-

teur op den 18" Maart A° 1757.’

Loten at that time took de Bevere with him, as appears

from the plates prepared by the latter in the course of the

year 1757 at Batavia, and the paintings containing birds,

inter alia pigeons, kingfishers, and woodpeckers, which Loten

managed to shoot or catch in the neighbourhood, as well as

of Molucea parrots brought to Batavia.

In accordance with his intention Loten returned home in

1758, and indeed as admiral of the return fleet, reaching

his native soil in June of that year (Tijdschr. Hist. Gen. 1860,

pp. 112-1138). The voyage was not entirely free from

mishaps ; during the passage, in a mutiny on board, his goods

were plundered, whereby among other things he suffered great

* << Proposed Regulation comprising the orders that would have to

be observed in case of any unexpected alarm.”

+ ‘* Rough sketch of the dwelling-houses inside the Colombo castle,

with their occupants, in the years 1756-1759 [? 1757].”’ Possibly a copy of

this interesting document exists among the Dutch archives in Colombo.

£** Plan of the ceremonial that shall be observed both on shore and

on the ships on the day of the departure of the most honourable Mr.

Joan Gideon Loten, Councillor Ordinary of Netherlands India, and

retiring Governor and Director of Ceylon, on the 18th of March 1757.”

(See R. G. Anthonisz’s Rep. on Dutch Rec. 109.) Loten was succeeded

by Schroder or Schreuder (who arrived at Colombo on 27th September

1756), a man of very different temperament, under whose rule broke out

a war with the Sinhalese that lasted over six years and cost the Dutch

an enormous sum in addition to much loss of life (see Ceylon Lit.

Reg. v. 84).

226 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

inconvenience and the loss of memoranda for a claim that

he had upon the East India Company.

He had, namely, during his governorship of Ceylon, ad-

vanced to the Company’s chest the sum of 82,000 rixdollars.

A letter of demand for the repayment of this sum, sent in to

Governor-General Mossel* in 1757,+ had for the time being

the only result that he was asked to complete the sum to

100,000 rixdollars! To this he agreed, and got back the

additional 18,000 rixdollars later through his attorney in Java.

It cost him more trouble and time to get back the large sum

of 82,000 rixdollars. From the transcript printed in the

journal mentioned, of a demand presented in Europe, it seems

that only in 1763, when he “ was in France for the improve-

ment of his feeble health,’ did he receive the money back,

but with a gross deduction of 7,°, per cent. for the Company

and + per cent. on the interest, plus 24 per cent. commission. |

In the said letter of demand he asks for the deduction back,

as well as the interest at 6 per cent. since 1762. This last,

however, was not granted to him. From an “ extract uyt de

Resolutie door de vergadering der Heeren 17en binnen

Amsterdam genomen op Woensdag 1 April 1767,” it

appears that he received a refusal.

From various notes and papers that accompanied the

plates in the portfolios it appears that Loten was in constant

correspondence with students of natural history in the colonies

and in Europe, and now and then sent specimens to private

persons or learned societies in the motherland. He himself

on his homeward voyage brought with him inter alia four live

crested pigeons,§ but had declined an offer made to him by his

cousin,|| Mr. Cornelis Hasselaar,{ at Cheribon, of deer and birds

for taking with him on the same voyage.

* Jacob Mossel, Governor-General, 1751-61.

{ Perhaps the marriage of Loten’s relative Hasselaar to Mossel’s daugh-

ter in this year (see note below) induced him to send in his claim at this time.

t “‘ Extract from the resolution adopted by the meeting of the

Seventeen in Amsterdam on Wednesday, Ist April 1767.”

§ See extract from Edwards’s Gleanings of Nat. Hist. further on.

|| Or nephew (neef means either).

§ Pieter Cornelis Hasselaar married, at Batavia, 24th April 1757, as his

second wife, Geertruida Margaretha, the daughter of Governor-General

Mossel. (See notice of him in van der Aa’s Biog. Wdnbk. der Nedevl.)

No. 58.—1907.] JOAN GIDEON LOTEN, F.R.S. 227

He was himself not unskilful at painting in colours. This

appears from the plate with a representation of a sea animal

belonging to the jelly-fishes, the so-called ‘‘ Bezaantje ” (Phy-

salia),* it being apparently his own drawing, done by himself

on the outward voyage to India in 1732, or perhaps a copy of

his own drawing. Further, I imagine that both the too deep-

red coloured representations of the atlas moth made at Ma-

cassar, and thus before he knew de Bevere, are also from his

own hand, whilst from other notes written by him it seems

apparent that he himself drew other plates besides, or at least

assisted in them.

An active man like Loten naturally did not remain quite

quiet after his departure from the Company’s service, although,

as we saw just now, he had for some time to wrestle with less

good health.

His view of life we are enabled to know from, amongst —

others, the cover of a packet, ‘‘ Notes to serve provisionally

for bringing into order what I have successively collected, both

in painting from life and in writing, in order to be able to con-

tribute some light upon the natural history of Hast India and

especially of Java, Celebes, and Ceylon,” dated 25th December

1754, and underneath quoted Ecclesiastes ix. 10.

If we turn up this text of the ‘‘ Preacher ”’ we find : ‘‘ What-

soever thy hand findeth to do, do it with thy might ; for there

is no work, nor device, nor knowledge, nor wisdom, in the

grave, whither thou goest.”

From the papers that he was able to examine, Prof. Veth

saw that Loten, among other things, left on 4th November

1775, as I imagine, with a commission,f on board the Hast

India Company’s ship Alkemade, accompanied by two other

ships, for the Cape of Good Hope, where he arrived on 17th

February 1776, and on 7th March of the following year set

out on the homeward voyage in the ship Delfshaven, accom-

panied by three other ships, and on 13th June anchored at

Texel.

* The ‘‘ Portuguese man-of-war,”’ common on the beach at Colombo

after storms (see Tennent’s Nat. Hist. of Ceylon 400).

+ This surmise is incorrect : Loten visited the Cape on private busi-

ness (see second paper).

228 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

In later years Loten settled at Fulham near London.*

There he remained zealously studying zoology and botany,

and had regular intercourse with men of science and scien-

tific institutions in the motherland and England. He wrote

various notes on or with the plates, or completed earlier-made

notes. For this the English language, of which he was a

thorough master, was often used, conceivably on account of

the English friends who received the plates for inspection or

for use. I say for use, because from the accompanying notes

it appears that the plates did frequent service} for those in

the well-known work of Edwards’s Gleanings of Natural

History, and the sequel to it by Brown, Illustrations on

Zoology.§

The loan of the plates for the purpose mentioned often

however caused old Loten much vexation.|| We in our time

also know well that the loan, especially of books, is even yet

accompanied by the danger of receiving them back in a less

fresh condition, or sometimes not at all. Nowit did not happen

to Loten quite so badly, but he could also talk of injuries,

and his displeasure at the state in which he often received the

plates back sometimes drew from him on the back of the

plates bitter expressions at the expense of the engraver ; for

instance, on that representing the nest of the Tailor-

bird :** ‘‘ The dirty scoundrel was not contented with ruining

* This is hardly accurate, as Loten’s residence at Fulham seems to

have been confined to the period 1759-65 (see under Section ITI.).

; As regards this statement see Section ITT.

t Gleanings of Natural History, &c. (in English and French), by

George Edwards, 3 parts, 1758-60-64. This is a continuation of the

same author’s A Natural History of Uncommon Birds, &c., 4 parts,

1743-47—-50-51. (See further under Section III.) The British Museum

Library possesses copies of both these works, presented by the author

to the Rev. Thos. Birch, containing Edwards’s original paintings.

§ New Illustrations of Zoology, &c. (in English and French), by

Peter Brown. 1776. (See further under Section III.)

|| I think that Mr. van Houten here unwittingly exaggerates: Loten’s

complaints seem to have been confined to the engraver Mazell, whose

ill-treatment of the drawings must have taken place in 1768-9 (see

further on), and not to have applied to Peter Brown, to whom Loten

lent a number of his drawings for copying some five or six years later.

« All Loten’s annotations that follow are in English.

** Plate viii. in Pennant’s Indian Zoology. ;

No. 58.—1907.] JOAN GIDEON LOTEN, F.R.S. 229

one of these drawings of the same object but ruined them

both ;” and somewhat lower: “ By no means is this reflexion

on the late Mr. Sidney Parkinson,* who kept everything very

clean,” and finally in the lower corner as a further explanation

(erased later, but still legible): “This was the ——— bungling

engraver Mazell.”’+

On another plate (also erased, but still legible) : ‘‘ Made so

dirty by the pityable engraver Mazell ;” and on plate 4 (Owl)t

there follows after a long unbosoming, later made illegible,

certainly also directed at the engraver : “‘ What a difference of

behaviour between the late worthy Mr. Geo. Edwards and

such a scurrilous, scrubby fellow.”

That later, however, the wrath of the old man, even

though it were just, was calmed, appears not only from

the erasures just referred to, but from the words, placed

under the erased portion of the plates, ‘‘ Forgive and forget.”

The perusal of Loten’s notes offers the reader moreover in

many respects a peculiar pleasure, both because one obtains

spontaneously a retrospect to the establishment of the East

India Company in the tropics, now a century and a half ago, and

also as regards the evidence of accurate observation by the

writer, and the often valuable details related by him regarding

the ideas of the natives touching the depicted animals and

plants or their characteristics and value.§

A couple of examples of this :—Of the Pitta, called by Loten

*‘the short-tailed Pye’’:|| “‘I once found such a bird at

Colombo inside the citadel in the garden behind the govern-

ment house after I had resided there quite a year or longer ;

it leaped to the ground, and let itself be caught with the

* The talented young artist who accompanied Banks and Cook in

their voyage round the world in 1768. He died at sea on 26th December

1771. (See Dict. of Nat. Biog.)

+ Regarding this man see later on.

{ The Little Horn Owl, doubtless, forming plate iii. in Pennant’s

Ind. Zool.

§ It is to be hoped that Mr. van Houten will in some future paper

publish the whole of Loten’s annotations. .

|| This name is quoted in English. The bird in question is figured

in plate exiv. of Edwards’s Gleanings (see under Section IITI.).

{| Cf. Legge’s Birds of Ceylon 691.

230 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

Speaking of the depicted Bee-eater (Merops), he states to

have learnt from the natives of Macassar that these birds

dig holes in front of their nests in the clayey banks of

the rivers, which, as one now knows, is quite correct, since

the Bee-eaters agree in this with many Kingfishers. Of the

variety of Copsychus (birds allied to the Thrushes, which are

very warlike and courageous) depicted on other plates, it is also

related that in Ceylon it regularly follows and chases the crows

with loud cry, and is therefore well called “ king of crows.’’*

Some statements evoke from us, so many years after they

were set down, an involuntary smile.

Such, for example, on the painting of the dark-coloured

Molucca Lori Parrot (Batavia, 1757), that “‘ it whistled entire

hymns and the morning song ‘ uit mijnes Herten gronde’ in

the sweetest musical manner.’

In connection with the painting of the Indian Golden

Thrush at Macassar, describing the lovely “‘ water-like mellow

whistle’? of this bird, so written because the writer states

there that he is reminded by the noise of the well-known old

water-whistle, he adds thereto in 1779 that he had heard from

Dan. Mackay t that because of its whistle the Gelderland

peasants call the Golden Thrush “ Hansken van Trurelen.”

To the plate representing a pigeon fallen dead on a hot day

at Batavia in 1757§ is appended the simple note that he

received the bird “from mejuffrouw Verklokken, Caatje

Rotgers’s daughter, afterwards [the note is apparently writ-

ten later in Europe] married more than once, now I believe

widow of Governor-General Riemsdijk.’’||

* The name quoted is in English. The bird known in Ceylon as the

‘¢ King crow ”’ is the Drongo (Buchanga), which has the habit described.

by Loten. The Magpie-robin (Copsychus), though a pugnacious bird,

does not, I think, chase crows (cf. Legge’s Birds of Ceylon 388 and 435)..

7 The quotation is in English.

t Probably Daniel, son of Aineas Mackay, and founder of the Dutch

family of Mackay: he died in 1745 (see van der Aa’s Ned. Biog. Wdnbk.).

§ This forms plate vii. in Pennant’s Indian Zoology, where the fact

of the bird’s having fallen dead from the heat is stated, with some

details (from Loten’s notes) regarding the effect of the great heat in

Java on the animals there.

|| Jeremias van Riemsdijk, Governor-General 28th December 1775

to 3rd October 1777, when he died. Theodora Rotgers was his third

wile (see van der Aa’s Biog. Wdnbk.).

No. 58.—1907.] JOAN GIDEON LOTEN, F.R.S. 231

And there are also more valuable remarks !

For a very long time the paintings, or more correctly copies

of them, certainly borrowed from the works of Edwards and

Brown, continued to do service for illustrated works. .As a

valuable proof of this may, inter alia, serve the little work pub-

lished in 1861 in this country by our fellow-countryman the

late Prof. P. Harting, the Bouwkunst van Dieren (reprint of a

paper in the periodical Album der Natuur), where at page 266

a wood engraving representing the nest of the Tailor-bird

is plainly a copy, though it be a rough one, of de Bevere’s

plate here present.

In the handsome work of Captain Legge, A History of the

Birds of Ceylon, mention is also made in an introduction of

paintings which in his day Loten had had prepared by a

“native artist.”* I have not been able to ascertain if that

refers to duplicates of the plates in my possession or some

others, as also if and where these plates still exist. A letter

written by me some years ago to Mr. Legge came back as

undeliverable, and inquiries made subsequently through the

firm of Martinus Nijhoff of the London publisher led to no

result. +

* Mr. van Houten gives these words in English, but they do not

occur in the introduction to Legge’s work. After mentioning George

Edwards’s Nat. Hist. of Uncommon Birds (the date of publication of

which is given as 1743), but not saying a word about Edwards’s later

work (which, however, is occasionally referred to in the body of the

book, sometimes incorrectly), Legge says :—‘‘ During the latter half of

the eighteenth century Gideon Loten was nominated Governor of Ceylon

by the Dutch [sic], and, happening to be a great lover of birds, collected

and employed people to procure specimens of species which attracted

his notice ; and from his labours we first learn something of the peculzar

birds of the Island. He had drawings prepared of many species, which

he lent to an English naturalist [sic] named Peter Brown, who published

in London, in 1776, a quarto work styled ‘ Illustrations of Zoology.’.....

The artist who delineated these species was Mr. Khuleelooddeen [sic !?].

Some of the drawings are fairly accurate; but others are grotesque and

unnatural, showing the poor state of perfection to which the illustra-

tion of books had up to that time been brought.”’ In view of the fact

that Edwards’s beautifully illustrated works had preceded Brown’s far

inferior production, the deduction in the last sentence is absurd ; and

as to the illustrator of Brown’s work, it. was Brown himself (see further

on). Whence Legge got his ‘‘ Mr. Khuleelooddeen”’ I cannot imagine.

+ Captain Legge resides (if still living) at Hobart, Tasmania.

K 36-07

232 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XTX.

I hope that what I have been able to tell you has awakened

or indeed increased your legitimate interest in and appre-

ciation of the exhibited works. I think I may for to-day

leave this portion of our subject with almost the same words

with which I ended a more cursory discussion of the plates at

a meeting of the Ned. Ornith. Vereeniging: Assuredly it

must be acknowledged that both the artist ‘‘ by the gift of

God” de Bevere, as well as Loten, who got him to paint the

plates, added his notes to them, and brought them under the

notice of men of science, have gained for themselves a peculiar

merit in connection with the study of natural history in the

tropical regions.”’

Secrion II.

Thinking that some readers of my address at the annual

meeting of the Council of the Museum in 1905, printed in the

Indische Mercuur of 6th June 1905, may possibly take suffi-

cient interest therein as to wish to know something more

regarding the two naturalists mentioned and their work, I

give below some additional particulars with which further

investigation has supplied me, and which on various points

supplement what was then said at Haarlem.

Regarding the artist de Bevere himself I have not succeeded

in finding anything additional, though, on the other hand,

something regarding his Dutch grandfather, the Major de |

Bevere mentioned by Loten ; namely, we find entered in A. J.

van der Aa’s Biographisch Woordenboek, 8th edition of 1854,

vol. ii., pt. 2, on p. 488: “ Willem Hendrik de Beveren, cap-

tain in the service of the E. I. Company,” and, on the author-

ity of Fr. Valentyn’s Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indié, vol. iv., pt. 1,

pp. 162 and 168—200,* mention made of his military services

in 1706, during the war in Java against Soeropati, in which,

led on by his ‘‘ indomitable courage,” he ventured too far into

the enemy’s territory and suffered a defeat, in consequence

of which he was summoned before the court-martial and

* These figures are taken from Valentyn’s index, which is very

defective and sometimes incorrect. See the figures in the footnotes

further on.

No. 58.—1907.] JOAN GIDEON LOTEN, F.R.S. 233

acquitted only in 1708. ‘To this had undoubtedly powerfully

contributed his valiant bearing, of which Valentyn himself

was a witness, at the storming and capture of the fortress of

Bangil, in which, in spite of the lack of storming ladders, he

was the first on the wall, was thrown down from it by the

blow of a pike, which luckily glanced off on his sword-knot,

thereupon succeeded in getting upon the wall once more and

planted the standard on it, whereby the honour of the capture

was due to him.

Valentyn further relates that in 1708 de Bevere, still with

the rank of captain, was sent to Ceylon, and there took part

in an expedition against the emperor of Candi,* but there-

after again had unpleasantnesses with the Company, which

Valentyn hopes to recount later. I have however sought in

vain in this writer’s great work, in the part that treats of the

affairs of Ceylon and describes the periodical events in that

island only to 1707,} for anything further regarding de Bevere.

There is no doubt, however, that he was the major of whom

Loten makes mention as the grandfather of our artist. That

the latter was named de Bevere, is probably in consequence

of the often careless spelling of those days ; but the difference

may also be intentional on account of the illegitimate origin.

Perhaps the papers left by Loten and perused by Prof. P. J.

Veth might have furnished some further light, both as re-

gards the de Beveres and as regards the testator himself and

his family. It is therefore doubly unfortunate that they were

presumably considered by one or other of their possessors as

of no value and destroyed.

When Prof. Veth consulted them they belonged to Mr. J. A.

Grothe, who, as I am told by Mr. 8. Muller, Fz., the national

archivist at Utrecht, on several occasions presented the manu-

scripts that he possessed to the Utrecht archives, the Academy

* This is incorrect, as will be seen by the quotation I give under Sec.

Ill. The expedition was io, and not against, the ‘‘ emperor of Candi.”

+ Mr. van Houten has been misled by the date erroneously continued

at the top of the later pages of Valentyn’s history. As a matter of fact,

the affairs of Ceylon are chronicled (in a very summary manner, it is

true) down to 1724 on p. 360.

t The former explanation is the more probable: Valentyn himself

uses both forms.

Tenby

234 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

Library, and other public institutions. After his death some

family papers were also presented to the national archives,

but the papers in question were—so Mr. Muller assured

me—with neither one nor the other, and Mr. Grothe’s son,

Mr. Grothe van Schellach at Utrecht, did not know the docu-

ments. Even less has been the result of an inquiry, instituted

by me, of the late Prof. P. J. Veth’s son, Dr. K. J. Veth, and

further by Mr. L. D. Petit, Conservator at the Academy

Library at Leiden, in which are some of the papers left by

Prof. Veth, and of Prof. de Goeije, who arranged the literary

remains of the said scholar, but had not met with the required

documents among them.

Regarding Joan Gideon Loten, on the other hand, I can, in

the way of supplement, now relate considerably more, thanks

to the help of Messrs. G. P. Rouffaer and P. A. M. Boele van

Hensbroek, as well as the gentlemen already named, Mr. 8.

Muller, Fz., and especially Mr. Grothe van Schellach, who was

able to draw therefor from family papers. 7

In the first place, I can by this means refer to the short

biography, to be found on page 651 of vol. xi. of A. J. van der

Aa’s Biografisch W oordenboek (Haarlem, 1865), where, however,

Loten’s services as Governor of Macassar * are alone extolled,

and in particular mention is made of a fine map in 19 sheets of

Celebes, which he caused to be prepared by his bookkeeper

Jean Michel Aubert.t

In the second place, one finds some details in the Bijdragen

van het Koninklijk Instituut van Taal-, Land- en Volkenkunde

van Ned.—Indié 4th series, vol. v. (1881), from the hand of

P. J. B. C. Robidé van der Aa, in his paper “‘ The Great Bantam

Rising in the Middle of Last Century,’ where the important

role filled in 1752 by Loten, at that time councillor extra-

ordinary, as commissary sent to the Bantam court, is

described, and a report from his hand printed ; whilst in an

appendix (pp. 49-53) the writer relates one thing and another

further regarding Loten’s career.

* 1741-50 (see supra).

+ This map is mentioned by Robidé van der Aa (uw. 7.), who says that

it is in the Bodel-Nyenhuis collection.

No. 58.—1907.] JOAN GIDEON LOTEN, F.R.S. 235

Utrecht was Loten’s earlier place of residence.* From my

papers I can also add to this that, as appears from a letter

dated Colombo, 27th January 1756, treating of a consignment

of natural curiosities, there then lived in Utrecht also a

brother, Arnoud Loten, who also became burgomaster of this

town, and died only in 1801, and in the female line was an

ancestor of the present Grothe family.+

On the authority of Prof. Veth, van der Aa also adopts

erroneously the year 1732 as that in which Loten was ap-

_ pointed fiscal at Samarang (“‘ before his arrival at Batavia,”

says the relater) and on 24th August of the same was married.

The information that both here forgot is to be found in the

epitaph of Mrs. Loten, née van Beaumont, in the old Dutch

church inside the fort t at Colombo, to be found on plate 25 in

the work cited by van der Aa himself, Lapidarium Zeylanicum,

being a Collection of Monumental Inscriptions of the Dutch

Churches and Churchyards of Ceylon, by L. Ludovici, Colombo,

1877. We there read that she was born on 13th November

1716 at the Cape of Good Hope, married 24th August 1733,

and died 10th August (not llth August, as Prof. Veth stated)

1755. | |

Van der Aa surmises that Mrs. Loten was a daughter of the

independent fiscal Cornelis van Beaumont, who died at the

Cape of Good Hope in 1724.|| According to the same

* But not his birthplace : see wnjra. ;

+ See further regarding Arnoud Loten under Sec. IIf. According to

Valentyn (i. 290), a ‘‘ Josef Lothen, independent fiscal,” commanded

the return fleet from Java to Holland in 1721; and in the additional

list of subscribers to Valentyn’s great work (given at the end of vol. v.

pt. 2) appears ‘‘ Joseph Loten, lord of Bunnick and Vechten, Witte-

vrouwen and Abstede, as also canon to the chapter of the cathedral at

Utrecht,’ who evidently was a relative of Joan Gideon’s.

{ Wolvendaal church is outside the Colombo’ fort.

§ See also C. As. Soc. Jl. xv. 235, xvii. 18.

|| Kornelis van Beaumont, under-merchant and dispensier at Colombo,

appointed independent fiscal at the Cape of Good Hope 1712, and

arrived there 1713 (Val. Beschr. v. Bat. iv. 383); held office 1712-24,

when he died (Id. Beschr. v. d. Kaap d. G. H. 41). See also C. As. Soe.

Jl. xvii. 16, where van Beaumont’s wife’s name is given as Deliana

Blesius, and she is said (? erroneously) to have died in Colombo on the

same day as her daughter, Loten’s wife. ., (She is also confused with her

sister, Johanna Gysberta.)

236 JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). fVou. XIX.

informant Loten made his later voyage to the Cape* wholly

as a private individual, and also because an inheritance had

fallen to his then deceased wife.f

With respect to the later dispute of Loten’s with the East

India Company regarding the deductions made in the repay-

ment of the loan of 100,000 rixdollars, van der Aa, “ after

a careful perusal of the request,” judges unfavourably of

Loten’s complaint and demand, and even says further that

‘““ Loten’s actions and monetary concerns cannot perhaps in

any respect stand the test of careful investigation.” For our

part, however, in like manner, after a careful perusal

of the documents, we, as in truth Prof. Veth, do not

regard Loten’s demand as in any sense unreasonable, and

consequently van der Aa’s suspicion of his rectitude is not

justified.

Returning now to Loten himself, I can, thanks to Mr.

Grothe’s communications, correct, and at the same time to a

large extent supplement, Robidé van der Aa’s statements.

He was born 16th May 1710 at Scadeshoeve, in the parish

of Maartensdyk, and had as parents Jean Karel Loten, secre-

tary of the Lekdijk Benedendams and steward of the convent

of Marie Magdalena at Wijk-bij-Duurstede, and Arnoudina

Maria Aerssen van Juchem.

The Lotens were of Flemish origin. In 1461 an ancestor

appears as burgomaster of Aardenburg.

Mr. Grothe also informs me that Loten, while residing in

England, was married a second time, on 4th July 1765, at

Banstead in Surrey, namely, to Letitia Cotes, daughter of

Digby Cotes and Elizabeth Bannister, who survived her hus-

band and died 11th June 1810.1

In the plate given in the work mentioned, of the tombstone

of Mrs. Loten, appears also a representation of her arms,§

* In 1775-6 (see supra). '

+ Loten had then been ten years married to an English wife (see below).

t Regarding this second marriage see under Section IIT,

§ Cf. C. As. Soc. Jl. xv. 235 and 229. Owing to the ignorance of the

lapidaries or of the artist, the van Beaumont arms are very faultily

represented in the plates 16 and 25 of Lapid. Zeyl. For instance, in

plate 16, the lion in the crest, which Mr. de Vos describes as issuant,

No. 58.—1907.] JOAN GIDEON LOTEN, F.R.S. 237

namely, a scutcheon divided into two halves longitudinally,

in which in the right half on a golden field a green thistle-

branch forming two shoots [loten|—the arms of the Lotens ;

and the left half divided into quarters, the uppermost display-

ing a rampant black lion on a golden (?) field and underneath a

golden ship on a blue field—the arms of the van Beaumonts.

Some days before the death of Mrs. Loten there died in

very early youth the only grandchild, also mentioned on the

said tombstone, as Albert Anthonie Cornelis van der Brug-

shen. We see from this that at that time Loten’s only child

was also staying in Colombo, perhaps also her husband,*

regarding whose identity van der Aa hazarded a guess, which

seems to have been incorrect ; since Mr. Grothe van Schellach

wrote to me concerning this wife as follows :—“* Armandina +

Deliana Cornelia [the daughter of Loten], the date of whose

birth is unknown to me,f was married 19th July 1752, at

Batavia, to Dirk Willem van der Brugghen, born at Bergen

op Zoom, 4th February 1717, upper merchant and chief at

Soerabaia, whence he returned home in 1758. He died at

Utrecht, 7th October 1770, she at Batavia, 15th May 1756.

They had two children.”’||

Besides the above-named daughter, who was his second

child, Loten had by Anna Henriette van Beaumont two other

children ; the eldest was a daughter, born 16th October 1734,

and soon died, on 30th April 1735 ; the third, a son, died an

hour after birth.

is more like a lion rampant ; while in plate 25 the lion, which in plate

16 is correctly shown as passant (not passant guardant—“ leopardé ”’

—as Mr. de Vos has it), is assuming a rampant attitude. The form

of the ship also differs considerably in the two plates.

* There is no proof of this. Mrs. van der Brugghen may have been

on a visit to her parents without her husband.

+ This is evidently a misprint or misreading for Arnoudina, which

was the name of Loten’s mother.

t{ As Loten’s first child was born 16th October 1734 we may, I think,

safely place the birth of this second daughter in the latter part of 1735.

This would make her barely 17 years old at the time of her marriage—

about the same age at which her mother married Loten.

§ In the same ship as Loten probably.

|| Regarding these children see at end of Section ITI.

238 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

In later years * Loten returned from England to the father-

land, fixed his abode at Scadeshoeve—at least in the summer

—and died, as appears from the register of deaths consulted

by Mr. 8S. Muller, in the burgess rank, on 25th February 1789,

at Utrecht, “at the Drift near the Wittevrouwenbrug.”’

In conclusion, something further regarding the history of

my collection of plates.

Robide van der Aa had suggested 1790 as the probable year

of Loten’s death, referring to the Kunst- en Letterbode of 1790,

p. 34 (should be vol. i., p. 34). On consulting that work, one

reads there under the short reports :—

‘Haarlem. List of presents to the Dutch Society of Sciences

since 25th May 1789 to 2Ist May 1790. For the room of

natural curiosities. A collection of about 130 very fine draw-

ings of mostly East Indian and rare birds, as also of some four-

footed beasts, fish, crabs, sea-polyps, insects, and plants, by

legacy of the late Mr. Joan Gideon Loten, in his lifetime

former councillor of Netherlands India and Governor of

Ceylon,”

At once surmising that this report referred to my own

plates, I applied through the medium of Dr. Greshoff to Prof.

Dr. J. Bosscha at Haarlem, secretary of the Dutch Society of

Sciences, whereupon I received the following reply :—

‘‘ Here is what my investigations have yielded. In the

minutes of the meeting of directors of 4th August the following

is recorded :—

’ “The president also communicated that Mr. J. Kol had in-

formed the secretary under date Utrecht, 18th July last, that the

late Mr. Joan Gideon Loten, in his lifetime former councillor of

Netherlands India and Governor of Ceylon, by a codicil dated 13th

October 1778 had engaged to have transferred to this Dutch Society

of Sciences his collection of drawings and sketches made in Hast

India, as these shall and are to be found in a large copper box +

among his movables, on application for the said legacy, in ex-

change for a proper receipt in discharge of the informant as ex-

ecutor of the deceased’s estate,— that on the same date, the secre-

tary having been requested and qualified therefor, this transfer

* Apparently about 1783 (see under Section III.),

+ See at end of Section III. regarding this legacy.

No. 58.—1907.] JOAN GIDEON LOTEN, F.R.S. 239

was carried out, and the said copper box with the said drawings

and sketches, and various additional prints in sepia and several

English prints of natural objects, were obtained by the secretary,

and laid on the table for inspection, which was carried out and

the informant thanked for his communication ; it was also re-

solved to thank in the friendliest manner the said Mr. J. Kol in the

name of the Society for his trouble in this matter, as also to offer

to pay the expenses incurred therein with thanks, as is fair.

“Of this collection nothing is now to be found either in the

library or in the archives. I imagine that the copper box

together with its contents was in the collection of natural

curiosities that the Society at that time possessed, but that

was removed in 1866 (see Memorial of the 150th anniversary

of the Dutch Society of Sciences, 1902, p. 28). On that

occasion the copper box with plates was doubtless also given

away, to whom or to what institution is no longer to be

ascertained.”

This letter as well as the extract quoted from the old Kunst.

en Letterbode fits in so wonderfully well with my collection,

that at this moment I can entertain not a shadow of a doubt

that it is the legacy of Mr. Loten to the Dutch Society. Only

the vicissitudes of the plates between the year 1866, when the

Society mentioned had its “ great dispersal,” and the time

when the firm of Nijhoff got them into their possession,

which by my orders they bought for me on 13th February

1885, remains as yet a bit of unrecorded history. Mr. Boele

van Hensbroek wrote to me: ‘“‘ They belonged to me, and

formed part of a large lot of books, &c., that I had taken over

from the late art dealer A. G. de Visser. Whence the latter

had the drawings can no longer be traced.” Of the copper

box spoken of there is at present even less of any trace to be

discovered. ?

And here also for the moment my knowledge of the matter

stops. Meanwhile I shall be indebted for all further references

or information that anyone can send me regarding the prin-

cipal persons here brought on the stage, or their adventures

and employments.

The Hague, February 1906. be Ney EL:

240 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

Szotion [If.

So far Mr. van Houten. To supplement the details given

above regarding de Bevere and Loten and the paintings, I

here add what further information I have been able to collect.

First, as to the artist and his family.

From Mr. F. H. de Vos of Galle I learn that Willem Hen-

drik de Bevere of Oosterwijk came out to East India as an

ensign in 1688 by the ship China. Where he served during

the first few years, and when he was promoted, I do not know,*

but in 1696 he was in Amboina with the rank of lieutenant,f

which position he held until 1702, when he became captain-

lieutenant.{ In this capacity he commanded an expedition

against certain runaways in 1705. At the end of this year,

or in 1706, as captain he left Amboina for Java to take part in

the expedition against Soerapati, arriving by the ship Schoon-

dyk at Japara on 23rd July ;|| and on 15th August we read of

him as being present at a reception by the Depati of Soerabaja,

to which he had brought the old prince of Madura. Under

date 20th August, Captain de Bevere is referred to as com-

manding a brigade ;** and under 23rd August we read that

this brigade consisted of 723 men.tf On 4th September,

Valentyn says, he accompanied Captain de Bevere to the

quarters of Captain van der Horst, who had invited his brother

officers and other guests to an entertainment, details of which

* Very likely these years were spent in Batavia, for which place

Valentyn’s lists of ensigns and lieutenants are very defective (see

Beschr. van Batavia 417, 416). A relative, Gerard de Bevere, occupied

positions of importance in Batavia at this time, being a councillor

extraordinary of India, 1687-90 (Val. Beschr. van Bat. 372), advocate

fiscal 1688 to May 1690 (ibid. 379), and president of aldermen 1688

to 138th May 1690 (ibid. 391). I have found no other references to

him.

+ Val. Ambon. Zaaken (vii.) 44 and 259.

t Id. 44, 35, and 27, where he appears in the list of chief officials for

1704.

§ Id. 261 and (vii.) 27. where, in the list for 1705, ‘< left” is appended

to his name.

|| Val. Beschr. van Groot Java 155. Valentyn accompanied this

expedition as assistant chaplain.

4] Ibid. 158, 159. ** Thid. 162. tt Ibid. 163.

No. 58.—1907.] JOAN GIDEON LOTEN, F.R.S. 241

are given.* On llth September Commander Govart Knol,

with the brigade of Bintang, de Bevere, and van der Horst, set

out against the enemy, accompanied by Valentyn,t who in

thé following pages gives minute details of the expedition, de

Bevere’s name often appearing,} especially in connection

with his unfortunate defeat and his subsequent courageous

behaviour at the capture of Bangel on 16th October (both of

which events have been referred to by Mr. van Houten above).

From Valentyn’s statements it would appear that de Bevere’s

conduct in attempting to justify his behaviour in connection

with the former affair was not very straightforward. How-

ever, he seems to have succeeded ultimately in clearing him-

self, for, in detailing the events that took place in Java in

1708, Valentyn || says :—

In the meanwhile the trial of the affair of de Bevere at Batavia

was finished, he, in consequence of his defence, acquitted, and

‘not long afterwards sent as captain to Ceylon, where he remained

some years, but in the end, having come back from an expedition

to the emperor of Candi, was again at loggerheads, as we shall

see more fully under the affairs of Ceylon.

When Valentyn came to describe the affairs of Ceylon he

seems to have forgotten his promise, or to have changed his

mind ; for he does not even mention de Bevere, nor does he

say anything regarding the expedition which had such an un-

pleasant result for the captain. That the latter left Java for

Ceylon towards the end of 1708 seems probable, though Valen-

tyn does not give the date ; and it is possible that he went in

one of the ships that sailed from Batavia in October conveying

to Ceylon as a state prisoner the Pangerang Depati Anom, with

his three sons, nineteen wives, and suite of fifty-two men.]]

_ While in Ceylon Captain de Bevere was in command of the

militia in Colombo.** It was at this time that (as mentioned

by Mr. van Houten above) he formed the liaison, the fruit of

* Ibid. 169.

f{ Ibid. 170.

+ See 172, 174, 178, 179, 181, 182, 186, 187.

§ See 181, 192, 193, 197.

|| Loc. cit. 200.

q Val. loc. cit. 203.

** So Mr. F. H. de Vos informs me, without giving his authority.

242 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX,

which was the father of Loten’s artist protegee.* What the

name of Captain Willem Hendrik de Bevere’s son was, we are

not told by Loten. Mr. de Vos, however, tells me of a “ David

Willemsz de Bevere, of Batavia, an assistant O. I. C., who

married (2) in Colombo, 15th January 1736, Elizabeth Andrie-

sen of Trincomalee,” } and who, Mr. de Vos thinks, was a son

of Captain de Bevere’s. If this actually be the father of the

artist, the latter may have been a child by the first wife,t

whose name Mr. de Vos does not give.

With respect to the mysterious affair which involved the

hot-headed captain in further trouble, I think that the follow-

ing extract from the Beknopte Historie van de Voornaamste

Gebeurtenissen op Ceilon§ may afford some light :—

In the beginning of the year 1714 an ambassador who had gone

up with the usual yearly presents, and had been received very

friendlily at the court, was indiscreet and foolhardy enough, on

retiring thence, to have recourse, contrary to all imagination, to

unheard of grossnesses and conduct shameful to our nation, in

consequence of which there was the greatest uneasiness in Colom-

bo: nevertheless not the slightest harm came to him or to his

suite, at which one could not help being surprised. On this ac-

count, in order to prevent the consequences of such illbred and

improper behaviour, it was thought well at once to send an ola to

the court and therein to offer apologies, with a promise that the

ambassador’s conduct should be rigorously punished, with which

the court then appeared to be satisfied, since in this and the

tollowing year 1715 matters continued in peace.

Taking all things into consideration, I think there can be

hardly any doubt that the ambassador here spoken of was

Captain de Bevere,|| and that the ‘“‘ loggerheads ”’ (strubbelin-

gen) spoken of by Valentyn were the consequence of his

* Loten, as quoted by Mr. van Houten above, says that in 1755

‘* Major ”’ de Bevere’s son ‘‘ seemed about 50 or 55.”” But, as Captain

de Bevere did not arrive in Ceylon until the end of 1708, his son could

not possibly have been more than 45 or 46 in 1755.

+ Mr. de Vos adds the names of several descendants of this couple.

t What Loten says, however (u. s.), seems to disprove this.

§ See also C. As. Soe. Jl. xi. 116, where, however, the translation is

rather free.

|| An examination of the Dutch records in Colombo would probably

settle the question.

No. 58.—1907.] JOAN GIDEON LOTEN, F.R.S. 243

outrageous conduct.* Inany case he seems to have left Ceylon

for Batavia in 1714 or 1715, for in the latter year, according

to Valentyn,} he was one of the captains at the Rotterdam gate

in Batavia, as well as captain of the castle and major for a

while. In 1717, according to the same authority,{ de Bevere

received the permanent appointment of captain of the castle,

a post which he held until 1719, when he died.§

That Captain de Bevere left behind him in Ceylon his mis-

tress and child seems certain ; and, judging by Loten’s words

quoted by Mr. van Houten above, it would appear that though

brought up respectably and as a Christian, this child, on

attaining adolescence and manhood, displayed no uncommon

qualities to call for special mention, else Loten would surely

have said something of them. Regarding this man and his

talented son we shall probably never learn more than what

Loten has told us.||

Let us now turn to Loten himself. As the events of his life

recorded by Mr. van Houten in his two papers are set down in

a somewhat haphazard manner, it may be as well to tabulate

them here according to chronological sequence. They are as

follows :—

1710 16May .. Loten born at Scadeshoeve.

1732 4Jan. .. IL. sails as under merchant for Hast Indies.

“e Aug. .. IL. arrives at Batavia.

1733 10July .. UL. appointed fiscal, Java’s north coast.

es 24 Aug. .. lL. married at Batavia to Anna Henriett-

van Beaumont.

i 10 Sept. .. L. leaves Batavia for Samarang.

» 29Sept. .. IL. arrives at Samarang.

1734 16 Oct. .. L.’s eldest child born.

* For which he had not the excuse that justified the behaviour of an

earlier ambassador—a soldier to boot—Henricus van Bystervelt in

1671 (see C. As. Soe. Jl. xi. 355-76, Knox Hist. Rel. 181).

t Beschr. van Bat. 415.

t Ibid. 414. |

§ Ibid. That de Bevere does not appear to have been punished,

but rather to have been promoted, need not surprise us : compare the

case of Overschie and Thyssen in 1645 (see C. As. Soc. Jl. xviii. 189 and

260 n. 146).

|| Unless, indeed, it be from the Wolvendaal church records and the

Dutch archives in Colombo.

244 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

1735 30 April .. L.’s eldest child dies.

1740 6-10 Nov. .. UL. makes excursion inland.

1741 -= .. L. returns to Batavia.

1744 2Mar. .. L.leaves Batavia for Macassar as Governor.

ip 24 Mar. .. L. arrives at Macassar as Governor.

[1747 Dec.] .. IL. appointed councillor extraordinary of

INGE

1750 [17 Oct.] .. lL. leaves Macassar for Batavia.

1752 [Mar.] .. L. sent as commissary to Batavia.

Foss April .. LL. returns to Batavia.]

ae 19 July .. L.’s daughter married at Batavia to Dirk

Willem van der Brugghen.

os — .. i. leaves Batavia for Ceylon as Governor.

a2 30 Sept. .. L. arrives at Colombo.

1754 24Mar. .. L.’s grandson born at Colombo.

ese Oct.] .. L. appointed councillor ordinary of India.

1755 30July .. L.’s grandson dies at Colombo.

A 10 Aug. .. L.’s wife dies at Colombo.

1756 15 May .. L.’s daughter dies at Batavia.

1757 18 Mar. .. L. leaves Ceylon for Batavia.

1758 von .. L. leaves Batavia for Holland.

me — .. L.’s son-in-law leaves Batavia for Holland.

ie June .. L. arrives in Holland.

1763 a .. L. visits France for health.

1765 4 July .. LL. married at Banstead to Letitia Cotes.

1770 7 Oct. .. L.’s son-in-law dies at Utrecht.

1775 4Nov. .. L. leaves for Cape of Good Hope.

1776 17 Feb. .. L. arrives at Cape of Good Hope.

1777 7Mar. .. L. leaves Cape of Good Hope for Holland.

i 13 June .. UL. arrives at Texel. |

1778 13 Oct. .. L. bequeaths paintings, &c., to Dutch

Society of Sciences, Haarlem.

1789 25 Feb. .. UL. dies at Utrecht.

1810 ll June... L.’s widow dies.

It will have been noticed that Mr. van Houten gives no in-

formation regarding Loten’s history from the time of his birth

until his departure for the East Indies in his twenty-second

year ; and I am unable to throw any light on this period of his

life. Nor can I add to the details furnished by Mr. van Houten

concerning Loten’s career in the East, beyond those I have

given in footnotes to his two papers. As regards the third

and longest portion of his life, I can supply a few additional

No. 58.—1907.] JOAN GIDEON LOTEN, F.R.S. 245

facts, which are the disappointingly meagre result of the re-

search I have made in all the sources that seemed likely to

yield information.*

As we have seen, Loten left the East for good in 1758, arriv-

ing in Holland in June of that year. Hewasthen in the prime

of life, was possessed of considerable means, and had no family

ties.| He was therefore able to devote his whole time to his

favourite study of natural history, and to carry on corre-

spondence on the subject with various European naturalists.

What his immediate movements were, after his arrival in

Holland, I cannot say ; but that he was in England in 1760 is

certain.t In that year was published the second part of

Edwards’s Gleanings of Natural History, and in the list of

subscribers to the work, prefixed to this part, appears the

name of “‘ John Gideon Loten, Esq.”

The Royal Society, in recognition of the services that Loten

had rendered to the cause of science, this same year (1760)

conferred upon him the honour of their fellowship. His certi-

ficate,§ a copy of which I owe to the courtesy of Mr. Robt.

* The correspondence and memoirs of some of the men of science

who lived in the latter half of the eighteenth century may possibly con-

tain some mention of Loten.

+ His two grandchildren accompanied their father.

¢ That he was in England in 1759 seems evident from the fact that

some of Edwards’s plates, painted from specimens belonging to Loten,

are dated in that year (see further on).

§ It is signed by Professor Allamand, M. Maty, Th. Birch, Gowin

Knight, and George Edwards. The last of these was the author of the

books already mentioned and more fully dealt with below. The Rev.

Thomas Birch was secretary of the Royal Society, 1752-85. Matthew

Maty, a fellow-countryman of Loten’s, was at this time an under-

librarian in the British Museum (in 1772 principal librarian, in 1762

foreign secretary, and in 1765 principal secretary of the Royal Society).

Gowin Knight was the first principal librarian of the British Museum,

from its foundation in 1756 until his death in 1772. (See Dict. of Nat.

Biog. regarding all four men.) Jean Nicolas Sébastien Allamand, a

Swiss, was professor of philosophy and natural history at the univer-

sity of Franeker in Friesland. He was elected a fellow of the Royal

Society in 1746. His name is perpetuated in that of the genus of

flowering creepers Allamanda. Evidently the above certificate was

written by him. (See further regarding him in Nowv. Biog. Gen. ii.)

246 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (VoL. XIX.

Harrison, Assistant Secretary of the Royal Society,* runs as

follows :—

Monsieur Joan Gideon Loten, a.cien Gouverneur de Ceylon,

est un homme si distingué par sa naissance, par les emplois dont

il a été revetu, par son mérite et ses belles connoysances dans

diférentes parties de la Philosophie, qu’ il ne peut que faire hon-

neur a toute Société Literaire qui le reconnoitra pour un de ces

membres. J’ ose dire en particulier que sa profonde estime pour

la Soci té Royalle de Londres et pour les excellens ouvrages de

ceux qui la compose le rend bien digne d’étre aggrégé 4 cet Illus-

tre Corps.

Translation.

Mr. Joan Gideon Loten, former Governor of Ceylon, is a man so.

distinguished by his birth, by the offices with which he has been

invested, by his merit and his fine attainments in different bran-

ches of Philosophy, that he cannot but confer honour upon any

literary society that shall recognize him as one of its members.

I may say in particular that his profound esteem for the Royal

Society of London and for the excellent works of those that com-

pose it render him very worthy of being added to that illustrious

body.

On 27th November Loten was balloted for and elected, and

on llth December was admitted as a Fellow of the Royal

Society.t

It was doubtless at this time that Loten took up his resi-

dence at Fulham, as referred to by Mr. van Houten above ;

though when that residence began, and how long it continued,

I have not been able to discover.{ [In any case, it is certain

that he spent a number of years in England,§ becoming almost

* Mr. Harrison has also made a search among the records of the

Royal Society, but has found no further reference to Loten.

7 Loten’s name appears for the first time in the ‘‘ List of the Royal

Society ’’ for 1761, and (it should be noted) not among the ‘‘ persons

of other nations,” but as ‘‘ John Gideon Loten, Esq.”

t Mr. C. J. Feret’s elaborate work, Fulham Old and New (1900),

contains no reference to Loten.

§ In 1763, as Mr. van Houten mentions, he visited France for the

benefit of his health.

No. 58.—1907.] JOAN GIDEON LOTEN, F.R.S. 247

naturalized,* learning to use the English language like his

mother tongue, and marrying an English wife. This last fact

Mr. van Houten has mentioned above; and it is recorded in

the following notice, which I copy from the Gentleman’s

Magazine for 1765 (vol. xxx. p. 346) :—

July 4. John Gideon Loten of New Burlington-str. Esq ;—

to Miss Coates, neice [szc] to the countess of Northington.

Taking the above with what Mr. van Houten tells us, it

seems that Loten was married at Banstead in Surrey (the

residence, apparently, of his bride’s widowed mother) to Let-

tice Cotes,+ whose father, the Rev. Dr. Digby Cotes,t was

connected with the peerage; and further, that Loten had

taken a house in New Burlington Street, in the heart of.

London, as a permanent residence. That this was the case is

evident from the following notice of the death of Loten’s widow

forty-five years later§ (Gent. Mag. lxxx. (1810) 672) :—

June 11. In New Burlington-street, the widow of John Gideon

Loten, esq. formerly Governor of Ceylon, and grand-daughter

to William Lord Digby.

That this marriage was childless is certain ; but of Loten’s

domestic life I know almost nothing. A somewhat cursory

* Notice how. in the authorities I quote, his name is always given in

English form. I cannot help thinking that Loten had some reason

other than his love of science that led him to reside in England. The

relations of the English and Dutch in the East were at this period

somewhat strained (see Willson’s Ledger and Sword ii. 140-3); and

Loten’s pro-English likings could hardly have tended to increase the

affection of the N. E. I. Co. towards him.

+ Not Letitia, as Mr. van Houten has it. Lettice was a Digby family

name.

t In the notice of his death, 11th January 1745, in the Gent. Mag. xv.

52, he is thus described :—‘‘ Rev. Dr Digby Coates, rector of Coleshill,

Warwickshire, prebendary of Litchfield, and principal of Magdalen

Hall, Oxford.”? For further particulars regarding him, others of the

Cotes (or Coates) family, their connection with the Digby family, and

Coleshill, see Foster’s Alumni Oxonienses, Early Series 1. 332, Later

Series i. 301; Gent. Mag. Ixiii. (1793) 283-4; Dugdale’s Antiquities of

Warwickshire (1733), 1006-20.

§ And just over a hundred years after Loten’s birth. When the

second Mrs. Loten was born, I have not discovered.

L 36-07

248 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

perusal of Loten’s lengthy will* and that of his widow at

Somerset House has furnished me with some interesting de-

tails ; + and were the former document copied and printed{

it would throw a good deal of light upon Loten’s family history.

I find, among other particulars, that Loten had in his

household a faithful female freed slave named Sity, a native

of Celebes. It would appear, judging from the dates of the

various codicils, that Loten’s residence in England continued

until about 1781 or 1782,§ and that after that date he settled

down in or near Utrecht, where, as Mr. van Houten has stated,

his brother Arnoud was burgomaster,|| and his two grand-

children] probably lived. That Mrs. Loten also removed to

Holland is probable, though I have no proof of it ; but that she

visited Utrecht at some period we know from her will.** After

her husband’s death, at any rate, we may be sure that she once

more took up her abode in New Burlington Street, where, as

we have seen, she died. Her body was doubtless buried, as

in her will she desires it to be, in the chancel of the church

at Coleshill, of which her father had for so many years been

* With the various codicils, it covers some 16 folio pages. The will

itself is dated in 1767, the codicils bear various dates down to almost

the year of Loten’s death, the later ones being translations from the

Dutch.

+ Unfortunately, the notes I had made were impounded by a soul-

less official on the ground that they were ‘‘ revenue’’: hence I have to

rely on my memory.

t Mrs. Loten’s will cannot be copied, as it falls within the prescribed

period.

§ Compare what Forster says, in the extract quoted below. One

incident of Loten’s later years, recorded by Robidé van der Aa in the

work quoted above, Mr. van Houten has omitted to mention, namely,

that in 1775 Loten was in correspondence with the noted hydrographer

James Dalrymple regarding a map of Celebes (doubtless the one in 19

sheets by Jean Michel Aubert spoken of above).

|| This fact is also mentioned in Loten’s will, from which, more-

over, we learn that Arnoud had a son and a daughter, the former being.

a namesake of Loten’s.

4] These, a son and a daughter of Dirk Willem van der Brugghen,

are referred to by Loten in his will. The daughter married (if my

memory is correct) a Mr. Wilmersdorf, from whom she afterwards

separated.

** In which she leaves valuable rings to two ladies who were kind to

her in a serious illness that she had when in Utrecht.

No. 58.—1907.] JOAN GIDEON LOTEN, F.B.S. 249

vicar, and where, in all probability, she was born. That

Loten was possessed of considerable property, in Holland as

well as in England, is amply proved by the many and valuable

bequests* devised by him in his will and its half-dozen

codicils.

Now as to Loten’s collection of paintings. I have said

above that the second part of Edwards’s Gleanings of Natural

History, in which Loten’s name appears as a subscriber, was

published in 1760. The third and last part was issued in

1764 ; and in the list of subscribers we find ‘‘ John Gideon

Loten, Esq; F.R.S. 2 Books.” But an examination of the

volume shows us that Loten had done more than subscribe to

the work; for at page 229,f in chap. cvi., which describes

plate 316, “ The Great Black Cockatoo,’ t we read :—

This figure was taken from a drawing § done from the life, of

its natural size, by the order of John Gideon Loten, Esq; late

Governor in the Island of Ceylon, and other Dutch settlements in

the East Indies. I shall take this earliest opportunity gratefully

to acknowledge the high obligations I owe to this worthy and

curious|| Gentleman, as he hath contributed every thing in his

power to assist me in the completion of this work, by furnishing

me with many new and curious natural specimens in high preser-

vation, as well as curious drawings after nature. He has also

greatly obliged the curious { of these kingdoms, by presenting to

the British Museum a very large, curious, and valuable collection

of original Drawings, in water-colours, of the most curious Ani-

mals, Vegetables, &c. the productions of India; together with

many specimens of the natural productions, well preserved ; all

which have been helps to me.

* Among these are some Ceylon ‘ curios.’’ A valuable collection

of shells made by him Mrs. Loten bequeathed to his nephew or grandson

(I am not sure which). Loten also had a number of valuable books,

which he left by his will to one or other of these. As regards his natural

history paintings, see further on.

+ The pagination is continued from the previous parts, this part

beginning with p. 221.

+ This plate is dated 15th October 1761. (The plates, it will be

seen, are arranged scientifically, not chronologically.)

§ See what is stated below in the description of plate 338.

|| This word has here one of its obsolete meanings—studious, diligent,

or exact.

4, That is, connoisseurs.

ite

250 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

Again, on pp. 237-8, chap. cxi., describing plate 321, “‘ The

Green Pye of the Isle of Ceylon,”’* we read :—

- This bird was brought, with many others, from the Kast Indies,

by John Gideon Loten, Esq; F.R.S. late Governor of Ceylon, &c.

who presented them to the British Museum, where they now

remain.

On p. 244, chap. exiv., describing plate 324, “ "The Short-

tailed Pye,’ } it is stated :— :

The bird here figured and described was brought by Governor

Loten from the Island of Ceylon, and is deposited in the British

Museum.

On pp. 245-6, chap. cxv., describing plate 325, “ The Crested

Long-tailed Pye,’t we are told :—

This curious bird was brought from the Island of Ceylon by my

worthy friend John Gideon Loten, Esq; and is now preserved in

the British Museum. .

Yet again, on pp. 247-8, chap. cxvi., in which is described

plate 326, ‘‘ The Blue Jay from the East Indies,’’§ it is said :—

The subject from which I draw my figure was brought from

Ceylon by John Gideon Loten, Esq ; and is now preserved in the

British Museum.

Then, on pp. 269-70, chap. cxxviii., describing plate 338,

“The Great Crowned Indian Pigeon,’’|| Edwards says :—

This Bird, and that figured Pla. 316, are all that have been

figured from drawings in these last fifty plates of my work: but

as they were new to me, and the testimony of their authenticity

most undoubted, I was glad of an opportunity to engrave them.

The original is one of those that Governor Loten before-mentioned

caused to be drawn from the life in India, and is now deposited,

with many others brought from thence, in the British Museum.

Mr. Loten brought several of them alive from India,§) and pre-

sented them to the late Princess Royal of Great Britain, Dowager

Princess of Orange, &c.

* This plate is dated Ist October 1759.

-+ Plate dated 6th October 1759. Cf. Loten’s remarks on this bird,

quoted by Mr. van Houten in his first paper.

t Plate dated 4th April 1760. It bears a reference to Knox’ S

Historical Relation, p. 27, and in the letterpress the passage is quoted

from Knox’s work.

§ Plate dated 20th September 1759.

|| Plate dated 8th October 1761.

{| See the statement in Mr. van Houten’s first paper.

No. 58.—1907.] JOAN GIDEON LOTEN, F.R.S. 251

On pp. 282-3, chap. exxxv., is a description of plate 345,

“The Hoopoe,’* in which we read :— 7

It is an Insect-eater, and is found (perhaps in winter Soni in

Ceylon in the East Indies. I have seen a very exact drawing of

it, as to size, shape, and colour, done from the life in the East

Indies by the procurement of John Gideon Loten, Esq; F.R.S.

late Governor of the Island of Ceylon.

Again, on pp. 285-7, chap. cxxxvii., plate 347, “‘ The Red-

breasted Green Creeper,” &c.,+ is described, and we are told

that—

Fig. 1 was brought from the Cape of Good Hope by Governor

Loten, and is now lodged in the British Museum.

Finally, on pp. 299-300, chap. clxiv., describing plate 354,

“The Little Sparrow, and the Wax-bill,’’t it is stated :—

The Wax-bill was brought from the East Indies by John Gideon

Loten, Esq ; F.R.S.

I have quoted these extracts for two reasons. In the

first place, they prove that Mr. van Houten’s assertion,

that Loten’s plates “did frequent service for those in the

well-known work of Edwards, Gleanings of Natural History,”

is incorrect ; since Edwards himself states distinctly that he

used only two of Loten’s (really de Bevere’s) drawings for

his book, the other six plates being drawn from specimens in

Loten’s collection. But I have made these quotations chiefly

to draw attention to the statement in the first extract, which

is repeated in briefer form in most of the other passages, to the

effect that Loten had presented to the British Museum§ “a

very large, curious, and valuable collection of original Draw-

ings, in water-colours, of the most curious Animals, Vegetables,

&c. the productions of India; together with many speci-

mens of the natural productions, well preserved.” I have

made inquiries in various departments of the British Museum,

and searched contemporary records, printed and manuscript,

* Plate dated Ist Septeraber 1759. It is not copied from a Ceylon

specimen.

+ Plate dated 29th December 1760.

t Plate dated 27th April 1761.

-§ The British Museum had been opened only a few years before

(in 1759) in Montague House.

252 “JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

in the libraries there, but can find no trace, nor even a mention,

of any such collection.* I cannot but think, therefore, that

Edwards was under some misapprehension regarding the

collection, which may have been placed by the owner in the

British Museum on loan temporarily. In any case, we shall

find that many of Loten’s drawings were utilized for works

later than Edwards’s ; and from the details given by Mr. van

Houten it seems absolutely certain that the collection of

paintings of which he is the fortunate possessor is the very

same as that referred to by Edwards.

Edwards died in 1773; and in 1776 appeared a work in-

tended, evidently, as a supplement to his two books, but very

inferior to them in the execution of the plates.t This was the

New Illustrations of Zoology, by Peter Brown,t who in his

preface says :—

Several plates are copied from the elegant Drawings, generously

communicated to me by Gideon Loten Esq; and originally

finished under his own inspection from living subjects, during

_his residence in the Islands of Java and Ceylon, of the latter of

which he has been Governor for a considerable time.

To this is appended the following footnote :—

A Certificate in Mr Loten’s own hand-writing, declaring the

Plates faithful copies of his valuable Drawings, is in the hands of

Mr Benjamin White, Fleet-street, for the Inspection of such

Persons who should like to be convinced of their Authenticity.

* Nor has a search instituted at the Natural History Museum at

South Kensington proved any more successful, as Dr. Bowdler Sharpe

kindly informs me.

+ In his preface Brown speaks of his ‘‘ feeble efforts ;”’ but this may

be mock modesty. Compare Legge’s disparaging remarks quoted in

the footnote at the end of Mr. van Houten’s first paper.

t Pennant, in his Literary Life (25), says :—‘** In this year [1776]

Peter Brown, a Dane by birth, and a very neat limner, published his

illustrations of natural history in large quarto, with L. plates. At

my recommendation, Mr. Loten lent to him the greatest part of the

drawings to be engraven, being of birds painted in India. I patronized

Brown, drew up the greatest part of the description for him, but had

not the least concern in the preface.’’ (The meaning of the last clause

is, that Pennant is spoken of in flattering terms in the preface.) In his

Catalogue of My Works (1786) Pennant gives the same facts in briefer

form,

No. 58.—1907.] JOAN GIDEON LOTEN, F.R.S. 253

On p. 42 Brown speaks of “‘ my worthy Patron John Gideon

Loten, Esq.;”” and from his statements throughout the work

we find that in all 20 plates* are copies made from Loten’s

(de Bevere’s) drawings, the majority being representations of

Ceylon birds.+

Seven years after the appearance of Brown’s book there was

published, in 1781, at Halle in Germany, a folio volume by the

eminent naturalist and traveller, Johann Reinhold Forster,

bearing the title Indische Zoologie, and containing fifteen

coloured plates, with detailed descriptions in German and

Latin, of birds, &c.t From the preface I translate the follow-

ing passages :—

Mr. Gideon Loten, who loved to investigate nature, occupied

himself much therein, and with much assiduity also learnt the art

of depicting objects of nature; when he was appointed by the

Dutch East India Company Governor of the island of Ceylon he

found in this island a large field for investigating the secrets of

nature, and he applied himself thereto with great zeal and extra-

ordinary diligence, as often as his incumbent public duties

permitted him. He instructed several slaves§ himself in the art of

drawing ; and caused to be painted by them various new and to

naturalists unknown Ceylon animals. After a laudably conducted

administration he returned to Europe, and brought with him also

all the beautiful pictures of animals. He afterwards married a

* Some of these are dated 1774 and 1775.

+ The birds copied from Loten’s drawings are as follows (all being

Ceylon unless otherwise stated) :—Brown Hawk, Spotted Curucui, Red-

erowned Barbet, Olive-coloured Warbler, Yellow-cheeked Barbet,

Ceylon Black-cap, Javan Partridge, Purple Pigeon (Java), Pompadore

Pigeon, Yellow-faced Pigeon, Yellow-crowned Thrush (Ceylon and Java),

Yellow-vented Fly-catcher (Java), Red-vented Warbler, Yellow-

breasted Fly-catcher, Green Warbler, Pink-coloured Warbler, Green

Wagtail, Rail (two plates). One Ceylon bird, the Great Ceylonese

Eared Owl, is not said to be copied from a plate of Loten’s ; but, as the

latter’s name is mentioned in connection with it, we may infer that it

also is taken from a painting in Loten’s collection.

+ A second edition was issued in 1795, containing some additional

matter, but the plates and descriptions being identical.

§ This is probably a misapprehension. As far as we know, de

Bevere was the only person employed by Loten in the execution of his

paintings, and he was certainly not a ‘‘slave.”’ (Compare, however,

Pennant’s statement quoted in the footnote below.)

254. JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

British lady, and was wont to live many months and indeed

whole years in England.

Baronet Joseph Banks, the present president of the Royal

Society of Sciences in London,* saw these pictures with Mr. Loten,

and with the permission of the owner caused several of them to be

copied. Soon afterwards however he resolved, by the advice of

his friend Mr. Thomas Pennant, with the concurrence of Mr.

Loten, to have a selection of these pictures well engraved in copper

at their own joint expense. This was a singularly fortunate oc-

currence, for when Mr. Loten subsequently sent these paintings

by ship to Holland, the ship was wrecked, and all the paintings

were lost.

Fifteen copperplates had already been engraved, and twelve

of them described by Mr. Pennant from Mr. Loten’s written notes,

when Mr. Banks in the year 1768 left for the South Seas, and began

with Captain Cook the voyage round the world. Owing to my

presence in England I was commissioned to translate Mr. Pen-

nant’s descriptions into French, which commission I undertook

with much readiness and great care. Only as Mr. Pennant

trusted an illiterate unknown French teacher more than me, the

French, which was full of errors, was printed in England to the

first twelve copperplates. After Mr. Banks had returned from

his long voyage, he with Messrs. Loten and Pennant presented me,

for the trouble I had had over the translation, with the ownership

of the copperplates, together with the descriptions of them.

The statements made by Forster in the above extract are

largely borne out by Pennant, who, in the “ advertisement ’’+

prefixed to the second edition (1790) of his Indian Zoology,

says :—

This work, or rather fragment, was begun in the year 1769.¢

The descriptive part fell to my share: the expense of the plates

was divided between Mr. Banks, now Sir Joseph Banks, Baronet ;

_ * Banks was chosen as president of the Royal Society in 1778, and

was created a baronet in 1781.

+ Dated Ist March, 1791, showing that the work was published later

than the title-page (an engraved one by Mazell) states. This is con-

firmed by what Pennant himself says in his Lit. Life p. 40.

{ It must have been in the early part of 1768 (see Forster’s statement

supra). In his Catalogue of My Works (1786) Pennant says: ‘‘In 1761,

my Indian Zoology in folio appeared.’’ (Then follow some of the de-

tails given above.) The date here given is, however, an obvious error,

since, in his Lit. Life (9-10) Pennant distinctly assigns the work to 1769.

No. 58.—1907.] JOAN GIDEON LOTEN, F.R.S. 255

John Gideon Loten, Esq; a governor in Ceylon; and myself.

Twelve only were engraved and published : soon after which the

undertaking appeared so arduous that the design was given over.

It would be injustice to Mr. Loten not to say that the etchings

are taken from his fine collection of drawings made in India: for

he alleviated the cares of life with the delicious pursuits of the

study ofnature. I prevaled [sic] on my two friends to unite with

me in presenting the learned John Reinhold Forster with the

plates. I also bestowed on him three others engraven at my own

expense, before the work was dropped. These were never pub-

lished in England ; but when Dr. Forster left our island, he took

the whole with him, and in 1781 printed, at Halle, in Saxony, an

edition very highly improved, and translated into Latin and

German.. ...

Though neither Pennant nor Forster states the fact, the

engraver of the fifteen plates* above spoken of was Peter

Mazell ;+ and it was in the execution of these that this man

played such pranks with the original drawings lent by Loten

He also says :—‘‘ I was induced to prefer that [zoology] of India from

my acquaintance with John Gideon Loten, esq. who had long been a

governor in more than one of the Dutch islands in the Indian ocean,

and with a laudable zeal had employed several most accurate artists in

delineating, on the spot, the birds and other subjects of natural his-

tory. He offered to me the use of them in a manner that showed his

liberal turn.” (Then follow details similar to those given above.)

Pennant rightly calls the first edition a ‘‘ fragment,’’ since it has no

title-page or preface, and ends abruptly at p. 14.

* They are as follows :—i. The Long-tailed Squirrel; ii. Black and

White Faleon; iii. The Little Horn Owl; iv. The Red Wood-pecker ; v.

The Faciated Couroucou ; vi. The red-headed Cuckoo; vii. The black-

capped Pigeon ; viii. The Tailor Bird; ix. The red-tailed Water-Hen;

x. The white-headed Ibis; xi. The black-backed Goose; xii. The black-

bellied Anhinga; xiii. Spotted-billed Duck, The Tiger Shark, and The

Ceylon Wrasse ; xiv. Double-spurred Partridge ; xv. Flammeous Fly-

catcher. All of these are from Ceylon specimens, except iv. and vii.

7+ Bryan’s Dict. of Painters and Engravers (new ed. by G. C. Williams,

1904) iii. 309 says :—‘‘ Mazell, Peter, an English engraver who flour-

ished in the second part of the 18th century and worked for Pennant

and Boydell, and all the engravings in Cordiner’s ‘ Ruins and Romantic

Prospects in North Britain’ (1792), are by him.’ Pennant in his

Literary Life (3), speaking of his British Zoology (1761), says of the

plates in that work ; ‘« They were all engraven by Mr. Peter Mazel, now

living, of whage skill and integrity I had always occasion to speak well,””

256 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XIX.

as to call forth the latter’s wrathful comments quoted by Mr.

van Houten in his first paper.*¥

But what are we to think of Forster’s assertion, that ‘‘ when

Mr. Loten subsequently sent these paintings by ship to

Holland, the ship was wrecked and all the paintings were lost ’’?

I cannot explain it; but that Loten’s collection of natural

history paintings was not lost, at sea or on land, is demon-

strated by the facts mentioned by Mr. van Houten, that, by a

codicil to his will, dated 13th October 1778, he bequeathed

the whole collection to the Dutch Society of Sciences at Haar-

lem, and that after his decease in 1789 this body took posses-

sion of them. Ihave read the clause in the codicil in question,

and there can be no doubt in the matter. The paintings are

there stated to be in “a flat copper box,” which the testator

requests to be placed inside a wooden case for the better pre-

servation of the valuable contents. The action of the Haar-

lem Society of Sciences in parting with such a valuable gift is

strange, but is not without parallel in the history of other

public institutions. Its loss, however, has been Mr. van

‘Houten’s gain, and he is to be congratulated on his acquisi-

tion, which he evidently appreciates ; while a debt of gratitude

is due to him for collecting and publishing the interesting

facts connected with these paintings set forth in his two

apers.

ye ue Ta)

Memorandum by Mr. R. G. AntTHontsz, Ceylon

Government Archivist. }

As a considerable portion of the paper relates to the personal

history of two men who were closely associated with Ceylon,

I have been at some pains to supplement from materials at

hand here the information that has been afforded by it. I

have thus, I believe, cleared away one or two doubtful points ©

which Mr. Ferguson confesses to be unable to further elucidate,

and to have corrected some trifling and pardonable errors.

* This is proved by the fact that the remarks quoted by Mr. van

Houten occur on the drawings of the Tailor Bird and the (Little Horn 7)

Owl, which form plates viii, and iii, in Pennant’s Indian Zoology.

No. 58.—1907.] JOAN GIDEON LOTEN, F.R.S. 257

First, as regards the artist de Bevere, I have had no diffi-

culty in identifying him as Peter de Bevere, son of David

Willemsz de Bevere, an assistant in the Civil Service of the

Dutch East India Company. The father, David Willemsz de

Bevere, was born in Batavia, whence he appears to have come

over to Ceylon some time previous to 2nd March 1721. On that

date he married, at Colombo, for the first time, Christina de

Kelcq, natural daughter of Willem de Kelcq (or Kelk), master

sailmaker, by one Anna Coere, who, to judge from her name,

must have been of Portuguese descent. The only issue of this

marriage was the artist Pieter de Bevere, who was baptized at

Colombo on the 20th September 1722, with the names Pieter

Cornelis. David Willemsz de Bevere afterwards made a

second marriage, by which he left several other children.

The record of Pieter de Bevere’s appointments in the

Company’s service is as follows :—

- 1743, appointed Assistant Land Surveyor on 10 guilders

per month.

1748, advanced to 16 guilders.

1754, advanced to 24 guilders.

1757, advanced to 30 guilders.

All these promotions were in the usual order except the last,

in which he obtains the status and the salary corresponding to

that of a Boekhouder in the Civil Service before the expiration

of his former bond, an indication, very probably, of the patron-

age he was under. It was in this last year that he is said to

have accompanied Governor Loten to Batavia. I am sorry

I have failed to get any further trace of him in the records ;

but sufficient presumptive evidence of his return to Ceylon

is, | think, afforded by an old book which came into my posses-

sion accidentally some fifteen years ago. It contains studies

in figure drawing from designs by the old Dutch artist Abra-

ham Bloemart, and appears to have at one time been the

property of Pieter de Bevere ; because, inscribed in ink, in a

neat and elegant handwriting, on several pages of the book,

occur the words: ‘‘ Van Pieter de Bevere, Batavia den 10

Maart 1758.”* There is also a later endorsement: ‘“ Den

* <¢ Belongs to Pieter de Bevere, Batavia, 10th March 1758,”

258 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XIX.

Kersten April 1799 gekogt door J. C. Hollebeek.’* This

Hollebeek, it is known, was a resident at Galle about a hun-

dred years ago. The presence of the book in Ceylon seems

to me to be prima facie proof of the fact that the artist had —

returned. here and had brought the book with him ; although,

I admit, there is also room for other theories more remote,

as, for instance, of its having come here with his effects after

his death. The evidence afforded by this book is, however,

not merely confined to the point I have referred to. It would

seem to give us further glimpses into the life and occupation

of the artist. As the studies in the book are all of the human

figure in its various parts and aspects, they must have provided

him with exercise in figure drawing and painting ; and it is, I

think, reasonable to suppose that his profession as an artist

was not limited to the delineation of natural history objects,

such as those he designed for his patron; but that he must

also have devoted his time to drawing and painting the

“human form divine.” It is very probable that he was a

portrait painter.

I come now to the subject of the grandfather—the Major

de Bevere referred to by Governor Loten. That this was the

Captain Willem Hendrik de Bevere who figured in Ceylon

history in the first and second decades of the eighteenth cen-

tury is, I[think, more than probable. He might very well

have been the father of David Willemsz (7.e., Willem’s son) de

Bevere and have brought over his son with him from Batavia,

as the particulars I have quoted from the Marriage Register

are quite in agreement with this supposition and also with the

ages which Loten assigns to his artist protégé and his father.

That the father was born in Ceylon is, I think, clearly dis-

proved, and when Governor Loten, in later years, possibly

when in England, speaks of him as “a natural son of Major

de Bevere by a Cingalese or black Portuguese woman,” he is not

quite correct. Major (or Captain) de Bevere had, as far as we

know, never been in Ceylon before 1708, and his son, born in

Batavia, could not have had a Cingalese or black Portuguese

for his mother ; although it is not impossible that the woman

* « On the Ist April, 1799, bought by J. C. Hollebeek,”

No. 58.—1907.] JOAN GIDEON LOTEN, F.B.S. 259

was a native of the Malay Islands. When, again, Loten de-

scribes the artist as “the untaught Christian Cingalese ”’ he is

either positively wrong or he uses these words in a sense which

requires some explanation. It must be remembered that

Loten, though by this time sufficiently familiar with English

to use it with freedom, must still have been ignorant of some

of those nice distinctions which only a native or a lifelong

student could be expected to know. By “untaught” he

possibly meant “self-taught,” and in calling Pieter de

Bevere a “ Cingalese,” he most likely meant a Ceylonese, in

the sense of one born in the Island. In the classification offi-

cially recognized in Ceylon during the Dutch rule he would, I

think, have been rightly described as a miaties. To return to

Captain Willem Hendrik de Bevere. The passage which Mr.

Ferguson quotes from the beknopte Historie undoubtedly -

refers to him. I find that on the 14th September 1708 he

took his seat for the first time at the Political Council as Chief

of the Military at Colombo, and occupied it till the 23rd Janu-

ary 1714. On the 9th September 1713 the Council unani-

mously elected him Ambassador to the Kandyan Court, and

the Embassy soon after set out with the usual pomp and cere-

mony. Nothing untoward appears to have occurred in the

journey upcountry. The conduct, both of the Ambassador

and of his retinue, was everything to be desired, and the re-

ception at Kandy was most gracious. But de Bevere is said

to have taken umbrage at the quality of the return gifts which

the King presented to the Embassy. He looked upon these

as of too little value and unworthy his position and dignity.

In the rancour created in his mind by this, which he looked

upon as an insult and indignity, he appears to have behaved

in a most rash, if not insane, manner. When, immediately

after the audience with the King, the royal repast was served

out according to the custom of the country, he would not so

much as touch or taste any of the dishes which were presented

to him, but, in the most offensive manner, ordered them to be

given to his slaves to eat. And the royal gifts, which he was

bound to convey with due ceremony, covering them with a

white cloth, he treated with great disrespect and contempt by

tying them up at the foot end of his palanquin. Nor did he

260 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vot. XIX.

treat with any greater consideration the courtiers whom His

Majesty appointed to accompany him on his return journey.

These he insulted and abused, calling them scoundrels and

rascals, and their priest, or tangataar, who was also in the

company, he mocked and mimicked in the most irreverent

manner. Not content with all this, he rushed after one of the

coraals and some of the other chiefs, brandishing a cane, with

which he threatened to flog and chastise them. The first

intimation which the Governor and Council at Colombo re-

ceived of these doings was from an ola dispatched by the

Interpreter Mudaliyar, Don Paulo Dias Gunaretna, who ac-

companied the Embassy. The Council, full of concern as to

the result which these rash proceedings of their accredited

ambassador would have on the friendly relations then subsist-

ing between the Court and the Dutch Government, decided

to place de Bevere under arrest as soon as he should arrive at

the capital, and also to forward to the Kandyan Court an ola

dispatch tendering apologies. In the meantime de Bevere

was deprived of his seat in Council and of his local command

in the army, while it was decided to dispatch him to Batavia

by the vessel then ready to sail, so that he might be dealt with

for his conduct by the Supreme Government of India. Of the

further history of Captain de Bevere the Ceylon records are,

of course, silent.

Of Governor Loten’s personal history very little beyond

what has been stated could be gathered from the records. His

residence in the Island was limited to five years, and the

diaries for these years are unfortunately missing, while the

Resolutions of the Political Council deal for the most part

with purely official matters. With reference to Loten’s son-

in-law, Dirk Willem van der Bruggen, it may be mentioned

that he not only accompanied the Governor to Ceylon in the

Gresenburg, but served in Ceylon for about four years. On

the same day that Governor Loten’s letters patent were read

in Council and he assumed the Government (30th September

1752), van der Bruggen was introduced to the Political Council

and took his seat as a member of it. At the next meeting of

Council, 9th October 1752, he submitted an application for a

passage in the homeward-bound vessel for his son, Jacob

No. 58.—1907.] JOAN GIDEON LOTEN, F.B.S. 261

Willem van der Bruggen, evidently a son bya previous mar-

riage. After March 1756 his name disappears from the

records, and as his wife (Loten’s daughter) died at Batavia

on the 15th May 1756, it is most likely that about that time

he accompanied her there.

I have examined the impaled arms on Mrs. Loten’s tomb-

stone at Wolvendaal church, and also the arms on that of

Jonkheer Francois van Beaumont depicted on page 16 of Lapi-

darvum Zeylanicum. ‘The heraldic tinctures not being denoted

on either of these stones by the conventional lines and dots

used for the purpose, I presume Mr. van Houten obtained the

tinctures he gives from some other source. ‘The reproductions

in the Lap. Zeyl. are not very accurate, but yet they cannot be

said to be seriously at fault. The lion in the upper half of the

sinister impalement on the Loten tombstone and in the arms

of Francois van Beaumont certainly vary. There is an appar-

ent inaccuracy in both cases, because in neither of them is

the attitude of the animal in accordance with any prescribed

heraldic form. Comparing the two and making allowance for

the ignorance of the engraver, it would seem that either the

lion rampant or the lion passant (not guardant) was intended.

This is further proved by the crest over the latter shield, which

should be properly described as a demi-lion rampant. I

attach no importance to the variance in the form of the ship in

the two van Beaumont shields. A certain amount of latitude

is allowed in depicting from heraldic word blazons such

charges as these, and the ship in both cases may be taken to

represent the same charge. ‘There being really no doubt that

Mrs. Loten belonged to the same family as the young noble-

man whose death is recorded in the tombstone on page 16 of

Lap. Zeyl., it would be interesting to know what relationship

he bore to Cornelis van Beaumont, the father of Mrs. Loten.

They appear to have been contemporaries.

There is only one other point upon which I should wish to

touch, and that is, the reference to the Upper Merchant and

Chief Administrator Noé] Anthony Lebeck, with whom Gover-

nor Loten is said to have “ experienced great difficulties.’

The Chief Administrator (Hoofd Administrateur), it may be

mentioned, was the highest official next to the Governor at the

262 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

Council Board, that is, excepting the Commandeurs of Jaffna

and Galle, who, when present, took precedence of all the other

members. The strained relations between Loten and Lebeck

would appear to have begun from the very moment of Loten’s

landing in Colombo. When the Giesenburg with the Governor

on board arrived at the Colombo roads on the 30th September

1752, it is said that, upon Lebeck’s proposal, the castle guns,

instead of, in the first instance, opening the salute with the

usual discharge, were made to await and to answer the salute

fired from the ship. Again, Lebeck, it is stated, objected to

the temporary suspension of the state mourning which was

then worn for the late Prince of Orange, William IV., when

this was suggested as a compliment to the incoming Governor.

Whether in these matters he had acted in good faith or with

the determined intention of offering a slight to the Governor,

it is clear that Loten was not a little put out by the circum-

stance. What private explanations or recriminations passed

between the Governor and the Hoofd Administrateur do not

appear, but that a good deal of rancour existed between

them throughout their intercourse with each other is abund-

antly manifest. Yet the smouldering fire did not burst forth

till nearly four years had gone by. Accumulated charges

were then brought against Lebeck, among which may be

mentioned (1) the failure to forward rice to Trincomalee,

where it was urgently wanted for the garrison and the estab-

lishment, (2) not having the cinnamon intended for export

properly packed in bags, (3) the excessive expenditure of 1,000

guilders in the repairs of the Rotterdam Bastion of the Colombo

fortifications, and (4) the taking of every opportunity to

wilfully mislead the Governor, whereby he was led to commit

several errors of administration. Lebeck, who appears to

have considered himself very much ill-used, and who looked

upon the action taken against him in the light of a persecution,

showed anything but a submissive spirit under these proceed-

ings. When pressed very hard in the Council on one occasion

he burst forth with the words: “TI shall now risk everything,

yea, everything, even if it be my life.”’* When charged by the

* « Nu sal ik er alles aanwaagen, ja ik sal er alles al wat het myn

leven aanwaagen.”

No. 58.—1907.| JOAN GIDEON LOTEN, F.R.S. 263

Governor with having written against him to the Government

of India, he retorted: “‘ Yes, I wrote concerning you last

year to Batavia and also to the fatherland, and I shall do so

again. You may be sure I will not lie still ;”* and he added,

*“I have had much greater enemies than you from whom I

have escaped, and, mark you, I shall with God’s help resist you

also and get off free.’? On the 26th April 1756 the Council,

on the proposition of the Governor, suspended him from office,

when he put in the following protest : “‘ I protest against this —

temporary suspension from office in the most respectful man-

ner, chiefly on the ground that I have not yet replied to all the

charges brought against me by His Excellency, nor have I

been heard thereon. I request also that copies of the written

that this protest may be duly entered in the proceedings.”

The matter eventually went before the Council of India, and

although I have not been able to trace any record of the fiat

pronounced in the case by the Supreme Government of India,

there is no doubt that, as a consequence of his spirited conduct,

Lebeck was, for several years, superseded by Abraham

Samlant as Hoofd Administrateur, and it was only on Anthony

Mooyaart’s retirement from the Commandeurship of Jafina-

patam in 1767 that he regained the seniority which he ap-

pears to have temporarily lost.

22nd February 1907. R. G. ANTHONTSZ.

* <¢ Ja,ik heb voorleden jaar over u geschreven na Batavia en ook na

*t Vaderland, en ik zal het nu weder doen, u kund verzekerd zyn dat ik

niet stil zit.”’

+ *‘ Ik heb zoo veel groter vyanden gehad waar van ik my wel

verlost. zie, en zal het N. B. door Gods hulp tegens u ook wel houden en

my redden.”’

M 36-07

264 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

Memorandum by Mr. F. H. DE Vos, Admocate,

Johan Gideon Loten.

I take the following from Mr. R. P. van den Bosch’s list* of

persons who held office in Ceylon under the Dutch :—

‘©1754, 30th September. Johan Gideon Loten, + born in

Utrecht 16th May 1710, son of Mr. Jan Carel Loten, Secretaris

van den Lekkendyk, benedendams, died 1st December 17638,.

and Maria Aartsen van Juchem. Johan Gideon Loten was

married,t 25th August 1733, to Anna Henrietta van

Beaumont, daughter of Cornelis van Beaumont, died 1724,

Independent Fiscal of the Cape of Good Hope, and Deliana

Blesius.§ Anna Henrietta van Beaumont was born in the

Cape of Good Hope on the 15th November 1716, and died in

Colombo on the 10th August 1755.

‘* Johan Gideon Loten married, (2) in Banstead in Surrey,

4th July 1765, Letitia Cotes, daughter of Digby Cotes and

Elizabeth Bannister, and died in Utrecht, 25th February

1789. The following is an extract from the Burial Register :—

** « Overleden op 25 Februari 1789 en begraven in de Jacobi-

kerk: Del Wel Ed. G. Heer Mr. Johan Gideon Loten, op

den Drift bij de witte vrouwenburg, laat na zyn vrouw, maar

geen kinderen. Gezonken f. 250 en op den 2en May 1791 het

wapen opgehangen.’..... Sos

‘We also have come across the name of Joseph Loten,

1709-10, Fiscal Independent, who in the year 1721 returned

to Holland with a return fleet of 34 ships and (a cargo) worth

more than ten million guilders (Val. I. v. p. 177).

‘* He is also mentioned as Loten Heer van Bunnik en Vechten,

Witte Vrouwen en Astede, mitsgaders Kanunnik ten Capitelle

van den Dom. He was the uncle of Joan Gideon Loten......

“« Joan Gideon Loten, born in Utrecht, is mentioned as a

student in the Academy of Utrecht Ao. 1776........

* | Wapenheraut 77.

+ Journal, R.A.S., C.B., vol. XV., No. 49, p. 235; vol. XVII., No 52,

pp. 16, 18.

~ At Batavia, 24th August 17383.

§ Journal, R.A.S., C.B., vol. XVIII., No. 56, p. 327.

No. 58.—1907.] JOAN GIDEON LOTEN, F.R.S. 265

‘* In the first volume of a copy of Valentyn’s work on the

East Indies, which was published at Dordrecht, 1724-26, there

is the following note on the front sheet :—

** « Dit werk is vermoedelyk in het bezit geweest van den Heer

Joan Gideon Loten in 1754 Gouverneur en Directeur van

Ceylon (zie de exgenhandige aanteekening op page 320 van het

Hilfe Dl). This book I bought in 1735 or 1736 at Samarang on

the East Coast of Java; it was with me at Batavia, Macassar,

Ceylon, Cape the Good Hope, Utrecht, and Londen, also at

St. Helene. I bought it of Benjamin Blom and as I remem-

ber pd. st. at the rate of about f. 150, certainly dear

CMOUCH 20 2 ico +s 6

The above does not perhaps add much to what is contained

in Mr. Ferguson’s paper and Mr. Anthonisz’s memorandum.

_IT have not been able to discover the grandparents of Gover-_

nor Loten. According to Mr. van Houten there lived at

Utrecht in 1756 a brother of the Governor by name Arnoud,

who was burgomaster of Utrecht and died therein 1801. This

must have been the Arnoud Loten * who was married to Lucre-

tia Christina Scheffer and had by her Mr. Joan Gideon Loten f+

(the Governor’s namesake), born 23rd September 1755, died

10th January 1809; married at Utrecht, 29th May 1797,

Henrietta Wilhelmina van den Heuvel, born in Utrecht, 14th

January 1769, died in Bonn, Ist June 1829. As regards

Joseph Lotent the following is an extract from the Marriage

“13 Juli 1720.

* Joseph Loten van Amsterdam laatst geweest zijnde inde-

pendent fiscaal in de directie van Bengale weduwnaar van AI-

berta Pierraerd van Batavia met Abigael Tant van Batavia

weduwe van de Edele Joan van der Nipoort, oud-secretaris

van de Hooge Regeering van India.”

He must therefore have returned to the fatherland a year

after his marriage.

* Aanzienlyke Familien, Vorsteman van Oyen, vol. II., p. 60.

ft Student m the Academy of Utrecht.

{ De Nederlandsche Leeuw, vol. xxill., p 286.

266 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

Dirk Willem van der Bruggen (Brugge, Brugghen).

The following is an extract from the Marriage Register,

Batavia :—

“© 19 Juli 1752.

“Dirk Willem van der Brugghen van Bergen-op-zoom,

opperkoopman, weduwnaar van Christina Engeltina Rebbens

met Arnoldina Deliana Cornelia Loten van Semarang.”’

The children * of these parties born in Ceylon were the

following :—

1. Jan Carel Gideon van der Brugge (Brugghen), baptized

at Colombo, 15th April 1753.

2. Albert Anthony Cornelis van der Brugge (Brugghen),

baptized at Colombo, 3lst March 1754, died at Colombo, 30th

July 1755.

3. Anna Henrietta van der Brugge (Brugghen), baptized

at Colombo, 20th April 1755.

_According to Mr. van Houten the brother and sister of

Albert Anthony Cornelis van der Brugghen predeceased the

latter.

Cornelius van Beaumont. —

+ Cornelius van Beaumont of Breda, onderkoopman and

dispencier, Colombo, 1712, Fiscal of the Cape, 1713-24, was

married to Deliana Blesius, daughter of Johannes Blesius and

Christina Diemer. He had by her :—

Catharina Balthazarina, baptized 7th October 1714;

Anna Henrietta, baptized 22nd November 1716;

Christina Jacoba, baptized 21st August 1718;

Cornelis Johan, baptized 18th February 1720;

Elizabeth Arondina, baptized 2nd March 1721 ;

6. Deliana Isabella, baptized 5th July 1722;

All born in the Cape.

His eldest daughter, Anna Henrietta, was baptized in

Colombo on 9th October 1712, and must have died young.

* 52 Navorscher 130. + 2 Wapenheraut 6. ,

No. 58.—1907.] JOAN GIDEON LOTEN, F.R.S. 267

Johannes Blesius of Breukelen, married, 22nd April 1685,

Christina Diemer, and had by her :—

1. Gysberta Johanna, baptized in the Cape, 23rd June

1686, married Governor Rumpf.*

2. Christina, baptized in the Cape, 24th September 1690,

married Jacobus Cruse.}

3. Deliana, baptized in the Cape, 29th November 1693.

Pieter de Bevere.

I agree with Mr. Anthonisz that Pieter de Bevere was the

son of David Willemsz de Bevere and Christina de Kelcq, but

I do not know where Mr. Anthonisz got the information that

Christina was the natural daughter of Willem de Kelcq, master

sailmaker, and Anna Coere. Willem Jansz de Kelcq, of Dor-

drecht, sailmaker, was married in Colombo, 3rd September

1690, to Dominga Harmensz, of Colombo. From a woman

called Maria Lucas he (de Kelcq) had an illegitimate daughter,

Wilhelmina, baptized in Colombo, 3rd May 1711. Dominga

Harmensz was perhaps the daughter of Hendrik Harmensz of

Norden, a brazier in Colombo in 1669, thereafter a vrijburger,

by his wife Dona Dominga. In the catalogue referred to by

Mr. Ferguson at the commencement of his paper de Bevere is

called a steur, which I think has a peculiar significance. It

means that he held the rank of a boekhouder. Valentyn{

says: “ De onderkoopman, die als seur of boekhouder van ons

schip medevoer, was Jakobus Valentyn, enz.”’

This confirms Mr. Anthonisz’s statement regarding the status

of de Bevere in 1757. Governor Loten’s statement that

Major de Bevere ‘‘ was of the most noble and ancient family

of de Bevere” I think requires confirmation. Vorsteman van

Oyen § makes no reference to him.

* Journal, R.A.S., C.B., vol. XVIII., No. 56, p. 326. She married

(as widow Rumpf) in Batavia, 16th March 1726, Mr. Everhard Kray~<

vanger of Macassar, Advocate Fiscal of India, widower of Maria Catha-

rina de Vos (24 Nederlandsche Leeuw 24).

7 Journal, R.A.S., C.B., vol. XVITI., No. 56, p. 327.

t Van en naar Indie, by A. W. Stellwagen, p. 126.

§ Aanzienlyke Familien (de Beveren).

268 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vont. XIX.

Pieter Cornelis Hasselaar’.

Pieter Cornelis Hasselaar, Burgomaster of Amsterdam,*

thereafter Resident, Cheribon, born at Batavia, 24th March

1720, was the son of Cornelis Hasselaar of Enkhuyzen, Director-

General of the Dutch Indies, by his third wife Gertruida Con-

tantia Clement. Pieter Cornelis Hasselaar married (2) Ger-

truida Margarita Mossel, of Negapatam, the daughter of the

Governor-General Mossel. The issue of this marriage was

Adriana Hasselaar, born in the Indies, 4th July 1795, married

in 1780 Jacob Antony de Roth, born Surat, 1753, the son of

Johan de Roth and Susanna Anthonia van der Bruggen. So

that in 1780 Pieter Cornelis Hasselaar’s son-in-law was the

son of (perhaps) the sister of Dirk Willem van der Brugghen,

Loten’s son-in-law. This is the only possible connection I can

see of the Governor with the Hasselaar family.

The Arms of Loten and van Beaumont.

The arms on the tomb of Governor Loten’s wife are the

impaled arms} of Loten and van Beaumont, the blazons of

which I have taken from Rietstap’s Armorial Général (2nd ed.).

The close resemblance between the arms of Francois van

Beaumont and Anna Henrietta van Beaumont shows that

they were, beyond a doubt, of the same family.

3. Mr. GeRARD JOSEPH then read the following note from

Mr. A. E. Buultjens, bearing on the subject, prepared from certain

Dutch manuscripts in his possession which he purchased at the

Hague on one of his visits there :—

Note spy Mr. A. E. Buuwtsyens, B.A.

_I have in my possession the Memoir on Ceylon of Governor

Loten, and as both Mr. van Houten and Mr. Anthonisz state that

*‘ all trace of other Papers of Loten has, alas, since been lost,”

and “‘ the diaries for the five years of Loten’s rule in Ceylon are

unfortunately lost,’’ I hasten to give (as I received the proof of

Mr. Ferguson’s paper only yesterday, and the meeting is for the

day after to-morrow) only an outline of the manuscript.

The Dutch manuscript in my possession consists of seventy

folio pages of contemporary writing in a fair state of preservation.

I purchased the manuscript, with some others, from the same

* 52 Nawvorscher 240: ** un charmant vieillard (1787), la santé et le

contentement personifiés ’’ (Mevr. van Hogendorp).

+ Journal, R.A.S., vol. XV., No. 49, pp. 229, 235.

No. 58.—1907.] PROCEEDINGS. 269

well-known Nijhoff of the Hague from whom Mr. van Houten

bought his collection of drawings, in one of my trips to Holland

in 1885 or 1886. The title of the Memoir is “ Memorie raekende

Ceylon door den afgaanden Gouverneur Joan Gideon: Loten aan

den aan Komenden Gouverneur Jan Schreuder, nagaleten,

gedateert Colombo, 28 Feb., 1757, geinsereert in het 2nd

Ceylon’s Briefboek, 1758, p. 202.

(Memoir on Ceylon left by the outgoing Governor Joan Gideon

Loten to the incoming Governor Jan Schreuder, dated Colombo,

February 28, 1757, inserted in the 2nd Ceylon Letterbook 1758,

page 202.)

Imay at once say that though several officials’ names are men-

tioned, no mention is made of De Bevere or Lebeck. However,

some light is thrown upon the work of Land Surveyors in Ceylon

in 1743-1757, which is interesting, as the artist De Bevere was

a Land Surveyor. I may here mention that Dutch surveyors’

plans were coloured, and far more works of art than modern slip-

shod surveys ; and from two such plans in my possession I can

fancy that De Bevere must have had a training in drawing before

he qualified to become a Land Surveyor.

The contents of the Memoir are—

SECTION [.

The Company should remain in harmony with the Prince of

the Land.

Chaper I.

The King’s birth and marriage.

The Dessaves and Adigaars.

Relations with the Kandyan Court re Kaymel and Chilaw banks.

Siamese embassy.

| Chapter {1.

Of the Princes and their rule on the coast of India and the

Maldives.

Madura, Tinnevelly, Tutucorin, &c.

The Maldivian Sultan, cowries, embassy.

SEcTION IT.

Administration of possessions and subjects.

Chapter I.

Functions of Dessave, Land Raad, the Tombo or Land and

Garden Description.

As De Bevere was Land Surveyor, 1743-1757, I translate a part

of this chapter, and it may well be imagined that De Bevere had

ample scope for study of birds from nature during his surveys.

The Land Description was begun in Colombo in 1743 [the year

that the artist De Bevere was appointed Land Surveyor], and

now, says Loten (in 1757), <‘ the Register of Lands and Men of the

Hina, Raygam, Alutkoer, Hewagam, and Happitigam Korles has

been completed.

270 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoLt. XIX.

«<The Tombo at Galle was begun in 1741, and the Four Gravets

and the Talpe Pattu have been completed ; since then in the past

year (1756) a beginning has been made with the Gangeboda Pattu,

a great part of which, together with the Wellabodda Pattu and the

whole of Wallalawitte Corle, still remains to be completed.

** The Tombo at Matara was begun in 1740, and during this time

the whole of the Morawak Korle has been completed, and in

course of completion are the Mature, Four Gravets, Weligama,

Weligam Korle, Girreway Pattu, as well as the Wellabodda,

Gangebodda, and Kandeboda Pattus, Dondra, the Baaygams,

Cattoene, Oedabokke.

** Now, in order that the Land Description may be brought to

perfection, everything depends, says Heer van Gollensee [a

previous Dutch Governor] on an accurate survey, and this has

been already accomplished so far that the gardens and fields of the

village Attidie in Salpiti Korle, Kosgama in Hewagam Korle,

Billem [Bellana ?] in Pasdun Korle, Raygam, Kelanie, and

Paloum in Hina Corle have been surveyed by the Sworn Surveyors,

and charts and registers thereof have been made.’ Here Loten

points out the necessary connection between the Land Description

in the Tombo and the Surveys, so that the possessions of each

man may be accurately described, and by the surveys and charts

it can be immediately discovered whether encroachments have

been made, and so that the surveys and the charts made from

them shall agree with the description of the land. More on this

subject may be read from the report just sent in on February 3,

1757, by the Sworn Land Surveyor, together with the compendiums

referred to there, the charts, registers, &c.

Chapter II.

Of the lands and the income from them.

It is here noted that the revenue fell owing to plague depopu-

lating the country (and Loten suggests measures as taken in Java,

Macassar, &c.), and a terrific storm or hurricane in May, 1755,

which uprooted a considerable number of trees.

Chapter ILI.

The Inhabitants, their Chiefs, duties and accomodescans.

Six folio pages here describe the different castes and the services

by each.

Section IIT.

Revenue from the land.

Chapter I.

Trade.

Linen from Madura.

The Fanam Mint.

Arecanuts, chanks, salt, elephants, &c.

Chapter II.

The Income.

Revenue fell.

No. 58.—1907. | PROCEEDINGS. . 271

Chapter III.

The Products of the Land.

Cinnamon and disorders of the Chalias. About the conservation

of the cinnamon trees more may be seen from the report of the

Dessave Cramer and the annexures of the officer of the Mahabedde

Leembruggen dated April 24, 1756, as well as that of the Sworn

Land Surveyor of February 3, 1757. [This last may well be

De Bevere, who was then at the head of his class. ]

Abraham Samlant [who superseded Lebeck] is here mentioned

as being Upper Merchant and Chief Administrator.

The Ceylon cardamom. | The pearl reefs (4 pages folio).

Pepper cultivation | The blood coral.

Coffee cultivation. | Maldivian cowries.

| SEcTION IV.

Internal affairs.

Religion :;

Jansz and De Melho (Jaffna).

De Silva (Trincomale).

Bronsveld, Sybrands, Meyer (qualifying at the Seminary).

Wirlmelskircher (Rector of School).

Potken, Smith, Schultze (Predikants at Colombo and Galle).

The printing press : catalogue of printed books.

The Courts of Justice.

The fortifications and artillery.

The Navy.

Income and expenditure.

4. His EXCELLENCY THE GOVERNOR: Does any gentleman wish

to speak on the papers which have just been delivered ? If there

is no discussion I would ask the President to read a paper on

* Prehistoric Man and Stone Implements in Ceylon.”

5. The PrEesipent (Mr. FERGUSON) introduced Mr. Pole’s

paper by saying: I am not a geologist, and indeed know very

little on the subject of the stone age and prehistoric remains. But

one of the greatest authorities in India, Mr. Bruce Foote, F.G.S.,

has been in communication with Mr. Pole, and has expressed great

interest in his work as a collector. JI am not sure that he has seen

more than diagrams from Mr. Pole as yet ; but we have the fact

that the Drs. Sarasin so prized Mr. Pole’s first collection of stone

implements that they asked him to take them to Europe. For-

tunately Mr. Pole was able to duplicate the collection, and he has

favoured us with a series of specimens and certain notes on the

same. I think it was before he left the East that Lord Curzon

related how a friend of his examined the arrows in the quiver of a

native hunter in India. He found that the first arrow was tipped

with stone of the neolithic age, but that the next was tipped with

electric telegraph wire—a theft from the 20th century. There is

no case here of such modern application, but Mr. Bruce Foote,

judging by the diagrams, says the collection shows a type of

“flake production,” quite distinct from that hitherto met with in

Southern and Western India. I will now read from the notes :—

272 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON.) (Vou. XIX.

A FEW REMARKS ON PREHISTORIC STONES

IN CEYLON.

By JouN Pots.

Tue Drs. Sarasin of Basle, who had visited our Island on

several occasions previously, in April last determined stones

of the character shown to you this evening to be prehistoric

flakes of the Paleolithic age and of Veddaic origin. These

gentlemen found similar flakes in the Vedda caves of Nilgala

and elsewhere in Uva.

This therefore is our starting point. Flakes from all parts.

of the Island—Puttalam, Hambantota, Matalé, Nawalapitiya,

Dimbula, Dikoya, and Maskeliya—have been found of a

similar nature ; the deduction is that they were made by the

prehistoric Veddas, and that they are of Palzeolithic age.

Tron was introduced, seemingly, when the Dravidian

invasion occurred about 2,600 years ago. These stones may

therefore be reckoned at any number of years older, or, to allow

for the distribution of iron, so many years less in age.

They seem to be of common occurrence throughout the

Island, and fairly abundant ; the real wonder being that they

were not discovered earlier.

There may be amongst them many that show no signs of

having been used, and, to our perceptions, there lies a great

difficulty in believing that they could be made of use by any

man ; but they have been found in good society, alongside of

many that possess the signs, and they tell us something of

this small-handed retiring race.

Unfortunately their utter crudity and almost shapelessness

of design throughout this whole series affords great scope for

controversy. The simplicity of the implements can only be

appreciated by those who can realize the degraded state of the

beings who devised them.

Even in the case of some of the latest found slate, shell, and

flint implements of the Neolithic age, in Cornwall, a prejudice

existed in the minds of many as to their nature, chiefly on

No. 58.—1907.] PREHISTORIC STONES IN CEYLON. 273

account of their want of workmanship, it being urged that

they were merely pieces of sea-washed rubble. ‘“‘ No such

implements were to be found on the beach, however,” and I

am afraid this is the only point we can bring forward in favour

of the chips (No. 14), for none of these flakes of ‘‘ shaken ”’

quartz are to be found except in the general camping grounds

on our mountain ridges.

The Veddas are a small-handed race, the Drs. Sarasin tell

us, and these stones appear to give us the same information of

the prehistoric. We merely surmise the uses they were put

to : the peeling of the arrow-wands, and scraping of the bow

into shape, and shafts of spear or javelin, the skinning of the

slain animal, and dressing of the skins for raiment, manufacture

of bags for porterage of their stone implements, &c. Beyond

this there was no “ necessity.” “‘ They ate, they drank, and

slept, and then, they ate, they drank, and slept again” ; but

T suspect, from the nature of their artillery, that hunting enter-

tained them not a little.

Almost without exception these stones have been collected

since the Drs. Sarasin made their interesting discovery ; their

existence, of course, was known to me some time previously.

All stones collected and preserved, previous to their letter in

the Observer of April 19 this year, about 100 in all, fair exam-

ples, have been forwarded to the Drs. Sarasin. These will be

described and probably illustrated in the book the Doctors

are writing on this subject.

The main features of interest in these specimens lie in the

circumstance that the Doctors recognized the nature of the

stones which had been forwarded to them in Kandy as being

very similar in style to those forming their Uva discoveries.

An attempt has been made to place this lot in some sort of

arrangement to allow of their exhibition, by showing the nature

of the crystals from which most of their keenest implements

were struck, (1) showing their rough water-worn exterior ; and

(la) flakes showing the outer skin of such crystals on their

surface. These are marked No. | and No. la.

The crystal marked No. 1 has had a chip taken off, probably

by a Vedda, as a commencement ; this shows nicely the internal

nature of the stone. 3

274 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vot. XIX.

No. 2 gives us an idea of the delicate colouring of some of

the crystals they employed, and with them are shown “ cores ”’

of various crystals found on their encampments.

No. 3 I presume are “ arrow-heads”: these were picked

up in various parts of the district, with the exception of a few

which were evidently spoilt in the manufacture ; these were

found in the society of other “ flakes” and “ chips ” in their

camping grounds. ‘“ Worked stones’ from this clear quartz

are represented (a) by “flakes ”’ which have been smashed

away “ usefully’; (6) by pointed or sagittiform or spathulate

stones showing undoubtedly the two “ business edges ’’ some-

what sharpened for or blunted by work. ‘“ Arrow-heads,”

we must surmise, may have been of any outline, the unit of

value being the keenness of the edge; and of any size, the

character of the quarry determining this ; and we may suspect

that no good point was lost sight of; probably the edge of

the appetite kept the edge of the flake keener, or was it the

reverse ?

No. 4 shows some arrow-heads wanting the “other half” ;

these we might reasonably presume were spoilt in the working.

Theory ever demands some imagination, and without this

there must exist much doubt and lack of faith in any collection

of this nature.

No. 5 is interesting as demonstrating how the upper angle

of a four-sided stone was removed to form a good “ point.”

No. 6, glass-like flakes: these occur in great quantities, and —

represent, I believe, their most cherished ideals for tools ; on

account of the keenness of the edge of the material, probably

these only were used as knives. One of these flakes has an

interesting human profile, and one is precisely similar to a

flake from a salt-cellar. I believe it to be of stone, and to

have been a favourite implement at onetime. The edges have

been much worn by use. There are other flakes quite as

clear, and the marks of the fracture, even under a powerful

lens, appear precisely similar.

No. 7. Flakes of a coarser nature showing signs of work

on the edges.

No. 8. Flakes discoloured by acids or iron stains found on

one part of the same field.

No. 58. —1907.] PREHISTORIC STONES IN CEYLON. 275

No. 9. Some unworked flakes and chips from the prehis-

toric camps.

No. 10. One set of chips taken from one camping spot on

Deeside estate. :

No. 11. One set of chips taken from one camping spot on

Scarborough estate.

It is much to be regretted that two or three years previous

to this exhibit being prepared, all good and likely “ flakes’ had

been removed from the vicinity and are now in the collection

forwarded to the Drs. Sarasin. They might have made Nos. 10

and 11 more interesting.

No. 12. Three crystals, which may represent boring tools,

one of which has apparently been used as such ; one seems

to have been used until the point broke ; the third crystal, I

believe, has never been in use.

No. 13. One crystal which may have been used as a chisel,

as both ends seem to have been at work.

No. 14. One lot of crystals of an entirely different nature,

probably of the former age; a softer stone must have been

made use of previous to the discovery of the crystal quartz.

The form appears of older type, and the intention can be seen

clearly in three or four of the specimens. The stone is rare in

Maskeliya, and very few examples of this nature have been

found as yet.

THE (?) Eorrraic AGz.

No. 14. A few words on these stones. There remains

much of great interest to be worked out, chiefly in discovering,

if possible, some implement which extends a probability of an

earlier manufacture.

With a knowledge of the present-age Vedda, and these

prehistoric flakes before us, it is extremely difficult to imagine

anything more crude and simple. We must therefore theorize

on the material : Had these people always made use of vitreous

crystals ? The answer is plainly “No”! There was a time

when a softer stone was known which answered all of their

purposes fairly well; the rock they made use of was of a com-

moner and coarser nature, and much softer.

The vitreous crystal was the greatest discovery of this (?)

Kolithic age, whose flakes and implements were of the nature

276 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

of those shown in No. 14. This is pure conjecture, but the

suggestion is made, not alone for the value of the idea, but

because the material of No. 14 is so decidedly different from

the vitreous flakes, and that the forms are so peculiar. The

stones are much less frequently met with. At the same time

we are aware that in those districts where this rock is common

it is possible that these flakes may be also of common occur-

rence. This we have to discover.

On reading this to a friend who was much interested in the

subject he remarked that it was a pity a little more was not

written. My only apology must be that very little more

should be written, pending the issue of the Drs. Sarasins’ book :;

they will probably give us something not merely conjecture,

which anything written at this date must surely be.

Like most men of some experience in life, I have formed

opinions regarding the great changes in the past ; but I have

no wish to force these views upon others. What is offered,

diffidently, is a general, and it is hoped, a not altogether

uninteresting selection of ideas, which may at some future

time assume shape, and form some foundation for a wider

knowledge of these ancients.

NOTES ON THE SECOND SELECTION.

N.B.—I have endeavoured to forward in this, my last lot

of prehistoric stones, none but those which show undoubted

signs of the hand of man. Toall who have become acquainted

with the beautifully worked “ flints ’’ with which we were so

familiar in our school days, these “attempts ’’ must present a

great surprise. The stone is not so workable as the English

flint, though really of the same nature. Flint is composed of

silica ina purer state perhaps than the coloured crystals of

the Hast.

Our stones do not seem to lend themselves.to ‘‘ flaking ” so

well, and really must have exercised the patience of the

aborigines, sometimes far beyond usual limits, for rough and

apparently unworked as they seem it is difficult at this present

day with the present age tools to obtain a flake as desired.

No. 58.—1907.] PREHISTORIC STONES IN CEYLON. 277

The crystals seem to conform.to no special rule. Some of the

purest nature havea fracture similar to the “‘ engine turning ”’

ona watch. There are in my possession stones of a very much

earlier age—still Paleoliths.* They are composed of a material

that lends the extreme of uncouthness to these weapons. i

arrive at their earlier date from this circumstance alone, for I

cannot imagine a “ hunter’ once making use of such stone,

after the discovery of the valuable “vitreous” variety of

quartz (or crystals).

Box marked No. la contains two arrow-heads (weapons).

The specimen numbered 33 is a very good instance of rough

workmanship ; and it is extremely difficult to imagine how this

implement was “ insinuated ’”’ except by excessive force—the

negotiating point, probably lost, could hardly help this much

forward, and yet there are signs of much work expended on it.

The specimen marked 43 is an ordinary surface flake with

the corners knocked off—a much more serviceable weapon ;

and after a view of No. 33 one can imagine the joy of the pre-

historic who secured it. These two stones show such a wide

difference in their nature that they fairly mark the extremes

in the use of the material obtainable.

Box marked No. 2a contains 14 arrow-heads (weapons), of

which Nos. 36 and 37 were either spoilt in manufacture, or

spoilt on contact with a bone. I think the artizan was to

blame, for they were found on the some spot. The remaining

implements are of the usual “ diverse forms’ found up-country.

Box No. 3a are forms of what I surmise are of older origin,

judging from the nature of the material. Eoliths are far more

likely to be found in the Northern Provinces, for, if the abori-

gines entered the Island from the North and gradually passed

South and East, the inference is that their vestiges in the

Northern Provinces would be of an earlier date. It is quite

possible that they entered the Island during the Paleolithic

age. Therefore any flakes from the northern parts of the

Island should be of special interest.

* These stones have suffered from the ‘‘ weathering,” and seem to

retain the outline only of the intended weapon. I think the correct

term for these stones should be ‘‘ implements.’’ We can only guess at

the purposes for which they were intended and used.

278 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

Box No. 4a merely demonstrates that our prehistorics made

use of more than one kind of quartz.

Box No. 5a contains some “ flakes” of great beauty: one

or two of them seem to tell us that they have been made of use

from the appearance of the edges. The large flake shows no sign

of having been used. They suggest “ cutting ” implements,

and many retain the outer skin of the water-worn crystal.

Box No. 6a has simply some chips found on one spot, the

camping ground, where the stones were manufactured. The

rough triangular, or heart-shaped stones, in this collection,

may be called arrow-heads for the sake of discrimination, for

they were probably used as such, but they give one no idea of

an arrow-head such as we understand it.

In the box la are two forms which are the nearest to that

which is understood by the word “ Sagittate.” These two

stones are interesting examples of “ accidental ’’ formation.

They became of shape, adapted to a point at the first blow

from the rock. No. 33 may have been shaped “ slightly ’—

you may see that ‘‘ they ” were afraid of taking off too much

from fear of losing its use altogether ; and some very rough

projections remain; but No. 43 is the result of one stone

“bumping ”’ against another, a pure surface flake, with a

portion of the coating of the crystal proving this. Probably

this has never been used ; the base on one side of the “ bulb

of percussion” has been knocked away, and possibly three

blows of the maker finished the weapon.

Note By Mr. R. Brucke Foote.

The subject Mr. Pole treats of is one of great scientific interest

to all true archeologists. The publication of his paper will

certainly do good in drawing attention to the subject of the

ancient stone implements found in Ceylon, no matter by what

names they be called, or to what age they be assigned.

Mr. Pole is evidently an enthusiast on the subject of the old

implements, and will I hope meet with much sympathy in his

researches. He has very kindly sent me a number of specimens

for inspection, and offers me some of them. I have not yet had

time to go through his ‘‘ finds,’ being myself very busy at the

Madras Museum arranging the large collection I transferred

there. Some of Mr. Pole’s specimens I glanced at are certainly

genuine artifacts. Ere long I hope to unpack them and compare

them with some Indian specimens.

No. 58.—1907.] PROCEEDINGS. 279

6.. His ExcELLENCY THE GOVERNOR: Does any gentleman

wish to speak on the Paper just read and the notes thereon ?

There was no discussion.

7. His EXCELLENCY THE GOVERNOR: It only remains for me

to propose on your behalf a cordial vote of thanks to the two

gentlemen who have given this Society such interesting Papers as

we have listened to this evening. The first Paper especially,

though long, is of particular interest to this Society, considering

that the Society has taken such an interest in the Natural History

section of this Museum. ‘The Paper in itself shows a remarkable

amount of research. This we quite expect from Mr. Donald

Ferguson, who, I understand, is a wonderful authority on Dutch

Records. Mr. Anthonisz himself you have heard read his portion

of the Paper, and he also is a gentleman to whom the Members of

this Society always listen with the greatest attention, and who

always interests them in the valuable matter he brings forward to

their notice. Jam sure we all much regret, as Mr. Ferguson has

explained in his Paper, that such a valuable collection of paintings

has been lost to this Museum. The Paper in itself is, as I say, a

most interesting one, and it may be divided into a consideration, if

I may so express it, of the employer and the employed. The matter

of the employer rather strikes me personally as coming to the Island

and only here a couple of months, because it shows me that a

Governor a century and a half ago had a great deal more time at

his disposal than a Governor has now. As regards myself, much

as I should wish to do so—and ignorant as [ am on matters

connected with Oriental study—LI feel that it would be impossible

for a Governor now-a-days to devote such time as Governor Loten

did to the study of natural history and architectural antiquities,

and also to write a long series of notes such as is referred to on

page 227 in the lectures we have just heard delivered. What is

particularly interesting is that this Dutch Governor, who had

rendered such excellent service and such varied service, ultimately

settled in England, and devoted himself to the study of zoology

and botany ; and it was in connection with the ability he displayed

in these subjects he attained the high honour of being made a

Fellow of the Royal Society.

As regards the artist himself, [ think all are agreed he was not

only a heaven-born genius, but also that it simply shows—he

was three-fourths or four-fifths Ceylonese, I forget which—what

an enormous power of conception of the artistic there is inherent

in the native races, which we see not only by the exhibition of Mr.

de Bevere, but also in other exhibitions of art, both in India and

in this Colony.

As regards the Paper written by Mr. John Pole, I confess I am

out of my depth; but I feel sure the specimens are extremely

interesting, and we feel deeply grateful to Mr. Pole for his further

offer that when his colleague visits this Colony next year he will

place at the disposal of the Society additional specimens even

more interesting than those placed before the Society this evening.

N 36-07

280 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). | [Von. XIX.

With these few words, as it is getting very late, I wish on your

behalf to propose a vote of thanks to the gentlemen who have

afforded us such an interesting and pleasant evening.

8. The PrEstIpENT: Ladies and Gentlemen, it is my duty

and great pleasure to move on your behalf a most cordial vote

of thanks to His Excellency the Governor, as Patron of this

Society, for his kindness in coming here this evening to preside

over our meeting. Everyone acquainted with official routine

must know how much pressed with important business the Gover-

nor must be so soon after his assumption of office and especially

at this time of year, when all the heavy expenditure for next year

is being arranged. We are, therefore, specially indebted to His

Excellency for so readily agreeing to come to us, and our most

hearty thanks are due.

9. Mr. J. Pieris: I have very much pleasure in seconding

the vote of thanks proposed to His Excellency for presiding

here this evening. As Mr. Ferguson has already told you, it is a

matter of great gratification to see His Excellency taking such

an early opportunity of showing his interest in this Society,

which is an ancient and a very important Society inthe Island.

His Excellency very truly told us that he could not afford the time

to write notes on natural history, but I am sure His Excellency,

in the many things he will have to look after in the administration

of this Colony, will find time to come to the Society's meetings to

hear the interesting Papers read, especially on matters which

throw some light on the administration of Ceylon. The notes

read by Mr. Buultjens show His Excellency that there are subjects

to be found in the Journals of the Society which will assist him

greatly in the work of modern administration. With these few

remarks, I beg heartily to second the vote of thanks proposed

by the President.

10. His EXcCELLENCY THE GOVERNOR, in acknowledging

the vote of thanks, said : I must thank the proposer and seconder

very much indeed for the kind words in which they have proposed

this vote of thanks to the Chair, and I must also thank you, ladies

and gentlemen, for the way in which you have received their

remarks. Ican only say that during my period of administration

here it will give me not only great pleasure, but even more than

pleasure—it will give me much gratification to do all I possibly

can to further the interests of the Asiatic Society. I notice that

my predecessor did not come to a Meeting for about a year after

his arrival in the Colony. He wished to familiarize himself with

all that is of interest that is to be found in the Island and of which

this Society takes so much care and notice. I, on the other hand,

think it better to at once throw myself on your mercy and acknow-

ledge myself as perfectly ignorant. I have been looking at the

Index of proceedings of this’Sotiety and all the Papers which have

been read for a large number of years past, and I assure you I am

appalled at the mass of ignorance I have in these matters apper-

taining to Oriental studies, and I think it is better to take the

No. 58.—1907.] PROCEEDINGS. 281

advice given to me to-night by Mr. James Pieris to attend the

meetings of the Society here and begin to learn and be a humble

disciple. In doing that I will not place myself in a worse position

than did the Governor when the Society was first founded in 1845,

and when the Governor of the day became the first President

and Patron of this Society. At the same time I have considerable

hesitation in occupying the Chair at your meetings, seeing what

distinguished predecessors I have had before me. I refer especially

to Sir William Gregory. I refer also to Sir Arthur Gordon, now

Lord Stanmore, who was a most active Member of the Society,

and gave them the benefit of a very large amount of knowledge.

My immediate predecessor also took the greatest interest in the

archeology of this Island, and did in the same way as I hope

to do, even if I have not the fund of knowledge my predecessors

have possessed, assist the Society. I cannot help feeling that one

has a grand opportunity in a Colony of this sort of picking up

knowledge which is interesting in itself, but most valuable in keep-

ing the present in touch with the past. When I read books like

Emerson Tennent’s Ceylon and Cave’s Buried Cities one feels how

small one is in the presence of past great civilizations, such as those

that were on this Island. When you think of the cities of Anura-

dhapura, towns of enormous size with teeming populations, their

works of irrigation and remains of art, one has a field of study

—if, as I say, a wretched Governor can find time to study—which

will be most interesting and profitable for him. The Buddhist

remains in this Island are very wonderful, and it was only two

days ago I stood in this Museum talking of them with His Majesty

the King of Siam. He then said to me: “ But the worst of it is

you have all the remains of Buddhism, but they are all in pieces.

You ought to come to Siam to see remains of Buddha.” I replied :

“ Your Majesty, I may go to Siam—I have been in Japan, where

IT have seen monuments to Buddha— but when I come to Ceylon

I can study antiquity. We can show you antiquity which the

other two countries do not possess.’’ One feels we have a grand

thing before us in the exploration, discovery, and piecing together,

and reconstruction now being done so profitably and weil by that

hard-working officer of Government, Mr. Bell. I hope, as I say,

that you Members of the Society will excuse any ignorance | may

display of Oriental study when sitting in this Chair, but that

at all events you will feel I have the interests of the Society at

heart, and I will do all I can to profit by the instruction I get from

the different Papers read. I thank you very much for the way

in which you have responded to the vote of thanks.

This concluded the Proceedings, and those present thereafter

inspected the specimens sent by Mr. Pole.

PRINTED AT THE

GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE,

COLOMBO, CEYLON.

JOURNAL

OF THE

CEYLON BRANCH

OF THE

| ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,

1907.

iN VOLUME XIX.

1\ No. 59.

EDITED BY THE HONORARY SECRETARY.

The design of the Soefety is to institute and promote inquiries into the

History, Religions, Languages, Literature, Arts, and Social Condition

of the present and former Inhabitants of the Island, with its

: Geology and Mineralogy, its Climate and Meteorology,

its Botany and Zoology.

Price: to Members, Re. 1; to Non-Members, Rs. 2.

Ms:

COLOMBO :

H. C. COTTLE, GOVERNMENT PRINTER, CEYLON.

1908.

eran

JOURNAL

OF THE

CEYLON BRANCH.

OF THE ~

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,

1907.

VOLUME XIX.

No. 59.

EDITED BY THE HONORARY SHCRETARY.

The design of the Society is to institute and promote inquiries into the

History, Religions, Languages, Literature, Arts, and Social Condition

of the present and former inhabitants of the Island, with its

Geology and Mineralogy, its Climate and Meteorology,

its Botany and Zoology.

COLOMBO:

H. C, COTTLE, GOVERNMENT PRINTER, CEYLON.

1908.

CONTENTS.

: PAGE

General Meeting : May 30, 1907 NP A 283

Paper read :—

“The Discovery of Ceylon by the Portuguese in

1506,” by Donatp FEeRGuson ve Ne 284

Discussion on the Paper 0 : or 385

JOURNAL

OF THE

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,

CEYLON BRANCH.

GENERAL MEBETING.

Colombo Museum, May 30, 1907.

Present :

The Hon. Mr. J. Ferguson, C.M.G., President, in the Chair.

Mr. R. G. Anthonisz. Mr. D. B. Jayatilaka, B.A.

The Hon. Mr. P. Arunachalam, | Mr. F. Lewis, F.L.S.

_ M.A., C.C.8. Mr. P. EH. Morgappah.

Mr. T. P. Attygalle, J.P. Mr. EK. W. Perera, Advocate.

Mr. R. H. Ferguson, B.A. Mr. P. EK. Pieris, M.A., C.C.S.

Mr. C.M. Fernando, M.A., LL.M. | Rev. W. J. Wijesinha.

Mr. J. Harward, M.A., and Mr. G. A. Joseph,

Honorary Secretaries.

Visitors: four ladies and twelve gentlemen.

Business.

1. Mr. JosepH, Honorary Secretary, read the Minutes of the

General Meeting held on March 15, 1907, which were confirmed.

2. ‘The election since the last General Meeting of the following

members was announced :—Messts. H. F.C. Fyers (Assistant Con-

servator of Forests), P. A. Goonaratna (Proctor), T. EK. Goonaratna,

W.T. D.C. Wagiswara, Rev. R. P. Butterfield, Messrs. 8.G. Koch, |

T. Harward (Second Assistant P.M.G.), L. 8. Woolf, B.A., C.C.S.,

M. A. C. Mohamed, James Hornell, A. H. Fernando, and A. E.

Roberts (Proctor).

3. Mr.C.M. FeRNANnDo read the following Paper by Mr. Donald

Ferguson, entitled ‘“‘ The Discovery of Ceylon by the Portuguese

in 1506” :— api

B 36-07

Dey JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

THE DISCOVERY OF CEYLON BY THE

PORTUGUESE IN 1506.

By DonaLD FERGUSON.

A nobre ilha tambem de Taprobana,

J& pelo nome antiguo tao famosa,

Quanto agora soberba e soberana,

Pela cortica calida, cheirosa,

Della dara tributo 4 Lusitana

Bandeira, quando excelsa, e glorifosa,

Vencendo, se erguera na torre erguida

Em Columbo, dos proprios téo temida.

Camogs, Lusiadas x. 51.

THE first landing of the Portuguese in Ceylon has been

the subject of so much confusion and misstatement, even on

the part of writers within half a century after its occurrence,

that I have thought it worth while, in connection with the

quatercentenary of the event, to gather together the earliest

accounts of Dom Lourenco de Almeida’s visit to the island

and any documents that throw light thereon. These will be

found in Appendix B at the end of this Paper. In Appendix A

I have given all the references to Ceylon that I could find,

from the time of Vasco da Gama’s pioneer visit to India, in 1498,

to the year before the news of the “‘ discovery ”’ of Ceylon

reached Portugal. Finally, in Appendix C I have given all

references to Ceylon from the first Portuguese landing down

to the year 1518, when Lopo Soares erected the first fortress

at Columbo. All these extracts are arranged, as far as possible.

in chronological order. My reasons for giving those in Appen-

dices A and B I shall explain further on.

Tennent’s well-known work has obtained such a high

reputation (and deservedly so), that it is most unfortunate

that the chapter dealing with the Portuguese period in Ceylon

(vol. II., chap. i.) is marred by many errors, chiefly due to

the author’s ignorance of the Portuguese language. The

‘paragraphs relating to Dom Lourengo’s visit contain (with

1495-1

, KING OF PORTUGAL,

DOM MANUEL THE FORTUNATE

From ‘‘ Leitura Nova” (1° de Alemdouro) in the Torre do Tombo.

(The signature is that of the King, ‘‘ Rey.’’)

ission

d permi

of the Hakluyt Society.)

(From ** A Journal of the First Voyage of Vasco da Gama,”’ by |

No. 59.—1907.]| PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 285

misspellings of names) almost as many mistakes as lines.

They are as follows* :—

The Portuguese had been nearly twenty years in India before

they took steps to obtain a footing in Ceylon. [A very misleading

statement.] Vasco de [sic] Gama, after rounding the Cape,

anchored at Calicut A.p. 1498, and Lorenzo [sic] de Almeyda

visited Galle [?] in 1505 [?]; but it was not till 1517 [1518] that

Lopez [s¢c] Soarez, the third viceroy [sic] of the Indies, bethought

himself [?] of sending an expedition to form a permanent trading

settlement [?] at Colombo;} and so little importance did the

Portuguese attach to the acquisition [?] that within a very few

years an order (which was not acted upon) [{?] was issued from Goa ?]

to abandon [demolish] the fort as not worth the cost of retention.

The first appearance of the Portuguese flag in the waters of

Ceylon, in the year 1505 [?], was the result of an accident [7].

The profitable trade previously conducted by the Moors, of

earrying the spices of Malacca and Sumatra to Cambay and

Bassora, having been effectually cut off by the Portuguese

cruisers, the Moorish ships were compelled to take a wide course

through the Maldives, and pass south of Ceylon, to escape capture.

[In going from Malacca to the Persian Gulf ships would have to

pass Ceylon before going through the Maldives.] Don [stc] Fran-

cisco de Almeyda, the viceroy of India, despatched a fleet from

Goa [!], under command of his son, Lorenzo [sic], to intercept

the Moors on their route. Wandering over unknown seas [7],

he was unexpectedly carried by the current to the harbour of

Galle [?], where he found Moorish ships loading with cinnamon

and elephants. The owners, alarmed for their own safety,

attempted to deceive him by the assertion that Galle was the

residence of Dharma Prakrama IX. [sic] [?], the king of Ceylon,

under whose protection they professed to be trading ; and by

whom, they further assured him, they were authorised to propose

a treaty of peace and commerce with the Portuguese, and to

compliment their Commander by a royal gift of four hundred

bahars of cinnamon. They even conducted Payo de Souza,

the lieutenant of Lorenzo Almeyda [sc], to an interview with a

native who personated the Singhalese monarch [?], and who

promised him permission to erect a factory at Colombo [?]. Don

Lorenzo [sic], though aware of the deception [?], found it prudent

to dissemble, and again put to sea after erecting a stone cross[?] at

Point de Galle [?] to record the event of his arrival.

* After each error I have inserted a note in brackets.

{+ To this Tennent appends a long footnote, which I quote below.

B 2

286 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XIX.

It is only fair to Tennent to say that for some of the state-

ments to which I have appended query marks, &c., he has the

authority of Barros, the official historian of Portuguese India ;

but a large number are due to misunderstanding of, or wrong

deductions from, the Portuguese accounts ; while the mis-

spellings can only be attributed to sheer carelessness.

Another example of Tennent’s reasoning from wrong

premises is found in the long footnote to which I have

referred above. It runs as follows :—

This fact is not without significance in relation to the claim

of Ceylon to a “natural monopoly ” of the finest qualities of

cinnamon.* Its existence as a production of the island had

been made known to Europe by Di Conti, seventy years before ;

and Ibn Batita asserts that Malabar had been supplied with

cinnamon from Ceylon at a still earlier period. It may therefore

be inferred that there can have been nothing very remarkable

in the quality or repute of the spice at the beginning of the six-

teenth century [?]; else the Portuguese, who had been mainly

attracted to the East by the fame of its spices, would have made

their earliest visit to the country which afterwards acquired its

renown by producing the rarest of them :

** canella

Com que Ceilao he rica, illustre, e bella.”’

Camoens, canto ix. st. 14.

On the contrary, their first inquiries were for pepper, and

their chief resort was to the Dekkan, north of Cape Comorin,

which was celebrated for producing it. (Tohfut-ul-Mujahideen,

ch. iv. s. i. p. 77.) [The work referred to says nothing about the

Dekhan, &c.] It was not till 1516 that Barbosa proclaimed

the superiority of Ceylon cinnamon over all others [?], and there

is reason to believe, whatever doubt there may be as to its early

introduction into the island, that its high reputation is com-

paratively modern, and attributable to the attention bestowed

upon its preparation for market by the Portuguese [?], and after-

wards in its cultivation by the Dutch. De Barros, however,

goes so far as to describe Ceylon as the Mother of Cinnamon,

‘* canella de que ella he madre como dissemos.’’—Dec. ILI. lib. ii,

ch. i. [The taking over of the last two words in the quotation is,

I think, a proof of Tennent’s ignorance of Portuguese. ]

* This subject is dealt with by Tennent in a very lengthy note on

pp. 600-4 of vol. I. of his work (5th ed.).

No. 59.—1907.] PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 287

A third misstatement of Tennent’s is contained in the

opening sentence of the paragraph that immediately follows

that given above, describing the landing of Dom Lourengo, viz.,

“Twelve years:elapsed before the Portuguese again visited

Ceylon.”

The inaccuracy of Tennent’s conclusions on both points,

viz., the notoriety of Ceylon cinnamon at the beginning of the

sixteenth century, and the intercourse of the Portuguese with

Ceylon between 1506 and 1518, is abundantly demonstrated

by the extracts given in Appendices A and C respectively.

The earliest accounts of Ceylon written after Vasco da

Gama’s pioneer voyage are remarkable for the variety of spell-

ings of the name of the island and the differing estimates of the

distance at which the latter lay from Calicut. But they nearly

all agree in attributing to Ceylon the production of elephants,

gems, and the finest connamon. “Then,” I hear the shade of

Tennent say, ‘“ the conduct of the Portuguese becomes still

more inexplicable. If they knew that the finest cinnamon was

produced only in Ceylon, why did they not go thither and

load their ships with the more costly spice rather than with

the cheaper pepper ?”’ Well, there were several very good

reasons why the Portuguese acted as they did. In the first

place, it must be remembered that, though they came

to the East professedly as peaceful traders, on finding the

hated ‘‘ Moors” in possession of the bulk of the Hastern sea-borne

trade, they set to work to oust them, not by competition, but

by the strong hand, piracy and brutal massacre being con-

sidered matters for self-gratulation on the part of their com-

manders. Naturally then, with their small fleets and limited

forces, they had to extend the field of their operations gradually.

In the second place, as will be seen from some of the extracts -

I give, the Portuguese ships were able to get supplies of

cinnamon at Calicut and Cochin, brought thither by native

vessels from Ceylon. But the main reason is to be found in

the statement of Albuquerque in his letter of 4 November

1510, quoted below, viz., “The pepper supplies the loadings

of the ships ; all the rest of the other goods is superfluity.”

One has only to consider for a moment the relative importance

of the two spices as articles of consumption to understand why

288 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX

the Portuguese assigned to cinnamon a secondary position.*

Then, again, while bales of cinnamon had to be handled and

stowed carefully, pepper was one of the easiest? cargoes to

load, being simply poured into every available space of the

ship, the spaces being then closed up. |

But all this must not lead us to suppose that the Portuguese

were not anxious to open up a direct trade with Ceylon as

soon as possible. We may be quite sure that King Manuel

had had it in his mind for some years,§ when in March 1505,

in his instructions to Dom Francisco de Almeida,|| who was

going out to become the first viceroy of Portuguese India, he

gave the latter a distinct command that, as soon as possible

after the dispatch of the homeward-bound ships, he was to

send out vessels under a suitable commander ‘to discover

Ceylam, and Pegu and Mallaca, and any other places and

things of those parts,” with the object, stated in so many

words, of exercising the right of overlordship, and making all

* Pepper, I may remind the reader, was from the first reserved by.

the king of Portugal as aroyal monopoly : this restriction was abolished

in 1570. A royal monopoly in cinnamon was not proclaimed until the

year 1614: this privilege was lost to the crown of Portugal when

Columbo fell to the Dutch in 1656, the Netherlands East India

Company retaining it strictly until they were ousted from the island

by the British in 1796.

+ And one of the most dangerous ; for if a gale was encountered,

and the ship sprang a leak, the pepper often choked the pumps, rendering

them unworkable.

{ See Linschoten (Hak. Soe. ed.) ii. 225.

§ The statement in the letter from ‘the merchants of Spain,”’

written probably at the end of 1503, and quoted below (A 15), doubtless

reflects the royal desire.

|| A portrait of Dom Francisco, reproduced from Pedro Barreto de

Resende’s Livro do Estado da India Oriental (Brit. Mus. Lib., Sloane 197),

is given in volume ii. of the Hakluyt Soc. translation of the Commentaries

of Afonso Dalboquerque. A copy of this is given on the opposite page.

A biographical notice of the viceroy by M. Ferd. Denis will be found in

tom. 2 of the Nouvelle Biographie Générale, but it is not free from errors.

Castanheda, Barros, and Correa all unite in ascribing to Dom Francisco

a high moral character anda freedom from the common greed of gain.

It cannot be wondered at that he had many enemies. His treatment

of his appointed successor Albuquerque is described in the Com. 1.

and ii., and in Morse Stephens’s Albuquerque. An account of his sad

end at Saldanha Bay will be found in Theal’s Beginning of South

African History 177-79.

DOM FRANCISCO DE ALMEIDA.

Copied from the Hakluyt Society’s ‘*‘ Commentaries of Afonso Dalboquerque

No, 59.—1907.] PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 289

the profit possible out of the products of those countries.*

A year later we shall find the king urging on his viceroy a

still more ambitious scheme regarding Ceylon ; but we must

now follow Almeida to India, and see how he fulfilled his

instruction to ‘‘ discover Ceylam.”+

On 25 March 1505, D. Francisco de Almeida set. sail

from Belem for India with the largest fleet that had yet left

Portugal for the East. It consisted of some twenty? vessels

large and small, bearing some fifteen hundred men of arms,

among whom were many fidalgos, as well as several hundred

sailors, gunners, &c. Some of these vessels were to return

to Portugal the following year with the cargoes of spices ;

but the larger number, chiefly the caravels and smaller ships,

were intended to act as a defensive (and offensive) fleet in

Indian waters. The names of the captains, and of their

* See A19. I shall return to this important document later on.

{ It may be as well to say here, in view of certain foolish objections

that have been raised by writers on Ceylon to the Portuguese claim

to have “ discovered ”’ the famous island, that the verb ‘‘ discover ’’

was used in this connection in the sense of “‘ to bring into fuller know-

ledge, to explore,’”’ and not in that of “‘ to obtain sight or knowledge of

(something previously unknown) for the first time ”’ (see New Eng.

Dict. s.v. *“‘ Discover,’’ senses 8 and 9).

{ Barros says 22 (12 toreturn with spices), but names only 20 captains.

Castanheda says 15 ships and 6 caravels, but also names only 20 cap-

tains. Correa says 8 large cargo ships, 6 small ships, and 6 caravels,

but names 21 captains. The Relacdo das Ndos (quoted in Com. of

Af. Daib. ii, xxix.-xxxi.) says 14 ships and 6 caravels ; but in one

list names 22 captains, and in another 20. Figueiredo Falcio enumer-

ates 21 captains ; but he mixes up this fleet with the following one,

and his numbers are all wrong. Couto (X. I. xvi.) says 21 ships, of

which 6 were caravels to remain in India. Hans Mayr (who was factor

on the S. Rafael) says 20 sail, viz., 14 ships and 6 caravels ; while

Balthazar Sprenger (who was factor on the Lionarda) says “ naves

xxx.,’’ this number perhaps being an error for “xx.” Leonardo Ca’

Masser says that Dom Francisco was in command of 30 sail great and

small, one of which, the Nuncid, was lost at the mouth of the Tagus ;

but when he comes to enumerate the different kinds of vessels in the

fleet he says that there were 14 ships of from 1,000 to 300 bote (tons),

71 (sic, for 7 ?) caravels of from 200 to 150 bote, and 7 other caravels

of from 80 to 100 bote. It is probable that these last two writers have

included the six ships under Pero da Nhaya, which were to have

accompanied D. Francisco’s armada as far as Sofala, but were prevented

at the last moment by the sinking of the Sant-Iago (see Barros I. 1x. vi.).

290 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

ships, as far as I have been able to ascertain, are as

follows :—

D. Francisco de Almeida, captain- major [in the Bom

Jesus* 2];

Vasco Gomes de Abreu,f in the Sdo Gabriel ;

Joao da Nova,t{ in the Flor de la mar§ ;

Pero Ferreira Fogaga,|| in the Bella ;

Ruy Freire{ [in the Sao Jeronimo** 2];

Fernao Soares,t} in the Sao Rafael ;

Bastiao de Sousa, tt in the Concepcao ;

* So says Fig. Falcdo (the Rel. das Ndos has “ Jesus”’), who adds

that she returned to Portugal on | June 1508. But, as I have

already shown, Fig. Falcdo’s earlier lists are very incorrect, and his

dates are quite unreliable. Moreover, I can find no mentior by the

historians of such a ship ; while, on the other hand, Barros (I. Ix. iv.)

states that the viceroy’s ship was the S. Jeronimo. It is probable,

therefore, that there was no Bom Jesus.in the fleet, or that this was

the name first given to the S. Jeronimo.

{t Cast. says that this man was to cruise as captain-major between

Cape Goardafum and Cambaya; Cor. says as captain-major at Cape

Guardafuy. See below regarding him.

t Commander of the third voyage to India in 1501 (see A 8, infra).

Afterwards notorious as one of Albuquerque’s bitterest enemies (see

Com. of Af. Dalb. and Morse Stephens’s Albuquerque, passim). Cast.

says that he was to cruise as eaptain-major from Cambaya to Cape

Comorim ; Cor. says from Cape Comorim to the Maldives, and, by a

secret hivard, if he wished, he was to remain as cejguens major on the

coast of India (see infra).

§ The famous ship afterwards used by Albuquerque, and lost, with

all the rich loot on board, on the return voyage from Matncers in 1512

(see Com, of Af. Dalb.).

|| This man was going as captain of the fortress that was to be built

at Quiloa (see below).

4] I cannot find why this man was given the command of what was,

apparently, the admiral of the fleet.

** This ship, the S. Rafael, and the Lionarda were owned by Germans,

and two, at least, had German factors on board (see p. 292, note §).

Tt This man was acommendador of the order of Avis, and, as we shall

see further on, has been confused by the historians with another com-

mendador, Ruy Soares. ! |

fi Son of Ruy d’Abreu, alcaide mor of Elvas. Twenty years later

we read of him as still commanding a ship.

No. 59.—1907.] PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 291

Antao Goncalves* [in the Judiat 2];

Diogo Correa,t in the Lionarda ;

Lopo de Deos§ [in the Madalena 2];

Joao Serrao|| [in the Botafogo].

Doubtful captaincies :—D. Alvaro de Noronha, Lourengo de

Brito, Manuel Pacanha.]

D. Fernando De¢a,**

Fernao (or Alonso) Bermudez,}t

Lopo Sanches,

Gongalo de Paiva,tt

Lucas d’Affonseca,

Lopo Chanoca,§§

In caravels.

* He was alcaide, or judge, of Cezimbra, and was probably son of

the man of the same name who was one of Prince Henry’s pioneer

captains half a century before.

+ This name, by a natural error, appears as India in several works.

t Regarding this man see p. 296, note fT.

§ Cast. and Cor. and one of the lists in the Rel. das Ndos omit this

name, but the last two have a ‘‘ Lopo de Goes Henriques,” which

may represent the same person. The Rel. das Ndos (list 1) and Fig.

Falcéo describe Lopo de Deos.as “‘ captain and pilot,’’ but Barros,

probably correctly, prefixes the “ pilot ’’ to the name of Joao Serrao,

who was, in fact, a famous pilot (see Sousa Viterbo’s Trabalhas Nauticas

1. 284-87).

|| Correa and list 1 of the Rel. das Ndos have, erroneously,

** Diogo Serrao.”’

§| Cor. and the Rel. das Ndos give these names. These men were

going out as captains of the fortresses at Cochin, Cananor, and Aniadiva

respectively. —

** Couto calls him ‘‘ D. Francisco de Sa.”’

-~7 A Castilian fidalgo. Cor. omits his name. The Rel, das Nados calls

him ‘“‘ Alonso Bermundes,” Fig. Falcéo ‘‘ Ferndo Bernardes,”’ Cast.

‘**Ferndo Bermudez,” Barros ‘“‘ Bermum Dias,’’ and Couto “ Bartho-

lomeu Dias.” He is mentioned by the last two writers as in command

of a taforea, a kind of transport vessel.

1038 Couto has ** Gonsalo Pereira.”

' §§ Cast. appends to his name the appellative “‘the Big.’? He accom-

panied Dom Lourengo in the pioneer expedition to Ceylon (see B 2

and B 8).

292 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

Joao Homem,*

Gongalo Vaz de Goes, |

Antao Vaz,

Felipe Rodriguez,t

caravels.

The details of the voyage§ need not detain us. Suffice it to

say that, ten days after leaving, the Bella sprang a leak and

foundered, all on board and most of the cargo being saved

and distributed among the other ships ; that Quiloa on the

African coast was stormed and captured, a new king placed

on the throne, and a fortress built, of which Pero Ferreira

Fogaga was made captain, with other officials and a garrison

of 150 men, while Goncalo Vaz de Goes with his caravel and

a brigantine was left to guard the coast ; that then Mombaca

was stormed and burnt, D. Fernando Deca being wounded by

a poisoned arrow, from which he died a few days later ;|| and

that on 27 August the fleet] set sail from the coast of

Africa for India.

* A cavalier of the feather-brained type (see Whiteway’s Rise of

Portuguese Power in India 106). On account of his indiscretions in

India he was soon deprived of the command of his caravel, the Sdo

Jorge, which was given to Nuno Vaz Pereira.

{ Correa omits this name. Bar. has in two places “ Boes,” but

elsewhere “‘ Goes.” Cast. has “‘ Goyos.”? Couto calls him ‘“ Gonsalo

Gil de Goes.” i

{ Cast., Cor., and Couto are the only ones that include this man’s

name in their lists. The first mentions him as in command of the

Spera (Hsphera), as does Barros later.

§ In addition to the accounts of the historians—Castanheda, Barros,

and Correa—there have come down to us several contemporary narra-

tives of the voyage. One is by Balthazar Sprenger, who was super-

cargo on board the Lionarda, and another is by Hans Mayr, who was

factory clerk on the S. Rafael. For details of these and other narratives

see Henry Harrisse’s most valuable book Americus Vespuccius, to

which I am greatly indebted. There is also a description of the voyage

(with many lacune) by Pero Fernandes Tinoco in a letter to King

Manuel printed in Cartas de Affonso de Albuquerque ii. 335-41; and a

shorter one by Gaspar da India in Cartas iii. 200-4. The best account

in English is that in Theal’s Beginning of South African History 165-73.

|| The command of his vessel (the S. Miguel?) was thereupon given

to Rodrigo Rabelo, a cavalier of the royal household.

{] Of 14 sail, says Barros.

No. 59.—1907.] PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 293

On 13 September the bulk of the fleet* reached its objec-

tive, the island of Anjadivay} on the west coast of India, where

King Manuel had ordered a fortress to be built.{ This work

was begun on the 14th ; and by the 16th of October, the fort

being capable of defence, the viceroy (who had meanwhile been

in communication with the Portuguese factors at Cananor,

Cochin, and Coulam) left for Onor (Honawar), which town he

destroyed in order to punish the raja for an act of supposed

bad faith. On the 18th the fleet sailed for Cananor, which was

reached on the 22nd. Here Dom Francisco received an

embassy from the king of Narsinga, and, with the permission

of the raja, the building of a fortress on the Cananor point

was begun. On the 27th the fleet left for Cochin, where

it arrived on the 30th, and learnt that, owing to the rash

conduct of Joao Homem, the factor and other Portuguese at

Coulam had all been burnt to death by the Moors of Calecut.

Consequently the viceroy sent his son Dom Lourengo§

with most of the ships to avenge this murder ; but, finding

it impossible to land, Dom Lourengo bombarded the town,

burnt all the Moorish vessels in the port, and returned

* The missing captains arrived a few days later, except Lucas

d’Affonseca, who wintered in Mocambique, and did not reach India

until May 1506 (see below), and Lopo Sanches, whose vessel was lost near

Cape Correntes, he and most of his company subsequently perishing

at sea or on land.

7 Off the coast of Kanara, a little south of Karwar (see Hobson-

Jobson s.v. “‘ Anchediva, Anjediva’’). An illustrated description of the

island, by Mr. F. J. Varley, I.C.S., appeared in the Geographical Journal

for April 1904, 491-96.

t Cf. A 24, infra.

§ Dom Lourenco de Almeida was the viceroy’s only son (he had

also one daughter, who married twice), and was of great stature and

strength, though still under twenty years of age. Hewas very dexterous

_ with the halberd ; and Correa records various instances of his prowess,

one of which will be found in the extract B 10 below. His name will

always be associated with the “ discovery ” of Ceylon ; and his deeds

and early death have been sung in immortal verse by Camoens (Lusiadas

x. 26-32). A short biographical notice of him, by M. Ferd. Denis,

will be found in tom. 2 of the Nouv. Biog. Gén. No portrait of Dom

Lourengo appears to be extant.

294 JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XIX.

to Cochin. After the return of his son, the viceroy, with

great ceremony, presented the new raja of Cochin with

a gold crown that had been sent to him by the king of

Portugal. | |

The ships that were to return home now began taking in —

their cargoes of pepper and other commodities ; and as each —

was loaded she left for Cananor, where the loading was com-

pleted. As the times of the departure of these vessels for

Portugal have an important bearing upon the question of the

date of the “ discovery ” of Ceylon by D. Lourengo de Almeida,

I have been at some trouble to collate the varying statements

of the different authorities. According to Castanheda, (ii.

cap. xxl.), on 26 November 1505 Fernado Soares left Cochin

as Captain-major of seven ships (unnamed), the other captains

being Bastiéo de Sousa, Ruy Freire, Manuel Telles, Antao

Goncalves, Diogo Correa, Gongalo Gil Barbosa, and Diogo

Fernandes Correa. These ships were becalmed for three days

off Calicut (to the great alarm of its populace, who feared

an attack), and then put in to Cananor, whence they sailed

on 2 January 1506, and, passing round the outer side of

Madagascar, reached Lisbon on 23 May 1506. On the

other hand, Barros (I. rx. v.) says that six ships (unnamed)

left Cochin during the whole of December 1505, these

being divided between two captains-major,* viz., Bastiao de

Sousa with Manuel Telles and Diogo Fernandes Correa, and

Fernao Soares with Diogo Correa and Antaéo Gongalves. Of

the first three we are told only that they reached home safely ;

but to the second three is credited the honour of being the

first to discover the southern part of Madagascar; and

the date of their arrival in Portugal is given as 23 May

1506. Correa’s statements are a mixture of fact and fiction,

his dates being generally untrustworthy. Fortunately we

are able, by the aid of contemporary documents, to ascertain

the names of most of the ships and the dates of their departure

from India and arrival at Lisbon. That one or two left

Cochin for Cananor in November is possible, but most of

them left the former port for the latter in December and

* See footnote * on p. 295. T See p. 316, note §.

No. 59.—1907.] PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 295

January, as we learn from a letter to the king from Gaspar

Pereira, the chief secretary at Cochin, printed in the Cartas de

Affonso de Albuquerque ii. 354-69. When they sailed from

Cananor, and when they arrived at Lisbon, we know from the

narratives of the two Germans mentioned in a footnote above,

and from the statements of Italians who were in Portugal when

the ships reached home, or had their information from corre-

spondents there. From a comparison of these authorities it

would appear that on 2 January 1506 Fernao Soares left Cana-

nor for Portugal in charge of a fleet of five* ships, viz., the S.

Rafael (commanded by himself), the 8. Jeronimo (Ruy Freire,

captain), the Botafogo} (Manuel Telles,{ captain 2), the Judia

(Antao Goncalves, captain), and the Concepcdo (Bastiao de

Sousa, captain). The first four of these arrived at Rastello on

‘* Tn his instructions from the king the viceroy was commanded

that as soon as three ships were loaded they were to be dispatched for

home under a captain-major, and so with each succeeding three (see

Cartas de Aff. de Alb. ii. 299). Why five were sent under Ferndo Soares

does not appear.

+ Joao Serrao, who had come out as captain of this ship, remained

in India in command of a galley. Varthema tells us that it was in Jodo

Serrdo’s galley that D. Lourenco sent him to the viceroy at Cochin,

and he also mentions the exocution wrought amongst the Moors in the

sea fight in March 1506 by “a very valiant captain Ioan Sarrano.”

According to Cor., J odo Serréo was killed with D. Lourengo at Chaul

in January 1508 ; but it is doubtful if he was even present, and it was

probably he who in 1510 was sent by the king to explore Madagascar,

and who was so useful to Albuquerque in his expedition to the Red Sea.

in January 1505, formed a small coastguard fleet under the command

of Manuel Telles to remain behind. If, as seems certain, this was

the captain-major of the coastguard fleet, he was one of the few

Portuguese that escaped the general massacre at Coulam in October

1505 (see above). Regarding his name the historians are at variance.

Barros confidently asserts that he was ‘‘ Manuel Telles Barreto, son of

Affonso Telles Barreto,’’ whereas Castanheda calls him ‘‘ Manuel Telez

de Vasconcelos,’ and Correa ‘‘ Manuel Telles de Vascogoncellos.”’

That these two writers are correct, and that Barros is wrong, is evident

from the fact that (as Barros himself states) Manuel Telles Barreto

left Lisbon with Tristao da Cunha’s fleet in March or April 1506, while

this Manuel Telles did not reach Lisbon until 22 May. This con-

fusion of men with similar names is exemplified in the case of two

other captains referred to below (p. 296, note 7).

296 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (VoL. XIX.

22 May 1506, and the last reached Lisbon on 3 June.* Mean-

while a second fleet of three ships had left Cananor for Portugal

on 21 January, viz., the Lionarda (Diogo Correa,} captain),

another ship the name of which I cannot findt (Gonealo

Gil Barbosa,§ captain ?), and the Madalena (Diogo Fer-

nandes Correa,|| captain). Of these, the first two reached —

Lisbon on 15 November 1506,9] but the last, after a de-

* Leon. Ca’ Masser, in recording the arrivals of these five ships, says

that two were on the king’s account, two German (a Florentine, Bartolo,

participating), and one of “ Fernando dalla Rogna, cristian nuovo.”

He details their cargoes, and describes the ships as “la nave Capitana

del Re,” “‘la nave Conceziondel Re,” “nave Buonfuogo de marcadanti,”’

““la nave de Ferando [szc] dalla Rogna,’’ and another ‘“‘nave de

marcadanti.’’ ‘There seems to be an error here, as we know that the

S. Rafael and S. Jeronimo were owned by Germans. It is also difficult

to know which ship is referred to as “la nave Capitana.” From

what the writer says elsewhere it would appear that Fernando de

Loronha, or Noronha, the “ converted ”’ Jew, was a wealthy shipowner

doing a large business. (We shall come across him again later on.)

According to Harrisse (Amer. Vesp. 35), Girolamo Priuli, 9 July

1506, on the authority of a letter received from Genoa, refers to the

“‘ charavelle che gionseno questo Mazo passato, che forono quatro,”

and mentions news received that “ altre 4 charavelle o ver nave erano

gionte in Portogallo a li 26 di Zugno, venute del viazo de I’India,”’

and describes the cargo. The “‘ news ”’ must have grown on the journey,

for only one ship, not four, arrived on 26 June.

+ All the authorities call this man simply “ Diogo Correa,” and Cast.

and Bar. describe him as son of Frei Payo Correa. He must be dis-

tinguished from the Diogo Fernandes Correa mentioned below, and

from a Diogo Mendes Correa referred to later on.

{ It may have been one of those left behind by Lopo Soares.

§ As mentioned above, Cast. alone of the historians names this man

among the captains of the homeward fleet. He was factor at Cananor,

having been appointed to that office by Vasco da Gama in January

1503. By his instructions from the king, the viceroy was ordered to

send this man and Diogo Fernandes Correa (see next note), with their

clerks, &c., home by the returning ships, of two of which they were to

be given the captaincies (Cartas de Aff. de Alb. 11. 326).

|| Aleatde mor and factor at Cochin, for which office he had come out

in Vasco da Gama’s fleet in 1502, when, according to Correa, he

commanded the S. Rafael (see Three Voyages of Vasco da Gama 281).

According to Gaspar Pereira’s letter to King Manuel in Cartas de

Aff. de Alb. (p. 369), the king of Cochin was moved to tears at losing

Diogo Fernandes.

{| As we learn from the narrative of Balthazar Sprenger, who was on

board the Lionarda.

No. 59.—1907.] PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 297

tention at Mogambique, where she had to unload and repair,

did not arrive at Lisbon until early in 1507 probably.*

Had the “discovery ” of Ceylon taken place before these

ships sailed for Portugal ? Castanheda alone of the historians

says that it had. According to him (see B 8), it was in Novem-

ber 1505 that the viceroy dispatched his son to the Maldives,

which failing to reach, he was carried to Ceylon.t Had Dom

Francisco so acted, he would have been guilty of a breach of

the king’s instructions, according to which he was to send out

expeditions of discovery after the dispatch of the cargo ships for

Portugal (see A 19). Castanheda does not give the exact date

of Dom Lourenco’s return from Ceylon, but leaves us to infer

that it occurred at the end of January or beginning of February

1506; and he further states that very soon afterward the

viceroy appointed his son captain-major of the sea, and sent

him with an armada to, visit the fortresses of Cananor and

* These eight ships were, it seems certain, all that the viceroy dis-

patched as the regular homeward cargo fleet. In the Diariz di Marino

Sanuto (vi. 363), however, under date 26 June 1506, are given

Memorialedelanovelle, che son venute per le quatro nave, che venenode India

e intrarno in Lisbona, veneri, adi 22 de mazo 1506, which state ; ** Item :

that the said four ships came all very well laden with spices, as much

as they could carry, and the others of this company, which are five,

remained, at the time that these left, dispatched and loaded for leaving,

because our lord the king has ordered that they should come in two

sets this year, and they will be here, God willing, very soon. And

all these ships are of the company that Don Francesco d’Almeda,

viceroy of India, took.’ It is probable that in the “ five’ spoken of

by the writer are included the two subsequently dispatched (see below).

+ It will be noticed that Antonio Galvao (see B11, infra) very cautiously

says that it was “ at the end of this year [1505], or at the beginning of

the next,’’ that the viceroy sent his son to the Maldive islands. As

a matter of fact, however, it was neither at the end of 1505 nor at the

beginning of 1506 that Dom Lourengo set out, as we shall see presently.

Tf Castanheda’s statement had been correct, it would have been con-

firmed by the viceroy’s letter to the king, written from Cochin on 16

December 1505 (see Alguns Documentos &c. 142); but this is not the case.

From Gaspar Pereira’s letter of 18 December 1505-12 January 1506

(Cartas de Aff. de Alb. ii. 354-69), it seems that the viceroy sent Lopo

Chanoca and Nuno Vaz Pereira in December to the river of Chitua

(Chetvai) to prevent the Moorish boats from carrying on trade,

and that a severe fight took place off Ponani. This may be the

expedition which Castanheda has confused with the one to the Maldives.

298 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). ‘[Vou. XIX.

Anjadiva and to cruise up and down the Malabar coast in

order to prevent the sailing thence of any Moorish vessels with

spicery. After thus sending off Dom Lourengo, the viceroy

(says Castanheda) in February dispatched Joao da Nova and

Vasco Gomes de Abreu for Portugal in their ships (the Flor

de la mar and the S. Gabriel), in one or other of which he loaded

the cinnamon brought by D. Lourengo from Ceylon, sending

also by Vasco Gomes as a present to King Manuel an elephant,

presumably from Ceylon.* That these two men sailed from

India for Portugal in February is confirmed by Barros (I.1x.v.),+

and that they carried cinnamon and an elephant is possible ;¢

but these had absolutely no connection with any expedition

to Ceylon, none having as yet taken place. Only one of these

ships, the S. Gabriel, reached Portugal, at the end of 1506 or

beginning of 1507 ;§ the Flor de la mar was prevented by

storms from passing the Cape, and had to put back to Zanzibar,

* Cor. also (see B 10, wnfra) mentions the sending of the elephant,

which, he says, was one of two brought from Ceylon by Dom Lourenco ;

but his statements are not to be depended upon.

+ Both Cast. and Bar. write as though their departure took place

in an ordinary way; but Cor. (i. 615-18) ascribes it to their dissatis-

faction at not being incharged with fleets to cruise at Cape Gardafu

and Cape Comorin respectively. I believe that Cor. is, to some extent

at least, correct ; for these two men had evidently gone out in the

expectation of being appointed to some commands at sea or on land

(see paragraph in Almeida’s instructions, Cartas de Aff. de Alb. ii. 330).

In his letter of March or April 1506 (Cartas iii. 268-76), the king

requests that Joao da Nova be appointed captain-major of the fleet

to be left at Malacca, and that Vasco Gomes de Abreu succeed Manuel

Paganha as captain of Anjadiva.

t The only thing that we know they did carry was ninety quintals

of pepper of unknown ownership found in the fort at Cochin (see Cartas

ii. 396-97).

§ I cannot find any record of the exact date (Fig. Falcdéo says “‘5

May 1508’’!). In a letter to the king, dated 22 December 1505,

Pedro Ferreira Fogaca, captain of Quiloa, mentions having sent

necessaries for the voyage to Vasco Gomes at Mogambique, but no

date is given in the summary printed in Alg. Doc. 157. However,

the S. Gabriel must have reached Lisbon not later than the beginning

of 1507, for in April of that year Vasco Gomes de Abreu sailed for

Sofala to assume the captaincy of that place, an honour he did not long

enjoy, a mysterious death soon overtaking him (see Theal’s Beg. of

S. A. History 196-200).

No. 59.—1907.] PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 299

whence, after a stay of eight months, she proceeded to the

Angosha islands, and then to Mogambique,* where, in Febru-

ary 1507, Tristao da Cunha found Joao da Nova,t and annexed

him and his ship to his fleet.[ Had Vasco Gomes de Abreu

been the bearer of such important tidings as that Ceylon

had been “ discovered,” it is certain that King Manuel would

not have waited some nine or ten months before informing the

pope and college of cardinals of the fact (cf. B 3, B 4, infra).

However Dom Lourenco de Almeida was employed, there-

fore, after his return from the punitive expedition to Coulam

at the beginning of November 1505 until his appointment in

January or February 1506 as captain-major of the sea, we

may be sure that he did not visit Ceylon. While engaged in

his coastguard and convoy duties Dom Lourenco called at

Cananor ; and whilst he was at this place there came thither

the traveller Ludovico di Varthema,§ who, in the guise of a

Muhammadan, had escaped from Calecut to warn the Portu-

guese of the great armada that the Samuri had been preparing

* In the Cartas de Aff. de Alb. 11. 397-98 is the summary of a letter

from Joao da Nova, dated 5 March 1509 (stc for 1507), which begins

thus :—‘‘ Item: how the viceroy sent him late, and how they did not

wish there to allow [him] to serve in the manner that your highness

commanded, [so] that he came all in disorder, and how through setting

out late he was eight months with the westerlies [blowing] in an island

twelve leagues athwart Mombaca. Item: the risks that he passed in

the voyage as far as this island, through their taking from him his pilot

and giving him another who knew nothing.” (Regarding this last

complaint see Cor. i. 658, Alg. Doc. 157.)

+ “Very ill,” says the writer of the Com. of Af. Dalb. (i. 33); but

he is alone in the assertion, and Joao da Nova himself does not refer

to any illness im his letter quoted above.

t «‘ The chief captain ” [Tristéo da Cunha], says the writer of the

Com. of Af. Dalb., ‘*‘ was very glad to see him, for he was a friend of his.’”

In his letter to the king (wu. s.) Joao da Nova explains why he returned

with Tristdo da Cunha instead of proceeding to Portugal. What became

of his ship we shall see later on (p. 317, note).

§ See Cast. ul. c. xxiv., Bar. I. u. iv., Travels of Lud. di Varthema

(Hak. Soc.) 271. According to Varthema’s own statement, he arrived

at Cananor on Sunday, 6 September, an absurdly incorrect date,

since the viceroy’s fleet, as we have seen, did not reach Anjadiva until

13 September: moreover, 6 September 1505 fell on a Saturday.

' Barros does not give the date; but Castanheda’s statement, that it was

in February 1506, is probably correct. Mier ae he

Fe ee SBLay

300 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Von. XIX.

to resist their attacks.* Having sent Varthema to the viceroy

in Cochin, Dom Lourengo proceeded to Anjadiva to bring away

a brigantine that was there ; and by the time he returned to

Cananor other vessels had arrived from Cochin, so that alto-

gether his fleet numbered eleven sail. The armada of Calecut —

soon after hove in sight, and on the 18th of March ensued a

naval battle, or rather slaughter, in which between 3,000 and

4,000 of the enemy were killed or drowned, most of the vessels

(from 200 to 300) being sunk, and only a few of the larger ones

captured.t| This event Dom Lourengo celebrated by founding

in Cananor a hermitage dedicated to Our Lady of Victory.{

Meanwhile the fort at Anjadiva had been in great straits,

being besieged by a force from Goa, incited thereto by a

renegade Portuguese carpenter. Manuel Pacanha, however,

succeeded in holding the fort against the enemy, and dis-

patched a message to Dom Lourencgo, who at once sent

succour, whereupon the enemy raised the siege and departed.§

This brings us to the end of March or beginning of April ;

and we have now to consider the question, Did the “ discovery ”

of Ceylon take place in April 15062 The fact that the chapter

in Barros recording this event immediately succeeds that

describing the great sea fight would lead one to answer this

* The Portuguese, we may be sure, knew of these preparations already,

though Varthema was able to furnish them with fuller information.

Barros rightly estimated the character of the man, and tells us that he

records in his history only those statements of Varthema’s which he

had proved to be correct by the testimony of others (see further,

regarding Varthema’s veracity, under A 18, infra).

+ See Cast. ii. c. xxvi., Bar. I. x. iv., Varthema 274-80. Cor.

(i. 595-605), by a most extraordinary blunder, describes this fight

as taking place just after the viceroy had left Cananor for Cochin in

October 1505; and he names as taking part in it men who had already

left India or had not yet arrived there. Although the Portuguese

historians speak of the glorious victory achieved by Dom Loureng¢o’s

fleet, and King Manuel, in his letter to the pope and cardinals (see B 3,

B 4), makes much of it, the affair was, as Whiteway says (Rise of Port.

Power in India 109), a mere massacre, with very little real fighting.

{ This house is referred to by the viceroy in his letter of 27 Decem-

ber 1506, to the king (Cartas de Aff. de Alb. ii. 391). :

§ This is according to Bar. (I. x. iv.). Cast. says mothing of a

siege of Anjadiva at this time, but records one later (see below, p. 312).

Cor. 11. 584-87 makes the siege take place in October 1505 !

No. 59.—1907.] PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 301

question in the affirmative. But Barros gives no dates through-

out the chapter, which occurs as an isolated fragment of history,

unconnected with what precedes or follows it. Moreover, it is

very unlikely that an exploring expedition to the Maldives and

Ceylon would have been sent out in April, when the south-

west monsoon was due to set in in May.* Other and fatal

objections to this supposition will be mentioned below. We

may therefore consider it probable that April was spent by

Dom Loureng¢o in coastguard and convoy work.

With the setting in of the south-west monsoon (or “ winter,’ +

as the Portuguese termed it) all sea traffic on the west coast

of India would practically cease for a period of three or four

months, so that no expedition could have left Cochin before

August at the earliest. The rainy months in Cochin were

spent, according to Castanheda (il. ¢. xxviil.), in pushing on the

building of the fort, the foundations of which had been laid

some months before.t

* Bar. distinctly says that the viceroy dispatched Dom Loureng¢o on

this expedition when it was “‘ the monsoon weather for that passage ”’

(see B 9, wnfra). On this subject see further on (pp. 307-8).

+ See Hobson-Jobson under this word.

+t According to Cast. (ii. c. xviii.) the foundations had been secretly

laid by the factor Diogo Fernandes Correa before the arrival of the

viceroy ; but Cor. (i. 625-42) gives a long and circumstantial account

of how the viceroy gained the unwilling consent of the king of Cochin

to the erection of a fortress, and describes how the viceroy with great

ceremony turned the first shovelful on 3 May 1506. Cor. gave a

drawing of the fortress (which has perished with the original manuscript

of his first volume), and says that the completion of the work was

effected with great difficulty, owing to its being “a winter of many

rains and tempests.’’ Whatever truth theremay be in Correa’s account,

his date, at least, is quite wrong, for from Gaspar Pereira’s letter

already cited we learn that in December 1505 the building of the fort

was actively proceeding, the viceroy and all the captains and fidalgos

taking their share in the manual labour (Cartas de Aff. de Alb. ii. 355).

When the fortress was finished, I do not know ; but it was not by the

end of 1506, for in the summary of the viceroy’s letter of 27 December

1506, where thevarious forts are referred to, we read: “‘ That of Cochy

1° finished,’’ where “ui°”’ evidently stands for tres coartos — three-

fourths, though the editors of the Cartas interpret it as “ three hundred,”’

which is unintelligible (Cartas de Aff. de Alb. ii. 395). It was prob-

ably completed in 1507 (see the viceroy’s letter m Cor. i. 908). Correa’s

account of the completion (i. 641-42) is either fiction or is anachronous.

Olay

302 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [ Vor, XX:

Not long after the monsoon had set in there arrived at

Anjadiva from Sofala, by way of Quiloa and Melinde, four

ships, the captains of which were Pero Barreto de Magalhaes,

his cousin Payo de Sousa, Jorge Mendes Cacoto, and Lucas

d’Affonseca, the first three of whom had left Portugal with

Pero da Nhaya in May 1505,* and the last had, as we have

seen, formed one of the captains of caravels in D. Francisco de

Almeida’s fleet. Pero Barreto, Payo de Sousa, and Jorge Men-

des were afraid to venture further in the teeth of the monsoon ;

but Lucas d’Affonseca, whose ship was larger, managed to

reach Cochin, bringing with him a number of persons from the

other three vessels.t| Now if, as Barros confidently states

(see B 9), Payo de Sousat was the ambassador sent to the

Sinhalese king by Dom Lourengo when he visited Ceylon, it

is evident that the “discovery” of that island could not

have taken place before May 1506.§

Towards the close of the “‘ winter’’ there arrived at Cochin,

in August 1506,|| the ship Julioa,f] commanded by Cide

Barbudo, who, together with Pero Quaresma, had left Portugal

on 19 November 1505,** to take supplies to Sofala and to

* See Theal’s Beg. of S. A. History 183-87.

+ I follow Cast. 11. p. 92, where in line 8 “‘ Pero de Sousa”’ is an evident

error.

+t He seems to be the “‘ Payo Rodrigues de Sousa ”’ of whom we read

later on as commanding a galley (cf. Cast. u, c. 118 and Cor. i. 899),

and who was killed in December 1508 while accompanying the vice-

roy’s expedition against the Turks (Cast. ii. c. xev., Bar. II. 111. v.).

§ This objection is equally valid if the envoy were Fernao Cotrim,

as I shall show later on (p. 310, note f).

|| Cast. (ii. c. Xxxil.) says it was after the setting in of the “‘ summer ”

in September, but this is incorrect.

4] The name of Cide Barbudo’s ship is nowhere mentioned; but I

infer it to have been this vessel from a passage in the letter of Gaspar

da India mentioned below, which runs: “ Sire, when the ship Julyoa

arrived she brought news of your highness to Dom Francisco Dalmeida”’

(Cartas ii. 377). According to Bar. (I. v1. iii.) the Julcoa formed

one of the fleet of 1502 under Vasco da Gama, she being then com-

manded by Lopo Mendes de Vasconcellos, who also accompanied Lopo

Soares to India in 1504, perhaps in the same ship.

** See Ca’ Masser 21; Alg. Doc. 147-49, where is printed a letter from

Pero Quaresma, dated Mocgambique, 31 August 1506, giving 4

description of the voyage and events on the east coast of Africa (see

No. 59.—1907.] PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 303

search along the South African coast for the crew of Pero de

Mendoga’s wrecked vessel and for the one in which Francisco

de Albuquerque had sailed from India in 1504, and which had

never been heard of again. On reaching Sofala in June 1506

these two men found the place in the last extremity, the

captain, Pero da Nhaya, the magistrate and seventy-six soldiers

being dead of fever, and the provisions almost exhausted.

Having relieved the fort and left Pero Quaresma with the

caravel, Cide Barbudo proceeded to Quiloa, and thence set

sail for India to convey to the viceroy the news regarding

Sofala and Quiloa, and to deliver to him a letter from the king.*

This document no longer exists, apparently, but from the

letter of Gaspar da India printed in Cartas ii. 371-80 we learn

(see 377) that in it Dom Manuel urged upon his viceroy

the expediency of establishing a direct trade with Malacca.t+

Accordingly, on the 22nd of August, Francisco Pereira t

and Estevao de Vilhena,§ with Gaspar da _ India’s

also Theal’s Beg. of S. A. History 192-94). In Cartas ii. 345-54 are

printed the royal instructions given to Cide Barbudo for his voyage.

* See Cartas ii. 354, iii. 269; Alg. Doc. 170, °Cf. also alvara of 25

August 1506, issued in Cochin by the viceroy apparently in conformity

with instructions received from the king through Cide Barbudo.

t In his letter of March or April 1506, to the viceroy, the king says

(Cartas iii. 269): “ Item: By Cide Barbudo we have written to you

enjoining upon you that, if you have not yet sent ships to Malaca,

according as we enjoined upon you in your instructions, you send them,

if the weather give you the opportunity therefor, and if it can be

done without hindrance to the matters of our service in those parts

of India ; because there had appeared here a threat of a certain armada

from Castille, which it was notified to us was getting ready in order,

this summer, to go in search of the said Malaca, making doubtful if it

is within our limits ; and that, in order that possession might be taken

first by us, which, in these matters, gives much right besides that which

we believe we have to it, as also because of its being such an important

thing in those parts, and of such wealth and profit as is hoped, we

should be glad of its being so done.’’ (Then comes the order to go in

person, &c., as mentioned below.)

+ This is probably the ‘‘ Francisco Pereyra Coutinho ’’ mentioned

by Cast. (ii. c. xxxiii.), and the ‘‘ Francisco Pereira, captain of the

ship Victoria,’ spoken of by Bar. (II. 1. iv.).

§ Among those killed with D. Lourengo de Almeida in his ship at

Chaul in March 1508, Bar. (II. 11. viii.) names ‘* Estevao de Vilhena

of Setubal, knight of the king’s guard, who was captain of the poop.”

S04 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

son* as interpreter, left Cochin in a vessel belonging to Nine |

Mercar,f and, keeping north of Ceylon, proceeded to the

port of “‘ Cholomender,” between which and Malacca there was

then a regular trade.{ The mission was a failure, however ;

and, having to escape for their lives, the Portuguese took

refuge at “‘ Conymate,’§ whence they returned to Cochin on

8 November 1506.||

* His name was Baltesar (see B 1, infra). In a letter from Gaspar da

India printed in Carias iii. 197, and written apparently in December

1507, the king’s favour is begged for this Baltesar, whom his father

describes as a young man of 28, as good a man as himself (!), and

acquainted with more languages.

+ See A 13, infra. He was now resident in Cochin.

+ See A 18 and B 2, infra.

§ The editors of the Cartas put a query after this name. Gaspar da

India describes “ Conymate”’ as “a port...... on the other side of

Cholomender, as far in advance as Ceylao,”’ which seems to show that

Conimere, between Pondicherry and Madras, is meant (see Hobson-

Jobson s. vv. ‘* Canhameira, Conimere ’’); though it is quite possible

that the place where the Portuguese lay perdus was Adrampatam near

Point Calimere. (Cf. Bar. I. tx. i., where Conimere is called Conho-

meira, and Cape Calimere Canhameira, a fact that seems to have

been overlooked by Yule, who does not register ‘‘ Calimere ’’ in his

valuable book. See also Bar. [V. viit. xiii.)

|| This expedition and its failure are referred to by the viceroy in his

letter to the king of 27 December 1506, from which it appears that

Dom Manuel had requested or advised that Cide Barbudo should be

sent to Malacca. The summary (Caritas ii. 391) reads :—“ Item:

the cause why he did not send Cyde Barbudo to Malaca, and how

Francisco Pereira went in the ships of the Moors, and what passed

in Charomondel, and how he escaped and returned. Item: that

-Malaca must not be discovered on rounding the Cape of Good Hope,

and he says that there {Charomondel] will be had the things thereof

and cheaper, and that by that coast must go whoever shall go there.”

The ‘¢ cause why he did not send Cyde Barbudo”’ to Malacca does not

appear ; but it was probably connected with the state of affairs at

Sofala and the non-arrival of the cargo fleet from Portugal. As to the

route to be taken by‘the person sent to “ discover ’’ Malacca, it will

be seen from the document given below (A 21) that, when Dom Francisco

wrote this, a letter was already on its way to him from the king, in

which he was commanded to go in person to Malacca and erect a fortress

there. Why this command was not obeyed is explained by Dom

Francisco in his long letter to the king, written at the end of 1508,

in which he says (Cor. i. 907) :—“* As to your commanding me to occupy

No. 59.—1907.] PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 305

Meanwhile the secretary at Cochin, Gaspar Pereira, accom-

panied by Gaspar da India, was sent by the viceroy to the

various Portuguese settlements at the Malabar ports to inquire

regarding reported illicit trading.* They left Cochin in the

S. Miguel, captain Rodrigo Rabello, on 1 September ;} and

after visiting Cananort and other ports arrived at Batecala§

on the 28th, returning on the 20th of October to Cananor,

and thence to Pockhin.

The “‘ summer ”’ season had now set in ; and the Portuguese

ships, having been refitted, were once more ready to put to

sea. Tidings seem to have reached the viceroy that in spite

of all his efforts the Moors continued to carry on their trade

between Malacca and the Red Sea and Persian Gulf, their

vessels now avoiding the Malabar coast and taking their course

myself with the affairs of Malaca, if your highness were well informed

of me, and of what I am doing here, you would neglect to remind me

of it. Let us destroy these new folk [Venetians and Turks], and settle

the old ones, and the natives of this country and coast, and then let

us go and see new lands, and all will be done there in so far as this field

shall be ours, so that they will offer them to us[?]; because from here

to Malaca is a separate monsoon and limited seasons, adverse the one

to the other.”’ By 1508, however, the king had again changed his

mind, and, in-sending Diogo Lopes de Sequeira to “‘ discover’’ Malacca,

ordered him to go thither from Madagascar by way of the Maldives

and Ceylon (see C 2, infra).

* This is one of the matters referred to in the alvard of 25 August

1506, mentioned above.

+ So says Gaspar da India in his letter (Cartas ii. 373) ; but in Cartas

ii. 371 is printed a license of the viceroy’s addressed to Gaspar Pereira,

permitting “‘ the people of this armada ’”’ (what “‘ armada ”’ is meant,

I cannot say) to sell their cargo shares; and as this is dated at Cochin,

2 September 1506, Gaspar Pereira could not have left on the Ist.

t Itis probable that Varthema went by this ship to Cananor (see Hak,

Soc. Varthema 280-81). He says that the viceroy gave him “ the

factorship of these parts,”’ an office which he held for ‘‘ about a year and

a half.”’ I can find no confirmation of his statement, which is probably

a characteristic piece of exaggeration. More to our purpose, however,

is the fact that he says not a word about the “ discovery ”’ of Ceylon—

doubtless, because he took no part in it.

§ Bhatkal on the Kanara coast (see Hobson-Jobson s.v, ‘* Batcul ry

At this time the viceroy was endeavouring to arrange for a Portuguese

factory at this port (see Cartas 1. 385, 393). The place is referred to

by Albuquerque in a letter of 1512 quoted infra (C 9).

306 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XIX.

by the Maldive islands.* Determined to prevent this,} and

desirous at the same time to get information regarding the Mal-

divest and “ discover ”? Ceylon,§ Dom Francisco de Almeida in

August incharged his son Dom Lourengco with this expedition.

Accordingly, at the end of August or beginning of September||

1506, Dom Lourengo set sail with a number of vessels selected

from the armada of which he was captain-major. The exact

number of vessels and the names of their captains are uncertain,

the historians differing widely on these points.{ That Lopo

* All three historians mention this fact (see infra, B 8, B 9, B 10),

only they differ as to the date when the viceroy took steps to stop this

traffic.

+ It will be seen from the extracts from the viceroy’s letters given

below (B 2, C 5) that one of his chief reasons for desiring to have a

fortress in Ceylon was to block this route to the Moors. It was not,

however, until after Albuquerque captured Malacca and erected a

fortress there that the traffic ceased (see C 10, infra, and cf. the

viceroy’s statement to the king in 1508 (Cor. i. 907).

t On the history of the Maldives before and after the Portuguese

came to India, see Gray’s Pyrard (Hak. Soc.) ii. 423 et seg. In his in-

structions of 1505 to D. Franciscode Almeida the king does not mention

these islands; but in his letter of March or April 1506 (see infra, A21)

he refers to them as “‘ the archipelago of the twelve thousand islands,’’

and urges upon the viceroy the importance of finding them. Whether

Dom Manuel had expressed any similar wish in his letter sent by Cide

Barbudo (see above), or whether the viceroy acted on his own initia-

tive, Ido not know; but in his letter of 27 December 1506 (see infra,

B 2) he informed the king ‘‘how he sent Dom Lourengo to the islands of

Maldiva and Quymdiquel.’’ In the instructions given to Diogo Lopes

de Sequeira in February 1508 (see infra, C 2), the king, it will be

noticed, says: ‘‘ ......when you shall take your course for Ceillam,

you shall endeavour to take your course by the island of Camdaluz or by

Maldiva, which we shall be glad to have discovered.” “‘ Discovered ”’

the islands were in a very few years, to become, as Mr. Gray says

(op. cit. 475), “‘ the hunting ground of Portuguese pirates.”

§ As he had been commanded by the royal instructions (see A 19,

anfra).

|| See enfra, B 1 and notes 4 and °.

{] Cast. (see B 8) writes as if only three vessels went, viz., that of

Felipe Rodrigues (the Zsphera ?) with Dom Lourengo on board and those

of Lopo Chanoca and Nuno Vaz Pereira; Bar. (see B 9) says that Dom

Louren¢o took nine sail of those that he had in his armada, but mentions

the name of only one captain, Nuno Vaz Pereira; while Cor. (see B 10)

is, characteristically, very explicit, telling us that Dom Lourengo went

No. 59.—1907.] PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 307

Chanoca* and Nuno Vaz Pereirat were amongst the captains

appears certain, however.{

That Dom Francisco should have supposed that atthe end

of the south-west. monsoon sailing vessels from the Malabar

coast could make the Maldives displays a strange ignorance

on his part of the navigation of the Indian Ocean ;§ and it is

stranger still that no one at Cochin seems to have warned him

in a good ship captained by Lopo Cabral, and Manuel Telles in another,

Gongalo de Paiva and Pero Rafael in caravels, André da Silveira in a

galley, and André Galo in a newly made brigantine, and that these

vessels carried some three hundred men. Unfortunate y, as Theal says

(Beg of S. A. History 156), Correa was, “ with respect to events previous

to the government of Affonso d’ Alboquerque,”’ *‘a novelist rather than

a historian,” and “‘ neither his statements nor his dates are to be relied

upon.”

* This man, as we have seen, was one of the captains of caravels in

the fleet of Dom Lourengo de Almeida in 1505. He and Nuno Vaz

Pereira are referred to several times by Gaspar Pereira in his letter of

December 1505—-January 1506, as being sent on expeditions along the

coast. It willbeseen from B 2 that his temper cost him hiscommand.

+ As mentioned above, when Joéio Homem was deprived of his com-

mand, his caravel, the S. Jorge, was given to this man, whom Cast.

describes as “‘ a valiant knight, and judicious.”’ We shall hear more of

him later (see p. 313).

{ My reasons for supposing this are as follows :—(1) Cast. mentions

them as accompanying Dom Lourenco on his expedition; (2) Bar.

mentions Nuno Vaz as one of the captains who accompanied Dom

Lourengo ; (3) the sequence of the paragraphs in the viceroy’s letter of

27 December 1506 (see B 2) seems to imply that it was on his return

from Ceylon that Lopo Chanoca was deprived of the command of his

caravel, and that he was sent back to Ceylon in the ship Santo

Espirito ; (4) from the extracts C 3, C 4, C 5, it will be seen that in

September 1508 Nuno Vaz Pereira was sent by the viceroy in this

same ship to Ceylon to get the tribute cinnamon.

§ Lieut. Brown says (Handbook to the Ports on the Coast of India 115):

—‘‘ The foreign traders from Chittagong, Malabar, Maskat, and else-

where, generally arrive and leave between January and May. The

boats for Calcutta and Chittagong, belonging to the islands, usually

leave in September, and return in December and January.” Bell says

(Maldive Islands 102) :—‘“‘ The foreign traders call regularly, generally

arriving about March, and leaving with the south-west monsoon in

July or August. The part of the trade which is conducted by the

natives themselves is carried on chiefly with Calcutta, [Madras and

Ceylon] in boats of from 100 to 200 tons burthen, which leave for the

coast late in August or early in September, annually, having the

308 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XIX.

of the futility of the attempt.* As might be expected, the ex-

peditionary fleet, as soon as it got out to sea, was driven by the

wind and currents} in a south-easterly direction, and made

landfall at the port of Columbo on the west coast of Ceylon.

It is true that of the three historians Correa alone, a not very

trustworthy authority, mentions Columbo as the port into

which Dom Lourengo put, Castanheda and Barros asserting

that the port was that of Gale.t But we have seen that

Castanheda is utterly wrong with regard to the date of the

discovery ”’ of Ceylon ; and Barros, with a curious lack of

consistency, in a later passage of his history (see C 3) confirms

south-west monsoon in their favour, and return in December and January

with the north-east monsoon.’ And yet, as we have seen, Barros says

(see B 9) that the viceroy sent his son when he did “because of its being

the monsoon weather [or season] for that passage.”’? The Portuguese

learnt by experience: for when Diogo Lopes de Sequeira in 1519 dis-

patched Joaéo Gomes Cheiradinheiro to build a fort at the Maldives he

sent him off in January apparently. And we find Alvaro Fernandez,

in writing to the king in 1520 about the islands, saying (Alg. Doc. 452):

Haile the monsoon season, which is from December until the end of

March, excepting those [goods] from Malabar, which go sooner to the

islands, on account of being so close.”

* Cast. (see B8) ascribes the failure of the ships to reach the Maldives

to the inexperience of the pilots; Bar. (see B 9) to that of the Portu-

guese themselves, ‘‘although they took with them some natives ;’’ and

Cor. (see B 10) to the carelessness of the pilots, although he had pre-

viously described these men as “‘good pilots supplied by the king of

Cochym.”’? How the viceroy accounted for the failure in writing to the

king we do not know, for, of the paragraph dealing with the expedition

in Dom Francisco’s letter of 27 December 1506 (see B 2), all that

remains to us is the uninforming summary, ‘‘ Item : how he sent Dom

Lourengo to the islands of Maldiva and Quymdiquel.”’

| Regarding the treacherous nature of the monsoon winds and the

currents between the Maldives and the coast of India and Ceylon, see

- Pyrard (Hak. Soc.) i. 257, 280.

t Cast. says “‘the port of Gabaliquamma, which our people now call

the port of Gale.” On ‘‘Gabaliquamma”’ see note 2’ to C 22. In his

fourth book, chap. xlii., Cast. again writes “‘ Gale, where on a former

occasion Dom Lourengo Dalmeida made landfall, as I have said.” In

view of the almost absolute certainty that Columbo was the port at

which Dom Lourengo arrived, it is difficult to understand how Cast. and

Bar. were misled as to this, and further as to the identity of the

“person who they say played the part of king (see below).

No. 59.—1907.] PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 309

the correctness of Correa’s statement, which is also cofro-

borated by the Rajdvaliya (see B 14, B 15) and by current

native tradition (see B 13).

In the port* were a number of vessels of Moors from Cambay,

loading cinnamon and elephants} : these, by Dom Lourenco’s

orders, were not interfered with.t Word of the arrival of the

Portuguese having reached the king§ at Cota, he at once

dispatched a messenger to Dom Loureng¢o offering to enter into

an agreement of peace and amity with the Portuguese. To

carry this ito effect an embassy was sent by Dom Lourenco

to Cota.|| In regard to the ambassador the three historians

_are strangely at variance. Castanheda (see B 8) says that he

* Though we have no picture of the port of Columbo as it was when

the first Portuguese entered it, we are able to form a very good idea of

its appearance from Correa’s drawing showing the first fortress erected

by Lopo Soares in 1518 (Cor. ii. 541), as it cannot have changed much

in the twelve years. From that sketch (reproduced below, p. 319)

it is evident that the ancient and notable town or city of Kolontota or

Kolompura or Kolamba (the Kalanbti of Ibn Battita in 1345) was in

1506 almost entirely hidden from view by the dense groves of coco

palms and other trees. It is probable that Dom Lourenco and his

companions saw little or nothing of the town, and may possibly have

been unaware of its existence. The earliest mention of it by a Portu-

guese writer that I know of is that by Barbosa given below (C 22).

+ Barbosa, it will be seen (C 22), distinctly states that it was from

Columbo that the Moorish vessels carried cinnamon and elephants to |

Cambay and other parts: Galle, therefore, could not have been the

port into which Dom Lourengo put.

t From what Couto (B 12) and the Rdjdvaliya {B 15) say, it would

appear that the Portuguese indulged in some firing of cannon on enter-

ing the port—with the object of intimidating the natives, probably.

§ According to the Rdjdvaliya (B 14, B15) this was Dharma Para-

krama Bahu [X.; but from an inscription at Kelani we know that this

king’s reign began in 1508. From an inscription at Dondra we also

know that Vijaya Bahu VII. assumed regal power in 1505. Hither,

therefore, the Rdjdavaliya is in error, or else Dharma Parakrama Bahu,

though ruling at Kétté, had not yet been generally recognized as king.

(On this very obscure historical problem see Bell’s Rep. on the Kegalla

Dist. 85-86.)

{| In describing the negotiations carried on between Dom Loureng¢o

and the Sinhalese king, Correa, it will be seen, allows his SLU EOE

to run riot.

310 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

was “a knight called Fernao Cotrim,” and he mentions no

one else ; while Barros (see B 9) asserts that it was ““ Payo de

Sousa* who went in the capacity of ambassador, and for his

clerk Gaspar Diaz, son of Martin Alho, a resident of Lisbon,

and Diogo Velho,a servant of Dom Martinho de Castellobranco,

the king’s comptroller of revenue, who afterwards became

conde de Villanova, and one Fernam Cotrim, and other persons

of his service ;’ and Correa, to increase the confusion, states

(see B 10) that the Portuguese convoy was ‘‘Diogo d’ Almeida,t

a nobleman,” and that “a certain Fernao Cotrim ’’ was sent

to the king later on a different errand. At any rate we may con-

sider it certain that Fernao Cotrim { did go in some capacity.

The envoys, according to Barros (B 9), “ were conducted

through such dense thickets that they could scarcely see the

sun, taking so many turns that it seemed to them more like

a labyrinth than a direct road to any place.” It is a very

interesting fact that this statement is confirmed by the Sin-

halese proverb,“ Parangiya Kottéta vagé,” ‘‘ Like the Portuguese

going to Kotté,” applied to a long and circuitous path, and

referring to the means adopted by the Sinhalese to conceal

from the Portuguese the proximity of the capital to the port

of Columbo (see B 13).

At length the destination was reached,§ and after the usual

delay the ambassador was ushered into the royal presence.

* Regarding this man see supra, p- 302, note f.

+ Correa alone mentions this man, who, from his name, would

appear to have been a connection of the viceroy’s. But he may be a

creation of Correa’s.

{ According to Barros (I. vim. vii.), when, as related above, Pero

Ferreira Fogac¢ca was left at Quiloa as captain, Fernéo Cotrim was also

left there as factor. If, therefore, he accompanied Dom Lourengo’s

expedition to Ceylon, he must have come to India by one of the ships

under Pero Barreto de Magalhaes, or later with Cide Barbudo. In

either case his presence in the expedition proves that it could not have,

taken place before August or September 1506.

§ The Portuguese envoys do not seem to have been taken into the

royal city itself, but to have been received by the king at some place in

the vicinity. Barros (B 9) says that it was ‘‘ a kind of country-seat ” of

the king’s, whither ‘‘ he had come to take his pleasure.”

No. 59.—1907.] PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. oll

What the king was like, we are not told; but Castanheda,

quoting from Dom Manuel’s letter to the pope (cf. B 8 with B 3),

gives us a minute description of the king’s dress and his surroun-

dings, which were evidently intended to impress the western

strangers.* The Portuguese envoy was accorded a favourable

reception ; and a treaty of mutual friendship and trade was

entered into,{ subject to ratification by the viceroy, the king

agreeing to pay to the king of Portugal an annual tribute of

one hundred and fifty quintals of cinnamon,t{ the first year’s

contribution being then and there delivered to Dom Lourengo.

The latter thereupon, with the king’s consent,§ and as a

memorial of his “ discovery ”’ of Ceylon, erected upon a rock

overlooking the.sea|| a stone padrao or pillar having the arms of

Portugal on one side and the device of the sphere on the other,

* The reception by candle-light is characteristic. Down to British

times the Kandyan kings were accustomed to receive European envoys

in the night-time (cf. Pybus’s Mission 79, Hugh Boyd’s Embassy to

Candy 213, Percival’s Ceylon 404).

~+ Correa’s statements as to the writing of the treaty on a slip of

silver, &c., I look upon as fiction: in fact, I doubtif there was anything

more than a verbal agreement ; at any rate no copy even of any

treaty now exists (see J. F. Judice Biker’s Colleccao de Tratados.

preamb. vii.).

t So Cast. (B 8), following the royal letter (B 3). According to Bar.

(B 9) it was the Moors who gave four hundred bahars of cinnamon to

Dom Lourengo in the king’s name. Cor. (B10) has itthat the Sinhalese

king agreed to pay a yearly tribute of a shipload of cinnamon and two

elephants (Cast. mentions two elephants later). Finally, Gaspar da

India (B1)makes Dom Loureng¢o say that he brought from Ceylon two

hundred and fifty cruzados’ worth of cinnamon (with no mention of

elephants). On these various statements see note ® to B 1.

§ So Cast. says. Cor. would have us believe that the king not only

gave his willing consent to the erection of this padrao, but expressed the

desire to have one in each of his ports. According to Bar., Dom Lou-

renco did not wait for the king’s permission, but got together some of

the Sinhalese, and with their approval set up the stone. The details he

gives in connection therewith seem to be authentic.

|| I think that Cor. is right in his description of the spot where the

padrao was set up ; for we know that on the coast of Africa conspicuous

points were chosen on which to erect these pillars. Cast. simply says

that the padrao was erected ‘‘ on the shore,”’ and Bar. only says “on a

rock.” -

ole JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XIX.

the pillar being surmounted by the cross of Christus.* The

armada then set sail for Cochin,+ where it arrived{ before the

end of September. The viceroy was doubtless highly grati-

fied at the news of his son’s “ discovery,’|| and forthwith

dispatched Lopo Chanoca in the Sanio Sprito to Ceylon to

obtain a cargo of cmnamon, and to erect a fortress at Columbo.9

Dom Lourengo and his fleet appear to have now resumed

their coastguard duty ; but very soon a message reached the

viceroy from Manuel Paganha, captain of Anjadiva, that

during the “winter” he had again been besieged by the

Moors, who had obliged him to burn a brigantine and the ships

that had wintered there.** It was thereupon decided in council

* The statements of Cast. and Cor. on this point are borne out by the

letter of the viceroy (B2). Bar. gives no description of the padrao,

but tells us that Dom Lourenco got the stone-cutter Gongalo Goncalves

to cut on it a short statement of the cause of its erection. The padrdo

had evidently been brought from Cochin to be erected at the Maldives or

Ceylon. (I give opposite a plate showing the probable form of the pillar.)

+ Cor., with his love of the marvellous, and to glorify his hero Dom

Lourenco, relates the slaying of a monster in a cave. Bar. alone records

the interesting mcident of Nuno Vaz Pereira and the fire-blackened

padrao.

t Cast. says that Dom Lourengo “on the way captured several

Moorish ships ;”’ but Bar. records a punitive attack by the Portuguese

armada on the village of Berinjam, which was burnt.

§ It must have been before the end of September, because, according

to the viceroy’s letter (B 2), Lopo Chanoca “left for Ceylao at the

end of September.”

|| Bar. says not a word about the reception of the news. According

to Cast. the viceroy “‘ was greatly pleased with the cinnamon, to be

able to send it to Portugal.’’ Cor., as might be expected, is equal to

the occasion ; and though what he tells us may not be absolutely true,

it probably very nearly approximates to the truth. :

{| See B2. I confess that this passage in the summary of the viceroy’s

letter puzzles me. The statements in it are not borne out by any of

the historians; and if it be true that the viceroy dispatched Lopo

Chanoca to Ceylon not only to get cinnamon. but to erect a fortress,

which he hoped to complete in a month’s time, it is strange that

nowhere else is this fact mentioned. Certain it is that no fortress

was erected then, nor for twelve years after, as weshall see. Perhaps

the summarist has misinterpreted the viceroy’s words.

** This is according to Cast. (11. ¢. xxxii.). As we have seen above,

Bar. hag it that Anjadiva was besieged in March, and says nothing of a

later siege. I am unable to say if there were two sieges, or if both

historians refer to the same event.

ie a

PROBABLE FORM OF PADRAO ERECTED AT COLUMBO IN 1506

BY DOM LOURENCGO DE ALMEIDA.

Founded on sketch of Cao’s Padrao at Cape Cross (in “ First Voyage of Vasco da

Gama ”’ 169), and descriptions of writers quoted in ‘* First

Discovery of Ceylon by the Portuguese.”

No. 59.—1907.] PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 313

to demolish the fort at Anjadiva and abandon the island ;

and Dom Lourenco was dispatched thither to effect the

demolition and bring away the Portuguese who were there.*

Meanwhile the viceroy had been making arrangements

for supplying Sofala with a new staff of officials; and at

the end of October or beginning of November Nuno Vaz

Pereira sailed in the ship of Gongalo Vaz de Goes for Sofala,

to act as captain and empowered to settle the disputes at

Quiloa, another ship accompanying him, the captain of

which was his nephew Duarte de Mello de Serpa, in one or

other of which vessels went a number of persons in official

capacities or as friends of Nuno Vaz.t

On the 17th of November, it would appear from the letter

of Gaspar da India already referred to,{ Dom Lourenco left

Cochin with an armada of six ships, two galleys, and 2 brigan- .

tine for Ormuz to compel the ruler of that island to become

a vassal to the king of Portugal. All the historians, however,

* When exactly this dismantling took place, I cannot find. Bar.

(I. x. iv.), after relating the siege of Anjadiva in March 1506, and its

relief by Dom Lourengo, states that on his return to Cochin the latter

reported to his father the risk that the fort would run during the coming

‘‘ winter ’’ owing to its proximity to Goa and its distance from Cochin,

and adds that “‘ for these reasons, and others important to the service

of the king, it was a little while after that dismantled.” Cast. (ii. c. xxxii.)

implies that the demolition was effected at once, in October ap-

parently. Cor. (i. 708), with characteristic inaccuracy, makes Tristao

da Cunha, arriving at Anjadiva from Socotra in August 1507, the

bearer of the news that the king had sent orders for the demolition of

the fortress ; a statement which he repeats further on (714), when he

tells us of the viceroy’s determining (in September 1507) to go and carry

out the work ; and later (727) he records the demolition, apparently in

December 1507! That the dismantling of the fortress took place

before the end of 1506, we know for certain ; since the viceroy, in his

letter of 27 December 1506, informed the king of the fact (see Cartas

ii. 391, 395; also Cor. i. 908).

+ See Theal’s Beg. of S. A. History 194-95 ; Cartas 391, 394-95. (At

the last reference there is a quaint copyist’s error, “‘ no vaam ”’ for “‘ n°

vaaz.’’)

t Cartas ii. 379-80. In view of the disreputable character of the

writer, we might be inclined to regard his statements regarding this

expedition as fiction, were it not that im the summary of the viceroy’s

letter of 27 December 1506 (Cartas ii. 393) occurs the sentence,

314 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

are silent regarding this expedition ; and it seems certain

that Dom Lourengo never did visit Ormuz.

The non-arrival in India of any of the ships that had left

Portugal in the early part of the year* caused the viceroy

and the rest of the Portuguese in those parts much annoyance

and some anxiety, the Moors being correspondingly elated.+

Desirous of informing King Manuel of Dom Lourengo’s victory

curiously interposed between two paragraphs relating to the ‘“ dis-

covery’ of Ceylon: “Item: how Dom Louren¢o went to Armuz ;”

and in the summary of a letter of 6 February 1507, from Affonso de

Albuquerque to the king (Cartas i. 416), we read: ‘“‘ Item: regarding

the coming of Dom Lourengo to Ormuz and the ships of his captaincy

divided up.” It is very probable that the viceroy, having received

intelligence of the probable visit of Affonso de Albuquerque to Ormuz,

was desirous of forestalling him and of adding to his son’s laurels.

Whatever the object, however, the plan was, for some cause unknown

to me, frustrated.

* These were the two fleets under Tristao da Cunha and Affonso de

Albuquerque which sailed from Lisbon in March or April 1506 (the

authorities are divided as to the month). Regarding the doings of these

ships see Morse Stephens’s Albuquerque 49 et seq., Whiteway’s Rise cf

Port. Power in India 112 et seq., and especially the Com. of Af. Dalb.

i. 20 et seg. The cause of the non-appearance in India of any of these

ships was their late arrival at Mogambique owing to storms. Whiteway

(op. cit. 113) says that they did not reach this place until December,

which, although having the authority of Castanheda, is certainly wrong.

A comparison of the narrative of events in the Com. with the letter of

Albuquerque in Cartas i. 1-6 shows that it was probably in October

that the ships arrived at Mogambique. In any case it was too late for

them to pass over to India; so they had perforce to winter on the

African coast. We shall return to them again.

+ A paragraph of the summary of the viceroy’s letter of 27 Decem-

ber 1506 runs as follows (Cartas i. 391): ‘“‘ Item: that he had ready

for loading four hundred quintals, and many things of those that come

from Malaca, and that they were much embarrassed by the non-arrival

of the armada, and the Moors very joyful.” Gaspar da India also, at

the beginning of his letter of 16 November 1506 (Cartas ii. 371),

tells the king: “‘ We are much troubled by reason that no ship of the

fleet has come this year, and the Moors are strengthening themselves

along the whole coast against us.” Barros (IJ. 1. iv.) tells the same

story at greater length, and states that the minds of the Portuguese

were still further exercised by the occurrence, on Wednesday, 13

January 1506, of an eclipse of the sun, which lasted from 11] a.m. to

2.30 p.m., and on 15 July 1507 of a severe earthquake, laste for

an hour with some intervals.

No. 59.—1907.| PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 315

over the Calicut armada, and of his “ discovery” of Ceylon,

the viceroy at the end of December* dispatched Cide Barbudo

in his ship, the Julioa,t vid Cananor for Portugal. By him

Dom Francisco sent a long letter to the king,{ recording the

events of the year since February, when Vasco Gomes de

Abreu and Joao da Nova sailed, and doubtless some cargo,

including the tribute cinnamon from Ceylon. Cide Barbudo

left Cananor probably in January§ 1507; and, although his

voyage is not recorded by any of the historians,|| we have

* [ infer this from the date of the viceroy’s letter (27 December).

+ Ihave no certain proof of this ; but it is most probable.

t This is the letter already frequently referred to, a summary of

which is printed in Cartas ii. 391-97. It occurs in a document in the

Torre do Tombo at Lisbon, entitled *‘ Summary of all the letters that

came from India to our lord the king, and of other messages that like-

wise came in the ships of which there came as captain-major Antonio

de Saldanha, and in the ship of Cide Barbudo, who came after him.”’

The letters themselves are, unfortunately, for the most part lost, which

is the more vexatious in that the summarist has in some places evidently

misinterpreted the original. Although the summarist has mixed up

the two batches of letters referred to in the title, it is pretty easy to

separate them. Of Antonio de Saldanha I shall speak presently ; but

the letters brought by Cide Barbudo (so far as the summaries printed

tell us) were as follows :—A letter from Diogo de Alcagova dated

22 November 1506 (text in Cartas ii. 385-89, summary in ditto,

390); letter from the viceroy dated 27 December 1506 (summary in

Cartas ii. 391-97) ; letter from Lourengo de Brito dated January 1507

(summary in Cartas ii. 397). It was in this long letter, ended on 27

December 1506, that Dom Francisco de Almeida reported to King

Manuel the “discovery ”’ of Ceylon by his son (see B 2, infra). Judging

by the summary, the viceroy would seem to have been chary in detail

in writing of this event ; and I see no reason to doubt what Correa tells

us (see end of B 10, infra), that Dom Francisco sent to Portugal a man

who had accompanied the expedition to Ceylon to report verbally to

the king what he as an eye-witness had seen. To this reporter

apparently are due the interesting details given in King Manuel’s

letter to the pope (see B 3) and copied by Castanheda (see B 8).

§ I infer this from the fact that the letter from Lourengo de Brito

is dated in that month, as stated in the previous footnote.

|| Cast. (1i. c. xxxil.) is the only one that refers to Cide Barbudo’s

return. Hesays: ‘And by this Cide Barbudo the viceroy wrote to the

king of Portugal what had been done in India since the departure of

the other ships: but if this ship reached Portugal I do not know.”’

As regards this last statement see next note.

D 36-07

316 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XIX.

September ;* for on the 25th of that month King Manuel wrote

letters} to Pope Julius II. and the college of cardinals at

Rome announcing Dom Lourenco’s “ discovery ” of Ceylon

and his victory over the Calicut fleet,{ as also the “discovery,”

by Tristaéo da Cunha and his companions, of another (and

far larger) island, to wit, that of Madagascar.§

The very fact of the king’s writing to the pope and car-

dinals regarding the “ discovery ”’ of Ceylon argues the im-

portance he attached thereto ; and it is interesting to know

that on St. Thomas’s day, 21 December 1507, a solemn

procession was made in Rome to celebrate the event (see

B 6), when the famous Frei Egidio de Viterbo, prelate-general

* From the title of the collection of summaries quoted in a previous

note we know that Cide Barbudo arrived in Lisbon after Antonio de

Saldanha ; and as we also know (see note below) that the latter reached

Portugal in August 1507, we may safely conclude that the former’s

arrival was in September.

+ See infra, B 3, B 4.

t These two events, the news of which was brought by Cide Barbudo,

are the ones first related in his letter by Dom Manuel, the “‘ discovery ”’

of Ceylon taking the first place as the most important.

§ There appears to be some uncertainty as to when and by whom

Madagascar was discovered. According to Correa (i. 153) the first

Portuguese who sighted and landed on the island was Diogo Dias, one

of the captains of the fleet of 1500 under Lopo Cabral; and he it was,

says Correa, who gave it the name of Sao Loureng¢o, on account of first

sighting it on St. Lawrence’s day (12 August). Cor. also records

(i. 418) that Diogo Fernandes Peteira, one of the captains in the fleet of

1503 under Antonio de Saldanha, wintered in a port in the island in

1504 on his way to India. These statements are, however, not corro-

borated by the other historians ; and it is generally believed that, as

mentioned above, Ferndo Soares, on his homeward voyage in 1506, was

the first European to discover and land on Madagascar (in February,

according to Cast. ii. c. xxi.), though he was then unaware of its identity

(cf. Hans Mayr’s account in Bol. de Soc. de Geog. de Lisboa, 17ser., 1898-9,

p. 367). It was the chance landfall at a port in the south of Madagas-

car of Rui Pereira, one of Tristéo da Cunha’s captains, that led that

famous navigator, against Albuquerque’s wishes, to go and ‘‘ discover ”’

theisland, an expedition thatreflects disgrace on all concerned in it (see

details in Com. of Af. Dalb. i. 26-33, Cartas i. 1-4, and Whiteway’s

sarcastic description in Rise of Port. Power in India 113). It was after

the disastrous failure of this enterprise, and on their return to Mocam-

bigue in February 1507, that Tristéo da Cunha and Albuquerque

found Joao da Nova under the circumstances I have mentioned already.

POPE JULIUS I1., 1503-1513.

Portrait by Raphael, in the National Gallery, London.

(From a photograph by Franz Hanfstaengl, London: by special permission.)

No. 59.—1907.] PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 317

of the Augustine order, delivered a lengthy oration, entirely

in laudation of the pope, to whom he ascribed not a little of

the glory of the event (see B 5). That the news was received

in Venice with anything but pleasure, we can well imagine,

though on that point the Venetian diarist is discreetly silent

(see B 6). It is greatly to be regretted that the instructions

issued by Dom Manuel in 1510, for the painting of a set of

pictures commemorating the chief discoveries made during

Joao da Nova’sship, the Flordela mar, being in a very leaky condition,

the cargo had to be discharged ; wherefore, says the writer of the

Com. of Af. Dalb. (i. 33), Tristaéo da Cunha “bought a merchant ship, of

which André Dias (who was afterwards Alcaide of Lisbon) was captain

and factor, and ordered all the cargo of the Flor de la mar to be stowed

in it, and gave the command of it to Antonio de Saldanha, and sent it

to Portugal, and in company with it a ship of Ferndo de Loronha, of

which the captain was Diogo Mendez Correa.’’ According to Bar.

(II. r. ii.) the cargo was transferred to the Sancta Maria, a ship of

Tristao da Cunha’s fleet, the captain of which, Alvaro Fernandes, had

died. André Dias was the ship’s factor (see Cast. ll. c. xxx.). Cast.,

Cor., and Albuquerque (Cartas i. 5, 417) call her “‘the ship from Lagos.”’

With respect to the other ship Iam puzzled. We have seen above that

the Madalena, Captain Diogo Fernandes Correa, had to remain at

Mogambique and discharge her cargo; and we might infer it was she

that accompanied the Sancta Maria, and that ‘‘ Mendez ”’ in the above

extract was an error for “‘ Fernandez.’’ But Cor. (i. 719) mentions a

Diogo Mendes Correa who had come out to be factor of Coulam, but who

returned to Portugal in disgust because the viceroy would not give him

the factorship of Cochin. This, however, would seem to have been in

1507 (see the viceroy’s letter in Cor. i. 908). And yet a Diogo Mendes

(Correa ?) did apparently accompany Antonio de Saldanha back to

Portugal, as will be seen from the list of letters which the latter carried,

the summaries of which are printed in the Cartas. One of these

(ii. 390) is headed ‘*‘ Remembrances that Diogo Mendes retained of his

letter ’’ (evidently a letter that had miscarried). Among the letters

brought to Portugal by Antonio de Saldanha were the following :—

From Albuquerque of 10 November 1506 (i. 417, where “1507”

is an error), another of 6 February 1507 (text at i. 1-6, and sum.

at i. 417), another of same date (i. 416), another of 14 February

1507 (i. 417); from Pero Vaz d’Orta, factor of Tristéo da Cunha’s

fleet, of 4 March 1507 (iii. 277); and from Joa&o da Nova (quoted

above) of 5 March 1507 (ii. 397). This last date shows us that

Antonio de Saldanha must have set sail from Mogambique early in

March 1507 ; and Bar. tells us (II. Iv. iii.) that he reached Portugal in

August, and was favourably received by the king in Abrantes (cf. B 3,

B 4, infra), but did not get what he asked for—the carrying out of the

*< discovery ” of Madagascar.

o18 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vor. XIX.

his reign (see B 7), were apparently never carried out; for

we should then have been able to realize the details of Dom

Lourenco’s “ discovery ”’ far better than it is possible to do

from the descriptions of that event. |

Owing to the non-arrival in India in 1506 of any of the

ships that sailed from Portugal that year, the viceroy,

when he wrote at the end of December to the king, had not

received Dom Manuel’s letter of March or April 1506 (see A 21),

in which he was ordered to go in person to Malacca and build

a fortress there, and on the return voyage to call at Ceylon,

erect a fortress, and make that the principal viceregal residence,

this order being based upon sentimental as well as practical

reasons. From the summary of the viceroy’s letter referred

to it appears that Dom Francisco when he wrote was desirous

of building a fortress at Columbo, which he described as

admirably suited for the purpose. In fact, as stated already,

it would seem that he sent Lopo Chanoca thither to carry

out this work, which, however, for some reason not stated,

was not accomplished. Whether King Manuel in writing

to the viceroy in 1507 renewed his request, I do not

know, since his letter of that year appears to have perished ;

but in February 1508, having in his mind what Dom

Francisco had written on the subject, Dom Manuel, in

his instructions to Diogo Lopes de Sequeira (see C 2), ordered

him when going to Malacca to call at Ceylon, where he evi-

dently thought the viceroy would ere then have erected

the proposed fortress. That it had not been built was not

owing to any change of mind in the viceroy, as is evident

from the manner in which he wrote to the king at the end

of 1508 respecting its desirability (see C5). It must be inferred,

therefore, that the cause of the non-execution of the work

lay in opposition on the part of the king of Cota.*

But, though apparently favourable to the idea of having

a fortress in Ceylon, Dom Francisco de Almeida was opposed

to the multiplication of Portuguese fortresses in the east.

* Cf. the statements of Bar. and Cast. in the extracts C 3 and C 4, ¢njra.

+ In writing to the king at the end of 1508 he says (Cor. 1. 906):

‘* Regarding the fortress there in Couléo, the more fortresses you have,

the weaker will be your power: let all your strength be om the sea,

“I ,, VIPUL Bp sepuo'T > §,va1109 redsey WOL ne sng hei a Ko ;

‘STG] NI O@NWOIOO LY LUOd ASHADNALUOd GSYld AHL 40 MUTA

No. 59.—1907.] PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 319

His successor, Affonso de Albuquerque, did not share the

viceroy’s views on this point*; but though, as Barros tells

us (see C 24), King Manuel repeatedly urged the matter

upon him, and though apparently he had the opportunity

in 1513 of fulfilling the king’s wish (see C 15), he likewise

failed to carry out the work. The reason for this is doubtless

to be found in Albuquerque’s letter of 4 November 1510 (see

C 7), from which it would seem that he regarded a fortress

in Ceylon as needless. That this was so as regards the supply

of cinnamon is evident, enough being brought each year

to Cochin by Portuguese or Moorish vessels for the loading

of the homeward-bound ships.t

It was not until 1518, therefore, that Albuquerque’s suc-

cessor, Lopo Soares de Albergaria,{ disappointed with his

ill-success at the mouth of the Red Sea,§ and knowing

that a new governor was on his way out, resolved, in order

to leave some task fulfilled, to carry out the long-deferred

work (see C 24). This was successfully accomplished, in spite

of opposition on the part of the king of Cota and his people,]||

in October-November 15184; but the fortress was such a

flimsy structure that it had to be rebuilt in 1520.**

because if on it we be not powerful, which our Lord forfend, everything

will forthwith be against us, and if the king of Cochym chose to be dis-

loyal, forthwith all would be destroyed, because the past wars were with

beasts, now we have it with Venetians and Turks of the Soldan.”’

* See Morse Stephens’s Albuquerque 39-40, 72-73 ; Whiteway’s Rise

of Port. Power in India 169-70.

{+ Cj. the letters of Antonio Real and Lourengo Moreno quoted infra

(C 12 and C 17).

+ Regarding this man’s governorship see Whiteway op. cit. 179-89.

§ See Whiteway op. czt. 184—86.

|| Whiteway (op. cit. 180) sarcastically observes of Diogo Lopes that

“his solitary success consisted in building a fort among the unwarlike

Sinhalese.”’

{| See Cast. i. c. xlii.—xliii. (Ceylon Lit. Reg. iv. 196-97, 203-4), Bar.

Til. 1. ii., Cor. ii. 539-47 (C. Lit. Reg. iii. 179-81, 197-98, 204). For

a view of the fortress see the plate opposite, reproduced from

Cor. ii. 541.

** One of the earliest acts of King Manuel’s successor Dom Jodo III.

was to order its demolition, which was carried out at the end of 1524

(see Bar. III. 1x. ii.).

320 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XIX.

Here my task ends ; and I think I have succeeded in show-

ing (i.) that from the time of Vasco da Gama’s first voyage

to India (as before that event) Ceylon was universally regarded

as the “ mother of cinnamon ”’ (as Barros puts it); (i.) that

the “discovery ” of Ceylon by Dom Lourengo de Almeida

took place in September 1506; (ii.) that Columbo, and not

Galle, was the port where he made landfall, and where he

erected the commemorative padrdo ; and (iv.) that from the

time of that discovery until the erection of the first fortress

at Columbo in 1518 Portuguese intercourse with Ceylon,

though perhaps not very frequent, was uninterrupted.

No. 59.—1907.] PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 321

APPENDICES.

Journal of the Furst Voyage of Vasco da Gama.

[1498-9. |

From this country of Calecut which is called India Alta goes

the spicery that is consumed in the west and in the east and in

Portugal and indeed also inall the regions of the world ;—there also

go from this city called Calecut many precious stones of every sort;

—to wit, in this said city there is of its own growth this spicery

that follows : much ginger and pepper and cinnamon, although it

is not as fine as is that of an island that is called Cillam which is

eight days’ journey from Calecut: all this cinnamonis brought to

this city of Calecut.... i

* = * ** ** ** sg

These names written below are of certain kingdoms that are to

the south of Calecut ; and the things that each kingdom has and

what they are worth; the which I learnt for very truth from aman

who knew our language and had come thirty years before from .

Alexandria to these parts.?

2 cs of * * x %

Another Kingdom.

4| Ceylam which is an island very large and inhabited by Chris-

tians and with a Christian king?; from Calecut by sea with a

fair wind it is eight days ; this king can muster four thousand men

and also has many elephants for war and for sale: here is all the

fine cinnamon that there is in ‘his Imdia, and also sapphire stones

and better than others of other countries, and rubies few but good.

-1 This is by an unknown writer, who was on one of the ships of

Vasco da Gama’s expedition. It was first printed in 1838, a new edi-

tion appearing in 1861. An admirably edited English translation by

Mr. E. G. Ravenstein was issued by the Hakluyt Society in 1898. As

Mr. Ravenstein’s version is a little free, I have here given an almost

literal translation.

* This was the Jew known as Gaspar da Gama or Gaspar da India,

regarding whom see Ravenstein’s First Voyage of Vasco da Gama 179.

He is referred to in the extract A 4 below ; and to him we are indebted

for the earliest extant reference to the visit of D. Louren¢go de Almeida

to Ceylon (see B 1).

* The Portuguese, on first arriving in India, mistook the Hindu

form of worship for a kind of Christian ritual (see First Voyage of V.

da Gama 53). They soon discovered their error, and then termed the

Hindus gentiles or pagans (geniios),.

322 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XIX.

A 2:

Letter of King Manuel to the Cardinal Proiector.1

[28 August 1499.]

SAE those who have just returned from this investigation

and discovery visited, among other ports of India, a city called

Quolicut, whence they brought us cinnamon, cloves, ...... The

island of Taprobana, which is called Ceilam,? is 150 leagues

from Quolicut ......

* A copy of this letter (the original of which may be in Rome) is

among the national archives in Lisbon, and was printed in the Boletum

of the Lisbon Geographical Society in 1886. There are many blanks

in the printed copy, owing, apparently, to the illegibility of the manu-

script. An English translation is given in the First Voyage of V. da

Gama, App. A.

On this point King Manuel seems never to have changed his

opinion (cf. A 21, B 3).

A 3. ,

Girolamo Sernigi’s First Letter to a Gentleman at Florence.*

[? July 1499.]

All kinds of spices are to be found in this city of Chalichut, such

aS cinnamon, pepper, ginger, frankincense,’ lac: and brazil

wood abounds in the forests. These spices do not grow here,

but in a certain island* at a distance of 160 leagues from this

city, near‘ the mainland. It can be reached overland® in

xx days and is* inhabited by Moors.’ All the above spices are

brought to this city as to a staple.

The vessels which visit the islands ® to carry spices to this city

of Chalichut ® are flat-bottomed, so as to draw little water,!® for

there are many dry places (shoals).11_ Some of these vessels are

built without any nails or iron,’ for they have to pass over the

loadstone.**

* * * 2 * C7 **

A load of cinnamon equal to 5 Lisbon cantars is worth in

that city between x and xii ducats, or serafins,15 at most ; but

in the islands where it is collected it is worth only half that sum.1*

Pepper and cloves are rated similarly. Ginger and cinnamon are

worth more than any other spices.1”......

* * * * * * is

The island where the spices grow is called 1* Zilon, and is 60

leagues from said city. In that island grow the trees which yield

very good cinnamon; as also pepper. However, there is still

another island [in which spices grow]. Cinnamon and pepper

No. 59.—1907.] PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 323

also grow on the mainland, around this city, but uae quality is

inferior 2S the products et the islands......

+ * * * *

In — island of rae where the cinnamon grows, are found

many precious stones and the biggest sapphires.

1 The text of this letter was printed (anonymously) for the first

time in Fracanzio di Montalboddo’s Paesi Novamente Retrovati

(Vicenza, 1507). An English translation from a manuscript copy in

the Biblioteca Riccardiana, Florence, is given in App. B of the First Voy.

of V. da Gama: from this the above extracts are taken. The writer

of the letter, a Florentine, was settled as a merchant in Lisbon for many

years. Tennent (i. 638 n.) has the following extraordinarily erroneous

reference to Sernigi :—“‘ There are two other Italian travellers of this

century who touched at Ceylon ; one a ‘ Gentleman of Florence,’ whose

story is printed by Ramusio (but without the author’s name), who

accompanied Vasco de Gama, in the year 1479 [szc], in his voyage to

Calicut, and who speaks of the trees ‘che fanno la canella in molta

perfettione.’’? Sernigi, as I have said, was a merchant, not a traveller,

and did not accompany Vasco da Gama in 1497 (1479 is doubtless a

misprint), and could not therefore have “‘ touched at Ceylon.” Finally,

it was to “‘a gentleman of Florence ’”’ that his letters were written.

(Suckling, in his Ceylon i. 271, eopis Tennent’s errors and adds some

on his own account.)

2 The version in Paest Nov. Retr. adds “ cloves.”’

3 P. N. R, reads “ certain islands.”

4P. N. R. ‘“ which islands are near.”’

° P. N. Rk. has nothing about going “ overland ’’: it says: “ from

the said city one goes there.”

°P. N R. “ they are.”’

’ P. N. R. adds “‘ and not by Christians, and the Moors are lords.”

& P. N. R. adds “‘ of spices.’

° P. N. B. has “‘ to carry them to the said city.”

10 P. N. R. has “very ”’ before “ flat-bottomed ” and “ little.”’

11 This clause is not in P. N. R.

12 The words “‘ nails or ’’ are wanting in P. N. R.

Ww P.N. R. adds “it is a short distance from there from the said

islands.’’ As regards the nail-and-ironless vessels and the loadstone,

see Tennent, Ceylon i. 442-43.

14 Not in P. N. R.

15 These two words are notin P. N.R.

16 P, N. R. has “ it is not worth vi” (7.e., ducats).

1 P. N. R&R. has “ Ginger is less by half.”

felew iN. ie. has ‘aslands: ...:)/... are called.”’

A 4,

Girolamo Sernigz’s Second Letter to a Gentleman of Florence.

[? August or September 1499. ]

Since I sent you full particulars about India and its discovery

there has arrived here the pilot 2 whom they took by force ..... i

This man told wonderful things about those countries, and

their wealth in spices. The good and fine cinnamon is produced

324 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XIX.

in other islands about 150 leagues beyond Calichut, very near the

mainland: they are inhabited by Moors. Pepper and cloves

come from more distant parts.

The island of Taprobana, of which Pliny wrote so fully, must *

be out at sea very far from the mainland.*

1 This letter, like the previous one, was first printed (anonymously)

in the Paest Novamente Retrovati. An English translation is given in

App. B of the First Voy. of V. da Gama.

* This was Gaspar da India (see A 1, note ?, above).

3 Before “‘ must ’’ Mr. Ravenstein inserts “was not known to the

pilot, for it.”

4 Evidently Gaspar da India could not identify Ceylon with Pliny’s

Taprobane.

Jak),

Girolamo Sernigr’s Letter to his Brother.

[? August or September 1499.]

Item: The spices that come there to Kalakutt come for the

most part from the island called Zelony.? And there are only

heathen folk there, and they are lords over the island. And it

lies 160 leagues distant from the town of Kalakutt, and from the

mainland it lies only 1 league.

And if one wants to get to the land there from this city one must

take 20 days. And in the island are forests with brazil and

many roseberries there, and other spicery, cloves, rhubarb. Some

other small spicery comes from afar from other islands. The

cinnamon barks also come from the island of Zelony.

1 The original of this letter is not extant, but an abstract in German,

made by the antiquary Peutinger, was printed by Dr. B. Greiff in the

Sechsundzwanzigster Jahres-Bericht des historischen Kreis-Vereins......

von Schwaben (Augsburg, 1861). An English translation of a few

extracts is given in App. B of the First Voy. of V. da Gama.

2 Misprinted ‘“‘ Zelong ” in the First Voy. of V. da Gama.

3 Mr. Ravenstein has “ and the king is a heathen [Moor].”’

4 Mr. Ravenstein has “* By land it is a journey of twenty days.”’

A 6.

Barros I. v. vi.

[November—December 1500.]

Rtenisl He [Coge Cemecerij, a Moor of Calecut] learnt that from

Cochij, a city some twenty miles from there, had set sail a ship,

which had come from the island of Ceilam and carried seven

elephants which it was conveying for sale to the kingdom of

Cambaya; and it belonged to two merchants of the same Cochij,

who were called Mammale Mercar and Cherina Mercar ......

No. 59.—-1907.] PoRTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 325

he went to Aires Correa,' and pretending that in this he was

doing him a service, told him that he had had news, that from the

port of Coulam ? had set sail a ship laden with all kinds of spicery,

with which he could well load two of our ships, and that it was

bound for Mecha, and on the way had to take in some ginger at

Cananor...... (Consequently, the Portuguese attacked the ship,

which showed fight, and took refuge in the bay of Cananor, whence

the Portuguese without resistance (the crew having been mostly

killen or wounded) brought it to Calecut, where the ‘“‘ common

people ’’ of the Portuguese crews regaled themselves with the

flesh of one of the elephants, which had been killed in the fight.

Discovering how he had been deceived, however, Pedralvares

Cabral restored the ship to her captain, with apologies for the

damage that had been done.?]

1 The factor, who, with other Portuguese, was killed soon after-

wards.

2 The edition of 1778 has erroneously “ the port of Ceilao.”’

3 Castanheda (i. c. xxxvii.) gives a very different account of this

affair: according to him, the Samuri, wishing to buy an elephant,

_asked the Portuguese to intercept the ship.

—

Places whence the Spices come .'

[1501 ?]

Cinnamon comes from Zallon, and there is no cinnamon found

except in that place: it is eclx leagues beyond Calichut.

1 This list is printed in Paes: Novamente Retrovati after a descrip-

tion of the voyage of Pedralvares Cabral in 1500, and appears to be

compiled from information obtained during that expedition.

A 8.

Copy of another Letter, written there [Lisbon], by Lunardo

Nardi, dated 20 September [1502].*

In his [the king of Colochut’s] country there is nothing but

pepper, cinnamon, ginger; and the good cinnamon comes from

Sailem, cloves and white and red sandal from another place,’

where, they say, are all the riches of the world.

1 This is printed in the Diarii di Marino Sanuio (see B 6) iv. 545-47.

The writer was a merchant resident in Lisbon. This letter is accom-

panied by a shorter one, of the same date, by another Florentine mer-

chant, Bortholamio Marchioni ; and both relate to the return to Lisbon,

on 12 September 1502, of the four ships under Jodo da Nova, which

had sailed for India in March 1501.

2 Sumatra (see A 9 A 10, A 15).

326 JOURNAL, R.A.S: (CEYLON). (Von. XIX.

J Bh

Paest Novamente Retrovati, cap. cxlii.

[From information of Padre Joseph,! after June 1502.]

There are also in this Indian sea many islands, among which

are two worthy of mention. The first is Saylam, distant from the

cape Comari ce miles,in which are produced the horses.2, Beyond

this towards the east is the island of Samotra or Taprobana.*

1This man and his brother Mathias, professed Christians, were

found at Cranganor in 1500 by Pedralvares Cabral, who brought them

to Portugal, where Mathias died. Joseph went to Rome, and thence

to Venice, where the details published in the P. N. R. were obtained

from him.

+ In original “‘ dove nasceno le Caualle ’’—a ridiculous misprint for

““ le canelle,”” ‘‘ the cinnamon [barks or quills}].”’

3 Like Gaspar da India, Padre Joseph could not identify Ceylon

with Taprobana, which name he agreed with the compilers of the

Canerio and Cantino charts (see A 10) in applying to Sumatra.

———

A 10.

Legends an the Canerio Chart.

[1502.]

Ataprobana.?—This island called Ataprobana is the largest

island in the world and the richest in everything, such as gold

and. silver and precious stones and pearls and very large and fine

rubies and all kinds of spicery and silks and brocades ; and the

people are idolators and very [well] disposed and trade with out-

siders and send out from here many wares and bring others that

are not found in this island.

[Cillam.*|—Here is produced the cinnamon and many kinds

of spicery, and here they fish pearls and seed-pearls ; the people

of this island are idolators and trade much cloves with Caliqut.*

1 A reproduction of part of this chart is given in the Furst Voyage

of V. da Gama, the legends, with English translations, being printed

in App. G. The reference letters prefixed to the last five legends do

not correspond with those in the map.

2 In the map this name is assigned to Sumatra; but the descrip-

tion in the legend would seem to show some confusion with Ceylon.

3 In the Canerio chart no name is given to Ceylon, though the names

of three places on the east coast are marked, viz., Morachim ( ?),

Traganollaneo (Trincomalee), and Panama (Panawa). The name

Cillam is from the Cantino chart, also of 1502 (cf. the first extract

above, A 1).

4 This last statement is, of course, erroneous. Leonardo Nardi

(see supra, A 8) was better informed.

No. 59.—1907.] PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 327

Ae la

Calcoen.

[January 1502.|

apices From Coloen? 1 miles les an island and it is called

Steloen,? and there grows the best cinnamon that is found.

* * * * *f * *

The ginger grows as the rush does, and cinnamon like willows,*

and every year the cinnamon is peeled, and the thinner and newer

it is the better itis ......

1 This is the title of a Dutch pamphlet, printed at Antwerp circa

1504, and giving an account of the second voyage of Vasco da Gama in

1502. A facsimile of the original, with a faulty English translation,

was published in 1874 by Mr. J. Ph. Berjeau.

2 Coulam, or Quilon.

% A misprint for “ Sieloen.”’

4 As di Conti had remarked, some sixty years before.

A 12.

The Voyage to the East Indies by Thomé Lopez.:

[19 November 1502. |

we 3 And those of Cocchin also told us, that from there to

Zeilam is 150 leagues, and that it is a rich and very large island of

300 leagues, and that there are great mountains there, and cinna-

mon grows there in the greatest abundance, more than in any other

place, and the best that is to be found, and many precious stones,

and great quantity of pearls. And there are in the said island,

corresponding to the great mountains, many wild elephants, very

big, and they tame them in this manner ......

1The Portuguese original of this is lost. An Italian translation

was printed by Ramusio in tom. | of his Navigationi et Viaggi (1550).

It describes the second voyage of Vasco da Gama to India.

Au 13.

Barros 1. Vi. vi.

[November—December 1502. |]

ema ieys The king of Cochij during this time had not yet seen

the admiral!; and because he learnt that there was about to enter

his port a ship of Calecut, which was coming from Ceilam, and

which belonged to a Moor of Calecut called Nine Mercar, fearing

328 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

that Vicente Sodre on going out would capture it, he sent and

begged the admiral that he would not impede that ship, which he

wished to enter that port of his, although it was from Calecut.?

1 Vasco da Gama.

2 Since the massacre at Calecut, in December 1500, of Aires Correa

and his companions, the Portuguese had declared unceasing war against

Calecut and all connected with it (cf. B 10, infra).

A 14,

Correa i. 328.1

[1502.]

BU Si our people left Cochym, having finished loading the ships

with all that they wanted of pepper and drugs which were in

superabundance, because the merchants of Cochym, when they

saw our great trade established, from which they derived such

profit, sent their ships to Malaca, and Banda, and Maluco with

their goods, which were Cambaya cloths, in exchange for which

they brought them all kinds of drugs, and on the return voyage

from Malaca they got cinnamon in Ceylao, and they had everything

ready in Cochym for the loading of the ships, and what was over

they sent for sale to Cambaya, whence they got their cloths, with

which they returned to Malaca.?

1See also Stanley’s Three Voyages of Vasco da Gama 364. This

extract is from the account of the second voyage.

2 Of. the extract from Correa below, A 20.

A 15.

Copy of a Letter recewed from the Merchants of Spain to their |

Correspondents in Florence and Venice of the Treaty of Peace

between the King of Portugal and the King of Calichut.1

[December 1503 7]

There still remains to discover the island of Taprobane,?

which according to Pliny is superabundant in riches and money

and pearls, and needs to be discovered.

1 This is printed in Paest Novamente Retrovati cap. cxxviii. It

gives information received by the Portuguese ships of 1502, which

returned to Lisbon 15 December 1503.

2 Hither Ceylon or Sumatra may be meant.

No. 59.—1907.] PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 329

A 16.

The Commentaries of Afonso Dalboquerque.*

[1503-4. |

Coulam at the time that Afonso Dalboquerque came to it was

a very great city ....... This city was a great trading port, and

in former times many merchants were settled there from a!l parts

of India, chiefly from Malaca. And being a port sheltered from all

the winds, it was the principal staple for all the ships that sailed

to India, both those that passed by the island of Ceylam and those

that sailed between Ceylam and Chale. And at that time the

island of Ceylam was subject to it, and paid tribute toit.2 From

Coulam to that island is some eighty leagues, and from Coulam to

Chale, which is about sixty leagues by coast, all belonged to it.4

1 This work by Albuquerque’s son was first printed in 1557: it is

from this edition that I have translated the extract. A revised and

enlarged edition was published in 1576, which was reprinted in 1774.

An English translation by Mr. W. de Gray Birch was issued by the

Hakluyt Society in 1875-84. The passage from which this extract is

taken appears to be based on the description of Coulam in Castanheda

liv. 1. cap. 1x1.

2 This should be “ Cael.”” Chale was an old port on the south side

of the Beypur river ; Cael (Kayal) was in the extreme south of India

on the Gulf of Mannar (see Hobson-Jobson s. vv.). Castanheda, (loc.

cit.) has <‘ Cale.”

3 This is of course an error.

4 See Barbosa (Hakluyt Soc. ed.) 161, 163, 173.

Aves Vig

Description of the Voyage from Lisbon to Calacut.}

[1504.]

And they bring [to Calacut] spicery from Malacca and Cella,

which is the great island of Taprobana, of which so much 1s written.

There are many precious stones there, it is 250 miles from Callecut,

and the cinnamon grows best of all 2 in the said island.

1 This is a document in German, found among the papers of Dr.

Conrad Peutinger, and printed by Dr. B. Greiff in the Sechsundzwanzig-

ster Jahres-Bericht des historischen Kreisvereins ...... von Schwaben

(Augsburg, 1861).

2 The original has

best.”

3 Leonardo Ca’ Masser (see infra, A 23), in his summary account of

this voyage, has “‘ Cumari a place, where were all the cinnamon [quills].”’

Apparently “‘ Cumari”’ represents Cape Comorin, and the “ place ”

must have been Ceylon.

‘aller fast,’ which may be an error for “ aller

330 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoLt. XIX.

A 18.

The Travels of Ludovico di Varthema.

[1505.]

Seats The said city [Cioromandel?] is situated opposite to

the island of Zeilon, when you have passed the Cape of Cumerin

sapere We passed a gulf of twelve or fifteen leagues where we had

incurred great peril because there are many shoals and rocks there ;

however, we arrived at an island called Zailon,* which is about

1,000 miles in circumference, according to the report of the inhabi-

tants thereof.

Tort CHAPTER CONCERNING ZAILANI, WHERE JEWELS ARE

PRODUCED.

In this island of Zailon are four kings,‘ all pagans. I do not

describe to you all the kings of the said island, because these kings

being in fierce war with each other,’ we could not remain there

long, neither could we see or hear the things thereof ; however,

having remained there some few days, we saw that which you shall

hear. And first, an immense quantity of elephants which are

produced there. We also saw rubies found there, at a distance of

two miles from the sea shore, where there is an extremely large

and very long mountain, at the foot of which the said rubies are

found.¢ And when a merchant wishes to find these jewels, he

is obliged first to speak to the king and to. purchase a brazo of the

said land in every direction (which brazo is called a molan’),

and to purchase it for five ducats. And then when he digs the

said land, a man always remains there on the part of the king.

And if any jewel be found which exceeds ten carats, the king claims

it for himself, and leaves all the rest free.? There is also pro-

duced near to the said mountain, where there is a very large river, a

great quantity of garnets, sapphires, jacinths, and topazes. Inthis

island. there grow the best fruits I have ever seen, and especially

certain artichokes (carzofoli)® better than ours. Sweet oranges

(melangoli), the best, I believe, in the world, and many other

fruits like those of Calicut, but much superior.

THe CHAPTER CONCERNING THE TREE OF THE CANNELLA.

The tree of the cannella is the same as the laurel, especially the

leaves ; and it produces some berries like the laurel, but they are

smaller and more white. The said cannella, or cinnamon, is

the bark of the said tree in this wise: Every three years they cut

the branches of the said tree, and then take off the bark of them ;

but they do not cut the stem on any account. There are great

numbers of these trees. When they collect that cinnamon it has

not the excellence which it possesses a month afterwards. A

Moorish merchant told me that at the top of that very large

mountain there is a cavern to which the men of that country go

once in the year to pray, because, as they say, Adam was up there

praying 1° and doing penance, and that the impressions of his

No. 59.—1907.] PoRTUGUESE IN CEYLON. oh 33301]

feet are seen to this day, and that they are about two spans Iong.

Rice does not grow in this country,!! but it comes from the

mainland. The kings of this island are tributaries of the king of

Narsinga,'? on account of the rice which comes there from the

mainland. The air in this island is extremely good, and the

people are of a dark tawny colour. And here it is neither too hot

nor too cold. Their dress is alla apostolica*; they wear certain

stuffs of cotton or silk, and go bare-footed. This island is

placed under the equinoctial line,14 and the inhabitants of it

are not very warlike. Artillery is not used here !®; but they

have some lances and swords, which lances are of cane, and with

these they fight amongst each other ; but they do not kill each

other overmuch, because they are cowardly fellows. Here there

are roses and flowers of every kind, and the people live longer

than we do. Being in our ship one evening, a man came on the

part of the king to my companion, and told him that he should

carry to him his gorals and saffron ; for he had a great quantity

of both. A merchant of the said island, who was a Moor, hearing

these words, said to him secretly: “‘ Do not go to the king, for he

will pay you for your goods after his own fashion.’ And this he

said out of cunning, in order thatmy companion might go away,

because he himself had the same kind of merchandize. However,

answer was given to the message '® of the king, that on the

following day he would go to his lord. And when morning came,

he took a vessel and rowed over to the mainland.

* “ re x * * *

This district [Paleachet] is one of immense-traffic in merchan-

dize, and especially in jewels, for they come here from Zeilon and

EvommesPEGO ....)..s

1 The original Italian of this work was first published in 1510,

there being many subsequent editions and translations into various

languages. I have taken these extracts from the translation by Mr.

Winter Jones issued by the Hakluyt Society in 1863 (only making a few

emendations in spelling to correspond with the original). Varthema’s

narrative is a mixture of fact and fiction ; and it is extremely doubtful

if his travels extended further eastward than the Malabar coast, though

he professes to have gone as far as the Banda and Moluccas islands,

and describes the various places which, he says, he visited. His de-

scription of Ceylon, it will be seen, is very meagre, and the information

might well have been picked up from native merchants at Calicut.

2 The ‘city of Choromandel’’ was probably Negapatam (c/. B 2,

and see Hobson-Jobson s.v. ‘‘ Coromandel ’’).

3 If Varthema had actually visited Ceylon, he would hardly have

failed to name the port at which he called.

4 Of. Correa’s statement (B 10, infra). These would be four of the

six sons of Vira Pardkrama Bahu (see Bell’s Report on the Kegalla

District 5; Rajavaliya 71).

5 This statement is not borne out by the Rdjavaliya.

6 The “‘ mountain ” is evidently the Adam’s Peak range, which is a.

good deal more than ‘‘ two miles from the sea shore.”

7 The editor of the Hakluyt Society’s edition of Varthema in a footnote

hazards the suggestion that this may mean an amunam. The meaning

is simple enough: molan represents Tamil or Malayalam mulam, cubit.

E 36-07

332 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoLt. XIX.

8 Cf. Barbosa’s statement in the extract given below (C 22). ~

° To this the editor of the Hak. Soc. Varthema appends the

following footnote: ‘‘ Probably the custard apple, which in outer

form is not unlike an artichoke.”’ But it is doubtful if the custard-

apple existed in Asia until the Portuguese introduced it from South

America (see Hobson-Jobson s.v. “* Custard-apple’’).

10 This should be ‘“‘ mourning,” or “lamenting ’’ (the original has

prangere).

11 Barbosa’s statement (see C 22) is more correct.

12 An erroneous statement.

18°'This is a favourite expression of the author’s, and means, probably,

clad in long robes, such as the Italian artists depicted the apostles as

wearing.

14 An error.

15 Cf. the statements in the extracts given below from Couto and

the Rdajavaliya (B 12 and B 14).

16 This should be “‘ messenger.”’

BL AN),

Instructions that D. Francisco de Almeida carried when he went as

Captain- Major to India.

[5 March 1505.)

Eo * * * * * ok

item: Because in India there are still so many things to dis-

cover, and such that when they have been discovered there may

result therefrom much to our service, both by the profit from the

things that may be there as well as by the right of ownership, and

in other respects much to our service, we think well that after the

loading of the ships is finished and they have been duly dispatched

and all the rest has been executed that by these instructions I

command you to do, not having need of all the vessels that are to

remain with you, you send a pair of caravels, or whatever else shall

seem suitable and you can well spare, to discover Ceylam, and

Pegu and Mallaca, and any other places and things of those parts,

sending in the said vessels that you thus send a person who shall

have the chief charge of them, and one who will do it very well

and with all regard to and security of our service, and in the said

places and in all others and any ports and countries that they

shall discover they shall place our padrdes of stone,? with the

royal arms and the cross of Christos at thetop,? which padrées

you shall order the stone-cutters who go to make there.’

*k * * ** * as *

+ 'This document is printed in Cartas de Affonso de Albuquerque ii.

272 ff.

* Regarding these padrdes or memorial pillars see First Voy. of V. da

Gama 169-70.

Olu dey 24.

* In the earliest voyages the navigators carried a supply of marble

padroes with them from Portugal (see Stanley’s Three Voy. of V.

da Gama 73, 141): this was now found to be needless.

No. 59.—1907.] PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 333

A 20.

Correa i. 622.

[January 1506. ]

Ped Neuiaus The viceroy sent Dom Lourenco with his fleet to care-

fully guard the vessels from Cochym and Cananor,} which went

Jaden with cloths, with which they sailed to Malaca, Maluco,

Banda, and other parts, whence they returned laden with drugs

and cinnamon which they got in Ceyléo on the way back.?

1 On their way to Cambaya.

2 Of. the extract supra, A 14.

A 21.

Letter of King Manuel to D. Francisco de Almeida.

[? March or April 1506.]

c 3 * * * 7 F 6 %

Item—On the return voyage,” if it please God, according to

the information that we have, it appears to us that you can well

take the course to Ceyllam, which is a thing of such importance

in Jmdia, as you know, and in which is such wealth, and from

which can be derived such profit ; and, that you may be able so

to do, we think it well that you come to it, and endeavour (if, with

the vessels and men that you have taken, it shall seem to you that

you can do it) to make, here in the said Ceyllam, a fortress, and

to leave in it some men and vessels, with which it can remain more

secure ; and it appears to us that you ought to use all endeavour

- for it, on account of the advantages that this island possesses :

the first, through being such a rich and important thing, and

having in it the fine cinnamon, and all the choicest of the seed-

pearls and all the elephants of Jndia and many other wares and

things of great vaiue and profit ; and being so near to Malaca and

to the gulf of Bymgalla, whence comes all or the greater part of

the food-stuffs of Jmdia;* and being near to Cayle;+ and lying

in the track of all the ships of Malaca and Bymgalla, and none

being able to pass without being seen and known of in that part ;

and being near to the archipelago of the xij* islands, in which

it is said there are many very rich and profitable, and to succeed

in finding which every effort should be made ; and the fortress

that may be made there being so near to Jmdia, because, according

to what we have learnt, it is a journey of two or three days ; * and

therefore it appears to us that your principal residence ought to be

there, since it seems that there you are in the centre of everything,

and that your being there gives more authority to our service and

to your person ; and moreover it would please us much to have this

fortified residence made here, not only for all the reasons that

334 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

have been given, but because it would be a matter of very great

pleasure and satisfaction to us that you and our fortress should

be in Taprobana, although it is now called Ceyllam ; regarding

which, by all the authors of the world, so much has been said and

written, and which has been held in such high honour, for its

riches and other advantages ; wherefore it will afford us very

ereat pleasure if you do this here, and if your principal residence

be in this island of Ceylam, since it appears that from here you

ean better provide for and assist in all things, than from any other -

part, on account of your being in the centre of all the fortresses

and things that we have there, and, although it may seem that these

things are many to be done in this voyage, since the beginning of

them, and also the end to which they are brought, was all more

by the hand of God, and done by him, through his infinite com-

passion, than for any other reason that there might be for it, as

we hope in him that in everything he will grant us, in his com-

passion, help,—we are pleased to command that in all things it

be so understood, and we hope that, for the accomplishment

thereof, he may grant you his help; and we beg you earnestly

that, for your part, you endeavour thus to do this on this journey,

and as well as we trust in you to do ; and we are very certain that

what may be for our service cannot seem to you troublesome ;

and this matter we consider to be one of the principal in which

you can serve us there.

(1844), pte. nado off. 112-18. It is also printed in Cartas de Aff. de

Alb, iii. 268 ff. It is draft of a letter from the king to D. Francisco

de Almeida, and is not dated ; but as the letter was probably sent by

the fleet of Tristéo da Cunha and Affonso de Albuquerque, which left

Lisbon in March or April 1506, it may safely be assigned to that period.

2 The greater part of the letter is occupied with instructions to the

viceroy to go in person to Malacca, build a fortress there, &c.; he is

also told to inquire about Sumatra, its trade, &c. The last paragraph

of the letter is the one here translated.

3 Cf. Barbosa 179-80.

4 Cael (see supra, A 16, note ?).

5 Twelve thousand. The ‘‘ twelve thousand islands” are, of course,

the Maldives (see Bell’s Maldive Islands 4-5). Cf. C 20.

6 Cf. A 22.

A 22.

Letier from King Manuel to Cardinal Alpedrinha.

[? May 1506.]

Shean Uident enim iam futurum preter omnium mortalium

gpem: quia facilis sit indies armorum nostrorum continens per

uagatio ac transitus non solum in plerasque alias orientales terras

ac insulas innumeras et ipsam denique Taprobanam, alterum

No. 59.—1907.] PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 335

aliquando orbem existimatum,? quatuor dierum nauigatione

tantum ab oppidis nostris distantem,? sed etiam in intima

Arabici et Persici sinuum littora ac terras ...... :

1 This letter is undated, but, as its contents are based on in-

formation brought by Fernao Soares, who returned to Lisbon on 22 May

1506, it was probably written within a few days of that date. The

extract here given is taken from the version of the letter printed in

Rome, 7 November 1506, under the title Gesta proxime per Portu-

galenses in India : Ethiopia : et alvs orinetalibus [sic] terris. The letter

describes the voyage of D. Francisco de Almeida in 1505—operations

on the African coast, erection of forts at Anjadiva and Cananor,

reception of envoys from the king of Narsinga, arrival at Cochin,

expedition against Coulam ; and then, near the end, comes the passage

quoted ore

2 Of,

SC. 5 aL —_————

A 283.

Report of Lunardo da Cha Masser.

[? June or July 1506.]

In Silan are produced cinnamon, and rubies, and sapphires,

jacinths, and Syriam garnets?: the which Silan is an island ;

and its king is heathen; its money is of silver, and is called

fanemini,* which are worth 72 to the ducat. Moreover the said

Portuguese have done a good trade in this place.*

1 This is printed in Archivio Storico Italiano, Appendice, ii. 13-48.

The writer was a secret agent of the Venetian republic, who had been

sent to Portugal to gain all the information he could regarding the

operations of the Portuguese in India. He arrived in Lisbon on 3 Octo-

ber 1504, and remained there until the summer of 1506. | His report is

a valuable document, and describes briefly the first nine voyages of

the Portuguese to the East, giving also many details of the Indian

trade, &c. The document is undated, but must have been written

about June or July 1506.

* In original ‘“‘ granate suriane,’’ which should mean “‘ Syrian gar-

nets ;” but as the garnets of Syriam, in Pegu, are famous for their

beauty, I have translated the word thus.

3 See Hobson-Jobson s.v. ‘‘ Fanam.”’

_ 4 The original is: “‘ Pur in questo loco hanno avuto recapito detti

Portughesi.”” What exactly the writer meant I do not know; but

the Portuguese had not been to Ceylon when the ships that reached

Lisbon in 1506 left India.

A 24.

Report regarding the East Indies by Vincenzo Quirins.*

[1506.]

art. & In which island of Anzidua? the Portuguese have

recently built a fortress very well supplied with everything in-

order to be able to receive the ships, and to be the permanent

336 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

headquarters of those that go a-pirating, the said island being so

situated, that on the whole coast of India there is not another ;

from which island they then go to the coast of Cananor and Cucin

to trade for goods with the natives. They reach there about the

end of September, and there make an end of their voyage, nor

do the ships, I mean those of merchandize, go further, as a rule,

except some that cruise along the coast of India towards the

south-west and south-east in order to discover newer countries,

and to reach that famous staple of Malacca and the island of

Taprobana, where the greater part of the ships of the Moors load.

x ** x xk * x ok

Beyond this Malacca, at the end and the cape of India Minor, some

hundred and fifty miles at sea more towards the south, is that very

famous island that is called Taprobana, in which island is produced

cinnamon and many other wares,? to which country the king

of Portugal has ordered to be sent in this last voyage four ships

with a factor, who had to remain in that place* and trade with

the natives, who are heathen, as do the Moors.

i This is printed in the Relazioni degli Ambasciatort Veneto al Senato

of Eugenio Alberi, Appendice, 1-19. The writer, having accompanied

Philip of Burgundy to Spain on the succession of the latter to the throne

of Castille, took the opportunity, being on the border of Portugal,

to gain “‘ some information from various persons deserving of credit

regarding the voyage to Calicut,’ in order to report the same to the

Venetian senate. The document is undated, but was written probably

in May or June 1506. Henry Harrisse, in his Americus Vespuccius 35,

has ‘1506, October 10th (?),’’ evidently because on that day, according

to the Diart di Marino Sanuto, Quirini made a verbal report to the

senate of his mission to Spain, and, among other matters, “di le cosse

di Coloqut, et di quella navegation, molto diffuse e le starie e porti.”’

This document is, naturally, not so valuable as that of Leonardo Ca’

Masser, and contains manifest errors, due to the writer’s ignorance of

the subject.

2 Anjadiva.

3 It will be noticed that the writer has confused, under the name

of Taprobana, the two islands—Ceylon and Sumatra—whose claim to

the title has formed the subject of so much controversy.

4 Malacca. The “four ships” referred to were those under the

command of Affonso de Albuquerque, as stated by Leonardo Ca’

Masser.

No. 59.—1907.] PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. dod

Bl,

Letter of Gaspar da India to King Manuel.

[16 November 1506.]

he Sire, on the sixteenth of November Dom Lourengo

called me into his room, and spoke to me after this manner:

“ You know, Gaspar, how I went to Ceil&éo and had Mygel ? eo

me as interpreter, because at that time when I was about to leav

for Ceilaom I could find no other interpreter, since your cane

had left for Malaca* in the service of our lord the king, and my

father was sending you to the port of Batecala on other business 5 ;

and so 1 came to the port of Ceyléo, and might well have brought

ten thousand cruzados’ worth of tribute to our lord the king, and

for want of such a man as you who know everything I brought

nothing, since the whole of the cinnamon that I br ought is worth

in India two hundred and fifty cruzados.®...

1 This letter, written from Cochin, is printed in Cartas de Aff. de

Alb. ii, 371-80. It contains interesting details of events not recorded

elsewhere. Regarding the writer see supra, A 1, note ?.

2 This was probably the Brahman of whom Barros tells us (I. v.

villi.) that, when Pedralvares Cabral was at Calecut in 1500, this man

came to him and professed his desire to become a Christian ; wherefore

he was taken to Portugal and baptized by the name of Miguel. In the

same chapter Barros relates that this man was sent by Pedralvares

with a message to the king of Cochin.

3 From a letter of 12 January 1506, from Gaspar Pereira to the king,

printed in the same collection, we learn that the son’s name was

Baltesar.

4 By way of the Coromandel coast, as stated by the writer on a

previous page. The expedition left Cochin on 22 August 1506, but

was a failure (see swpra, p. 304).

5 According to the writer’s own statement in the early part of this

letter he left on this mission in company with Gaspar Pereira on |

September 1506 (but see p. 305, note 7).

6 According to the letter of King Manuel to the pope (see infra,

B 3) the quantity of cinnamon brought from Ceylon by Dom Lourengo

after his ‘* discovery ”’ was 150 quintals, which is also the amount given

by Castanheda (infra, B 7), who, however, simply copies from D.

Manuel’s letter. Barros, on the other hand, says (see infra, B 8) that

it was 400 bahars of cinnamon that D. Lourenco obtained ; while

Correa (see infra, B 9) does not specify the quantity, but tells us that at

the time of D. Lourengo’s visit cinnamon was worth (in Cochin, doubt-

less) one cruzado the bahar, ‘‘ which,’ he adds, ‘* is equal to four

quintals.”’ This valuation of the bahar is identical with that attributed

to it by Leonardo Ca’ Masser in 1506 and by Barbosa in 1516, while

Varthema in 1510 says it was equal to only ‘‘ three of our cantare”’

(see quotations in Hobson-Jobson s.v. ‘‘ Bahar’”’). Couto also makes

one quintal equal three bahars (see B 10, infra). Mr. Ravenstein, in his

First Voy. of V. da Gama, pp. 103-4 n, gives a list of prices of various

spices at Calecut calculated from those given by Barbosa. Adopting

his basis of calculation (quintal =100 lb., bahar = 460 lb., cruzado =

338 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

9s. 8d.), we find that Correa’s estimate of the value of cinnamon

in Calecut works out to about the same figure as that derived from

Barbosa’s, viz., 4d. a pound. Gaspar da Gama’s valuation of the

first tribute cinnamon (which he fathers on Dom Lourengo) works

out at less than 2d. 2 pound; but the object of this under-valuation

is evident.

B 2.

Summary of Letter from D. Francisco de Almeida to King

Manuel.

[27 December 1506.]

* * ** * * * k

Item: how he sent Dom Lourengo to the islands of Maldiva

and Quymdiquel.?

* * *k Ke * * *

Item: that in Choromandel the ships of Malaca have a great

trading port,? and Pegun and Camatra whence come all the

valuable things, and that on that coast the summer begins when in

Cochy the winter commences,* which is at the beginning of

May, and that because from then until September no vessel puts

to sea, Dom Lourengo is at this time to visit the coast of Choro-

mandel,® and that between this coast and Ceilam is a sandbank

on which there is not more than ten spans of water.®

* % * % * * *

Item: the discovery that Dom Lourengo made of Ceylam, it

has a point like that of Cananor’ for making a fortress, and plenty

of water and an excellent port, and he wishes to make it there and

not in Coulam,® and Ceilam is in the direct course for Malaca,

Peguu, and Camatra, and Choromandel ®; from there to Ceilam

is seventy leagues.?°

Ee * * * *K * *

Item: the cross of Christos,+4 and the royal arms, and the

device ## have been left in Ceilam on a padram.} —

Item: he deprived Lopo Chanoca of the command of the

caravel, because he gave blows to the clerk.

Item: that he?> left for Ceylam at the end of September,

and took the ship Santo Sprito to load cinnamon, and in a month

hoped to make the fortress.1¢

* x * * * * *

1 This valuable document is printed in Cartas de Aff. de Alb. ii.

391-97. It forms part of a collection in the Torre do Tombo at Lisbon

entitled ‘‘ Summary of all the letters that came to our lord the king,

and of other messages that also came by the ships of which there

came as captain-major Antonio de Saldanha, and by the ship of Cide

Barbudo who came after him.’’ In view of the irreparable loss of the

viceroy’s original letter, it is some consolation to have this pretty full

précis; but the summarist appears to have sometimes failed to do

justice to the contents of the original.

No. 59.—1907.] PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 339

*<« Maldiva ’’ is Malé island, that being the name applied to it by

the early Portuguese writers (cf. infra, C2). ‘*Quymdiquel” is Kendi-

kolu in Miladummadulu Atol. The name is spelt ‘‘ Camdicail”’ in a

letter of 30 December 1520, from Alvaro Fernandez to the king, printed

in Alguns Documentos ; and similarly in the map of India by Fernao

Vaz Dourado (circa 1570), reproduced in the Com. of Af. Dalb. ii. (see

also Gray and Bell’s Pyrard iu. 437 and note).

3 Negapatam probably (see swpra, A 18, note *).

AOGi.-€© 9:

5 This intended visit was never carried out; but at the beginning

of 1507 Manuel Pacanha was sent to the Coromandel coast with an

armada, (see Bar. II. 1. iv.).

Ci wna. €. 22, note 2°,

* Advocates of the theory that Galle was the place at which Dom

Lourengo called might consider this an argument in their favour, since

at both Cananor and Galle the point on which the Portuguese erected

fortress was to the left of ships entering the port, and not to the

right, as at Columbo. However, we must not take ‘‘ as at Cananor”’

to mean that the point in Ceylon occupied the same relative position

to the port as the one at Cananor did.

8 In his instructions from the king Dom Francisco was commanded,

after he had returned from the Red Sea (an expedition he did not

accomplish), to proceed to Coulam and erect a fort there if the king of

that place gave his permission. The massacre of the Portuguese at

Coulam in October 1505 (see p. 293) of course prevented the fulfilment

of this order; and the viceroy was opposed to making peace with the

raja on any conditions. In 1514, however, Albuquerque came to terms

with the queen of Coulam; and a fortress was built there (in an under-

hand way, apparently) by Hector Rodrigues (see C 19, infra, and Cor. ii.

393-95, where a picture of the fortress is given).

9 Cf. A 21, supra.

10 The author of the Com. of Af. Dalb. (see A 16) makes the dis-

tance from Coulam to Ceylon ‘‘ some eighty leagues,’ while the

anonymous writer of Calcoen (see A 11) puts it at ‘<1 miles.”’ Most

of the earlier writers quoted in A give ridiculously exaggerated figures

for the distance between Calecut and Ceylon. The actual distance

from Cochin to Colombo is some 360 miles. Regarding the Portuguese

league, see the index to First Voy. of V. da Gama 245.

11 The cross of Christus was what is termed a “ cross pattée,”

7.e., broadening out at the end of each limb. It is shown above the

‘royal arms of Portugal on the rock discovered in September 1898 near

the root of the Colombo Breakwater (see C. A. 8. Jl. xvi. 17).

12 The <‘ device ”’ was that of the sphere, as Cast. correctly says (see

iB 8).

13 This padrdo seems to. have been in almost all respects similar to

the one erected at Mombaga, as described by Cor. 1. 559, viz., “‘a

eolumn of white marble and with its capital, and on the head of it the

escutcheons of arms of the same stone carved into certain royal cinques

(quinas), on the other side the escutcheon of the sphere, and on top

the cross of Christ ; and the column of the thickness of a thigh, and

two fathoms in height’”’ (see plate facing p. 312).

14 Who the unfortunate ‘‘ clerk’’ was, and what he had done to

rouse the ire of ** big’? Lopo Chanoca, I do not know, as the facts here

recorded are passed over by the historians.

15 The original has ‘elle,’ to show that it was not the viceroy

that was meant.

16 On this see above, p. 312, note J.

340 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

B 3.

Lixemplum litterarum regis Portugalie ad Julium pontificem

maximum.*

[25 September 1507.]

Sanctissimo in Christo patri ac beatissimo domino, domino

Julio, divina providentia summo pontifici, devotissimus ejus

sanctitatis fillus, Hemanuel, Dei gratia rex Portugallize et Algar-

biorum citra et ultra in Africa, dominus Guiniee et conquiste

navigationis ac icommercii Atthiopize, Arabize, Persie atque Indie,

humillima pedum beatorum oscula.

Letetur et exultet sanctitas vestra, beatissime pater, quod a

solis ortu usque ad occasum germinat omnipotens Deus justitiam

et laudem suze Catholice fidei et isti sanctee sedi coram universis

gentibus, dum pro sua pietate in finibus terre prosperum quotidie

iter facit, vobis subjiciens per nos Christiane religioni novas

gentes ac terras. Quarre dissipentur jam inimiciejus et fugiant

qui oderunt ipsum a facie ejus. Vident insule et timent ;

extrema terre obstupent ; conturbantur saraceni; dare videtur

jam vocem suam Altissimus et moveri terra, mare et plenitudo

ejus In maximum christianze glorie et infidelium dejectionis

portentum, adeo ut mysterium indice et orientalis operationis

nostre, quod adhuc privato forsitan decori nostro et utilitati

inservire vider potuit, non tam nobis quam isti sanctze sedi

et christianz reipublice revelatum jam et laboratum clarissime

appareat. Nam, ut omittamus pleraque, que pro sua omni-

potentia immortalis Deus per nostros adversus saracenos superiori-

bus annis illic operatus est, et in dies operatur ; que proxime

pari ejus indulgentia nobis tributa; inde nobis nune letissima

sunt allata, summatim, pro epistole modo, audiat leta sanctitatis

vestra. Cui jam cognitum arbitramur misisse nos superioribus

annis pro nobis viceregem in terras illas orientales, qui pro rerum

quotidie incremento, ut in bonum augeri solent que adeo sunt,

majoribus viribus et auctoritate expeditionem illam administraret.

Is, factis plurimis in hostes excursionibus, proxime dominum

Laurentium de Almeida filium armata classe misit ad infestanda

hostium litora ac terras. Qui etiam, ut erat jussus, accessit ad

insulam illam nominatissinam Taprobanam,? alterum aliquando

orbem existimatam, nunc ipsorum lingua Zeylom * appellatam ;

pro gestis * ad postulata nostra responso, seu pacem seu bellum

daturus. Applicans itaque ad portem maximi et potentissimi

regis, qui sex alios imperat, insule regibus mittit patris legatos,

quos secum ferebat. Eos rex ipse quo pacto exceperit,° audiri

pro rei® novitate non indignum.’? Aula erat a mplissima, in

cujus extremo solium regium in altaris modum magnificentissime

erat instructum.® In eo sedit rex pro diademate, juxta patrium

morem, cornua in capite habens, pretiosissimis, qualis insula, ® fert,

gemmis ornata. Circumstabant regium solium viri sex cum cereis

magnis, quamvis interdiu, accensis,/° tres a dextris,’! tres a

sinistris; multa etiam ac!2 magna candelabra argentea pariter

incensa.1*? Aulam ab utraque parte complebat 4 magna procerum

No. 59.—1907.] PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 341

et nobilium *° multitudo, relicto intermedio spatio, qua 16 patebat

liber et inoffensus ad regem aditus. Ibi 1’ adeuntes legatos nostros

rex honorificentissime suscipit,'® gratissime audit 1° et humanissime

ad postulata respondet,?° omnia cum nostris obsequentissime

pacificans ; #1 in quibus etiam se quotannis centum quinquaginta

cantaria cinnamomi in ea insula excellentissimi nobis pensurum

pollicetur,?? primam illico pensionem persolvens; in quam quidem

summam nostri perinde?* consensere, si gratum ad?4 viceregi

nostro foret. Confecto sic Taprobane insula 25 negotio, nostri

inde degressi nonnulla oppida saracenorum maritima in conti-

nenti sita expugnavere et igni consumpsere, captatoque simul

toto mari magno hostilium navium numero, et in his ingenti preda,

infesta et sollicita omnia saracenis reddidere......

_ Ex oppido Abrantes,2® xxv° septembris MDVII.

1'There are several variants of this letter extant. The copy from

which I quote is printed in the Diarw di Marino Sanuio vi. 198-201

(see infra, B 6). Another (very faulty) is printed in Rebello da Silva’s

Corpo Diplomatico Portuguez i. 116-19, the source from which it was

taken being thus described in a footnote :—‘* Ex Cod. Vat. Regio 557,

pag. 88. Copy of the xviith century, in the Bibliotheca de Ajuda.

Symmicta lusitanica, MSS. of the Vatican, tom. ii. f. 212.” There is

also a manuscript copy in the British Museum Library (Bibliotheca

Harleiana 3468—Tractatus varii historici, philolog., &c., p. 115).

This letter and that to the cardinals (see infra, B 4) were printed at

Rome (probably) in 1507(?) in the form of a small quarto pamphlet, in

black letter, with the title: Hpistole serenissimi Regis Portugalie de

victoria contra infideles habita. Ad Julium papam Secundum et ad

sacrum Collegium Reuendissimorum [sic] dominorum Cardinalium.

There is a copy of this rare pamphlet in the Grenville Library at the

British Museum (G. 6953. 1.), in which is pasted a slip with the following

manuscript note (? by Heber, the former owner of the book): ‘* Emanu-

elis Epistola ad Julium 2 de victoria 4° 1507. I have another different

edition with the same date, which contains an additional letter of

King Emanuel to the College of Cardinals : it is difficult to ascertain the

priority of these two editions.” Ido not understand the reference here

to another different edition containing an additional letter to the

cardinals: the only letter to the cardinals that I know of is that

quoted from below (B 4), and this, as I have said, is printed in this

edition. The letter to the pope occupies four pages, and that to the

cardinals two. Of this edition the British Museum Library possesses.

another defective copy, wanting the title-page and the letter to the

-eardinals. In the Grenville Library of the British Museum are two

copies of a different edition of the first letter. One of these copies

(G. 6953. 2.) is bound up with G. 6953. 1. (and it seems probable that

the slip referred to above ought to have been pasted in this second

pamphlet, and not in the first). The title of this edition is: Hpistola

serenissimi Regis Portugalie ad Julium papam Secundum de victoria

contra infideles habita. The letter is printed in roman type, with very

few stops; and there are transpositions of words, and slight variations

and omissions. Like the other edition, this one has no date or place of

printing ; and it is difficult to judge whether this was a hastily printed

first edition, or a carelessly printed second edition. The other copy in

the Grenville Library (G. 6952. 3.) is identical with G. 6953. 2. It is

bound up with some other pamphlets, and contains a slip with a manu-

seript note (by Grenville), from which I quote the following: ‘‘.......

342 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

Epistola Emanuelis R. ad Julium P.s. a. [sine anno] sed 1507—9.—The

epistle at the end of this volume, from Emanuel King of Portugal to

Pope Julius 2d, 1507, is avery curious and rare document. Francesco[sic|

d@’ Almeida was the first Portuguese Viceroy in India where he continued

from 1505 to 1509 when he was succeeded by the famous Albuquerque.—

Laurentius [sic] Almeida son to Francesco first landed in Ceylon in

1505, and in this Epistle a curious account is given of his reception by

the King of Ceylon—this is followed by an account of a great naval

engagement with the fleet of the King of Calicut, which was defeated by

Laur: Almeida who is said in the epistle to have also discovered a great

island in 1506 (probably Madagascar).—...... The Epistola Emanuelis

is evidently printed by Minutianus probably between 1507 and 1509,

which latter is the date of the accompanying oration.”’ The ‘‘ accom-

panying oration ’’ is one of the pamphlets bound up with this letter,

and bears the title: Oratio Jacobi Antiquarii pro populo Medzol. ;

while the imprint is: ‘‘ Impressum Mediolani per Alexandrum minuti-

anum die xxviii. Junii. Mccecccix. cura & impensa Franchini

Gaffurii laudensis cum priuilegio.”” Why the mere. coincidence that

the epistle happens to be bound up with the oration should have led

the great bibliophilist to such a strange conclusion as that expressed

at the end of his note I cannot understand, nor do I see anything to

warrant his statement. Nor does the epistle, as he states, credit

D. Lourengo de Almeida with the discovery of a great island in 1506 ;

the island referred to (doubtless Madagascar, though the location given

in the letter better suits Socotra) was <‘ discovered’ by ‘‘ another fleet,”

that of Tristéo da Cunha, as the king distinctly says. In the following

notes I have given some variant readings, chiefly those of G. 6953. 1.

* The version in Corpo Dipl. Port. has ‘* Caprobanam.”’

° G. 6953. 1. and C. 32, f. 14. have “‘ Zoylam”’; G. 6953. 2. and

G. 6952. 3. have “ Toilo”’; Corp. Dipl. Port. has ‘‘ Zoilon”’ ; and

Bibl. Harl. 3462 has <‘ Ceyloni.”’

4 In G. 6953. 1. ‘* gentis.”’

° G. 6953. 1. <* acceptaverit.”’

° G. 6953. 1. omits.

* G. 6953. 1. adds ‘‘ remur.”’

8 G. 6953. 1. << extructum.”’

* G. 6953. 1. inserts << illa.”’

10 G. 6953. 1. << interdum incensis.”’

11 G. 6953. 1. inserts << et.”’

12 G. 6953. 1. omits. a

13 G. 6953. 1. has ‘‘ argentea candelabra candelis desuper positis

pariter incensis.”’

G. 6953. 1. ‘* complebant.”’

15 G. 6953. 1. inserts ‘‘ aderat.”’

6G. 6953; quo.”

WG. 6953. 12-¢ Ubi.”

18 G. 6953. 1. << suscepit.”’

19 G. 6953. 1. <* audivit.”’

20 G. 6953. 1. ** respondit.”’

21 G. 6953. 1. ‘* pacificando.”

22 G. 6953. 1. <* pollicebatur.”’

28° Ge O9b3a., Wy) citar.

28 Ge 6953. BS eCids”’

29 G. 6953. 1. <‘ Taprobane insule.”’ ‘

26 Of. Barros II. tv. iii. The king was staying in Abrantes,

because of the prevalence of plague in the capital (see Com. of Af.

Dalb. i. 20)

No. 59.—1907.]| PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. d49

B 4.

Sacro reverendissimorum in Christo patrum dominorum cardi-

nalium sanctee romane atque universalis ecclesice

venerandoque collegio.'

[25 September 1507. ]

56 cae Excederemus profecto epistole modum, si singula

superioribus illic gesta annis percurramus. Verum, que inde

letissima nunc nobis sunt allata, latius, ut facta sunt cognosci

digna, sanctissimo Domino nostro scribimus, quorum communem

gratulationem sanctitatem suam vestris reverendissimis patribus

impartituram pro comperto habemus. Ea sunt in primis, factam

proxime nobis tributariam famosissimam illam Taprobanam

insulam scriptisque maxime celebratam ; habitam simul a nostris

insignem de saracenis maritimam victoriam ; et nonnullos alios de

divina indulgentia successus, quibus maxime christianum nomen

cum magna, infidelium admiratione et terrore exaltatur in universa

beware...

Ex oppido Abrantes, xxv° die septembris, anno 1507.

1[ quote from the copy printed in the Diariw de Mar. Sanuto

vii. 201-3. There is also a manuscript copy in the British Museum

Library (Bibl. Harl. 3462, p. 118). As mentioned above (B 8, note 1),

the letter was printed in 1507 (?) after the king’s letter to the pope.

B 5.

Oration of Fr. Hgidio de Viterbo to Pope Julius IT.+

[21 December 1507.7]

> ee Sed ut id deus felicitati daret tusze, quod nemo ante te

dari posse, ne suspicatus est quidem, Hmmanuelem in Lusitania

Regem creat iustitia, moderatione, ac preecipue summa, pictate

preditum facit: ut hic regno potiretur in regnum vocatus, sese,

ingenium, Regni vires Divino cultui dedicat: naves per

altum oceanum mittit gentes, populos que quesitum, ad quas

perferat christianum nomen: multos id annos agit multo labore :

multa impensa: denique universum Africe littus permensus,

quod magno occeano alluitur, quantum a freto Gaditano et a

columnis herculeis in Arabicum et Erithreum patet, multis in

indico littoris gestis; Principibus, populis que debellatis, aro-

matum mercatora Algypti, Syrize que Regi ablata; tandem

Taprobanen penetrat alterum (ut inquit Plinius) orbem terrarum

habitam. Numerosisimam classem indorum, christo potius ope,

quam virium magnitudine fretus, vincit: victor Taprobanes

Regem magnum sex imperantem Regibus tributum solvere

quotannis compelit, primus que aperuit eo sub celo christianum

344 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

nomen; primus eo sub celo jecit fundamenta religionis tue:

ac sacri imperil tui fines primus eousque gentium propagavit.

Tu nuncio accepto felicitatis et christian et tue, Deo acceptum

refers ; supplicationes decernis; solemnia statuis; Senatum

accersis ; populum que romanum, te in vaticana ede spectandum

exhibes, dum ad aram maximam pronus supplex que gratias deo

-agis. Eo die, qui Divo Thome indorum consecratus est, quem

nostris affuisse creditum, bene apud indos gestis rebus, jussisti

coram te sacrosancto que senatu astante me verba habere de

ingenti beneficio, quod a Deo optimo maximo grex tuus te

pastore susceperat ; quod te presede Lusitanus Rex fines sacra-

tissimi imperil tui ad indos usque produxisset; quod in novum

terrarum orbem inventum auream attulisset etatem. Cum que

obtemparassem ac pro rostris de etate aurea, quam India ab

aureo Rege receperat, non nihil in medium adduxissem. Mandas

iterum que dixeram scriberem ; ac legenda darem ; feci equidem

quod preecipis ; atque ea que de aurea etate, de que partibus

ejus quatuor, ac felicissima Lusitani Regis victoria eo die disserui,

in libellum redegi ......

* * * * Ate * *

spa Cousctis Nune cum Lusitanus Rex indica illorum maria vicerit,

superbos, contumaces que animos domuerit, atque auream vitam

agere jusserit; jam tertio ad dicendum vocatus, de tertia victoria

tua, quam. tibi Apostolicus Rex peperit, ut potui locutus sum.

Has vero tres institutiones, quibusin has tres gentes felicissime

usus es, a latino scriptore constitutas invenio. Ubi optimi prin-

cipis mores. in rebus a te preclare gentes recognosces. Nam

Perusia, Bononia, Taprobane (uti «quum justum que fuerat)

pacem, veniam, bellum pacasti; faciles difficilibus pepercisti ;

superbos bello armis que debellasti......

1 The manuscript of this oration, beautifully written on 80 leaves of

parchment (the first is missing), with gilt edges, and bound in pink

satin, is in the public library of Evora in Portugal. A description of it,

with several lengthy extracts, is given in tom. i. of Cunha Rivara’s

Catalogo dos Manuscriptos da Bibliotheca Publica Hborense ; and it is

from this volume that I quote the passages here given. Frei HEgidio

de Viterbo was, at the time when he delivered this oration, prelate-

general of the Augustine order; he afterwards became cardinal,

patriarch of Constantinople, &c. This oration, which is not mentioned

in any of the works referring to the author, is entirely a eulogy of

the pope and King Manuel.

2 'There is no date to the manuscript, but in the first passage quoted the

oration is said to have been delivered on St. Thomas’s day (21 Decem-

ber), and that the year was 1507 is proved by the reference to Taprobane

and by the statement in the letter from Rome quoted in the diaries of

Marino Sanuto (see infra, B 6). Curiously enough, the eminent scholar to

whom we are indebted for that priceless treasure the Archivo Portuguez-

Oriental, as well as other valuable works, has blundered over the date.

After the last extract he puts the following note: ‘‘ We quote all

these passages in full in order that we may arrive at a conclusion as to

the epoch of this oration, which we have no hesitation in placing on

St. Thomas’s day in the year 1505. For shortly before had taken

place the expeditions of the pope against Perugia and Bologna, and it

No. 59.—1907.] PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 345

was in the above year that D. Lourengo de Almeida, son of the first

viceroy of India, D. Francisco de Almeida, went with Portuguese for

the first time to Ceylon, or Taprobane, and made a chief of it tributary

to the king of Portugal. (Vide Couto, Decad. 5, 1. 1, cap. 7, and

Castanheda, |. 2, cap. 24.)’’ The numbers of the chapters in both

these references are wrong (see infra, B 7 and B 11). Couto is the

only one of the two writers who distinctly says that Dom Loureng¢o’s

landing took place in 1505, though Castanheda certainly seems to

imply it. But the papal expeditions against Perugia and Bologna

took place in 1506, and not in 1505 as Sr. Rivara states ; so that the

oration could not possibly have been delivered in the latter year. That

1507 is the real date there cannot be the least doubt.

B 6.

I aru di Marino Sanuto* vii. 235.

{December 1507. }

21st, St. Thomas’s Day ......

Prom Rome.—Secret matters inter cactera. That the pope had

read in consistory a letter written to him by the king of Portugal.

saying that his caravels had gone as far as the island of Taprobano

jsic]. And that they had spoken with that king, who had

on his head a crown of the most beautiful gems, and, although

it was day, there were hidden (?)2 candles, so that the gems

might be seen shining. Which king had agreed to be a friend

of the king of Portugal’s, and his tributary with a certain

amount of spices, &c., wt in liiteris ; I shall note the treaty below.

And that the pope had said that he was thinking of bestowing

some title of honour upon the king of Portugal, just as the king

of France has that of Most Christian, the king of, Spain that of

Catholic, etc.

* * * 7K * 26 *

28th. After dinner there were prayers. And the following

etters were read :

_ From Rome from the orator.~—Sends the copy of the letter

from the king of Portugal to the pope, regarding the progress to the

- islands discovered by his caravels, which had gone as far as the

island of Taprobana, the copy of which shall be entered below.*

And on the 21st, St. Thomas’s day, a solemn precession was made

on this account in Rome,' ete. ......

1This invaluable work, containing diaries written in Venice by

Marino Sanuto the younger, and extending over a large number of

years, has been published by the Deputazione Veneta di Storia

Patria.

2 The word in the original is impiati, the meaning of which J]

am not sure of.

3-The word ‘‘orator’’ is here used in the sense of ‘‘ ambassador ’”’

(see New Hng. Dict. s.v.). The person referred to was Zuan Badoer

(or Giovanni Badoaro), doctor and knight, a member of a noted

346 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

Venetian family. He left Venice for Rome on 9 March 1507. After-

wards he went as ambassador to Spain, and then to France (see

Rawdon Brown’s Cal. of State Papers—Venice, &ec., vols. 2 and 3

passim). :

* ‘Through some error the copies of the king’s letters to the pope

and cardinals are printed, with a number of other documents, after

the diarist’s entries for November: they should evidently have been

inserted at the end of December.

5 See supra, B 5.

Baie

Instructions given by King D. Manuel regarding certain paintings

that he commanded to be made, in which were to be depicted

the discovery of India, various costumes thereof, and some

of the incidents of the first years of tts conquest.

[1510 22]

* % ES * * K *

Item. The discovery of Taprobana: and how the ships arrive and

set up the padram ; and how the king of the country received the

ambassadors, and the fashion in which they say that he was ; and

how those of the country bring loads of cinnamon to put in the

ships.

1 These are printed in Alg. Doc. 516-18.

2 The document is undated, but I think we may safely place it

at the end of 1510, for the following reasons: It records the burning

of Calecut, which took place in January 1510, and the news of which

would have reached the king by the ships that arrived at Lisbon in

October following; but it does not refer to the capture of Goa in

November 1510—an event that the king would hardly have failed

to mention had he known of it when he gave these instructions,

ee ee ee

B8.

Castanheda 11. caps. lxx., lxxiu.

[November 1505 ?|

Siete And after this, on the 2nd of November, the viceroy

began to send the ships that had to return to Portugal, to take in

their cargoes. And he also sent some ships and smaller vessels

to relieve the fortresses of Cananor and Anjadiva: and he ordered

Dom Lourenco to go in the ship of Felipe Rodriguez! to the

islands of Maldiva, which are sixty leagues from the coast of India,

and to make prizes of many ships and junks which he knew for a

fact were passing by there, both from Malaca, and from Camatra,

and from Bengala, and from other countries of the southern parts,

and which were carrying much spicery, drugs, gold, silver, and

No. 59.—1907.] PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 347

other riches in great quantity; and he sent with him Lopo

Chanoca? and Nuno Vaz Pereira.?

SS x x ** x x ve

Dom Lourenco having set sail for the islands of Maldiva with

the other captains, as his pilots were as yet new to that course,

they did not take heed to guard against the currents, which are

strong in that latitude, and these made them miss the islands

and brought them in sight of the cape of Comorim where land

winds were blowing, and by the help of these Dom Lourenco

directed his course for the island of Ceildo, whither the viceroy

had ordered him to go .......

Dom Lourenco directing his course toward this island made

landfall at the port of Gabaliquamma,* which our people now

call the port of Gale: and his arrival becoming known to the lord

of the country, the latter feared that he would burn the ships that

were in the port, or devastate his country, as he had not enough

men to venture to defend it ; wherefore he at once sent a message

to Dom Lourenco offering peace and friendship with him, and that

he would do all that was in reason. And as this agreement could

not be made without someone of our people’s going ashore, the

king having given hostages for the safety of the person who should

go, Dom Lourengo sent on shore a knight named Fernao Cotrim >

that he might make the compact: and he having arrived at

the king’s palace ® found him at the end of a very large room

seated on a very handsome dais made in the form of an altar ;

he was clad in a silken bajo,’ which is a garment after the fashion

of aclose jacket, and girt with a cloth likewise of silk which reached

to his knees, and thence downwards barelegged, with many

rings on his fingers and toes; and in place of a crown he had

on his head a cap with two horns of gold and very fine precious

stones, and he had earrings of the same. On each side of the dais

were three of his gentlemen who held lighted wax candles although

it was day, and there were also many other lighted Moorish candle-

sticks of silver in every part of the room, which was fuil of many

gentlemen and nobles of the country, and between them was left

a passage, by which Fernaéo Cotrim came to where the king was

by whom he was very well received, and they thereupon both

agreed to friendship and a treaty, and that the king should

give every year as tribute to the king of Portugal one hun-

dred and fifty quintals of cinnamon ; and this was agreed to on

condition that the viceroy were satisfied with it, and this cinnamon

was at once delivered to Dom Lourengo. And whilst it was

being loaded, he ordered to be erected on the shore, with the

consent of the king, a stone padrdo with the arms of Portugal at

one end and the device of the sphere at the other®: and this in

token that that country was at peace with the Portuguese. All

these matters having been concluded, Dom Lourenco turned about

for Cochim, and on the way captured several Moorish ships.? And

_ on his arrival at Cochim he gave the viceroy an account of what

had befallen him, and of what had been agreed to with the lord

of Gale, whom he thought tc be the proper king of Ceilao ; and he

was greatly pleased with the cinnamon,.to be able to send it to

F 36-07

348 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vout. XIX.

Portugal by Johao da Nova or by Vasco Gomez Dabreu, whose

ships had begun to load with a view to leaving for Portugal......

And he aiterwards dispatched Johao da Nova and Vasco Gomez

Dabreu, to whom he intrusted an elephant to take to his lord the

king on account of its being so strange a beast in Portugal, whither

they set sail in February 1506, and Johao da Nova was driven

back from the Cape of Good Hope, his ships making so much

water that he was not able to proceed further, and wintered at the

island of Zanzibar ; and Vasco Gomez wintered in Mocambique,

because it was very late when he arrived there, and the westerly

winds were already blowing.'¢

* In chap. xxv. Felipe Rodriguez is mentioned as captain of the

ship Spera (Hsphera or Esfera).

2 See supra, B 2.

3 See infra, B 9.

4 See infra, C 22, note 2’.

5 See infra, B 9, B 10.

* Cf. what follows with the account in B 3.

7 Malay baju (see Hobson-Jobson s.v. ‘* Badjoe”’’).

8'The arms and device were one on each szde, not at each end

(cf. B 2, note 1%). The sphere was a device bestowed upon Dom

Manuel by King Joao II. Regarding the padrées see Three Voy. of V.

da Gama 73, 141; First Voy. of V. da Gama 169-7

oO fa s9.

10 On the foregoing see supra, p. 298.

B 9.

Barros I. x. v.

[1506 ?]

The Moors who engaged in the traffic of the spiceries and riches

of India, seeing that with our entrance into it they could no longer

make their voyages because of these armadas that we maintained

on the Malabar coast, at which they all called, sought for another

new route by which to convey the spiceries that they obtained

from the parts about Malaca, such as cloves, nutmegs, mace,

sandalwood, pepper, which they obtained from the island of

Camatra at the ports of Pedir and Pacem and many other things

from those parts ; which route they followed by coming outside

of the island of Ceilam and between the islands of Maldiva, crossing

that great gulf until they reached the mouths of the two straits

that we have mentioned,! in order to avoid this coast of India

which we had closed to them. When the viceroy learnt of this

new route that they were taking, and also of the island of Ceilam,

where they loaded cinnamon because all that was to be found in

those parts was there, on the ground of the great importance that

it would be to the king’s service to stop that route, and to discover

No. 59.—1907.] PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 349

that island and also those of Maldiva, by reason of the coir that was

obtained from them, which was the one essential for all the Indian

navigation, all the rigging being made of it,? he determined to

send his son Dom Lourengo on this enterprise, it being the mon-

scon weather for that passage. The latter took nine sail of those

that formed his armada; and owing to the little knowledge that

our people had of that route, although they took with them some

natives, they were carried by the currents to the island of Ceilam,

which the ancients call Tapobrana, regarding which we shall give

a copious relation when we come to describe what Lopo Soarez did

there when he founded a fortress in one of its ports called

Columbo,? which is fourteen leagues above that of Gale, at

which Dom Louren¢o made landfall, which is at the point of the

island, in which he found many ships of Moors, who were engaged

in loading cinnamon, and elephants for Cambaya, who, when they

saw themselves surrounded by our armada, in order to secure their

persons and property, pretended to desire peace with us, and

that the king of Ceilam had enjoined upon them that when they

crossed over to the coast of India they were to notify the viceroy

to send him some person to conclude peace and friendship with

the king of Portugal on account of his proximity to his captains

and the fortresses that they were making in India, and also because

of the cinnamon that was in that island of his and other wares,

which he could give him for the loading of his ships by way of trade.

As Dom Lourengo had set out to discover and capture the ships

of the Moors of Mecha which were sailing from the strait to Malaca

by that new route, and as by the cargo of elephants that these

had, as well as from other information that he received from the

native pilots that he carried, he knew them to be ships of Cambaya,

with which we were not at war, he did not wish to do them any

harm, and also because of arriving with an armed force at that

part where the Moors had spread the report that the Portuguese

were sea-pirates ; so he rather accepted what they offered on -

behalf of the king. And by their means he got together some

of the people of the country, with whose approval he erected a

stone padram on a rock, and upon it ordered to be cut some letters

saying how he had arrived there, and had discovered that island ;

and Gone¢alo Gongalvez, who was the stone-cutter that did the

work, although he was not a Hercules to boast of the padroées of

his discovery, because these were in a place of such renown, put

his name at the foot of it; and so Goncalo Gongalvez remains

more truly the stone-cutter of that pillar than Hercules is the

author of many that the Greeks attribute to him in their writings.

When the Moors saw that Dom Lourengo trusted in the words

that they spoke to him on behalf of the king, they pretended to go

and come with messages to him, and finally brought four hundred

bahares of cinnamon of that which they had collected on shore for

loading, saying that the king in token of the peace and amity

which he desired to have with the king of Portugal, although it

had not been agreed to by his ambassadors, offered him all that

cinnamon to load his ships with, if he wished. And because Dom

Lourenco said that he wished to send a message to the king, they

350 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

offered to take and bring back the persons that he should select

for that purpose, who were, Payo de Sousa,* who went in the

capacity of ambassador, and for his clerk Gaspar Diaz son of

Martim Alho a resident of Lisbon, and Diogo Velho® a servant

of Dom Martinho de Castellobranco the king’s comptroller of

revenue, who aiterwards became Conde de Villanova, and one

Fernam Cotrim,® and other persons of his service. These being

intrusted to the Moors who had arranged this expedition were

conducted through such dense thickets that they could scarcely

see the sun, taking so many turns that it seemed to them more

likea labyrinth than a direct road to any place’; and after travel-

ling for a whole day they brought them to an open place, where

were many people, and at the end of it were some houses of wood

which seemed to be something superior, where they said he [the

king| had come to take his pleasure, that place being a kind of

country-seat. At the end of this open space, at a good distance

from the houses, they made them wait, saying that it was not |

proper for them to go further without leave of the king ; and they

began to go and come with messages and questions to Payo de

Sousa, asif they came from the king, feigning to be pleased at his

coming. Finally, Payo de Sousa with only two of his company

was conducted to that place, where, according to the Moors, was

the person of the king; and as soon as they reached him he at

once dispatched them, feigning to be pleased at seeing things of

the king of Portugal’s, giving thanks to Payo de Sousa for coming

and to the captain-major for sending them to him; and saying |

that as regarded the peace and amity that he desired to have

with the king of Portugal, he would send his ambassadors to

Cochij, and that in token thereof he had sent the cinnamon, and

would order to be given them whatever they might need for the

provision of the armada; and with this he dispatched him. The

which manner of Payo de Sousa’s going and coming at the hand

of these Moors, and his arrival at this place, and the conversation

that he had with this person, who they told him was the king of

Ceilam,—the whole was a trick of theirs, and in a way a represen-

tation of things that did not exist, part of which Payo de Sousa

understood, and afterwards knew of a truth. For this man with

whom he spoke, although from the bearing of his person and the

reverence paid to him by his people he seemed to be what they said,

was not the king of Ceilam, but the lord of the port of Galle8 ;

and others had it that it was not he, but some other noble person-

age, who by his order and the artifice of the Moors showed himself

to our people in that manner and place, to the end that for that

time they might secure their ships ; and whilst they were occupied

in this, they would collect the goods that they had on shore, which

they did. When Dom Lourenco learnt from Payo de Sousa

what had passed, and perceived how matters stood, he dissembled

with the Moors; because, as that island was under a heathen king

(although at that time there was no certain knowledge of its

affairs), it seemed to him that whether it were he with whom

Payo de Sousa spoke, or not, the whole might have been arranged

by him, all the heathen kings being very superstitious in their

No. 59.—1907.| PoRTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 351

mode of communication with us, and that perchance the Moors

had frightened him that he should not do it ; so without desiring

to inquire further into the matter, because the weather would

not allow his remaining longer in that port, where he ran risks, he

set sail to return to Cochij. And because Nuno Vaz Pereira,?®

through the rough weather that had forced them to leave, broke

the main yard of his ship, he found it necesary to return once

more to the port, where he found that our padram was already

blackened by fire, as if they had lighted one at the foot of it ; and on

asking the reason of this of the Moors who were there, they laid the

blame on the heathens of the country, saying that the latter bemg

an idolatrous people had their fancies about a thing wherever

it was made. Nuno Vaz, dealing with the matter in the form of

threats if they carried this further, overlooked the past offence ;

and having mended the yard of his ship returned to Dom Lourengo,

whom he found on the coast of India in a place called Berinjam,?°®

which is in the lordship of Coulam. And because some Moors

who were there had taken part in the murder of Antonio de Sa,1!

Dom Louren¢o went ashore and burnt the village, in which affair

' moreover there was bloodshed, both of the natives and of our

people, owing to the resistance that they made to the landing and

the burning of certain ships that were there awaiting cargo ; and

having taken this revenge for the injury that those Moors had

~done,'? Dom Lourenco left for Cochij, where he arrived with

his fleet.1%

1 The reference is to Dec. I., liv. vitt., cap. 1., in which Barros

describes the spice trade as it was carried on before the Portuguese

arrived in India. The ‘‘ two straits”’ are those of the Persian Gulf and

the Red Sea.

2 Cf. C 12. In Dec. III., liv. m1., cap. vii., in describing the

Maldive islands, Barros treats of coir in more detail.

3 See infra, C 24 and C 26. It is in Dec. IIL, liv. 1., cap. i., that

Barros fulfils the promise here made.

#In Osorio, De Rebus Emmanuelis, &c. (1571), 170, this name

appears as ‘‘ Pelagius Sousa,”’ and in this form it occurs in later writers

(cf. Val. Ceylon 90). Regarding Payo de Sousa see supra, p. 302, note f.

5 According to Bar. (Il. tm. viii.) this man was killed with D.

Loureng¢o at Chaul in 1508.

6 See B 8, B 10.

-*" Cf. B 13.

® See infra, C 24.

® See supra, p. 307, note ft.

10 In liv. Ix., cap. i., of this Decade Barros spells the name

“‘Berinjan.”’ The place intended is Vilinjum near Covelong Point,

some miles south of Trevandrum in Travancore.

' 11 At Quilon in October 1505, as Barros relates in liv. Ix., cap.

iv., Dom Lourengo avenged the murder in November by burning all the

shipping in the port.

12 It will be noticed that neither Castanheda nor Correa mentions

this affair.

13 It is strange that Barros says not a word regarding the reception

by the viceroy of the news of his son’s ‘‘ discovery.”

352 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

B 10.

Correa 1. 643, 644, 646.

[? August 1506.]

The work of the fortress [of Cochin] having been completed,*.

and the armada having also made an end of repairing, the viceroy,

having had information of the many ships that traversed the

islands of Maldiva to Meca, which came from Pegt, and Siam, and

Bengala, resolved to send Dom Lourengo with the armada, to see

what like were the islands, and if the ships that passed could be

captured, and allotted to him two ships and two caravels, a galley,

and a brigantine that had been recently built.? ;

* * * * ¥ * *

The viceroy ordered Dom Lourengo to set sail in a good ship,

the captain of which was Lopo Cabral, and in the other Manuel

Telles, and Gongalo de Paiva and Pero Rafael in caravels, and

André da Silveira in the galley, and André Galo in a brigantine

that had been recently built;* and in this fleet gentlemen and

armed men, as many as three hundred men well equipped, and

the armada provided with all that was needed, which left Cochym

on the Ist of August,* carrying good pilots supplied by the king

of Cochym.

* * * * * * *

Having set sail from Cochym Dom Lourengo went traversing

the islands of Maldiva;® and because the pilots did not take

good heed to avoid the currents, they sailed for eighteen days

without seeing the islands, and made landfall at Ceylao, whither

the currents took them, and by good luck came to land in the

principal port of the island, called Columbo, which Dom Lou-

ren¢o entered with his armada, and anchored where were many

ships, which were loading cinnamon and very small elephants,

in which there is a great trade to all parts, especially to Cambaya,

many being produced in this island, and in this port they were also

loading fresh coconuts and dried ones from which they extract

oil, and much arecanut, all of which fetches high prices in Cam-

baya ; and were also loading masts and yards and timber, which

they were taking to sell in Ormuz with cinnamon, because this

island of Ceyléo has good wood in great abundance.® On entering

Dom Lourengo ordered the brigantine to overhaul all the ships,

to see what was in them and whence they were, which found

three large ships of Calecut with cinnamon and elephants, and

other ships of the said Cambaya. All the ships were without

people, because all had fled on shore on seeing Dom Louren¢o

entering. Then Dom Lourengo sent his men in the boats to haul

up the anchors of the ships of Calecut, and brought them amidst

our ships.

The Moors of these ships had told the king of Ceylao great

evils of us, that we went about the sea robbing and murdering,

and that whatever we did not want, in order that it might be of

No. 59.—1907.]| PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 353

service to no one, we burnt ; and that on land we took merchan-

dise by force, and paid what we liked ; and that we carried off

the women and children ; and many other evils, which the king

and all the people had fully believed, because all told the same

story ; and that the captives, fastened with chains, were em-

ployed in rowing the galleys.?, The Moors, seeing our armada

entering, hastened to tell it to the king, that our armada was in

the port, at which he was much affrighted, and at once took

counsel thereon as to what he ought to do, when it was resolved,

by the advice of the Moors, to send a large force to the port to

prevent our people from landing ; and he sent a message to ask

what he wanted in his port, in which he would give him all the

entertainment that was meet. Dom Lourengo sent him reply

that he was going to the islands of Maldiva, and that the pilots had

navigated badly, so that he had chanced to come there ; that he

was a merchant, that he carried goods which he sold, and bought

those that were on land, with good peace and friendship, if he

wished to have it and agree to it with him, and if not that he

would go his way when the weather served, because he was a

slave of the king of Portugal’s, who was lord of the sea of the whole

world, and who did good to the good who desired his peace, and

evil to the evil.

The king having heard this answer was very glad, and relieved

from the fears that the Moors had instilled into him, saying that

it was well that they did evil to those who did not desire peace ;

and yet being in doubt, not being certain of the truth of the mes-

sage, because the Moors had told him that our people with pro-

fessions of friendship entered countries, and afterwards commit-

ted robberies and other evils in them, the king, in order to know the

truth, sent word to Dom Loureng¢o, with a present of much pro-

vision, that he rejoiced and was very glad on hearing his message,

and that he desired all peace and friendship, and asking that

therefore he would send someone to speak with him, and to

arrange the matters that he desired ; and for the security of the

person who should go he sent his ring, which was the token of his

truth ; this was a catseye, a stone of great price, which he sent

by a trusty man of his household. Dom Lourengo paid much

honour to the messenger, showing great pleasure, and. ordered to

be given him a piece of fine scarlet cloth, and returned to the king

his ring, saying that in the case of low people it was necessary to

take the wife and children in pledge of truth, but from great kings

like him he did not require any pledge but his word, which was

better than gold or precious stones. And with this message he

sent Diogo d’Almeida,®a gentleman, to whom he gave directions

regarding all he was to say and do ; and as a present he sent the

king a piece of velvety crimson satin, asking his pardon, as he had

nothing else wherewith to pay for the provision that he had sent ;

because if he had come direct to CeylAo he would have brought

wherewith to make a present such as befitted so great a king.

Diogo d’Almeida, well clad, with four men went with the mes-

senger, and on arriving the king did him much honour, because

354 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

he had never seen any Portuguese, and on hearing the message

of Dom Lourengo was very glad, and received the present, saying

to his followers that were with him: ‘ The Moors carried on their

business with these men with evil deeds, and therefore found evil

in them; and all that they said of them is false. Inasmuch

as 1 now see that these men are so good that they would rather

trust in my word than in my pledge, and without hostages come

and speak with me inside my house ; therefore I say that they

are good men, and only do evil to those that wish to do them evil.”

He then inquired of Diogo d’Almeida what it was the captain

desired, and he replied: ‘“‘ Sir, the captain of that armada is the

son of the viceroy of India, and they are slaves of the king of

Portugal, the greatest lord that there is in the world, and they

have come to India with many goods, to sell and buy with the

folk who are good merchants, in all the countries that desire

peace and treaty relations with them ; and to make war on any

that may not desire peace, because the thing that they are most

delighted to buy is good taith, which wherever they find it good

they purchase for ever, and purchase it with very good deeds,

even to giving their lives and whatever they have for their friends.

But when they have thus agreed to a good peace, and break it

without justice and reason, they then take vengeance with fire

and sword. And towards their good friends they hold friendship

as with own brothers, guarding their ports, and people, and

vessels wherever they find them, because the Portuguese are

lords of the sea. The captain has sent me to say to you, that if

you shall approve of thus settling with him this friendship and

good peace he will establish a trade with this country, and if you

agree to this he will consider himself fortunate to have arrived at

this port of yours ; he is now waiting for you to send him a reply

regarding this, and says that if you conclude this peace with him,

in order that he may know that you keep it firmly like a good

friend, you will have to send him every year, when our ships come

here, something good, as it shall please you, to be sent to the

king of Portugal, in order that he may know that you continue

at peace with him, and that he likewise may send you his gift ;

because if you do not thus each year give this of your own good-

will, he will not know if you are his friend or not ; and by doing

this your territories, and ports, and vessels will remain secure for

ever, without anyone’s making war on you or doing you harm.

And if anyone should make war on you, they will send you an

armada, and soldiers, and will help you against your enemies like

own. brothers ; and if you do not desire this peace you will remain

his enemy, and they will do harm to everything of yours

wherever they shall find it: on which you can take counsel,

and choose what you approve of.”

The king, while listening to what Diogo d’Almeida said, had

settled in his heart what reply he would give, and answered that

he was very pleased with all that he had said, if only the deeds

should be equal to the words; and that he desired peace as he ~

had said, as to which he must give him his bond, and that every

No. 59.—1907.] PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 355

year he would give for the king of Portugal of the best that there

was in his country, which was cinnamon and elephants, and that

if he wished he would at once order the ships to be loaded with

cinnamon, and with two elephants, and that in the bond he should

say that as son of the viceroy he had concluded this peace with

him, and that every year he would send him a ship-load of cinna-

mon and two elephants.® Diogo d’Almeida replied, that he

also must give his bond for what he had said and promised,

signed with his own hand, and by his prince and governors, “ and

_ the bond that you ask for,” he added, “ order it to be written

on your olas, and the captain will sign them.” This seemed good

to the king, and he immediately had his bond drawn up on a strip

of gold, of what he thus promised to give every year, and signed

it with his prince and governors, and by one of these sent it to

Dom Lourengo, who received it with many honours that he showed.

to the governor, who thereupon drew frorh a cloth a strip of silver

which he gave to Dom Lourengo, who wrote thereon his bond of

the peace that he was concluding with him, and because the ink

would not adhere to the silver, it was written on paper pasted on

the strip of silver, all written as Diogo d’Almeida had said, and

Dom Lourengo signed it, and sealed it with the seal of the arms

in ink. This deed the governor likewise wrote on his olas, which

Dom Louren¢o also signed ; and he sent the king a piece of scarlet

cloth, and another of black velvet, and to the governor he gave a

piece of red satin, and six scarlet barret-caps. With which the

king was greatly pleased, saying that Dom Lourengo had given him

more than double the value of what he had to give him. ‘Then the

king sent him a present of provision for the whole armada, consist-

ing of many fowls, and figs,° and coconuts which are eaten shell

and all,11 and sweet oranges, of which all the woods are full, and

lemons, and other fruits, and sweet herbs, and the rest of the

natural forest consists of cinnamon trees, which are low with

slender stems: a very salubrious country, and abounding in big

springs and very large streams of excellent water, and throughout

the forests bees’ nests with much honey, wild birds and beasts of

every kind in the world, so much that they wander amongst the

houses.? Theisland is about three hundred leagues in circum-

ference,42 and the whole is ruled by four kings,™ but this

one is the principal, because only in his kingdom does the cinna-

mon grow.

* * *k ** ** * K

Spots when Dom Lourenco came here, the price of cinnamon

the bar, which is equal to four quintals, was one cruzado, whereas

it is now worth eight or ten. a

x * x + * x *

But to return to my subject, I have to say that the Moors of

Calecut, whose ships Dom Lourengo had captured, seeing that

the evil things they had told of us availed them nothing, and that

the king had already concluded peace with Dom Lourenco, seeking

some means of getting back their ships, collected a great present,

and brought it to the king and his governors, begging him not to

356 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XIX.

allow their ships to be taken from them in his port, which was a

great derogation of his honour ; to which the king replied that

they had not considered his honour when they told him lies, and

now they desired that his honour should be preserved in order

that they might not have their ships taken from them, which had

been captured by those whom they had called robbers, so bad,

according to what they said, that he could not ask for what they

certainly would not give. The Moors answered: “ Sir, we speak

ill of the Portuguese, because they act so towards us, but do thou,

as a great king, have pity on us.” The king, in order to see

whether what had been done were good or bad, sent and asked

Dom Louren¢o to release the ships, as by so doing he would

gratify him. Dom Louren¢o sent him word, that the king of

Calecut being false and bad murdered the Portuguese who were in

his city buying and selling, in order to steal what they had ; and

with this message he sent Fernio Cotrim,!®* whom Dom Lou-

ren¢go ordered to relate to the king all the evils that the king of

Calecut had done, and that for this reason the king of Pertugal had

commanded that all merchants of Calecut, wherever they were

found, should be burnt alive ; and that on arriving at the port he

had not ordered the ships to be burnt, because there were no

Moors in them ; but, as he had asked it, he gave him the ships,

that he might use them as his own, and did not give them to the

Moors, being still their enemy ; and that he gave him the ships

on condition that never again would he allow Moors of Calecut to

enter his ports, because if he found them there he was bound to

burn their ships. Then he ordered the ships to be taken back to

the places where they had been anchored ; for which the king

sent. him hearty thanks, saying that never again would he allow

Moots of Calecut in his ports. Then Dom Lourengo, taking ths

cinnamon and the two elephants, prepared to depart, and sent

word to the king, that he wished to leave behind at that port a

memorial set up, in remembrance of the peace that had been

agreed tc. At which the king was much pleased, saying that he

would be glad if he erected many memorials which would last

for ever.

Then Dom Lourenco went on shore, and on a point of land

which stood above the bay he erected a column of stone with the

escutcheons of arms such as I have already described ; 1’ and

when the marble had been raised and put in its place, Dom

Lourenco, on his knees, offered a prayer to the cross that was on

it, and then retired. Then he sent word to the king that the

peace which they had concluded would last as long as that stone

which he was leaving there, with the obligation that if anyone

entered that port to do him harm he would at once come to defend

and aid him. The king sent answer that he would be glad if he

erected other stones in all his ports; but Dom Loureng¢o sent

back word that this stone sufficed for all his ports, because this

port was the principal one.

Near this port were certain great rocky places, where was a big

den below a great cave, in which for a very long time had been

living a reptile with two feet, a great tail, a short neck, a flat head,

No. 59.—1907.; PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 357

with big mouth and teeth, and a black body, like large shells * ;

which in process of time had grown to a great size, and the people

of the country said that is was more than two hundred years that

it had lived there ; and that it came out of its den to seek for food,

and did much harm, insomuch that the king obliged the people to

bring food to it to the entrance of the cave, so that it might not

come out; wherefore they fed it with fish from the sea, which

they went to catch for that purpose. This having been related to

Dom Lourenco, he conceived a great desire to go and kill this rep-

tile with his halberd,'® and sent and begged the king earnestly

to give him leave to do this. To this the king would not consent,

saying that he did not wish him to venture his life over this, but

that he would be very glad if he would send and have it killed.

Wherefore Dom Lourenco thereupon ordered two falcons on

carriages to be taken thither, and ordered a powder mine to be

made at the place where it came to eat the fish, which was in the

evening, and the falcons were pointed at the same place, and a

very long train of powder was laid. Then he ordered a good

watch to be kept, and on the reptile’s coming out to eat they fired

the falcons, which lit the mine, whereby the reptile was blown to

pieces : to which the people could not come near, because of the

great stench. Isaw with my own eyes some bones of this reptile,

which were shown to me in the year that the Rooms besieged the

fortress of Dio.2° !

Dom Lourengo having completed all his preparations and taken

leave of the king set sail and arrived at Cochym, when the ships

were already loaded to sail, namely, the four that I have already

mentioned,?4 and was received by his father with much

pleasure, on learning the good news that he brought, giving many

praises to Our Lord for directing him so as to discover so great

a prize for our lord the king, without cost of money or trouble,

as was the cinnamon for the kingdom, which was immediately

loaded in the ships; and he ordered Diogo d’Almeida to go and

tell the king of Cochym all about the Ceylao affair, because Dom

Lourengo had been to see the king, and had told him nothing.

And because the viceroy highly esteemed the speaking of the

truth he did not care to write to the king anything that anyone had

told him, when he did not know if they were telling him the truth,

since, if he were told a lie, he did not wish to repeat a lie to the

king ; so, when any man came from another country he sent him

to the king, that he might give him an account of what he had

seen and learnt. For this cause he sent to the kingdom Diogo

d’ Almeida, that he might relate tothe king the affairs of Ceylao,

because, while Dom Lourenco was in Ceylaio, he was the whole

time on shore, and saw all that took place in Ceylao. And he

gave these men whom he thus sent a letter of credit, which said,

“Sire, this man went to such a country, and he will give your

highness an account of what he saw and heard.” The which he

also gave to Diogo d’Almeida because he had to relate the deed

of his son, which had happened in Ceylao ; which he did not

wish to write of to the king, it being a personal matter, and he

considering it a breach of his honour if he should seem to glorify

358 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

himself, and saying that a man of good breeding should not

relate his own actions, as he would thereby destroy their value.”

% * * *% * * *

In these ships of this year the viceroy sent a very small elephant,

one of those brought by Dom Louren¢go, which was the first that

ever went to Portugal.”®

1 See supra, p. 301.

2 In the following paragraph Correa relates how, a second fleet having

been placed under the command of Rodrigo Rabello for the purpose of

cruising along the Malabar coast, Lourengo de Brito, the captain of .

Cananor, demanded that he should have command of one of the fleets.

After a heated altercation, the viceroy justified his appointments to

Lourengo de Brito’s satisfaction, and the two parted good friends.

3 The composition of the fleet and names of the captains must be

regarded with great suspicion. Manuel Telles, at any rate, had sailed

for Portugal in January (see supra, p. 295).

4 Correa is the only historian who gives the date of Dom Lourengo’s

sailing, and it is incorrect, though not so very far out (see B 1).

> So the Portuguese reads; but, as it is stated immediately after-

wards that the Maldives were not sighted, we must take Correa’s meaning

to be that the ships were tacking about endeavouring to make the islands.

6 It will be seen that all through his account Cor. has many details

wanting in Cast. and Bar. Unfortunately most of these must be con-

sidered inventions.

7 The accusations were only too true, as Correa well knew.

8 Cor. alone mentions this man. If he was not a creation of the

writer’s brain, he was probably related to the viceroy. ‘

® Cor. alone mentions the two elephants. The king may have given

these, as well as the cinnamon, but they formed no part of the original

- tribute, though later this included elephants (see C 26).

10 Plantains, which the Portuguese designated ‘“‘ Indian figs” (see

Hobson-Jobson s.v. ‘* Plantain ’’).

11 Probably young coconuts (kurumbas) are meant.

EC ha Cr22. ;

13 Varthema (A 18) says “1,000 miles,’ which is less than Correa’s

estimate, since the Portuguese league was about 41 Italian miles

(see First Voy. of V. da Gama 245).

PC p A Ls:

15 See B 1, note °.

13 See) 7195) 9:

17 See B 2, note ?. : |

18 Whiteway (Rise of Port. Power in India 108 n.) thinks that this

is “°a distorted description of a crocodile.”

19 The halberd was Dom Lourenco’s favourite weapon (see p. 293, n. §).

20 Apparently Correa means that he saw the bones in Ceylon. I

so, he was probably on board the catur which, he says, called at Ceylon

in September 1538, on its way to Choromandel carrying the news of the

coming of the Rooms (Turks) to besiege Diu (Cor. iii. 882, 1v- Parl BE at 6

21 The reference is to i. 645-46, where, after recording the arrival in

India from Mogambique, in August 1506, of Pedro Coresma (!) and Cide

Barbudo (see p. 303), Correa continues: “‘ The viceroy commanded

to repair these ships, and careen them, because they were large and now

of the past year, and if they remained in India would utterly perish ;

and he also commanded to repair the ship Judia (!), and the Condona,

in which were to go Leonel de Castro and Dom Francisco da Cunha, as

‘

No. 59.—1907.| PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 359

we have said above [i. 609], who remained in the armada of the viceroy.

SOOM The viceroy gave great dispatch to these four ships with the

object that these should load first, and that if there were not enough

cargo for all, that then those should remain that came this year, which

could not load ; and he gave the captaincy of these two ships, one to

Vasco Gomes d’Abreu, who wished to return to the kingdom, because

of being out of favour with the viceroy, and the other he gave to Fran-

eisco da Silva.’? All which is terribly incorrect, as may be seen from

-what I have related above.

22 There seems to be a certain amount of truth in what Correa says

here. That the viceroy did send to Portugal, to recount to the king the

‘“* discovery ”’ of Ceylon, some of the men who had taken part in it, we

know from his own statement (see C5). And that Dom Francisco was

unwilling to write of his own doings we also know from the same letter,

in which he writes to the king (Cor. i. 910) : “‘ Since your highness com-

mands that of the things that I do I be the writer, a thing that to me

always seemed ill in men of honour, I must do it, with the protestation

that the error that may be in this is not through my fault.”” That he

wrote to the king announcing his son’s “ discovery ”’ of Ceylon is clear

from the summary of his letter quoted in B2; but how much he said

on that subject we shall never know. The details given in the king’s

letter to the pope (B3)and copied by Cast. (B8) were probably furnished

by the persons sent home by the viceroy.

23 Cast. (B8) doesnot say that this was the first elephant ever sent to

Portugal. Correa’s statement may or may not be true.

———————

The Discoveries of the World, by Antonio Galvao,' 104.

| [1505 or 1506.]

At the end of this year [1505], or at the beginning of the next,?

the viceroy sent his son Dom Lourengo to the islands of Maldiva,

and through contrary weather he made landfall at the islands

jsic] which the ancients called Tragana® and the Moors Itteru-

benero,* and we now call Ceilam, where he went ashore, and

concluded peace with those of the country, and returned to Cochim

along the coast, making himself acquainted with the whole

of it.®

1 Antonio Galvao, the so-called “‘ apostle of the Moluccas,”’ went

to the East in 1527 and spent many years there. His book was first

published in 1563, and a very faulty English translation was printed by

Hakluyt in 1601. This and the original text were reprinted by the

Hakluyt Society in 1862 (shockingly edited, and without an index).

2 This is noteworthy, showing that at the time when Galvéo wrote

doubt existed as to the exact date of Dom Loureng¢o’s visit.

3'This name, which is found in Schott’s map of Ptolemy, 1513,

may represent the first part of “‘ Trincomalee” (cf. A 10, note 8).

4 The 6 in this name should probably be/; and the whole seems‘to

represent Tamil tiru Ila-nddu, “the sacred country of Ceylon”’ (cf.

C 22, note °).

> I do not know what authority the writer has for this last state-

ment (cf. B 9).

360 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XIX.

B 12.

Couto V. 1. v.?

[1505 2]

In the time of this king Boenegabo Pandar,? Dom Lourenco

d’Almeida, son of the viceroy Dom Francisco d’Almeida, in the

year of Our Lord 1505, made landfall at this island, and

sending on shore to get water and wood, they tried to prevent

him ; wherefore he ordered to be fired from the galleons several

bombard-shots, with which he so astonished them, that they

betook themselves into the interior, these natives not being

accustomed to hear that new noise amongst them,* because at

that time there was not a single matchlock in the whole island? ;

And, to return to our subject, as soon as this king knew of the

Portuguese armada that was in his port, his fear was so great

that he sent to propose peace with Dom Lourenco, and to offer

vassalage, which was accepted of him, with a yearly tribute of

four hundred bares of cinnamon, which 1s equal to twelve hundred

quintals.®

1 In this chapter Couto gives a sketch of the history of Ceylon, with

a summary account’of the reigns of the kings from 1400 to 1537, the

details of which, he says, he got from manuscripts that he found in the

possession of Sinhalese princes at Goa. The chapter is interesting, as

containing the earliest printed account of Ceylon history ; but there

are many errors.

2'The details given by Couto in the paragraph preceding this show

that Vijaya Bahu is meant.

3 It is curious that Couto antedates by a year both the first landing.

of the Portuguese in Ceylon and the erection by them of the first fortress

at Columbo (see infra, C 20).

4 Cf. the (alleged) report of the natives to the king as recorded in

the Rdajdvaliya (infra, B 15).

5 Of. Varthema’s statement in the extract given above (A 18).

® See B 1, note °.

B 13.

Specimens of Sinhalese Proverbs, by L. de Zoysa, Mudaliyar.

(Journal of the Ceylon Asiatic Society, 1870-71, 139.)

[1506 7]

SHBG OIO@OD Rob» Poa, “ Like the Portuguese going to

‘KOétté.”” Applied to a long and circuitous path. It is said that

shortly after the Portuguese had landed at Colombo they were

conducted to Kotté, then the capital of the kings of Ceylon, by a

long and circuitous road, through Panaduré and Rayigam

No. 59.—1907.] PoRTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 361

Kéralé, with a view to conceal from the new-comers the close

proximity of the capital from the sea-port of Colombo, which was

then the head-quarters of the Portuguese.'

1 This last clause should, I think, be deleted ; for I feel convinced

that the proverb had its rise in the manner in which the envoys of D.

Lourengo de Almeida were conducted to the royal court, as described by

Barros (see supra, B 9).

B 14.

Valentyn’s “‘ Ceylon” 75.

[15302] [1506.]

About this time, in the lifetime of this emperor? of Cotta,

there set out a ship from Portugal * which arrived safely in the

bay of Colombo; and this was the second that came here,* about

the year 1530.°

“As soon as the emperor Darma Praccaram Bahu heard thereof,

he ordered (so this history says) the 4 kings, his brothers,® to be

summoned to him, and took counsel with them as to whether

these strangers should be allowed to enter that country, where-

upon the king of Oedoegampala‘ said that he would like first to

go and see these people himself. This he did, thought very well

of them,* and advised the emperor to make a treaty with them.

Thereupon the Portuguese went with presents to Cotta, where

they were very well received by that prince, who made a treaty

with them to their entire satisfaction, after which they departed

from there.®

1 Valentyn seems to have obtained possession of a Portuguese

translation of the Rdajdvaliya differing in many details from the versions

now extant in Ceylon. His chronology, however, is, from various

causes, very erroneous, as he himself recognized, though he was unable

to rectify it.

2 “ Derma Praccaram Bahu ”’ (Dharma Parakrama Bahu).

3 The version below (B 15) gives the place of departure more

exactly.

4'These words are an evident interpolation of Valentyn’s: see

note ® below.

5 See zenfra, B 15, note 2.

6 On a previous page Valentyn tells us that these were: Taniam

Vallaba, king of Candoepiti Madampe ; Siri Raja Singa, king of Mani-

caravare; the king of Reygamme (unnamed); and Saccalacala

Valaba Raja, king of Oedoegampala (cf. Bell’s Rep. on Kég. Dist. 5).

7 According to the version below (B 15) it was “prince Chakra-

yuddha ” who made the offer.

8 T rather suspect Valentyn’s rendering or his Portuguese version of

the original statement here (cf/. B 15 below).

° To this Valentyn appends the remark: “So the Cingaleeze

relate of this emperor, but, as we record below in connection with the

arrival of the Portuguese, it took place in the time of the preceding

362 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

emperor.’ ‘The reference is to p. 91, where Valentyn gives the Portu-

guese version of the visit of D. Lourengo de Almeida, and adds that the

emperor then reigning was, according to his list, ‘‘ Rucculey Pracéa-

ram Bahu Raja” (Irukula Parakrama Bahu Raja), in whose 52nd

year, he says, on p. 74, the event took place. Asa matter of fact, Sri

Pardkrama Bahu,the sovereign he names, had been dead half a century

when the Portuguese ‘“ discovered ’’ Ceylon.

B 15.

Rajavaliya 73.1

[15222] (1506.]

At that time, in the year 1522 of our Lord Jesus Christ,? there

came a ship to the harbour of Colombo from the Portuguese

settlement in Jambudvipa,? having, by the power of God,

escaped the perils of the deep. The men who saw it while lying

in the harbour came and thus reported* to king Parakrama

Bahu: “ There is in our harbour of Colombo a race of people fair

of skin and comely withal. They don jackets of iron and hats of

iron ; they rest not a minute in one place; they walk here and

there ;”’ and with reference to their use of bread, raisins, and

arrack,® the informants said, “They eat hunks of stone and

drink blood ; they give two or three pieces of gold and silver for

one fish or one lime; the report of their cannon is louder than

thunder when it bursts upon the rock Yugandhara. Their cannon

balls fly many a gawwa and shatter fortresses of granite.” These

and other countless details were brought to the hearing of the king.

On learning this news, the king Dharma Parakrama Bahu sum-

moned his four brothers® to the city, and having informed them

and other leading persons and wise ministers, inquired, “‘ Shall we

live on friendly terms with them, or shall we fight ?”’ ‘Thereupon

prince Chakrayuddha’ said: “ I will myself go, and after seeing

with my own eyes what manner of men they be, advise one of the

two courses.”’ Having so said, he disguised himself and went to

Colombo harbour, watched the actions of the Portuguese, and

having formed his opinion, returned to the city and addressed the

king: “ To fight with these men is useless ; it will be well to give

them audience.’’ The king accordingly gave audience to one or

two of the Portuguese, made them presents, and in return re-

ceived presents and curiosities from them ; and likewise, sending

many tokens of respect to the great king of Portugal, lived on

very friendly terms with him. Let it be noted, that from that

day the Portuguese gained a footing in Colombo.

1 This passage is extracted from the translation by B. Gunasékara

(1900). Though the date of its composition and its authorship are un-

known, it was probably written in the seventeenth century. In spite

of its erroneous chronology it is a work of much historical value,

especially as regards the period of Portuguese occupation in Ceylon.

No. 59.—1907.] PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 363

2 According to Gunasékara, some of the manuscripts give no date

for this event. The mode of expression in a professedly Buddhist work,

as well as the fact that the date is absurdly incorrect, would lead one to

suspect a later interpolation. It is curious that in Valentyn’s version

an even later date, 1530, is given. I cannot explain how either date

has been arrived at.

3 A curiously vague expression: the- writer, apparently, did not

know where the “ Portuguese settlement ’’ was.

4 It will be noticed that Valentyn’s version gives nothing of this

professed report, which certainly reads rather suspiciously, like the

speeches that Correa invents for the occasion (see supra, B 10).

®> So Gunasékara’s translation reads: but I think the words mud-

dirappalam arakku should be rendered “‘ grape arrack,”’ 7.e., wine.

6 The four were apparently Vijaya Bahu, Rayigam Bandara,

Sakalakal4 Valla of Udugampola, and Taniya Valla of Madampé.

7 Valentyn’s version (B 14) has “the king of Oedoegampala.”’ It

is probable that ‘ Chakrayuddha”’ was a title borne by Sakalakalaé

Valla. |

B 16.

Yalpana-Vaipava-Malai* 33, 48.

{1506.]

They [the Parangkis] first came to Langka in the year Pari-

thapi corresponding with the Saka year 1428, in the reign of

king Parak-kirama-vaku*® of Kotta, and having obtained his

permission they commenced to trade in his territories, ......

a x * se ie 9 i a * * *

The Parangkis commenced to visit Ceylon in the reign of king

Parakkirama-vaku of Kotta, who in the Saka year 1428 gave them

permission to trade with his subjects. .....

17The extracts are taken from Brito’s translation (1879). This

history of Jaffna, though written only as late as 1736, is of some value

as embodying early traditions.

2 That is, 1506.

3 Parékrama Bahu.

G fe 36-07

364 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

C 1.

Correa i. 718.

[September (?) 1507.]

ne a The viceroy when he left [Cochin] for Cananor sent to

Ceylao Diogo de Crasto and Pero Barba in two ships to get the

tribute cmnamon.' And because the king of Ceylaéo had not got

an exact copy of what he was to give each year, he gave an order

to these captains that they were to take by weight the cinnamon

that the king gave them of his own free will, and whatever was

deficient, of the two thousand quintals that they had to bring,

which they carried with them for that purpose, five bares, equal

to twenty quintals,? being given for a gold portuguez*; and

he sent the king his letter, and a piece of crimson velvet, and a

large jar full of amfido,® and rosewater, and other things of the

prizes got in the ships from the strait.

1 Cor. alone records this mission: his statements, therefore, 1 can

neither confirm nor controvert.

2 Cf. C 4.

3 Of. B 1, note °®. :

4 The gold portuguez was equal to four thousand reis, the real at

that time being equal to about -2297d. (see Theal’s Beg. of S. A. History

181).

> That is, opium (see Hobson-Jobson s.v. ‘‘ Opium ’’).

C 2.

Instructions given to Diogo Lopes de Sequeira.®

[13 February 1508.]

x ** 2 Ey * * 2

Dotan And hence from the said islands? if you should make

them, or from the country of Ssam Lourenco if you cannot reach

them, you shall take your course with the help of Our Lord direct

to the point of the island of Ceillam?; and, when you shall take

your course for Ceillam, you shall endeavour to take your course

by the island of Camdaluz* or by Maldiva® which we shall be

glad to have discovered, and we also believe that you will there

find pilots for every part, having such care however in this voyage

that you find yourself rather inside of the point of the said island

of Ceillam than outside, because this we consider safer navigation ;

Sue ee and noting down very exactly all the islands that you

shall find and how far they are one from the other, and also how

much it is from the first land that you shall leave in quest of Ceillam

No. 59.—1907.] PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 365

to the first of the said island of Ceillam where you shall make

landfall, and you shall also cause to be written down the altitudes

of all the countries and islands to which you shall come.

* * * * * * *

Item: When you shall come to Ceillam,® if it please God,

you shall find out if any of our people are there or fortress

or ships, for we believe that you will there find tidings of our

people and fleets. And after you have found out all about this

and have informed yourself very thoroughly of the affairs of this

island of Ceillam, as you have above been ordered to do in the

case of other countries that you may discover, you shall then

leave there and take your course in quest of Mallaca, endeavour-

ing to obtain pilots there in Ceyllam’...... And if there in

Quejllam * you find the viceroy, and he shall require you for the

defence of any fortress and of our people who may be in extreme

need, and that by your help matters should be remedied, in that

case you shall do only what he shall require of and command you

in our name, and by this we command our said viceroy or captain-

major of the territories of Jmdia® that in no other matter do

they occupy you or detain you, except in the above, because we

think it well to send you thus to discover.

1 These were first printed in Annaes Maritimas e Coloniaes, 3 ser.

(1843), pte. nao off. 479-92. They are also printed in Alguns Docu-

mentos 184-97, and in Cartas de Aff. de Albuquerque ii. 403-19. I trans-

late from the text in the former, and note below any variations in the

text of the latter.

2 Any islands near Sam Lourengo (Madagascar) that he should

hear of.

8 “ Ceillam ’’ in Cartas.

4 “Cand aluz’’ in Cartas. It is Kinalos in Malosmadulu Ato]. In

documents and maps of the 16th century “‘ Camdicall’’ (see supra,

B 2) and ‘‘ Camdaluz”’ are associated as being two of the best known

islands of the Maldive archipelago.

> ** Maldiva ”’ here means the island of Malé (see supra, B 2).

6 Cartas has ‘‘ Collam.”’

7 * Ceillam ”’ in Cartas.

8 ** Queillam ”’ in Cartas.

9“ Imdia ”’ in Cartas.

C 3.

Barros II. 111. 1.

[September—October (?) 1508.]

peers ty: While thus giving final orders in the matters of this

fleet against the Rooms! and the cargo of spicery for the ships

that had to come that year to this kingdom, as cinnamon was

wanting for them, he [the viceroy] sent Nuno Vaz Pereira? in

the ship Sancto Spirito? to the island of Ceilam to bring it, who

had come from Sofala in the ships of the armada of Jorge de Mello,

handing over the fortress to Vasco Gomez Dabreu, as mentioned

G 2

366 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vot. XIX.

above. By which journey he got nothing, only there came

with him Garcia de Sousa, who had been there since the expedition

he made when he went to supply the ship of Ruy Soarez:* and

the cause of his not bringing cinnamon was that the king of the

country was very ill,* and the Moors had incited the heathen

to hatred of us.?. And though Nuno Vaz might have done them

harm, he bore an order from the viceroy that he should not levy

war by reason of the peace that his son Dom Lourengo had agreed

to, the witness of which was the padramthat he left standing in the

town § of Columbo,® which Nuno Vaz saw.1°

1 The ‘‘ Rooms” are Turks (see Hobson-Jobson s.v.), and the fleet.

referred to was that intended to avenge the death of D. Lourengo

de Almeida in his engagement with the Diu and Egyptian fleets off

Chaul in January 1508.

.2 See supra, B2,B 9.

3 See supra, B 2.

+ In liv. 1. cap. ii. of this Decade.

5 As related a few pages before. In May 1508 the commendador Ruy

Soares had arrived from Portugal offCape Comorin with his ship in a

very unseaworthy condition; and the viceroy on learning this sent

Garcia de Sousa in a caravel with anchors, cables, &c., to safeguard the

ship, which lay exposed to the full force of the south-west monsoon.

By ‘‘ there” I think Barros means only “in that part’’ (7.e., in the

south), for I cannot find that Garcia de Sousa went to Ceylon.

6 This statement is significant, in view of the fact that it was in

this year that Dharma Parakrama Bahu began his reign (see Bell’s

Rep. on Kégalla Dist. 86).

7 Of. infra, C 4.

8 Port. lugar, lit. “‘place.’’ It was applied to an unfortified town or

village, in contradistinction to cidade.

® Cf. B 9, supra, where Barros states that Galle was the place where

Dom Loureng¢o erected the padrao.

10 Of. infra, C 5.

ee en ee ee

C 4.

Castanheda ii. 301.

[November 1508.]

»-.-+- And whilst the ships that had to go to Portugal were

loading there arrived Nuno Vaz Pereyra in the ship Santo Sprito,

who had been to the island of Ceilio to seek the tribute 1 which

Dom Lourengo Dalmeida had agreed with the king of that island

that he was to pay to the king of Portugal: and he found no tribute,

nor was he able to make a purchase,” which the king was opposed

ee through the instigation of some Moors of Calicut who were

there.

1 Cf. supra, C 3. 2 Of. supra, C 1.

No. 59.—1907.] PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 367

C 5.

Letier of D. Francisco de Almeida to King Manuel.

[? September—December? 1508.]

Those still able to put to sea? are ...... ; and Nuno Vaz

Pereira, whom I sent to Ceyléo,* and Diogo de Faria, who will

return in October,* if it please Our Lord, before the fleet leaves here.

The seed-pearls and pearls that you command me to send you

I cannot get, as they are in Ceyléo and Caille, which are the

sources of them: *® I should have to purchase them with my

blood, and with my money, which I possess because you have

given it to me.

* ** * * * * *

Regarding Ceyléo I have already informed your highness

through men that went there,’ and these who have now come

from there® found the country quiet,® and the padrdo standing

as my son placed it.1° I have said to your highness that a

fortress would be good there,!! because all the vessels that come

from the south, that is, from all parts of Malaca, Camatra, Pedir,

Bengala, Pegu, cannot reach the northern region without passing

close to this island of Ceyléo, but to navigate with certainty are

obliged to come in sight of it, and half-a-dozen ships could stop

this route to them; and the fortress could be made without

danger on a point that overlooks the port, as at Cananor, in

which is a well of excellent water. May it please God to direct

us to do this to the increase of your service.!?

1 This important document, the original of which does not seem to be

extant, was printed in 1858 in the Annaes das Sciencias e Lettras i. from

an 18th century copy in the possession of the Academia Real das

Sciencias de Lisboa. - Fortunately, Gaspar Correa, when compiling his

Lendas, embodied therein an early copy of the letter, which is printedin

tom. i. pp. 897-923. Itisfrom this that I translate the following passages.

2 The letter bears internal evidence of having been written at

various times ; for near the beginning 20 November is mentioned as

the date of its writing, while towards the end we find ‘‘ Today, fifth of

December ”’ (see below, note >). Some of Albuquerque’s letters also

were written de die in diem.

8 The viceroy is informing the king of what ships had been broken

up, and what were still serviceable.

4 See supra, C 3, C 4.

5 This shows that the viceroy must have begun writing the letter

in September.

6 CH. infra, C 18.

* CH. supra, B 10, note 22,

§ Nuno Vaz Pereira and Diogo de Faria. This paragraph must

have been added in November (cf. supra, C 4).

® The viceroy says nothing of the ill-success of the mission and the

causes thereof, as chronicled by Barros and Castanheda (supra, C3, C 4).

10 CH. supra, C 3.

11 See supra, B 2.

12 Of. supra, A 21.

368 a JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

C 6.

Correa ii. 42.

[December (?) 1509.]

And all having thus been done, and the ships having been

repaired as much as was needed, having been dispatched by the

king [of Pedir in Sumatra] in good peace, he [Diogo Lopes de

Sequeira] set sail, and with fair weather made landfall at the

island of Ceiléo in the port of Columbo,: where he learnt that a

short time previously there had left there the ships that took the

cinnamon? for the cargo of the marshal,? and that the viceroy

had left for the kingdom,‘ and Afonso d’Alboquerque governed,

with whom he continued on bad terms, through taking the part

of the viceroy in their disputes.’ Fearing that on this account

Afonso d’Alboquerque would give him a bad dispatch and cause

him various annoyances, in great haste he discharged the ship of

Jeronymo Teixeira, which was a better sailer than his, and careened

her and repaired her very thoroughly in every part that required

it, and loaded her with all that he had brought, which was worth

a great deal, and embarked in her and gave his ship to Jeronymo

Teixeira, that he should go with the other ships to the governor,

but he we unwilling to do so, and went with him to the

kingdom 28 And the ships having been fitted out, he set

sail with them from Ceyléo, and came to Couléo, whence he set

his course for Portugal ......

1 Both Castanheda and Barros say that the first landfall made by

Diogo Lopes after leaving Sumatra was at Travancor, which they de-

scribe as a port near Cape Comorin. According to the Com. of Af. Dalb.

(ii. 74), however, the port was Caecouléo (Kayankulam, a little to the

north of Quilon) ; while Correa, it will be seen, states that from Ceylon

Diogo Lopes went to Quilon, and thence to Portugal.

2 I have no means of substantiating or controverting this statement.

We have seen above (C 3 and C 4) that in the previous year no cinnamon

was obtainable from Ceylon, and the case may have been the same this

year, Correa being quite capable of inventing “* facts ’’ on occasion.

° D. Fernando Coutinho, marshal of Portugal, who had been sent

out by the king to compel D. Francisco de Almeida to hand over the

chief authority to Affonso de Albuquerque, whom the viceroy had im-

-prisoned. The marshal lost his life in the attack on Calecut in January

1510. Regarding the cargo of his ships see Com. of Af. Dalb. ii. 49, 53

(cf. C7, note 2, below).

4 He sailed from Cananor on 1 December 1509, and just three

months later was killed by Hottentots in the Aguada de Saldanha

(Table Bay).

> See Com. of Af. Dalb. ii.

° This is not borne out by the statements of other writers. In fact

Castanheda ii. cap. vii. tells us that in February 1510 Albuquerque

*“‘ having set sail from Cananor learnt at Mount Deli that Francisco de

Sousa, Jeronimo Teixeira, Jorge da Cunha, and Luis Coutinho intended

to desert him and go off, induced by Jeronimo Teixeyra that they

should all go with an armada beyond Ceylao, because there they would

load prizes, as he knew from the time when he went to Malaca with

Diogo Lopez de Sequeyra, and that from there without returning to

India they should go to Portugal, as did Diogo Lopez.”

No. 59.—1907.] PoRTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 369

(Oe

Summary of Leiter of Affonso de Albuquerque to King

Manuel.+

[4 November 1510.]

*K- * * * * * k

Cochy, in his opinion, should be the principal staple and factory

for the whole of India, on account of its being in the centre of

everything and the port of shipment for all the factories, which

you must needs have in India in order to obtain profit.

And that all the others should be assisted from there.

And that the loading of your ships must never be done except fa

Cochy, because the pepper supplies the loading of the ships ;?

all the rest of the other goods is superfluity.®

* * * * ok x x

It is very near to Bengalla, and has Ceiléo very close at hand.

* * ** ok ** x *

And the ships can go to Ceyliéo in August and September, and

return in November and December, when, he says, our ships are

And that with this port of shipment and arrangement your

highness can have in Cochy all the riches of India.?

* 2 * 2 ** * **

He gives in the last paragraph of this fetter an estimate of the

spicery that went out of India that year, and from what places, and

by what means he ascertained this.®

1 This summary of a letter that has disappeared is printed in

Cartas de Aff. de Alb. i. 423-27.

2 According to the Com. of Af. Dalb. ii. 49, in November 1509 D.

Fernando Coutinho asked the king of Cananor “ to command his offi-

cers to get ready fifteen thousand quintals of pepper which were required

for loading the cargoes of the ships, for the viceroy had told him that

he would load them all with pepper for them if he pleased.’’ The king,

however, was not able to satisfy the marshal’s desire. How largely

pepper bulked in the cargoes of the homeward-bound Portuguese ships

in the early part of the 16th century may be judged from the figures

given by Leonardo Ca’ Masser (op. cit. supra, A 23). Towards the end

of the century the spice still formed the most important item in the

cargoes (see Linschoten, Hak. Soc. ed., i. 41, ii. 220-25).

3 In original sobernal, to which the editor affixes a mark of interro-

gation. The word appears to be not Portuguese but Spanish. Capt.

John Stevens in his Span.-Eng. Dict. (2nd ed.) has: “ Soborndl, the

overplus in measure ; also what is laid on a beast over and above its

due burden ; Quasi sobre al, above the rest.”’

4D. Francisco de Almeida, in writing to the king two years earlier,

had said (Cor. i. 906): “‘ Any other place of loading apart from here is

unnecessary, because in Cochym there is pepper so that never will there

come ships from Portugal that will finish carrying it away, and the

other spiceries and rich drugs would come to this coast and here to

Cochym, but they dare not through the inducement of the Moors who

put them in fear.”’

5 It is tantalizing to have this fact mentioned by the summarist,

and not to have the estimate itself.

370 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (VoL. XIX.

C 8.

Commentaries of Afonso Dalboquerque iii. cap. Xxx.

[January (?) 1512.]

ssid ze And the ship Trindade making her way direct to Ceilam,

in that crossing, as there were many people on board,? they

would all have perished for want of water and food if Our Lord

had not succoured them by means of two large Moorish ships that

they encountered on the voyage, bound from Camatora and laden

with pepper and silk, sandalwood, and lignaloes. As soon as

Afenso Dalboquerque caught sight of them he gave orders to bear

down on them, and took them, and out of them he furnished

himself with provisions and water, which carried them to

Ceilam)?) 5.26.

1T translate from the first edition (1557). In the second edition

(1576) there are slight alterations in this passage, but the sense is the

same.

2 For the foregoing words “ And ...... board,” the 1576 ed. sub-

stitutes “In that crossing over to Ceilao.”’

3 None of the other authorities states that after the foundering of

the Flor de la mar Affonso de Albuquerque, on leaving Sumatra for

India, called at Ceylon. Giovanni da Empoli (who accompanied

Albuquerque), Castanheda, Barros, and Correa, all say that Albuquer-

que made his first landfall at Cochin ; and as the son, in these Com-

mentaries, does not state that his father actually landed in Ceylon,

I imagine the above to mean simply that the island was sighted and

doubled.

C 9.

Letter of Affonso de Albuquerque to King Manuel.

[September (?)? 1512.]

Zin einer through this same weather? there was driven to land

a ship of Adem, which had loaded cinnamon in Ceilam, and put

in to Batecalla* and there discharged; I think that I shall have

all, and that it will not get past by any means.

* ** * * ** ** **

Sais tele but, sire, when it is winter here, it is summer on the

coast of Choromandell,® and if there are westerly winds there,

they are along the coast, because the coast of Choromandell runs

north and south, and the westerly winds of India are for the most

part west-south-westers, the which westerly winds come overland,

and also the island of Cejlam and the [Maldive] islands, all of

which makes a shelter to the coast of Choromandell ; the easterly

winds of the coast are always fair winds, and at the time of the

easterly winds northerly winds blow along the coast of Choro-

mandell.

* * * * * * +

No. 59.—1907.] PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. oul

Sct Bere they ° asked me for a share of the prizes for their ships ;

I replied that they were not making a just request, because they

were prohibited by your instructions from making captures or

prizes beyond Ceilam,’......

1 This very lengthy letter is printed in Cartas de Aff. de Alb. 1. 29-65,

and in Alg. Doc. 232-61.

2 The date of the letter is given in words as “‘the first day of April”’

1512 ; but internal evidence proves that this cannot possibly be right,

for in one paragraph Albuquerque speaks of an event that happened

“at the beginning of August,”’ and in others refers to the arrival of

ships from Portugal, which, according to Barros and Correa, reached

Cochin in August or September. It is probable that, as in the case of

the letter by Almeida extracted from above (C 5), the writing of this

document extended over several months.

3 The paragraph speaks of a storm that occurred in the Indian Ocean

while Albuquerque was absent in Malacca in 1511, whereby many native

vessels laden with spices, &c., were lost or Grier to land (see Com. of

Af. Dalb. iii. 203).

4 See supra, p. 305, note 5.

Ci B 2.

§ The captains of the ships that Albuquerque took to Malacca in

1511.

* Cf. supra, C 6, note 8.

C 10.

Letter of Affonso.de Albuquerque to King Manuel.*

[8 November 1512.]

Your highness need not fear Calecut, the business of which is

already nil; the gulf beyond Ceilam is what did you all harm

and damage there,? because there went continuously every year to

Meqa fifty ships laden with everything that can be mentioned

from Malaca and those parts ; now, thanks to Our Lord, you have

cut off that route from them.?

1 Printed in Cartas i. 98-100.

2 In the Red Sea.

3 Albuquerque means by the possession of Malacca, which he had

captured the previous year.

ee ee ee

C il. ;

Summary of a Letter from Buquer Acem.*

[? 1512.]

Another letter, from Buquer Acem, very rhetorical ; # “ind he

alleges fourteen years’ services; and begs for another similar

letter of commendation, and that your highness command it to

be written for him after such a fashion that friends and enemies

may say: “‘Buquer Alacem is a servant of the great king’s and

372 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XIX.

the great king holds him for such.”” And he says that he, by his

letters and words, opened up the way from Malabar, until he

caused you to be obeyed from Cambaya and Coulam and Dabull

and Ceilam.

1 Printed in Cartas iii. 336-37. The writer is referred to in Com. of

Aj. Dalb. ii. 226 as “‘a Moor of Cananor, named Porcassem ”’ (spelt

“ Pocaracem ”’ at 241), which name the editor explains as «‘ for Abw’l-

Casim, softened into Bul-Kasim.’’ This seems improbable: I think it

likely that the man’s name was Abti Bakr ’Ali Hasan. He figures in

Albuquerque’s time as an interpreter and go-between; and Bar.

(II. vit. vi.) calls him and another Moor “ great friends of ours.” At

the end of 1544 or beginning of 1545, when he was governor of Cananor,

he was treacherously murdered by command of Martim Affonso de

Sousa, governor of India (see Couto V. x. viii., Cor. iv. 425-27, D. Lopes’s

Hist. dos Port. no Malabar 65, Whiteway’s Rise of Port. Power in

India 288-89).

2“ De grande oratorya.’? The statement in the last sentence is a

characteristic piece of bombast.

C 12.

Letier from Anionio Real to King Manuel.*

[15 December 1512.)

6 * *% * * * *

Sire,—I have already on a former occasion written to your

highness that you should always keep well-fitted ships on this

coast, to wit: that they may go to the islands? and Ceilam,

when it is the season, which will thereby be of much service and

profit to you, since everything is near at hand to Cochim ; for from

the islands comes much coir, which is very necessary,? and

ambergris and silk cloths and other wares, and from Ceilaéo much

cinnamon, rubies, sapphires, elephants, which is the chief trade

there is here ; and this is more necessary to you than the trash of

Goa and Mallaca, and this brings profit, and the others, loss and

death of men. And the cinnamon that goes there, the Moors

bring hither what they want; and the good they sell where it

seems good to them. On this account I advise you, sire, to send

regularly to this fortress ships intended for this, so that the captain-

major cannot take them to any other part, and that they may

also engage in the Cambaya trade, which is much to your service,

with your goods.

1 This is printed in Cartas iii. 337-55. It is written from Cochin,

where the writer was chief alcaide. He was an enemy of Albuquerque’s,

and makes various accusations against the latter in this letter.

* Maldives.

3 Cf. B 9.

No. 59.—1907.] PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 373

C 13.

Correa ii. 364.

[September 1513.]

sian and there also came on to the parade ground! to be

exhibited four-and-twenty elephants, which were in the city for

working, some of which had been captured in Goa, and others

came as prizes from ships that had been carrying them from

Ceylao to sell in Cambaya as a great commodity ......

1In front of the palace of the Sabayo in Goa. where Albuquerque

was lodging.

C 14.

Oration of Camillo Portio to Pope Leo the Tenth.'

[October 1513.]

Bats He [Affonso de Albuquerque] gained the kingdom of

Ormuz, the kingdom of Goa, the kingdom and island of Ceilao.*

1 This forms the bulk of cap. xxxix. of pt. iii. of the Com. of Af.

Dalb., ed. of 1576 (it is not in the ed. of 1557). For details regarding

the orator and the occasion of the deliverance of the oration see the

notes to the Hak. Soc. ed. of the Com. iii. 169-72.

2 The orator credits Albuquerque with more than he deserved.

| © 15.

Letter of Affonso de Albuquerque to King Manuel,

[30 November 1513.] ;

thee s the king of Ceilam is dead;? he had two sons,* and

there is adivision between them over the succession to the throne ;

they told me that one of them sent to Cochim to ask them to give

him help, and saying that if they wanted a fortress he would give

them a site for it.4

1 Printed in Cartas i. 135-39, and in Alg. Doc. 295-98.

2 Tcannot explain this statement, which can refer neither to Vijaya

Bahu nor to Dharma Pardkrama Bahu. Perhaps Sri Raja Sinha of

Menikkadavara is meant (see Rdj. 74).

* According to the #dj. 74, Sri Raja Sinha and Vijaya Bahu had by

their common wife three sons ; according to Bell (Kég. Rep. 5, 15), four.

* I can find no confirmation of this, none of the historians referring

to it.

374 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

C 16.

Letier of Affonso de Albuquerque to King Manuel,

[30 November 1513.]

Saeco it seems to me, sire, that you ought not to have so much

responsibility in India, but if anyone open his port to your trade

and goods, you should not hesitate to receive him with security

for your people and merchandize, and thus you would go on

gaining credit and fame in the country, and India would goon

becoming settled, at least from Cambaya to Ceilam, where your

ships have to do their loudime 12s.

aes ate how will such persons as these? send ships with goods to

Urmuz and others to Pegu, and others to Bemgala, and others to

Zeila, to Barbora and Zeila,? and others to Malaca and Camatara,

and others to Tanacarym, and others to Sarnao, and others to

Ceylam, to bring all the various kinds of goods to your factories for

the loading of your ships, since they have not chosen to put into

1 Printed in Cartas i. 151-55.

* The factors of Cochin, of whose negligence Albuquerque is com-

plaining.

* This repetition of Zeila is probably a copyist’s error.

O) 17

Letter from Lourenco Moreno to King Manuel.*

[380 November 1513.]

% * * * * * *

Item—TIn the ships of the past year there went a good proportion

of emnamon, and there is now going likewise in these ; and so I

hope in God there will go every year; and, regarding this, let

your highness be easy, as [have more fear of your sending word

to me not to send so much than of being lacking, as your highness

did regarding ginger, of which you ordered me not to send you,

each year, more than two thousand quintals.

k *% *% * * ** *

Cherme? Marcar and his brothers, and Mamale Marcar and his

brothers, are leading merchants of Cochim, and chiefly Cherme?

Marcar, who is head of them; and these are the brokers for

furnishing cargo to the ships, and they bring all the cmnamon

from Ceylam and other merchandize and drugs, and also cloves and

mace, before Malaca was made,—of which nothing now comes

from there,—and they receive here many wrongs, which I cannot

make good. to them ......

1 Printed in Cartas ii. 380-406. The writer, one of the officials

at the Cochin factory, was, like Antonio Real (see C 12), an enemy of

Albuquerque’s.

2 Read ‘“‘ Cherine.’’ These two merchants are frequently men-

tioned in the Cartas and in Barros, &c. (cf. supra, A 6).

No. 59.—1907.| PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 375

C 18.

Letter sent by Giovanm da Empoli to his father Lionardo regarding

the Malacca Voyage.

[August-September (?) 1514.]

We left Cuccin for the said voyage? with nineteen sail, ......

and setting out in not very favourable weather, it being late, we

tacked hither and thither, until we doubled the island of Zolore,?

where commences the gulf towards Malacca; which is three

hundred and fifty leagues ......

HAN Sh In the country of India called Melibar, the province that

commences at Goa and extends as far as Cape Comedis,* grow

pepper and ginger ; the prices of which you have already learnt.

Passing beyond Cape Comedi, they are heathen ; and between this

and Gael® is where the pearls are fished ; and near there is the

body of Saint Thomas the apostle. Passing forward between the

land and the sea is the island of Zolan, where are produced the

cinnamon, sapphires, and oriental rubies in great abundance: a

most beautiful country, well populated and situated ......

1 Printed in Archivio Storico Italiano, App. tom. ii. 35-84. The

writer, a Florentine factor in the Portuguese service, went to India

with Albuquerque in 1503 and made many voyages. He died in

Canton in October 1517 (see my Letters from Port. Captives 12).

2 To Malacca in 1511.

3 This name has greatly puzzled the editor of the letter in the

Archivio, who appends a footnote making various suggestions as to its

meaning. Undoubtedly Ceylon is intended, “ Zolore’’ being, like

** Zolan ”’ in the next paragraph, probably an error for ‘‘ Zelan.”’

* Comorin.

5 Cael or Kayal (see supra, A 16, note ?).

C 19.

Correa ii. 393.

[September (?) 1514.]

.ox... and he [Heytor Rodrigues] managed to get bases and

falcons, and two camellos,1 and powder and balls, from an

old foist that came on shore there near the port [of Couléo], which,

it was given out, was crossing over to Ceylaio, and craftily went

ashore and was wrecked, having left Cochym with orders to do

this.?

1 All the foregoing are varieties of cannon.

2 So as to build and mount a fortress at Coulam (see B 2, note 8),

376 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

C 20.

Letter of Andrea Corsali to Juliano de Medici.3

[6 January 1515.]

Dey on Near to Curumandel, anciently called Messoli, is another

country called Paliacatti, also anciently known as Salaceni:

where is found a great quantity of gems of every sort, which come

partly from Pegu where are produced the rubies, and partly from

an island that lies over against the Cape of Commeri which is

called Seilon,? in the latitude on the south side of six degrees and

on the north towards the Gangetic Gulf of eight degrees. Here is

produced the greater quantity and more kinds of gems than in all

the rest of India, such as perfect sapphires, rubies, spinels, balasses,

topazes, jacinths, chrysolites, catseyes which are held in great

estimation by the Moors, and garnets. They say that the king

of this island has two rubies of such a colour and so lustrous that

they are like a flame of fire, and though they call them by another

name, Ll reckon them to be carbuncles*; and this sort are rarely

found. Here also is gathered the cinnamon, which is carried by

ship to every part. It has a great quantity of elephants, which

are sold to divers merchants of India when they are small in order

to be domesticated ; and they are accustomed to sell them at so

much the span, the price increasing with every span according to

the size of theelephant. This island was not located by Ptolemy,

whom I find deficient in many particulars ...... He placed

Traprobana wrongly, as can be judged by Y. H. from the sailing

chart that Don Michele? the king’s orator® brought to Rome.

eeu clese In India at present there are four thousand Portuguese

men, and within a month nine thousand are leaving Ormuz first

for the strait of the Red Sea,® in order that the ships may not be

able to go to Murca’; then they are going south to the islands

that are twelve thousand in number® to capture all the ships

that sail without a pass; and then to the island of Sala® and

to Curummandel.?°

1 This letter was written from ‘‘ Concain terra de India,” the

writer (a Florentine) being there in the Portuguese service; and was

printed in Florence in 1516. Ramusio reprinted it, with numerous

alterations, in the first volume of his Navigationi (1550).

2“ Zeilan ’’ in Ram.

8 Cf. Castanheda’s statement in note #1 to C 22. The earliest

editions of Spilbergen’s voyage contain a plate showing (natural size)

‘““the great carbuncle or ruby brought by the General Spilbergen

from Celon”’ (in 1602),—a gift from the king of Kandy, apparently.

It was probably a spinel ruby.

4 Ram. inserts ‘* di Selva.”’ :

5 That is, ambassador (see B 6, note 3). Dom Miguel da Silva

went to Rome as ambassador for Portugal in August 1514, and con-

tinued to hold that office until July 1525, when he returned to Portugal,

the king conferring upon him the bishopric of Vizeu (see Corpo Diplo-

matico Portuguez i. 267, ii. 242-46, 264). The “sailing chart’’ referred

to by Corsali may be the tracing sent by Albuquerque to King Manuel,

taken from a large Javanese chart which was lost in the Flor de la mar

(see Cartas i. 64, Port. Capt. in Canton 3 n.).

No. 59.—1907.] PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 377

6 This refers to Albuquerque’s projected expedition, which was

frustrated by his illness and death (see Com. of Af. Dalb. iv. 130 et seq.).

7 Ram. corrects to “‘ Mecca.” Cf. Albuquerque’s statement in C 10.

8 The Maldives (see A 21, note 5°).

® Ram. has “ Zeila,”’ but evidently Ceylon is meant.

10 This statement is interesting, but I cannot substantiate the

truth of it. In his expedition to Malacca in 1511 Albuquerque did

not touch at Ceylon, nor on his disastrous voyage back in 1512 does

he appear to have landed on the island (see C 8, note*). If, therefore,

Corsali is correct in his statement of Albuquerque’s intentions, the

Fates had ordained that he should never set foot in Ceylon.

C21.

Couto IV. VI. vil.

[1515.]

ms bcs From there [Ormuz] we! went to India; and the king?

(whom God keep), being cognizant of my good services, sent me

the offer of Ormuz or Ceil&o, whichever I chose, which did not

take effect on account of my being in the kingdom, because I left

there in the year that Lopo Soarez went to India °

1 The speaker is Lopo Vaz de Sampaio, governor of India 1526-9,

who, having been sent home a prisoner, after an incarceration of two

years was brought before King Joao II. to make his defence and have

sentence passed upon him (see Rise of Port. Power in India 211). The

passage here quoted is from his lengthy speech in his defence: he is .

speaking of the time when he accompanied Albuquerque on his last

expedition in 1515.

2 Dom Manuel (died 1521).

3 That is, in 1515. He must therefore have left India in one

of the homeward-bound ships at the end of that year, though the

fact is mentioned by none of the historians. The king’s offer to him

of the captaincy of Ormuz or Ceylon must have been sent by the fleet

of 1516, and so crossed him on the way. In both cases the offer was

a prospective one: for the fortress at Ormuz was finished only at the

end of 1515, and the one at Columbo was not built by Lopo Soares

until the end of 1518 (see C 24, C 25, C 26).

C 22.

Description of the Coast of East Africa and Malabar, by Duarte

Barbosa.

[1516 2]

ISLAND OF CEYLAM.

Leaving the islands of Mahaldiva further on towards the east,

where the cape of Comory is doubled, at thirty-eight leagues from

the cape itself, there is a very large and beautiful island which

the Moors, Arabs, Persians, and our people? call Ceylam, and the

378 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

Indians call it Ylinarim. It is a rich and luxuriant land,? in-

habited by Gentiles, and ruled by a Gentile king. Many Moors

live in the sea-ports of this island in large quarters, and all the

inhabitants are great merchants. There are fifty leagues of

channel towards the north-east from the said cape until passing

the island of Maylepur.4 Both Moors and Gentiles are well-

made men, and almost white, and for the most part stout, with

large stomachs, and luxurious.’ They do not understand nor

possess arms, they are all given to trade and to good living. They

go bare from the waist upwards, and below that cover themselves

with good cloths of silk and cotton,*. caps on their heads, and the

ears pierced with large holes in which they wear many gold rings

and jewellery,” so much that their very ears reach to their

shoulders,’ and many rings and precious jewels on their fingers ;

they wear belts of gold richly adorned with precious stones.

Their language is partly Malabar and partly of Cholmendel,°

and many Malabar Moors come to live in this island on account

of its being so luxuriant, abundant, and very healthy. Men live

longer here than in other parts of India.’° They have a

great deal of very good fruit; and the mountains are full of sweet

and sour oranges of three or four kinds, and plenty of lemons and

citrons, and many other very good fruits which do not exist in our

parts, and they last all the year.1* And there is plenty of meat

and fish,!* little rice, for most of it comes from Cholmendel,

and it is their chief food ; much good honey and sugar brought

from Bengal, and butter of the country. All the good cin-

namon grows in this island upon the mountains, on trees which

are like laurels. And the king of the country orders it to be cut

in small sticks, and has the bark stripped off 15 in certain months

of the year, and sells it himself to the merchants who go there to

buy it, because no one can gather it except the king.’® There

are likewise in this island many wild elephants which the king

orders to be caught and tamed; and they sell them to merchants

of Cholmendel, Narsynga, and Malabar, and those of the kingdoms

of Decam and Cambay go to those places to buy them. These

elephants are caught in this manner ...... They make great

merchandize of them, and they are worth much, because they are

much valued by the kings of India for?’ war and for labour, and

they became as domestic and quick at understanding as men.

The very good ones are worth in the Malabar country and in

Cholmendel from a thousand to one thousand five hundred ducats,

and the others from four to six?* hundred ducats, according as

they may be, but in the island they are to be had for a small

price. And all have to be brought and presented to the king.¥

There are also many jewels in this island, rubies which they call

manica, sapphires, jacinths, topazes, jagonzas,*° chrysolites, and

cat’s eyes, which are as much esteemed amongst the Indians as

rubies. And all these stones are all gathered in by the king, and

sold by himself. And he has men who go and dig for them in the

mountains and shores of the rivers, who are great lapidaries and

who are good judges in those matters: so much so that if they have

No. 59.—1907.] PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 379

a few handfuls of earth brought them from the mountains, at once

on seeing it they knowif it is of rubies or of any other stones, and

where it comes from. And the king sends them to look there, and

after they have brought them he orders to be set aside each kind and

pick out the good ones, and he has them worked to have them sold

when cut, which he does himself to foreigners; and the other

inferior ones he sells at once to the country merchants ...... The

king has a great treasure of these jewels, for whenever he meets

with any very good stone he puts it in his treasury.??

Close to this island of Ceylam in the sea there is a sand-bank

covered with ten or fifteen fathoms of water, in which a very great

quantity of very fine seed pearls are found, small and great, and a

few pearls : 22 and the Moors and Gentiles go there from a city which

is called Sael, 2? belonging to the king of Coulam, to fish for this

seed pearl, twice a year by custom, and they find them in some

small oysters, smoother than those of our ports. And the men

plunging under the water, where they remain a considerable time,

pick them up: and the seed pearl is for those who gather them,

and the large pearls arefor the king, who keeps his overseer there,

and besides that they give him certain duties upon the seed pearl.*

The King of Ceylan is always in a place called Columbo, which

is a river with a very good port,?® at which every year many

ships touch from various parts to take on board cinnamon and

elephants. And they bring gold and silver, cotton and silk stuffs

from Cambay,?° and many other goods which are saffron, coral,

quicksilver, vermilion, which here is worth a great deal ; and there

is much profit on the gold and silver, because it is worth more than

in other parts. And there come likewise many ships from Bengal

and Cholmendel, and some from Malaca for elephants, cinnamon,

and precious stones. In this island of Ceylam there are four or

five other harbours and places of trade which are governed by

other lords, nephews of the king of Ceylam, to whom they pay

obedience, except that sometimes they revolt ?”...... The said

island of Ceylam is very near the mainland, and between it and

the continent are some banks which have got a channel in the

midst, which the Indians call Chylam,?* by which all the Malabar

sambuks pass toCholmendel. And every year many are lost upon

these banks because the channel is very narrow,?° and in the

year that the Admiral of Portugal went thesecond time to

India,®° so many ships and sambuks of Malabar were lost

in those shallows, that twelve thousand Indians were drowned

there, who were coming with provisions, and were determined on

driving the Portuguese fleet away from India, without allowing it

to take any cargo.

1This first appeared in print in the form of a defective Italian

translation in vol. i. of Ramusio’s Navigationi et Viaggi (1550). The

passages here given are taken from Stanley’s translation of a Spanish ~

version of Barbosa’s work, issued by the Hakluyt Society in 1866.

That the work was finished in 1516, as stated in the preface to the

Lisbon edition, seems evident from the fact that it records no events

of later date than 1515. ‘This description of Ceylon is the earliest I

H 36-07

380 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vot. XIX.

know of, written after the ‘‘ discovery’’ of the island by the Portu-

guese. That given by Castanheda in lib. ii. cap. xxii. of his Historia

is identical in most of the details, showing that he must have taken his

account almost bodily from Barbosa’s work.

2 Ramusio has ‘‘ of Syria’’ in place of ‘* our people ’’—a curious

error which I cannot explain.

3 After “* Indians’? Ram. has ‘‘ Tenarisim, which means land of

delights.”” (On this see Hobson-Jobson s.v. ‘‘ Tenasserim.’’) The

Lisbon edition has ‘‘ the great island Ceilam, where our lord the king

has a fortress for trade lately built, which Lopo Soares erected when gover-

nor of India.” The words I have italicized are an evident interpolation

of the copyist’s, referring, as they do, to an event that took place in

1518. Castanheda, in copying from Barbosa, alters the passage as

follows: ‘‘ The Arabian and Persian Moors eall it Ceillao, which in

their language means a thing with a channel. This name they apply

to it because of the channel that divides it from the coast of the main

land. The Malabars and other Indians call it Hibenaro, which means

juxuriant land.’’ With regard to this explanation of ‘‘ Ceilao”’ see

note 78 below. ‘‘ Hibenaro”’ seems to be a misprint for ‘‘ Hilenaro,”’

which is the same as Barbosa’s ‘* Ylanarim”’’; and the meaning

given to this name has been wrongly transferred from ‘‘ Tenarisim.”

‘¢ Ylanarim ”’ is by Barros spelt ‘‘ Ilenare ”’ and by Couto ‘“ Illanare,’’

which, the latter writer says, ‘‘ means in the Malabar language the.

kingdom of the island.” In reality it seems to be the Tamil Ila-nddu

(‘‘ country of Ceylon’’), as surmised by Burnouf (Recherches sur la

Géographie ancienne de Ceylan 109-12).

4Stanley has the following footnote to this: ‘‘ There is some-

thing wrong here ; for, from Cape Comorin to Maylepur is more than

double fifty leagues ; the direction of the compass and length of the

channel make it probable that the island of Manar was intended

instead of Maylepur.’’ (Besides, Maylepur was not an island, but a

city, as Barbosa himself tells us further on.) But fifty leagues (say two

hundred miles) in a north-easterly direction would bring us almost to

Point Calimere. According to Barbosa’s own statements (172-74),

from Cape Comory to Quilacare was twenty leagues, thence to Cael

ten leagues, thence to Cholmendar twelve leagues.

5 IT do not know what the Spanish word is that Stanley translates thus ;

but the Lisbon version has ‘‘muy vicosos,” which means ‘“‘ very

vigorous.’ Castanheda substitutes ‘‘ and they hold the belly in honour.”’

6 Castanheda inserts ‘‘ which they call patolas ’’ (see Hobson-Jobson

s.v. ‘* Patola’’).

7 Castanheda adds ‘‘ and large aljofar,’

means ‘‘ seed-pearl.”’

8 Knox (Hist. Rel. 89) says of the Sinhalese: ‘< Heretofore

generally they bored holes in their ears, and hung weights in them to

make them grow long, like the Malabars, but this king [Raja Sinha]

not boring his, that fashion is almost left off.’’ The earliest editions

of the journal of Spilbergen contain a portrait drawn from life of the

then king of Kandy, Vimala Dharma Strya, showing his ears loaded

with rings and reaching to his shoulders.

® Cast. has: ‘‘ The language of the heathen is Canara and Malabar.”’

10 In Ram. this reads: ‘‘ Many Malabar Moors come to reside in

this island because of enjoying very great liberty, [and because] in

addition to all the commodities and delights of the world, it is a country

of very temperate climate, and men live there longer than in any

other part of India, always healthy, and there are few that fall ill.”

which is absurd, as aljofar

No. 59.—1907.] PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 381

11 Ram. has: ‘‘ Here are produced many and excellent fruits,

the mountains are covered with sweet and bitter oranges, of three or

four kinds of flavour, and some have the peel sweeter than the juice

and they are larger than Adam’s apples; bitter-sweet lemons, some

large and others small, and very sweet ; and many other varieties of

fruits which are not found in our parts; the trees are loaded with them

all the year, and there are always to be seen flowers and fruits ripe

and unripe.” In Cast. this appears as: ‘‘ There are also many

sweet orange trees, and among them some that bear certain oranges,

the peel of which is as sweet as the pulp; and there are also all the

thorny trees [7.e., lemons, limes, citrons, &c.], and many others very

different from ours which yield divers fruits, and the whole forest

consists of these trees: in which moreover there are many sweet

herbs, as also basil, pellitory, and others.”’

12 In Ram. this is expanded to: ‘‘ There is also a very great abund-

ance of flesh of every kind, of divers animals and birds, all delicious,

and an equal abundance of fish, which are caught near the island.”’

18 Cf. Varthema’s statement in the extract supra, A 18.

14 There should be a comma after ‘‘ honey ’’: only the sugar came

from Bengal.

15 Lisbon ed. adds ‘* and dried.”’

16 For the foregoing Cast. substitutes: ‘‘a great part of which

[forest] is of trees from which the cinnamon is got, which has a leaf

like laurels, and the bark is the cinnamon that comes hither, which is

obtained from the branches after they have been cut off and dried,

and this is done by the common people, who sell it for a very small

price.”?

” Lisbon ed. inserts ‘‘ state and for.”

18 Lisbon ed. has ‘ five.”

19 In the Lisbon ed. this reads: ‘‘ No one may catch them except

the king,’ to which Ram. adds ‘‘ who pays those that capture

them.” For the whole passage Cast. substitutes: ‘‘and after they

are tame and understand, they are taken for sale to Malabar, Narsinga,

and Cambaya, and to other parts where they are highly esteemed for

war ; and they sell them by the number of cubits, which they measure

from the feet to the hips: and the cubit of those that are good and

skilful in war is valued at a thousand gold pardaos, and of the others at

six hundred and five hundred.” if

20 Jargoons. ;

21 In place of this last sentence Cast. has: ‘‘ and thus he has

selected all, and formed thereof a great treasure, amongst which the

king who was reigning at this time was said to have a ruby a span

in length and of the size of an egg, quite clear without any flaw, and

giving as much light as a candle.’”’ Regarding this ruby cf. Andrea

Corsali’s statement in the previous extract (C 20).

22 In Ram.: ‘‘ where are found a very great quantity of pearls

small and large, very fine, and some of them pear-shaped.”

23 A curious error for ‘‘ Cael’”’ originating in the wrong subscrip-

tion of a cedilla, thus: Cael—Cael—Sael. On Cael or Kayal see

supra, A 16, note ?.

24Ram. has: ‘‘ they pay him a certain tribute for the license to

fish.’ Cast. in taking over the above makes some alterations and

additions, as may be seen from the following quotation: ‘‘ In the

channel that runs between this island and the mainland, which is

eight and ten fathoms in depth, is fished a great quantity of aljofar,

large and small pearls, and twice a year the heathen people of Calecare

[Kilakarai], which is a city that lies near here, come to carry on that

fishery, at the time when the king throws open the fishery, and there

H?2

382 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

go thither from two hundred to three hundred champanas, which are

certain small vessels, in which go twenty-five and thirty men with

provision for the time that they stay there .... And the large pearls

S550 56 are for the king, who has someone there to receive them from

them ; and also his dues which they pay him. And the king of Ceilao

loses this fishery through having no boats, for this wealth lies within

the limits of his kingdom: ......

25 In Ram. we read: ‘‘ The king of Zeilam makes his residence

continuously in a city that is called Colmucho, which is situated on a

river, with a good port.” Of course ‘‘ Colmucho”’ is a misreading or

misprint for ‘*‘ Columbo.”

26 Ram. has ‘‘ very fine Cambaya cloths of cotton.”’

27 The foregoing passage appears in Cast. in a materially altered

form, thus: ‘‘ Among the ports of this island there are seven that

are the principal, and they are large cities, principally Columbo, which

is on the southern coast, where the king of Ceilio always resides.

Other five are also on the southern coast., viz., Panatore, Verauali,

Licamaon, Gabaliquamma, and Toranair. And on the northern

coast is another that is called Manimgoubo. And in all these cities,

which consist of thatched houses, there fall into the sea rivers some

of which are very large and beautiful, which run through the island ;

and in them are alligators. At all these cities, principally at that of

Columbo, many ships call to load with cinnamon, elephants, and

precious stones, and bring gold, silver, Cambaya cloths, saffron, coral,

and quicksilver. And these other cities besides that of Columbo are

governed by certain rulers that call themselves kings ; and so they

exercise authority according to their custom: all however pay vassalage

and obedience to the principal king who is in Columbo and recognize

him as their seignior.’’ The six ‘ cities’? named by Castanheda are

Panadure, Béruwala, Alutgama, Galle (+ Weligama?), Dondra, and

Negombo.

28 The Lisbon ed. has ‘‘ which the Moors and Gentiles call Cei-

lam ’’—this last word having been evolved by a series of copyist’s

blunders from ‘* Chiléo,’’ thus: Chilao—Chiliao—Chilam—Ceilam.

In the quotation from Castanheda in note ® above, it will be seen

that writer attributes to ‘‘ Ceilao”’ the meaning of << channel * in Arabic

and Persian.

29 In Cast. the foregoing passage assumes the following form :—

‘¢ And is separated from the mainland by a hidden bank called Chiléo

[sic], in which there are many shoals between which is a very narrow

ehannel ; and through this passage pass all the ships that go from

India to Choramandel, and from there to India ; and many are often

lost on those shoals on account of the channel’s being so narrow that

only with difficulty can it be found: and therefore one of the dangers

that the Indian merchants pray to God to deliver them from is the

shoals of Chiléo.”’

30 Vasco da Gama in 1502.

a ee

C 23.

Letter of Andrea Corsali to Laurentio de Medici.

[17 September 1517.?]

AE 6 They fish [for pearls] at the bottom of the sea ...... as

in the island of Zelan c. leagues below Calicut where are also

produced topazes, jacinths, rubies, sapphires, balasses, and some

No. 59.—1907.] PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 383

carbuncle, lesitione® (?), catseyes, and garnets and chrysolites

which are there in the greatest abundance. Thence comes the

good cinnamon, which is not found in other parts. This island of

Zelan appears to me to be Traprobana, and not Samatora as many

say, although last year I wrote to the contrary : having since then

well considered the matter, I affirm that Samatora was not at that

time discovered ......

1 Like the preceding (C 20), this letter was written from India.

It was printed at Florence (?) in 1518 (?), and was reprinted, with

emendations, by Ramusio in the first volume of his Navigationz.

2 In the original the letter is dated ‘‘15 kal. Oct. mpxvut.”’ For

this Ram. substitutes ‘‘ 18 September 1517,”’ which is a day out.

3 In original ‘‘ lesitide,’’ which Ram. slightly alters to << lesicione.”’

I cannot find any word in the least like this as the name of a precious

stone ; and the early French translation of Corsali’s letters, in tom. ii.

of Historiale Description de lV Afrique (1556), avoids the difficulty by

omitting the word. The only other translation that I know of, of.

Corsali’s letters, viz., the German, in General Chronicen (1576), renders

the mysterious word by ‘“‘ gelblichte Rubin,” that is, ‘‘ yellowish

ruby,’ by which perhaps the orange-coloured spinel is meant; and

if the above list of precious stones is compared with that in Corsali’s

first letter it will be seen that the << lesitione”’ of the one corresponds

with the ‘‘ spinette’’ of the other.

C 24.

Barros Il. i. u.

[1518.]

King Dom Manuel, because he had much information regarding

the fertility of this island, and learnt that from it came al] the

cinnamon of those parts, and that the lord of Galle, by the

manner in which he acted towards D. Louren¢o (as we have related

above *), desired to pay him tribute, in order to retain his friend-

ship; and that afterwards, by means of Afonso Dalboquerque,

the king of Columbo, who was the true lord of the cinnamon,

wished to obtain this peace and amity,? wrote to the said Afonso

Dalboquerque that he should go in person to this island, if he

thought well, and should erect in this port of Columbo a fortress,

in order by its means to secure the offerings of this king. How-

ever, as Afonso Dalboquerque, whilst he lived, considered other

affairs of more importance to the state of India, and that they

should first be made secure, rather than this island of Ceilam, and

the more so as the king supplied us very well with all the cinnamon

that we needed, he dissembled with the reminders which the

king sent him each year regarding this matter, giving him these

and other reasons why he neglected to carry it out.4 When Lopo

Soarez came out to India he also carried this instruction®; and

nevertheless he first proceeded to the strait of the Red Sea, which,

for the reasons given by Afonso Dalboquerque, was of more import-

ance ; but seeing how little he had effected by this expedition,

384 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

on account of things having succeeded so badly, and thatin that

year of 1518 another captain-major and governor might arrive,

he wished before his departure to leave this work completed at

his hands ......

1 See B 9.

2 Cf. the extract from letter of Albuquerque supra, C 15.

% Yule, in Hobson-Jobson s.v. ‘‘ Colombo,” has a faulty rendering

of this passage.

4 Cf. the extracts from the summary of letter of Albuquerque -

supra, C 7.

5 The instructions given to Lopo Soares on his departure for

India in 1515 do not appear to be extant: at any rate, they have not —

been printed.

ee ee

C 25.

Barros II. 1. iii.

[? August 1518.]

eho be ME And that on the way he! was to pass by the island of

Ceilam, and from the port of Columbo, whither our people were

accustomed to go to seek cinnamon,? he was to take pilots to

carry him to Bengalla; and also that he was secretly * to inspect

and take soundings in this port of Columbo, and the lie of the land,

in order with his advice to come to a determination on what had

to be done by command of the king, which was a fortress in that

place,* the captaincy of. which was to be his (Dom Joam’s).

Who, having set out with the four ships with which he went to the

islands of Maldiva, reached Columbo, and having taken note of

the place and obtained pilots, took his way for Bengalla ..... ...

1 Don Jodo da Silveira, nephew to the governor Lopo Soares,

who in sending him to Bengal gave him these instructions.

* This statement is noteworthy.

3 Lopo Soares evidently knew that the king of Kotté was averse to

the erection of a fortress at Columbo.

4See C 24. If, however, we may judge from Dom Manuel’s in-

structions in regard to other fortresses, the erection was to take place

with the consent of the king of Kétté. That consent was given only

under compulsion ; and this was probably one of the reasons that led

King Jodo ITE. in 1524 to order its demolition.

C 26:

Couto V. I. v.

[1517] [1518}.

506800 After the partition of these kingdoms had taken place,’

there landed at this island the governor Lopo Soares in the

year of Our Lord 1517,? and erected the fortress of Columbo,

the vassalage being renewed with that king of Cota,’ with the

No. 59.—1907.|. PORTUGUESE IN CEYLON. 385

obligation of three hundred bares of cinnamon, and twelve ruby

and sapphire rings, and six elephants for the service of the dock-

yard at Cochim.* This tribute was paid for some years until it

ceased entirely, as we shall relate more fully in due course.

1The partition referred to is that between Bhuwaneka Bahu,

Rayigam Bandara, and Mayadunné, consequent on the death of Vijaya

Bahu in 1534: it was not after, but sixteen years before, this that

Lopo Soares landed in Ceylon.

2 In reality 1518 (see C 24).

3 By ‘that king of Cota” is meant Bhuwaneka Bahu VII. ;

but Dharma Parakrama Bahu IX. was actually the reigning monarch.

4 As stated by Bar. (III. 1. ii.).

Mr. Harwarp, at the conclusion of the Paper, read certain

notes from the Appendices supporting the contentions of the

writer of the Paper. The Paper, he said, had been in their hands

for some time. They therefore thought it due to the author that

the Paper, which was written in time for the year 1906, the quater-

centenary anniversary, should not wait any longer. That was

the reason why it had been read that evening.

The Hon. Mr. ARUNACHALAM said the Society was to be con-

gratulated upon having such a learned friend as Mr. Donald

Ferguson. He was sorry that he was not there in person to

receive the warm thanks that all of them felt for the very

interesting Paper which he had prepared with his usual great

care and learning. Mr. Ferguson had collected a lot of useful

information contained both in the Paper and in the Appen-

dix. It appeared to the speaker that Mr. Ferguson had clearly

established the fact that not Galle, as hitherto supposed, but

Colombo was the first port at which the Portuguese called ; but the

speaker was not sure that Mr. Ferguson had established that 1506

was the first year in which the Portuguese came to Ceylon. It

might have been the first official visit of the Portuguese; but it

seemed to him strange that Mr. Ferguson made no reference

whatever to the date upon the rock. Mr. Ferguson stated that

_the Portuguese erected at Colombo a monument. MReferring to a

photograph of the rock sculpture hanging on the wall, the speaker

said he read on it, as also on a picture lying on the table, distinctly

the date 1501. He could not understand why no reference had

been made in the Paper to that carving.

Mr. Harwarp: There is a reference in the notes.

The Hon. Mr. ARUNacHALAM believed there were in the hall

those who were more competent to deal with the subject than

himself. Hetrusted they might throw some light upon the subject.

A prolonged, interesting, and at times very lively discussion

followed.

Mr. HarwarbD, referring to the question of the date, said that

the matter was fully discussed at a General Meeting which would

be within the recollection of many of those present. Very great

386 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

doubt was attached to the carving on the stone on the Breakwater.

It was, he thought, absolutely clear that the cross above the royal

arms was by a different hand from the carving of the royal arms

and date. Perhaps the date had nothing to do with the coat-of-

arms which it adjoined, and might possibly have been the fancy

work of somebody who carved on the rock perhaps long after the

coat-of-arms was made.

Mr. C. M. Fernanpo thought the photograph was inaccurate,

and that the tail of the ‘“‘6”’ had been worn off. There was no

historical mention of Ceylon having been visited by the Portu-

guese in 1501, and he agreed with Mr. Donald Ferguson in what he

stated, that the first landing was in 1506, because it harmonized

with what the historians stated.. If Ceylon was discovered in 1501

six years would not have been taken to report the discovery to

the king.

Mr. R. G. ANTHoNIsz remarked that he had been disappointed

with the former discussion which took place at a Meeting some

eight years ago, at which he was present. He had more than

once examined the inscription onthe stone. He did not think that

any one who saw the stone could imagine the characters to be

other than 1501. The ‘‘5” was exactly one of those sixteenth

century five’s they were always coming across; and he thought

that there was no ‘‘ 6” there atall. The cipher was perfectly clear,

and there was no mark above the cipher to show that it could

have at any time been a “‘ 6,” part of which had since worn off.

Mr. FERNANDO pointed out that they were dealing with the ‘‘ 6.”

The CHAIRMAN explained that the question was whether the

date was 1501 or 1506.

Mr. ANTHONISZ said the last figure was clearly a ‘‘1” and

nothing else. He thought that the discovery of amonument of that

kind was one that suggested to them certain theories. As a piece

of evidence it should not be summarily thrown aside. Mr. Donald

Ferguson had fairly discussed the matter of Dom Lourencgo de

Almeida’s arrival, and, he thought, established his contention that

this took place in 1506. But he admits that Barros, Castanheda,

and other historians contradict each other on certain points.

Because no historian mentioned the year 1501, should they cast it

aside ? Monumental evidence, such as this, was very important.

They had to follow historians from the date at which Vasco da

Gama returned to Portugal in 1498 to that of Dom Francisco de

Almeida’s arrival in India in 1505. What he would like to ask

was: Were they thoroughly satisfied that it was impossible for

some Portuguese captive or adventurer to have found his way to

Ceylon in 1501? That was the question he would like to put to

any student of Portuguese history. It appeared that there were

Portuguese visiting the west coast of India during this period,

who came in contact with the Arabs. Pedro Alvares Cabral and

his ships were at Calicut in August, 1500, and from there he pro-

ceeded to Cochin. From that time up to 1501 they. were cruising

about or residing at Cananor, Cochin, and Quilon. They had

No. 59.—1907.] PROCEEDINGS. 387

many a conflict with the Arab traders. Was it beyond doubt

that in these conflicts no Portuguese captives were taken by the

Arabs and brought over to Ceylon? Another, in the person of

Joao da Nova, left Portugal with a fleet in April, 1501, and in the

same year he was in Cochin, and he returned to Portugal on Sep-

tember 11, 1502. Healso had conflicts with the Arabs. It is not

stated that any Portuguese captives were taken, but he thought

there were possibilities that ought to bear some weight with them.

In a recess under that monument some human bones had been

found. He did not want to open up any romantic story about

these; they may, however, take this for what it was worth. Was

it altogether impossible that either one or more of the Portuguese

captives had come out here ? And might not one of these, in

fulfilment of their Sovereign’s order, have endeavoured, in the

absence of a padrdo, to cut on that boulder figures which the

padrado was meant torepresent ? To say that the cross and figures

were more rudely cut than the coat-of-arms ought, he thought,

to carry no weight whatever. It is well known that after the care

and labour taken in executing the chief part of a work of this kind,

the easier portions are often hurried over with less care. Then

about these bones. The man who cut that inscription may have

been the man whose bones were discovered. He might have made

friends with the people of the country and have begged of them to

bury him under that stone in the expectation that some day his

countrymen would come there to see the inscription and find the

bones. He thought that a monument of that kind was very often

of greater weight than history written by writers who have been

found to contradict each other and to contradict themselves. It

was not to be understood that what he said was meant to take

away from the valuable Paper that had been read. It did not

affect the Paper really, because it was a matter that was outside

the Paper.

Mr. P. E. Pieris, C.C.8., congratulated the Society on the

Paper which had been read. It was rarely that a Paper prepared

with such laborious research and such conscientious care was

placed before a Meeting. They were to be congratulated that

one with such abilities and such opportunities as Mr. Donald

Ferguson was prepared to spend his time in the investigation

of the more obscure points connected with the modern history

of Ceylon.

Four points had been touched upon in the Paper. No one

present would contest the position claimed for Ceylon in the

matter of the supply of cinnamon; that was a claim gladly

conceded by all.

The Portuguese historians give ample proof of the continuance

of the intercourse between the native Sinhalese and the European

foreigners up to 1518. Few will venture to deny that the com-

- memorative padrdo was erected in Colombo ; for otherwise it is

impossible to explain the very explicit assertion of de Barros that

Nuno Vaz Pereira saw it there in 1508. In all probability that

padrao is the one on the rock at the foot of the Breakwater ; that

388 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

clearly is what was referred to by de Queiroz in 1687 as the

original. It is significant that the word used by him is abrir,

which cannot. possibly refer to an erection, but to an engraving.

The padrdo was engraved on a rock; that is why the Moors lit a

fire to destroy it, instead of pulling it down ; and that fire accounts

for its present damaged condition. ‘The date 1501 the speaker

was not prepared to discuss. It is amusing as well as significant

to note that the attempt now is to read it as 1506. That date

was the subject of much correspondence, and till now the only

variation on 1501 which had been suggested was 1561. This

shows how easy it is to create evidence, given a theory which

one is anxious to prove. Mr. Anthonisz has declared that he has

frequently examined the stone, and that the date was never meant

to be anything other than 1501. It would require a good deal

to convince the speaker that Mr. Anthonisz was wrong.

When, however, Mr. Ferguson desires to establish 1506 as the

date of the arrival of Almeida in Ceylon, displacing the long-

established 1505, it is desirable to be critical in examining the

evidence, and cautious in arriving at aconclusion. Such criti-

cism cannot of course at this stage pretend to anything like

exhaustiveness ; indeed, the complete proof of the Paper had not

reached the speaker till the previous night. But even the short

examination to which the Paper had been subjected revealed

certain points which should not be overlooked.

The evidence collected by Mr. Ferguson is both negative and

positive in its nature, and the negative will be discussed first.

On September 13 Dom Francisco arrived at Anjadiva, near

Goa. After erecting a fortress there, he left for Onor on October

16; this town he destroyed, and reaching Cananor on the 22nd

he began a fortress there. He next proceeded to Cochin, which

he reached on October 30, and from there he despatched Louren¢o

to Coulao, not far from Travancore, with a punitive force which

bombarded the place, probably on November 1. -

It is accepted as definitely settled that the homeward bound

fleet of eight vessels left Cananor in two divisions, on the 2nd

and 21st January, 1506, respectively. It is also clear that the

first of these ships left Cochin for the headquarters at Cananor

about November 26, 1505. Castanheda states that it was in

November that Lourenco started for the Maldives. On this

the writer remarks: ‘‘Had Dom Francisco so acted, he would

have been guilty of a breach of the king’s instructions, according

to which he was to send out expeditions of discovery after the

dispatch of the cargo ships for Portugal.’ On examining the

text of the instructions (A 19) the speaker is of opinion that

it is unreasonable to attach so much weight to the word “ after.”

The Commander of this important expedition had surely a

moderate amount of discretion vested in him? He was at a

friendly port close to Ceylon and on the most cordial terms with

the raja, to whom he had just presented a crown of gold from

his king. Cargo for his ships was being quickly provided.

The weather was most favourable for sailing south, indeed so

much so as to seriously interfere with ships sailing north. It

No. 59.—1907. | PROCEEDINGS. 389

had been found possible to detach a flotilla for operations at

Coulao ; and that flotilla was victorious and unoccupied. What

reason was there against its continuing its journey to Ceylon and

the Maldives? It must be remembered that the king’s instruc-

tions had also said: ‘‘ We think wellthat ........ not having need

of all the vessels that are to remain with you, you send a pair of

Catavels .......: to discover Ceylam.”’ Granted such a favour-

able opportunity as would have been available at the beginning

of November, it would rather appear strange if Francisco did not

seize the chance to send out the ships he was in a position to spare

on a voyage of discovery. It is difficult to see in such an act

on his part any infringement of the spirit of his instructions.

In the footnote on page 297 it is urged as a further argument

against the accepted date that had Louren¢o started in Novem-

ber, 1505, it would have been mentioned in the viceroy’s letter

to the king written from Cochin on December 16, 1505. Un-

fortunately the text of this letter is not accessible, nor is

there any information in the Paper as to the frequency with

which the viceroy wrote to the king in November-December,

1505. It is the fact, as shown in the Documentos Remettidos,

that several letters bearing the same date were frequently des-

patched by the king to the viceroy. Need it excite surprise if

the viceroy waited for the result of an expedition, which would

only occupy a few weeks, before communicating the matter to the

king ? Here the words of Correa (B 10) are significant: “‘ The

which he also gave to Diogo d’Almeida because he had to relate

the deed of his son, which had happened in Ceylao; which he did

not wish to write of to the king, it being a personal matter, and he

considering it a breach of his honour if he should seem to glorify

himself, and saying that a man of good breeding should not relate

his own actions.”

The writer himself does not appear to have a high opinion of

the probative value of even a categorical assertion contained in

the viceroy’s letters, for in a note on page 312 he remarks: “TI

confess that this passage in the summary of the viceroy’s letter

puzzles me. The statements in it are not borne out by any of

the historians ........ it is strange that nowhere else is this fact

mentioned ........ Perhaps the summarist has misinterpreted the

viceroy’s words.” (The italics are mine.) If such is the value of

a definite statement by the viceroy, the weight to be attached

to a not unreasonable omission is nil.

Castanheda, who gives the date of Lourengo’s expedition to

Ceylon as November, 1505, continues that shortly. after his

return he was made captain-major of the sea and placed in

charge of the Malabar Coast. The writer accepts the latter

statement as correct, and he is prepared to receive the details

given by this historian as more to bé relied on than those of

other writers referred to by him in his notes; and he thus

succeeds in showing us how Lourenco was engaged throughout

February and March. Castanheda further relates that Vasco Gomes

de Abreu and another were despatched in February to Portugal,

taking with them the cinnamon which had been brought from

390 | JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

Ceylon, as well as an elephant. On this the writer says: “That

these two men sailed from India for Portugal in February is

confirmed by Barros, and that they carried cinnamon and an

elephant is possible ; but these had absolutely no connection with

any expedition to Ceylon, none having as yet taken place.”

I believe this kind of argument is styled by logicians petztio

principi. When it is admitted that certain details contained

in a statement made bona fide by an unprejudiced narrator are

correct, we are not entitled to arbitrarily reject those other

details which are not in consonance with any pre-conceived

theories. Certainly the reasons given by the writer are far

from convincing. He says: “Had Vasco Gomes de Abreu

been the bearer of such important tidings as that Ceylon had

been discovered, it is certain that King Manuel would not have

waited some nine or ten months before informing the pope.”

This information was conveyed in a letter dated September 25,

1507. The exact date of de Abreu’s arrival is not known. The

writer conjectures that it was “at the end of 1506 or the begin-

ning of 1507,” and this latter date I am prepared to accept ;

but it appears to me to be suspending his argument on an

excessively attenuated cord to depend on the date of the communi-

cation of the news to one who was merely in the position of a

friendly potentate. The Paper does not show that it was the

accepted custom to communicate similar news immediately it

was received. ‘The communication was purely an act of courtesy,

and courtesy in Portugal was at the time the most ponderous

and slow-moving in Europe. Indeed, it is manifest from the

letter itself that it was not considered necessary to keep the Holy

See in immediate touch with what was being done by the Portu-

guese adventurers; in fact, this was manifestly the first letter

written with reference to the doings of Francisco de Almeida,

who had started on March 25, 1505! ‘‘Cui jam cognitum

arbitramur misisse nos swperioribus annis pro nobis viceregem,”’

&c. Clearly no formal intimation of the departure of de Almeida

for the East had been sent to Rome till now. “We believe it is

already known to you that some years back we dispatched as our

viceroy,’ &c. Theletter then continues to state that after several

encounters with the enemy he sent “‘his son Dom Laurentius de

Almeida with a flotilla to attack the sea coasts and the territories of

our enemies, who also according to his instructions visited the far-

famed island of Taprobana.’’ If language means anything, this

letter means that the attack on the enemies’ coasts (clearly the

bombardment of Couléio) and the visit to Ceylon formed one

expedition. Is it possible that the authority relied on by the

writer has destroyed his case ?. But without going so far as to say

that, it is suggested that.no argument should be deduced from

the date of the letter to the pope.

The last objection brought forward by the writer is this: Payo

de Sousa and Fern&o Cotrim are mentioned as having been among

the envoys sent by Louren¢o to the king ; but Payo de Sousa could

not have reached Ceylon before May, 1506, nor Fernaio Cotrim

No. 59.—1907.] PROCEEDINGS. 239i

till later still, But the very two pages in which he discusses

this point (pp. 302 and 310) furnish abundant reason for not

attaching too much weight to names; the confusion is hopeless, and

it is most unsafe to build any argument on their identification.

Nor can it be regarded as definitely settled who the envoys were.

Indeed, even a careful writer like de Couto is not free from errors.

There is one passage where he has mixed up the names of two of

the kings of Ceylon ; in another he has given to Diogo de Silva

Modeliar the Christian name of Pedro in place of Diogo. The

writer is himself fully aware of thisdanger. On page 300 he points

out, of the historian Correa, that ‘* he names as taking part in it

(a sea fight) men who had already left India or had not yet arrived

there.”

So much for the negative evidence brought forward by the writer.

He admits that the weather would have prevented any voyage

of discovery from April to August, and he continues: ‘* Dom

Francisco de Almeida in August charged his son Dom Lourenco

with this expedition. Accordingly, at the end of August or

beginning of September, 1506, Dom Lourengo set sail with a

number of vessels.’’? At the same time he admits that such a

proceeding at such a period of the year displays a strange

ignorance of the navigation of the Indian Ocean. The speaker was

not prepared to presume such ignorance, especially in view of the

definite assertion of de Barros that the voyage was undertaken

at a time when the monsoon was favourable for the journey, and

the fact that in 1519 the Portuguese expedition started at the

proper season, while it is also stated that Lourengo had good

Indian pilots.

What positive evidence is there then in support of the new

theory ? On page 297 Mr. Ferguson says: “As a matter of fact it

was neither at the end of 1505 nor at the beginning of 1506 that

Dom Loureng¢o set out.’’ On page 298, referring to the elephant

and cinnamon taken by de Abreu, hesays: “ these had absolutely

no connection with any expedition to Ceylon, none having as

yet taken place,” 2.e., by February, 1506. On page 299 he says:

*« However Dom Lourengo was employed until his appointment in

January or February, 1506, as captain-major of the sea, we may

be sure that he did not visit Ceylon.”’ On page 306 we are informed

as a matter of fact that he started at a very improbable time, the

end of August or beginning of September, 1506. And on page 308

he triumphantly concludes: “‘ we have seen that Castanheda is

utterly wrong with regard to the date of the discovery of Ceylon.”

All these are assertions, and the actual evidence appears to

consist of two points. The first is relegated to a note on page 308,

which says that the expedition is referred to in a letter from the

viceroy dated December 27, 1506, a summary of the letter

itself, being given in the Appendix B2. It must, however, be

remembered that despatches to Portugal could only be sent

at one period of the year ; there is nothing in any way surprising

if a detailed report was sent in December, 1506, as supple-

mentary to the information sent through de Abreu. The

summary assigns no date to the expedition, and I can see very

392 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoLt. XIX.

little justification in it for settling upon the date now put forward

by the writer, and, as will be indicated later, the king had infor-

mation of the “‘discovery ”’ long before this letter was written.

Next we have the letter quoted in B 1, on the authority of

which the whole theory ultimately rests. This letter was written

by Gaspar da India on November 16, 1506, to King Manuel, and

in it the writer makes Lourengo de Almeida say “at the time

I was about to leave for Ceilaom your son had left for Malaca, and

my father was sending you to the port of Batecala.’’ On the

authority of the same writer the dates of these two events are

fixed respectively as being August 22, 1506, and September I,

1506. Ii these dates are correct, we are within reasonable dis-

tance of the correct date of Lourengo’s expedition. But unfortu-

nately on page 305 the writer of the article has definitely proved

that the second date cannot be correct, and on page 313 he

says of Gaspar da India, ** In view of the disreputable character

of the writer, we might be inclined to regard his statements

regarding this expedition (one to Ormuz under Dom Lourengo) as

fiction.”

Surely it is most dangerous to base any theory on the boastful

assertion of a writer of admitted unreliability ? And it appears

to be a fact worthy of the gravest comment that, though the

letter is dated November 16, 1506, the passage quoted in the

note reads “on the 16th of November Dom Lourengo called

me to his room.”

I have already commented on the inference which might be

drawn from the king’s letter to the pope; that letter contains

certain minute details, regarding which the writers says: “I see

no reason to doubt what Correa tells us, that Dom Francisco

sent to Portugal a man who had accompanied the expedition to

Ceylon.” And he refers us to the Appendix B 10. In that

passage Correa adds that the viceroy loaded the ships which

were then starting, and in which this messenger sailed, with the

cinnamon brought by his son, as well as a small elephant, which

was the first that ever went to Portugal. Correa is clearly referring

to the mission of de Abreu, which has already been discussed. If

the writer accepts one portion of Correa’s narrative, that regarding

the messenger, as correct, I fail to see his justification for rejecting

the accompanying portion, merely because it is absolutely incom-

patible with his theory.

The despatch of that messenger explains a good deal. It is

undisputed that when the king gave his instructions of March 5,

1505, Ceilao was an unknown country. An expedition was to be

sent to ‘‘ discover ”’ it; but the state of affairs is quite different

when we turn to the letter A 21, which is assigned by the writer

to the period March-April, 1506. It may be conceded that

that letter was written about April, but I am of opinion that

it was April, 1507, and not April, 1506,and for the following reason.

Every line of this letter shows that the king was no longer ignorant

about Ceylon ; he knew of the position of the island, of its import-

ance to India, its wealth and products, the desirability of establish-

ing a fortress there; how it lay in the track of ships sailing to

No. 59.—1907.| PROCEEDINGS. 393

particular countries, “‘lying in the track of all the ships of Malaca

and Bymgalla, and none being able to pass without heing seen

and known of in that part; and being near to the archipelago

of the xij islands.’? He knew how far the fortress to be built

would be from India, and that that fortress would be a

convenient centre for the king’s representative in the East ;

** since it appears that from here you can better provide for and

assist in all things than from any other part, on account of your

being in the centre of all the fortresses and things that we have

there.’? Surely the man who wrote that had ample knowledge

ot Ceylon and was in no need of any further discovery ! Clearly

that information had been conveyed by the messenger sent

with de Abreu; and when the viceroy’s letter of December 27,

1506, reached Portugal, the king’s letter (A 21) must have been

in the Indian Ocean. This letter and that to the pope appear

to me to have completely destroyed Mr. Ferguson’s theory, and

vindicated the accuracy of Castanheda and Correa, sufficiently

so, at any rate, to make them preferable guides to the “ dis-

reputable ”’ and vainglorious Gaspar da India.

‘The writer frankly admits that according to his theory he

cannot account for the manner in which Dom Lourencode Almeida

was engaged from the beginning of November, 1505, until his

appointment in January or February, 1506, as captain-major. But

the greatest Portuguese historian of Ceylon, de Queiréz, says he

can. He relates that de Almeida landed first at Galle, and thence

made his way to Colombo, where he arrived on November 15,

1505. The speaker could see no reason to doubt the correctness

of de Queiréz’s statement.

Mr. E. W. PERERA said: It would be an interesting point to fix

the Sovereign in whose reign the Portuguese first landed in Ceylon

(see note on page 309 of the Paper). The current Sinhalese

tradition is that it was Dharma Parakrama Bahu IX. It is

significant that in a sannasa of that king the commencement of

his reign is dated 1501.* The memory of the march of the

Portuguese envoys by a long and circuitous route is preserved

among the people, not only inthe proverb noted by Mr. Ferguson

on page 310, but by a fairly circumstantial account of the journey

itself. The object of the Sinhalese was to conceal from the

stranger the proximity of the capital to the bay of Colombo, and

for ‘‘ three months and three weeks ”’ (tun mas tun poya) the envoys

with their Sinhalese guides tramped by way of Negombo and

across the country through Hanwella to Kotté, till the report of

the guns in the harbour announced to the Portuguese in the city

their nearness to the sea.

G. Legend tells that Dharma Parakrama Bahu IX. was warned

in a dream of the advent of the Portuguese. The mystic jingle

* The translation of the Munessaram sannasa filed in P. C. ease,

Chilaw, No. 15,482 (decided in appeal on January 25, 1900), gives two

dates of this king’s accession, 1501 and 1505, the former corresponding

to the Saka era and the latter to the Buddhist era date in the grant.—

E. W. P. [See footnote on page 399.—B., Hon. Sec.]

394 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

Kotté kalale data meda gan kisille* rang in the king’s ears at night

in his sleep, and the following morning, haunted by the words, he

inquired their import from his sages and counsellors. The words

properly broken up contained the injunction, ‘* Enough your

love for Kotté: remove the tooth-relic to the middle country

quickly.” A few days after, the announcement of the arrival of

the Portuguese proved the accuracy of the prophecy!

Mr. F. LEwIs proposed a cordial vote of thanks to Mr. Donald

Ferguson for his very able and interesting Paper.

Mr. T. P. ATTYGALLE seconded.

The PRESIDENT, after putting the vote, which was carried by

acclamation, expressed surprise that Mr. Pieris and other Sinhalese

gentlemen present did not give them any information from -

Sinhalese annals. It was astonishing that the question at issue

could not be settled by a reference to Sinhalese chronicles as to

when the strange white men from the West were first seen in

Ceylon. He certainly thought it strange that the Portuguese

should have been so close to Ceylon as Calicut, Cochin, and even

Quilon from 1498 onwards, and yet never have broken through

the Moorish fleets and got to Ceylon for eight years. It would

be very interesting to hear what Mr. Donald Ferguson had to say

on the full discussion when he was able to read it. (See below.)

Mr. ARUNACHALAM next proposed a vote of thanks to the

President. In regard to the President’s observation re the

delay of eight years, at that time Arabs were the masters of the

Eastern seas and the Portuguese perhaps were in fear of them.

In regard to Sinhalese evidence, Mr. Donald Ferguson had quoted

the Rajavaliya. He had also quoted a Tamil chronicle.

The PRESIDENT said his point was that the Sinhalese gentlemen

who had taken part in the discussion had not brought any Sinha-

lese evidence in support of what they said.

This concluded the Meeting.

REPLY TO THE Discussion BY Mr. DONALD FERGUSON.

Several of the speakers referred to the inscribed boulder dis-

covered in 1898 near the Colombo Breakwater.

Mr. Arunachalam complained that in my Paper I had made no

reference to the date on this rock. But that the four characters

form a daée is just what I want proved: Iam extremely doubtful

on the point. In any case, I cannot believe that the last character

ever was a 6, as Mr. C. M. Fernando surmised.7

* @aHJOOO=—OMINODO ;s DEOC=—=HE P9E (FiB); Ga=

GNINDIDO ; Ore —=OExO Go60R0 ; nd=HngQ 3; 8EGOC=—2d

ages.

{+ Iam at a disadvantage in being unable to examine the rock in situ,

and in having to depend on a photograph of only a portion of the

boulder.—D. F.

No. 59.—1907. | PROCEEDINGS. 395

Mr. Anthonisz’s theory is very romantic, but has not a shred of

evidence to support it.

I now come to Mr. P. E. Pieris’s criticisms, for which I am grate-

ful, as they afford me the opportunity of adducing further evidence

in support of my “ theory’’—as he calls it, though I assure him I

entered on the investigation with an open mind.

Mr. Pieris accepts three of my four contentions, and with regard

to the third says: “ Few will venture to deny that the commemo-

rative padrdo was erected in Colombo; ...... In all probability

that padrdao is the one on the rock at the foot of the Breakwater ;

that clearly is what was referred to by de Queiréz in 1687 as the

original. It is significant that the word used by him is abrir,

which cannot possibly refer to an erection, but to an engraving.

The padrdo was engraved on a rock; that is why the Moors lit a

fire to destroy it, instead of pulling it down ; and that fire accounts

for its present damaged condition.” On which I would remark

that I should have supposed Mr. Pieris to be aware of the fact that

padrado means a pillar, and that all three of the great Portuguese

historians of India agree in stating that a pillar was erected.

(Regarding Queirdéz I shall speak later.)

My fourth contention, that the “‘ discovery ”’ of Ceylon by Dom

Lourengo de Almeida took place in September 1506, Mr. Pieris

rejects, accepting instead Castanheda’s statement that it occurred

in November 1505. In support of this Mr. Pieris advances certain

propositions, by which he seeks to damage my “ case.” In the

first place he tries to show that D Francisco would not have been

euilty of a breach of the royal instructions in sending his son on a

voyage of discovery before the cargo ships had been dispatched for

Portugal, and to support this gives a garbled quotation from those

instructions—which is hardly honest. Mr. Pieris also thinks that

“The commander of this important expedition had surely a moder-

ate amount of discretion vested in him?” Perhaps so; but not in

regard to that part of the royal commands: the dispatch of the

eargo ships was the business that had to be first attended to.

That D. Lourengo was sent by his father at the end of October

1505 to avenge the massacre at Coulam is no argument in support

of Mr. Pieris’s theory. When he speaks of the possibility of D.:

_Lourengo’s avenging fleet “‘ continuing its journey to Ceylon and

the Maldives,”’ he is throwing over even Castanheda, who distinctly

states that D. Louren¢go returned from Coulam to Cochin. Me.

Pieris seems to think that the viceroy could easily have sent out an

exploring expedition at any time after his arrival in India. Such,

however, was not the case, a large number of his men being sick,

owing to the voyage, change of climate and food, &c. (see the

letter of Goncalo Fernandes in Cartas 11. 381-85).

The omission by the viceroy to mention in his letter of 16 De-

cember 1505 to the king the fact that he had sent his son to the

Maldives and Ceylon, Mr. Pieris attempts to explain in several ways:

He says (1) that D. Francisco may have mentioned it in another

letter. He may (if D. Lourengo had really been sent ere then) ;

I ae ai 36-07

396 JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XIX.

but no record of any such letter exists. Then he says (2) that the

viceroy would probably wait until he fearnt the result of the

expedition, “‘ which would only occupy a few weeks, before com-

municating the matter to the king.”’ Very probably ; but this

contradicts the previous proposition ; and as to the “‘ few weeks,”

Castanheda, as I have stated in my Paper, implies that D. Loure-

neo did not return from Ceylon until the end of January or begin-

ning of February 1506, which makes the expedition last certainly

more than “‘ a few weeks.” Finally, Mr. Pieris would apparently

have it, on the authority of Correa, that the viceroy did not write

to the king at all regarding the expedition, but sent a messenger to

report it by word of mouth : which hypothesis, again, destroys the

one first advanced.

With regard to Mr. Pieris’s next assertion, I have only to remark

that to accuse me of casting doubt on a statement in a letier of the

viceroy’s, when in fact I suggested that the summarist of the

letter (which itself does not exist) had perhaps misinterpreted the

viceroy’s words, is either gross carelessness or something worse.

If we had the viceroy’s letter itself, all our doubts as to the time of

year when the “ discovery ”’ of Ceylon took place would probably

be resolved. i

Before I proceed to reply to Mr. Pieris’s further criticisms, I

would take this opportunity to adduce soms fresh evidence in

confutation of Castanheda’s statements regarding D. Lourenco’s

expedition. That writer, as I have said, leads us to believe that

it was early in November 1505 that D. Lourengo left for the

Maldives and Ceylon, and that he did not return thence to Cochin

before the end of January 1506. Now, from the letter of Gaspar

Pereira to the king, referred toon page 295 of my Paper, we learn

that on 26 December 1505 D. Louren¢o returned to Cochin in the

* Flor de la mar from Cananor, whither the viceroy had sent him to

load that ship for Portugal. When D. Lourengco left Cochin for

Cananor we do not know; but it must have been previous to

18 December, with which day Gaspar Pereira’s letter commences.

(It is most unfortunate that his first letter to the king has perished.)

Therefore, if the expedition to Ceylon had already taken place, D.

Louren¢co must have returned from that island in ample time for

his father to report its “‘ discovery ”’ to the king by the ships that

left for Portugal in January 1506. That he did not do so seems

absolutely certain. Further, Castanheda states that from Coulam

D. Lourengo returned to Cochin. On the other hand, Barros says

that from Coulam D. Louren¢o proceeded to Caecoulaéo (Kayan-

kulam), where he left some ships to be loaded with pepper. This

seems to be borne out by Gaspar Pereira, who says that on 31 De-

cember Nuno Vaz Pereira arrived in his galley at Cochin, and

reported, among other things, that Goncalo de Paiva and Antao

Vaz were anchored off “‘ Caycoulam.”’ (On the same day there

arrived at Cochin a ship laden with cmnamon, which spice was

transferred to the S. Gabriel for transmission to Portugal ; and the

viceroy is said to have expected to get further supplies by native

vessels. Not a word, however, is said of any cinnamon brought

No. 59.—1907.] PROCEEDINGS. 397

from Ceylon by D. Lourengo.) Gaspar Pereira refers several times

to D. Lourengo, and tells us that the viceroy promised the king of

Cochin that his son should go with an armada to protect all native

vessels except those of Calicut. We also read that the king of

Cochin warned the viceroy and D. Lotren¢o that the Samuri was

preparing a big fleet to attack the Portuguese. Taking Gaspar

Pereira’s letter with the statements of Castanheda and Barros,

I think it is reasonable to suppose that it was immediately after

his return from Coulam and Caycoulam that D. Lourengo was sent

by his father to Cananor, the more so, as Gaspar Pereira says that

on 31 December 1505 the king of Cochin saw D. Lourengo for the

first tome, which shows that he could not have made any long stay

in Cochin previously. His prolonged stay at Cananor was due,

doubtless, to the fact that a fortress was being erected at that

place, not without opposition from the inhabitants, as we learn

from Gaspar Pereira.

To return to Mr. Pieris’s criticisms. He argues that if I accept

any of Castanheda’s statements as correct, | must accept the whole :

this is strange, coming from one who avowedly rejects Casta-

nheda’s distinct assertion that Galle was the port where D. Lourengo

erected the padrdao.

Mr. Pieris says that to King Manuel the pope was “ merely in

the position of a friendly potentate’’—an assertion contrary to the

fact ; and that “ it is manifest from the [king's] letter itself that it

was not considered necessary to keep the Holy See in immediate

touch with what was being done by the Portuguese adventurers ”’—

which is really too feeble to deserve a reply. By altering the

punctuation and mistranslating the words of King Manuel’s letter

to the pope, Mr. Pieris tries to bolster up his theory that “ the

bombardment of Couléo and the visit to Ceylon formed one ex-

pedition.”’ Of the first event the king learnt in May 1506, on the

arrival at Lisbon of the fleet of Fernio Soares, and he gave an

account of it in his letter to Cardinal Alpedrinha (see my Paper,

App., A 22): if the expedition to Ceylon had taken place, why is

there no mention of this important fact in that letter ? In his

letter of 25 September 1507 to the pope King Manuel naturally

does not repeat information which had been printed in Rome

nearly a year before, but dismisses the Coulam affair and others

with the words “ factis plutimis in hostes excursionibus.”’ The

following words, “proxime dominum Laurentium de Almeida

filium armata classe misit ad infestanda hostium litora ac terras,”’

certainly refer to D. Lourengo’s mission on coastguard duty and

to nothing else. Then follows the statement regarding the expe-

dition to Ceylon. I think it is not I but Mr. Pieris who has

“* destroyed his case.”

_ Being unable to answer my arguments as to Payo de Sousa

and Fernao Cotrim, Mr. Pieris tries to turn the tables on me by

referring to what I have said as to confusion of names. Mr. Pieris

had better settle the matter with Castanheda, and let me know

the result.

398 — | JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XIX.

Mr. Pieris says he “ is not prepared to presume such ignorance

of the navigation of the Indian Ocean ”’ on the part of the viceroy

as is shown in his dispatching his son on an expedition to the Mal-

dive islands and Ceylon at one and the same time. That Barros

was mistaken on this point ® likely, the expedition being probably

intended for the Maldives only; but thatthe dispatch took place

at the wrong time of year for reaching those islands is evident,

since the ships were carried by the currents to Ceylon. As to the

“ good Indian pilots,” it is only Correa that applies the adjective

to them. which seems hardly justified under the circumstances.

Mr. Pieris next proceeds to demonstrate (or thinks he does so)

that the whole of the actual evidence for my “‘ theory ” consists in

the statements in the summary of the viceroy’s letter of 27 De-

cember 1506, and that of Gaspar da India of 16 November 1506.

With regard to the former he says:—“ It must, however, be

remembered that despatches to Portugal could only be sent at

one period of the year; there is nothing in any way surprising

if adetailed report wassent in December, 1506, as supplementary

to the information sent through de Abreu.” On which I would

remark that the first statement is not correct, and that the second

is mere “ theory.”

Not being able to controvert the statement of Gaspar da Gama,

Mr. Pieris delightedly seizes hold of my description of the man as

having a “ disreputable character,’ and adds: “Surely it is most

dangerous to base any theory on the boastfu! assertion of a writer of

admitted unreliability ?”’ Apparently Mr. Pieris wishes it to be

thought that I had admitted the unreliability of the bigamous

*“Christian’’ Jew; for in the previous paragraph he has, character-

istically, garbled my words by omitting the end of the sentence. I

do not admit the unreliability of Gaspar da Gama’s statements of

facts such as the one in question. What earthly purpose could it

serve for him to invent such a statement in a letter to the king ?

The height of absurdity is reached when Mr. Pieris solemnly

continues :—‘ And it appears to be a fact worthy of the gravest

comment that, though the letter is dated November 16, 1506,

the passage quoted in the note reads ‘ on the 16th of Novem-

ber Dom Lourenc¢o called me to his room.’”’ The explanation

is very simple. The letter, like many contemporary ones, was

written in instalments at various times; and when the writer

penned the above sentence he did not know that he would have

to bring his epistle to a hurried close the same evening. So Mr.

Pieris has made a mountain out of a molehill.

In the same way Mr. Pieris makes much of the apparent dis-

crepancy between the statement of Gaspar da Gama and the date

of the viceroy’s license to Gaspar Pereira. It is “much ado about

nothing,” since the viceroy’s order might well have been given on

September 1, and yet not carried out until some days later.

(Gaspar da Gama’s words are capable of that construction.)

Once more Mr. Pieris falls foul of me because I say that “ I see

no reason to doubt what Correa tells us, that Dom Francisco sent

No. 59.—1907.] PROCEEDINGS. 399

to Portugal aman who had accompanied the expedition to Ceylon,”’

while at the same time I reject other statements of the same

writer's. If itis a crime to sift evidence, accept what is borne out

by other testimony, and reject that which is palpably absurd or

incapable of proof, I plead guilty to being a criminal.

Mr. Pieris goes on to make the astounding assertion that “ It is

undisputed [!] that when the king gave his instructions of March

5, 1505, Ceil&o [sic] was an unknown country. An expedition was

to be sent to ‘discover’ it;’’ and, starting with this “ theory,” he

proceeds to show to his own satisfaction that King Manuel’s letter

quoted by me in App. A 21 was written in 1507, and not in 1506,

building on this hypothesis a very pretty house of cards, which *

at once falls to pieces when I tell him that the first part of the letter

treats of the duties assigned to Tristéo da Cunha, “ now setting

out, .... and Affonso d’Alboquerque who goes with him.” So

that Mr. Pieris’s “‘ opinion” as to the date of the letter is worthless,

and it is he that has destroyed his own theory.

The last paragraph of Mr. Pieris’s lengthy criticism runs as

follows:—*“The writer frankly admits that according to his

theory he cannot account for the manner in which Dom Lourenco

de Almeida was engaged from the beginning of November, 1505,

until his appointment in January or February, 1506, as

captain-major. But the greatest Portuguese historian of Ceylon,

de Queiréz, says he can. He relates that de Almeida landed first

at Galle, and thence made his way to Colombo, where he arrived

on November 15, 1505. The speaker could sce no reason to doubt

the correctness of de Queiréz’s statement.’ Evidently this was

the trump card that Mr. Pieris had up his sleeve the whole time,

with which to confound me in the end. Well, I will at once

coniess that he has the advantage of me, since, except for the last

portion, which was printed by Mr. F. H. de Vos some years ago, the

work of Fernao de Queiréz, “ the greatest Portuguese historian of

Ceylon” [!!!], remains in manuscript, and is inaccessible to me:

Why does not Mr. Pieris give this writer’s statement in his own

words, so that we may judge what value is to be attached to

them? Whence did Queiréz, who wrote so late as 1687, obtain his

facts?

In the opening paragraph of his criticism Mr. Pieris referred to

another statement by Queiréz, of which, in like manner, he failed

to give the upsisstma verba. In the Ceylon As. Soc. Jl. for 1899,

on page 23, is printed what purports to be an extract from the

work of Queir6z, which is absolutely unintelligible. Why does

not Mr. Pieris print this work in full, with a translation ?

Mr. HK. W. Perera refers to a sannasa that gives the initial date of

the reign of Parakrama Bahu IX. as 1501 Saka. Is this sannasa

genuine ?* The traditions he quotes in connection with the

* The sannasa (if the translation filed in P. C., Chilaw, 15,482, be

correct) stands condemned as not genuine by intrinsic evidence. It

reads : ‘‘ In the year of the holy Gautama Buddha 2060; in the year

of the great King Saka 1435 : in the 12th year of the lord Chakrawarti

400 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XIX.

first arrival of the Portuguese are interesting, though evidently

legendary.

The President’s questions were answered to a large extent by

Mr. Arunachalam; though I do not think that fear of the Arabs

(? Moors) was what deterred the Portuguese from visiting Ceylon

between 1498 and 1506. Thereal reasons were : paucity of ships,

the hostility of the Calicut Moors, and mainly the fact that suffi-

cient cinnamon was obtainable at Cochin and Cananor by means

of native vessels. There can be no doubt that sentiment played

a large part in moving King Manuel to order his viceroy to

** discover ’’ Ceylon.

50 NOV. 18

Wansai Nirabut Nawkabahu [sic (?) Vira Bhuvaneka Bahu—B.], on

Friday, the 7th of the increasing moon of the month Poson. It was

granted, &c. ...... Thus the tudapat and copper plates were granted by

order of the powerful great King Prakramabahu.”’

Buddha Varsha 2060, Poson, — a.p. 1516, June-July; Saka Varsha

1435, Poson, = a.p. 1513, June-July, a difference of three years.

According to the rock record at Kelaniya temple, Dharmma Parakrama

Bahu IX. ‘< ascended the throne of Layka”’ in B. V. 2051 = a.p. 1507-8.

His predecessor was Vira Pardakrama Bahu VIII.—B., Hon. Sec.

H. C. COTTLE, GOVERNMENT PRINTER, COLOMBO, CEYLON.