JOURNAL

OF THE

ROYAL ASIATIC SOCIETY,

CHYLON BRANCH.

THE HISTORY OF CEYLON, FROM THE EARLIEST

TIMES TO 1600 A.D.

As Related by Joao de Barros and Diogo do Couto.

Translated and Edited by DonaLD FERGUSON.

INTRODUCTION.

JOAO DE BaRRos AND DioGgo po CovurTo!.

JOAO DE Barros was born, of noble family, in or about the

year 14967, and at an early age entered the service of the king

Dom Manuel. Like other youths in the royal household he

received a good education in the various branches of knowledge,

and he developed a special taste for history, his ambition being

to write a general history of Portugal. This wish he confided

to Dom Manuel in 1520 when presenting the king with a work

of fiction that he had composed, entitled Chronicado Emperador

Clarvmundo. Dom Manuel in reply stated that for some time

1 For the details here given I am indebted largely to the Lives of

Barros and Couto by Manoel Severim de Faria, printed in the 1778-88

edition of the Decades. Various errors in those Lives I have pointed out

in footnotes. In the case of Couto, however, the information is based

mainly on royal letters and other official documents.

2 Neither place nor date of birth is known.

4<B 36-08

2 i JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX-

he had desired that the affairs of India should be recorded, but

that hitherto he had been unable to find a person fitted for the

task ; that, if Barros liked to undertake it, his labour would not

be in vain. Accordingly the young man set about preparing

for the work ; but in little over ayear’s time? Dom Manuel died,

and the scheme had to be abandoned temporarily.

The new king, D. Joao III., appointed Barros to the

captaincy of Mina’, for which place he sailed in 1522, remain-

ing there for over two years®. On his return to Portugal, in

May 1525, the king bestowed upon him the office of treasurer

of the Casa da India, Mina e Ceuta*, a post which he held until

December 1528, continuing to reside in Lisbon until the out-

break of plague in that city in 1530 drove him to his country-

house near Pombal. In 1532 he returned to Lisbon, and was

appointed factor of the Casa da India e Mina, an office

involving very heavy duties, in spite of which, however, Barros

found time to continue his literary pursuits, producing various

works, one of the most interesting being a Portuguese grammar

(printed 1540), intended for the use of four Paravars who had

been brought to Portugal, selected from those converted on

the Fishery Coast in 1538.

In 1552 was published in Lisbon the first Decade of Barros’s

long projected work, with the title Asia de Joam de Barros, dos

fectos que os Portugueses fizeram no descobrimento & conquista

dos mares & terras do Oriente ; the second Decade appearing

the following year®. The death of King D. Jodo III. in 1557

probably delayed the appearance of the third Decade, which

was not published until 1563. It is on this work that the fame

of Barros rests, and deservedly so ; for though he never went

further East than to Mina, he took great pains to insure

1 13 December 1521.

2 Erroneously called Elmina (on the Gold Coast of Africa).

3 Of his doings there he seems to have left no record.

4 The “‘ India and Colonial Office.”’

5 The first seven books of Fernado Lopez de Castanheda’s Historia do

Descobrimento e Conquista da India were published at Coimbra between

1551 and 1554 (the eighth book appearing after his death in 1564).

Castanheda had the advantage of Barros in having been in India, and

his work is generally accurate and of much value, though his literary

style is not to be compared with that of Barros.

No. 60.—1908.] LIFE OF BARROS. 3

accuracy, by consulting persons who had been to India and

beyond, and by procuring and having translated chronicles in

various oriental languages. Barros intended to complete the

history of Portugal by writing similar books on Europe, Africa,

and Santa Cruz (Brazil), and he also projected a Universal

Geography and a Natural History of the East, its Commerce,

&c.; but these and other works that he had in view remained

unwritten owing to his arduous official duties.

At the end of 1567, m consequence of the infirmities of age,

Barros retired from active work, and King D. Sebastido

conferred upon him various privileges and emoluments calcu-

lated to free his last years from care. In this retirement, in

his country-house near Pombal, Barros died on 20 October

1570, over seventy years of age. His body was interred in a

hermitage in the district of Leira, whence it was removed in

1610 to the monastery of Alcobaga by the bishop D. Jorge de

Ataide, who caused a monument to be erected over the

historian’s remains.

Drogo Do Couto, like Joao de Barros, came of noble parent-

age. He was born in Lisbon in 15431, his father, Gaspar do

Couto, being in the service of the infante Dom Luiz. Hence it

was that Diogo, while still a boy, entered the service of the

infante?, and, like Barros, Couto received a careful education

in the various branches of learning. But the death of his

father, following shortly after that of the infante®, obliged him

to abandon his studies and take to the profession of arms. In

15594 he sailed for India, where he served as a soldier for the

space of nine® years, taking part in a number of engagements

which he describes in his Decades. Harly in 1569 he left India

1 Man. Sev. de Faria has 1542 ; but in Dec. VII. vit. ii. Couto says

hat he was fifteen years old when he went to India in 1559.

2 Couto says in VII. vit. ii. that he served the king for two years ;

but in VII. 11. vi. he states that he began to serve the prince Dom

Luiz at the age of ten.

3 Dom Luiz died in 1554.

4 Man. Sev. de Faria has 1556.

5 Man..Sev. de Faria says “ eight.”’

4. JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (VoL. XX.

for Portugal, meeting at Mocambique his friend the poet

Camoens, and arriving at Lisbon in April 1570, to find the

city just recovering from another epidemic of plague.

Couto’s stay in his native land was but a brief one, for he

again left for India in March 1571, never (as it fell out) to

return. He settled down as a citizen in Goa, where he married

Luiza de Mello, whose brother, Frei Adeodato da Trinidade, a

Franciscan, afterwards assisted in the publication of Couto’s

Decades!. Couto was versed in mathematics and geography,

and knew Latin and Italian well, writing poetry in both these

languages. He also took much interest in the history of India

and other countries of Asia, as well as in the manners and

customs and religious beliefs of the peoples of those lands.

When he first entertained the idea of continuing the work left

unfinished by Barros, | do not know; but he appears to have

been (consciously or unconsciously) fitting himself for it for

many years. It was not, however, until some years after the

accession to the throne of Portugal of Philip II. of Spain in

1581 that Couto took any action in this matter. Noticing the

great interest taken by this king im all the affairs of the

Portuguese oversea dominions, Couto seems to have conceived

the idea of writing a volume after the style of one of Barros’s

Decades, commencing, however, not where Barros left off (at

February 1526), but with the year of Philip’s proclamation as

king of Portugal, 1581. His object in so doing was doubtless

to flatter Philip’s vanity, and thus insure the royal patronage

for the work he proposed ; and in this he was successful.

By 1593 Couto had finished the book that forms Decade X. ;

and on 15 November of that year he wrote to the king

informing him of this fact, and begging Philip to pass a provi-

sion enabling him to have access to all state documents

necessary for his carrying out his project. To this letter the

king replied on 28 February 1595, expressing his approval

of Couto’s intention, asking him to send him the volume he had

written”, and requesting him to commence his work where

Barros had left off ; adding, that in order that Couto might the

1 See below, p. 10, note 2.

2 It was not, however, sent to the king until 1601.

No. 60.—1908.] LIFE OF COUTO. . 5

better do this he had ordered to be passed the provision asked

for, and had also appointed Couto chief guardian of the Torre

do Tombo that he was ordering to be built in Goa, to which all

the papers in the custody of the state secretary of India were

to be transferred!. Accordingly a Torre do Tombo was built?,

the Indian archives? were transferred to it, and Couto was

installed therein as guarda mor. This installation appears to

have taken place in 1596+.

Meanwhile Couto, in obedience to the king’s command, set

to work to write the history of India from the point at which

Barros had left it, and by the end of 1596 he had completed his |

Decade IV. and had begun Decade V.° He found himself

somewhat hampered in his task, however, by the refusal of

successive viceroys to allow him access to all official documents,

the reason given being that many of these were of too confi-

dential a nature to pass out of the power cf the viceroy. The

force of this objection Philip recognized, asking, however, that

1 See the king’s letter to Couto, of 28 February 1595, prefixed to

Dec. V.; the alvarad of 25 February 1595, in A.P.-O. iii. 497-8; and

chap. xili. of the royal letter to the viceroy, of 27 February 1595, in

A.P.-O. iii. 508-9. (In the last Philip tells the viceroy to charge Couto

to commence his history where Barros and Castanheda left off, from

which it would seem that the king knew of the existence in manuscript

of Barros’s Decade IV., which ends at January 1539, while Castanheda’s

eighth book terminates in the latter part of 1538.) In view of these

documents, and in the absence of any other evidence, I regard as entirely

fictitious the statements of Man. Sev. de Faria that the idea of continuing

_ the history of India originated with Philip, that Couto was recom-

mended to him for the work, and that the king incharged the task on

Couto, bestowing on him the title of ‘‘ Chronicler of India.”’ Equally

unfounded seems to be the same writer’s assertion that it was by Philip’s

command that Couto wrote Decade X. first.

2 Inside the fort, next to the Casa da Matricola, or general registry

(see A.P.-O, iii. 686).

3 Such as had survived the ravages of damp and white-ants and the

carelessness of officials.

4 See A.P.-O. iii. 843.

® So the king informs the viceroy, ina letter of 3 (? 5) March 1598

(A.P.-O. iil. 842 ff.), on the authority of Couto himself, who had written

to Philip to that effect, also saying that he was sending Decade X.

(which he did not), that he would send Decades IV. and V. that year

(he sent the first only), and that he hoped in future to send a volume

each year (a hope that was not entirely fulfilled).

6 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX.

every assistance possible should be afforded to Couto in the

preparation of his history!. At the same time the king

appears to have begun to entertain doubts regarding Couto’s

capacity for.the work that he had intrusted to him?. No

doubt these suspicions were due to enemies of Couto’s ; and

they were soon set at rest.

By D. Affonso de Noronha, captain-major of the home ward

fleet, who left Goa on 21 December 1597, Couto sent his

Decade IV. to the king?; but Philip II., who had committed

to Couto the task of writing this histcry, was fated not to see

a single volume of it: for when the ships reached Lisbon in

August 1598 he was already past cure, and he died on 13

September. In a letter*, dated 20 November 1597, accom-

panying this volume Couto states that he had already completed

six Decades, viz., IV., V., VI., and X., XI., XII.°, these last

three having been written before he received the royal com-

mand to go back and begin where Barros left off. The history

of the intervening period, he adds, he will strive to write, if life

and the royal favour be continued to him. The receipt of this

letter and the sight of the volume that it accompanied seem to

have dispelled any doubts that the new king Philip III. may

have had in regard to Couto’s capabilities, and we find him

writing now and then to his viceroy to afford the historian all

the assistance he might require’. In accordance with his

1 See A.P.-O. iii. 842-5, 498 n.

* In his letter of 15 February 1597 (A.P.-O. iii. 710-1), the king

speaks of having incharged the writing of the history of India upon one

Diogo do Couto of Goa, and requests the viceroy to obtain information

as to his talent for the task ; while in hig letter of 3 ( 5) March 1598

(A.P.-O. iii. 845-6), the crown prince tells the viceroy that he learns

that Couto is not as capable as he was at first informed, and that he has

a fault in his birth: regarding which matters he orders the viceroy to

inquire in consultation with the archbishop of Goa, and that if they find

him not fit to be intrusted with the history, or the care of the Torre do

Tombo, the king is to be advised thereof, Couto being dissembled with

meanwhile.

3 As he states in Dec. XII. 1. ix.

* It is prefixed to the printed edition of Dec. IV.

5 Probably no more than the first five books of this Decade.

§ See royal letters of 11 January 1599 (c. 5), 25 January 1601 (c. 1).

31 January 1602 (c. 22), and 26 February 1602 (c. 2), in Brit. Mus. Lib.

é cditl. Mss. 20861-2.

No. 60.—1908.] LIFE OF COUTO. i

expressed intention to send the king a volume each year,

Couto seems to have kept back Decade V., in order to forward

it by the homeward fleet of 15991; but he was unable to do

this, the ships that were to have léft Portugal for India in

March 1598 having been prevented from sailing by an

English armada under the command of the Earl of Cumberland

blockading the mouth of the Tagus?. It is probable therefore

that he sent this volume, together with Decade VI., by the

homeward fleet of 1600.

In compliance with a request of the king’s, and possibly

because his seventh Decade was not quite complete, Couto

sent to Philip III. by the fleet leaving India in 16021 the

volume that he had “‘ finished ’’ so far back as 1593, and for

which Philip ITI. had several times asked in vain, viz., Decade

X.5 By one of the ships of the homeward fleet of 1602 Couto

forwarded his Decade VII.6; but unfortunately this vessel,

the Sado Tiago, was captured by the Dutch at St. Helena on

16 March after a severe fight, Couto’s manuscript perishing

with all other documents on board’. On receiving the news

of this disaster, which might have staggered a younger man,

Couto (who seems to have sent home nothing by the fleet of

1603) with characteristic energy set to work and re-wrote the

whole Decade, completing it in time to send it to the king by

the ships that left India for Portugal in 1604. Well might he

say, in the letter? to King Philip that accompanied this

1 In his letter of 6 November 1603 (prefixed to Dec. VII.) Couto

states that hesent the fourth and fifth Decades by the armada of 1597-8,

but in his letter of 20 November 1597 (quoted above), and in Dec. XII. 1.

ix., he distinctly mentions only Decade IV. as having being sent.

2 See Travels of Pedro Teixeira, Introd. xl. n. .

3 Couto in his letter of 6 November 1603 (u.s.) says only that he sent

his sixth Decade by this fleet.

* See Couto’s letter of 6 November 1603 (w.s.).

5 Internal evidence shows that between 1593 and 1600 Couto must

have made additions to and alterations in this Decade.

8 See his letter of 6 November 1603 (u.s.).

7 See Faria y Sousa Asia Port. III. mu. vi. 5. According to this writer

the galleon itself was destroyed; but Valentyn tells us (Swmatra 29) that

the two Dutch ships (Zeelandia and Langebercque) carried her to Zealand,

where silver medals were struck in commemoration of the event.

8 Dated 6 November 1603.

8 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Von. XX.

volume :—* Every time (most Catholic and powerful king

and our lord) that I consider the brevity and little time in

which I finished five Decades of the History of India, which

by command of the most Catholic king D. Filippe, your

father of glorious memory and the first of that name!, I went

continuing on the three of Joao de Barros?, ... certainly

I myself marvel: because I know not what spirit led

me to gather and discover things that were so forgotten, and

of which there was almost no remembrance ; and of countries

so distant and separated as are from remote Maluco to the

Cape of Good Hope: for which were necessary seasons and

monsoons, in order to send for and get the matters and infor-

mationso that the History might be written.”” No wonder, also,

that his letter to the king concludes hopefully with these

words :—‘‘ And I bes your majesty to be pleased to accept

this small service, in order that with the more gusto I may

prosecute this History, which the king your father and your

majesty have enjoined on me, until I arrive at the time of

your majesty, whom may our Lord preserve in health and

long years of life, as is necessary to all Christendom ;”—for

on 10 February 1602 Philip III. had written to Couto?®

acknowledging a letter of his, with suggestions regarding the

Torre do Tombo, of which the king expressed approval, add-

ing that he had ordered provisions to be passed*, which he

was commanding the viceroy to have fulfilled®. Philip con-

cluded his letter thus :—“I have seen the Decades of the

History of India that you sent me®, in which I consider myself

very well served by you, and in the good manner in which you

are proceeding with this, which I enjoin on you to go on

1 That is, the first King Philip of Portugal.

* Couto then specifies the Decades and the years in which he sent

them, as I have stated above.

3 The letter is prefixed to Dec. V.

4This provision, dated 13 February 1602, is printed in a footnote

in A.P.-O. iii. 498-501. It refers to the provision of 25 February

1595 (see above), which, it says, had not yet been fulfilled, and pro-

ceeds to formulate it anew, ordering that it be duly carried out.

5 The letter to the viceroy containing this command is dated 31

January 1602.

6 These were Decs. [V., V., VI., and X.

No. 60.—1908.| LIFE OF COUTO. 9

continuing, and sending me all that you shall do, in order to

have it printed, for which reason I shall keep in mind your

services, in order tc do you the favor that I shall think well.”

Another thing that inspired Couto with hope was probably

the receipt, shortly before he penned his letter to the king,

of a copy of his Decade IV. in print, it having been published

in Lisbon in 1602. But it is just at this point that Couto’s

outturn of Decades falls off, the reason not beingevident. As

we have seen, according to his own statement, he had com- .

pleted Decades X., XI., and XII. (only half of this last prob-

ably) by 1595; and of these the first had been dispatched

to Portugal. Why the other two were not sent immediately

aiterwards I do not know; probably they were kept back for

revision. When they were actually sent we have no record

to show: all we know is, that they were in Portugal by 1614',

and that the half Decade XII. at any rate was not sent home

before 1612?. It must be remembered that Couto was now

over sixty years of age, and had spent the greater part of his

life in India. The high pressure at which he had been work-

ing to produce so many volumes in addition to carrying out

his official duties doubtless began to tell on him, and he realized

with regret that he was no longer able to produce a Decade

each year, as he had hoped to do.

From the time when he wrote his letter of 6 November

1603 to the king until the early part of 1611° I can find not a

single reference to him in the official documents: we only

know that he continued to hold his office of guarda mor of the

Torre do Tombo, and we may surmise that he continued with

the compilation of the two Decades (VIII. and IX.) needed

to fill the existing gap. From a royal letter to the viceroy,

1 So Couto states in his letter of 28 January 1616 (prefixed to Dec.

VILL).

* This is proved by the fact that in XII. 1. v. Couto speaks of

** this [year] of 1611 in which I write this.”

3 In a letter of 9 March 1611 (Doc. Rem. ii. 77) to the viceroy

the king refers to his letter of 5 March 1598, and his provisions of

1595 and 1602, which he orders to be fulfilled, and he gives certain

Instructions for Couto to carry out in connection with his duties at the

Torre do Tombo.

10 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

dated 3rd February 1614, we learn that Couto had written

to the king (at the end of 1612 evidently), but this was on a

matter connected with his duties, and had nothing to do with

his Historyof India. During that year (1612) Couto’s Decade

V. had been published in Lisbon”; and in 1614 Decade VI. was

all printed®, awaiting only the preliminary leaves and the

title-page, when a disastrous fire took place in the printer’s

premises, whereby many of the copies were destroyed*. The

sight of these two Decades in print, and the receipt of Decades

XI. and XII. in manuscript from Couto, were probably the

causes that moved Philip III. to write to his viceroy (D.

Jeronimo de Azevedo) on 21 February 1615 as follows? :—

“Having respect to the services of Diogo do Couto, guarda

mor of the Torre do Tombo of that state, and to the continu-

ation and work with which he proceeds in the said office and

in the writing of the histories of those parts that he has taken

upon himself, I think well to bestow upon him the favor of

five hundred xerafins each year during his life*, and that for

the exercise of the said occupations be given him two clerks

who may assist him therein, who shall be paid quarterly, in

the form in which those of the secretary of that state are

paid ; with the declaration that he actually has them, and

that this shall be made manifest by certificate, before payment

1 See Doc. Rem. iii. 38.

2 I do not know why there should have been such a delay in the

printing of this and the subsequent Decades, unless it were the death,

in 1605, of Couto’s brother-in-law, Fr. Adeodato da Trinidade, to

whom the king had committed the task of seeing the volumes through

the press.

3 According to Barbosa Machado (Bibl. Lusit. i. 10), this Decade

was altered by Couto’s brother-in-law, Fr. Adeodato da Trinidade (who

died in 1605). A comparison of this Decade with Francisco d’An-

drada’s Cronica do .... rey .... D. Jodo III., published 1613, shows

that much of the matter in both works is identical.

* Man. Sev. de Faria says that the only copies that escaped were six

that happened to be in the convent of St. Augustine in Lisbon. This

is a manifest error, as many more than six copies of this edition (for

which no title-page and prefatory matter were ever printed) are in

existence.

5 See Doc. Rem. iii. 254-5.

8 Cf. Bocarro xviii.

No. 60.—1908.] LIFE OF COUTO. 11

be made to him for them. I enjoin upon you and charge you

much that you tell him of the favor that I am bestowing upon

him, and that you order to be passed to him the necessary

dispatches, in the form that is notified to you” +. This shows

that King Philip appreciated Couto’s services; but as the

historian was now over the three score years and ten, it was

unlikely that he would long enjoy the royal grant, and so it

proved.

Before passing on, however, I must mention that during

the year in which the king wrote the above letter (1615) there

was published in Lisbon what professed to be Barros’s Decade

IV. The manuscript left by Barros had, by the king’s orders,

been intrusted to Jodo Baptista Lavanha?, principal cosmo- ~

grapher of Portugal, who not only altered the order of events

as Barros had arranged them, but actually interpolated in

the text passages written by himself, some of them utterly

anachronistic?. He also added footnotes embodying informa-

tion from Couto’s Decade IV. and from other writers. Conse-

quently it is impossible to say how much of this work is

actually by Barros, and whether he is responsible for this or

that statement occurring in it.

In 1616 was published in Lisbon Couto’s Decade VII., a

copy of which he was, however, destined never to see. Mean-

while an event had taken place in India that embittered Couto’s

last days and will ever remain a matter of vexation to students

of the history of Portuguese Asia. The old man tells the

story in a lettert to King Philip written from Goa, 28

January 1616. It seems that by the end of 1614 he had

completed Decades VIII. and I1X., and was to have sent them

in 1615 to the king ; but some evil-disposed person stole the

1 On the margin of the original is the note :—“ He was informed of

it and a dispatch was passed to him.”

* According to Man. Sev. de Faria two persons had previously been

intrusted with the work of editing, but neither had been able to fulfil

the task.

_ 3See the caustic remarks of Faria y Sousa in the Advertencias pre-

fixed to tom. I. of his Asia Portuguesa. And yet Man. Sev. de Faria

highly commends this piece of patchwork, which he describes as “ one

_ of the best books that we have today in our vulgar tongue.”

4 Prefixed to Dec. VIII.

12 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

volumes!, intending (so Couto thought) after the death of

the author to publish them as his (the thief’s) production?. In

consequence of this catastrophe Couto set to work, and with

amazing energy succeeded in the course of the year in com-

piling a summary of the whole of the eighth and a good part

of the ninth Decade®. This he dispatched to the king by the

homeward ships of 1616, accompanying the manuscript with

the letter referred to above, probably the last he ever wrote

to Philip, for on 10 December 1616 Couto died, at the good

old age of 73. The news of his death was conveyed to the

king by the viceroy D. Jeronimo de Azevedo in the following

letter* :—

SirE,—Diogo do Couto, guarda mor of the Torre do Tombo of

this State, and who was writing the history of it by order of your

majesty, is dead. And as in his lifetime, because of his being so

deserving and old, and because of the great persistency with

which he addressed me regarding it, I granted him that on his

death the said office of guarda mor should go to Domingos de

Castilho®, married to a niece of his, whom he had in place of

daughter®, and to this end passed to him an alvara of reminder,

1 Man. Sev. de Faria says that at the time Couto was seriously ill,

but what his authority is for this statement I do not know; Couto

says nothing in his letter of any illness.

2 Whatever the object of the theft, the manuscripts were evidently

destroyed, as no trace of them has ever been found.

3'The summary of Dec. IX. goes only as far as July 1575, so that

five years and a half remain unrecorded. At the end of this fragment

is a note, presumably by Couto:—‘*‘I reached thus far, and did not

get further.”

4 Printed, from the Livro das Moncées No. 12, last fol., in the Chro-

nista de Tissuary iv., No. 41 (May 1869), p. 82.

> Couto mentions this man in Dec. XII. 1. vii. as taking part in

the attack on Cunhale in 1599. He calls him a “ native of Ceita.”

The only other reference to him that I have found is in a royal letter

of 22 February 1613 (Doc. Rem. ii. 330), from which it seems that

he killed a certain Francisco de Mello whom he found in his house for

the purpose, as he suspected, of committing adultery with his wife, whom

also he was inclined to kill, until she showed his suspicions to be baseless.

Domingos de Castilho was acquitted of the murder, but it was left open

to the relatives of the slain man to take action against him within

twenty years.

® Couto had but one child, a daughter, who died unmarried.

No. 60.—1908.] - LIFE OF COUTO. 13

I found myself obliged to fulfil it to him : and so in virtue thereof

there passed a letter of the said office to the said Domingos de

Castilho for it to be confirmed by your majesty. And neverthe-

less the said Domingos de Castilho has not the talent for continu-

ing the history, and of the subjects over here, of whom, it seems to

me, one can take account for this occupation, which must always

go united with the said office of guarda mor, I find that the most

suitable is the licentiate Nicolao da Silva, who was chief justice

of this supreme court, and served with satisfaction both in it as

well as in other offices of importance in which he was employed,

and is very experienced, and of much learning, and besides these

good qualities uniting in his person, and his being well equipped

with one thing and another, I shall receive a favour from your

majesty? in all that you shall be pleased to do to him. God keep,

. &c. From Goa, 30 December 1616.

That the king did not confirm the above appointment

(though why, we can only surmise) is evident from the follow-

ing passage in a letter? of 12 February 1620, from the

governor Fernao de Albuquerque to the king :—‘“‘ The office

of guarda mor of the Torre do Tombo, which fell vacant by the

death of Diogo do Couto, has been badly bestowed upon Gaspar

d’Ares*, upon whom the count® bestowed it on the petition

of the city, and it is very important to the service of your

-majesty to order this office to be bestowed upon a person

of understanding, and that he do his duty.” What the result

of this representation was, 1 do not know; but the death of

Philip LI11.in 1521 probably put an end for a time to the idea

1 Bocarro mentions (cap. xii.) that in 1613 the viceroy and council

at Goa resolved to send to Ormuz a person with the powers of veador da

fazenda, and chose for that purpose “ the licentiate Nicolau da Silva,

in whom were united the qualities of intelligence, integrity, good dis-

course, and all else that could be desired for such an office.”’

2 When D. Jeronimo wrote this the king had probably already

given instructions for his arrest and deportation from India in fetters

(see Bocarro, cap.:1xxxvi.).

8 Printed from Livro das Moncées 22, fol. 450, in the Chron. de

Tissuary, U.s.

4 T can find no reference elsewhere to this man.

5 D. Jodo Coutinho, Conde de Redondo, who succeeded D. Jeronimo

de Azevedo as viceroy in November 1617, and died 10 November

1619.

14 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON).. [VoL. XX.

of continuing the Decades!. It was not until nine years after

his accession that Philip IV. wrote to the viceroy, the Conde

de Linhares, to look for a man to continue the history of India,

in accordance with which command Antonio Bocarro was

chosen?, who, however, wrote the history of only five years,

and, through a misunderstanding, commenced his record

with the succession to the viceroyalty of D. Jeronimo de

Azevedo in December 1612?, thus leaving a period of twelve

years unchronicled.

We have seen above that up to the time of Couto’s death

four of his Decades had been printed, viz., the fourth, fifth,

sixth, and seventh. Decade VIII. (or rather the summary thereof

made by Couto) was not printed until 1673, when it was pub-

lished in Lisbon, but from a faulty manuscript apparently’.

The fragmentary summary of Decade IX. was never published

separately, but first appeared in 1736 in conjunction with the

preceding Decades. Of Decade X. 120 pages were printed,

to form part of this edition, but for some reason the volume

was never finished®; so that it was not until 1788 that this

Decade, the first that Couto wrote, appeared complete in

print®, forming part of the 1778-88 edition of Barros and

1 See, however, Teixeira de Aragéo, Descr. Ger. e Hist. das Moedas, &c.,

ili. 79, where it is stated that by an alward of 21 May 1620 Fernao

de Albuquerque appointed Joao Vasco Casco (?) in substitution of

Gaspar. Aires (sic); that on 31 December 1622 D. Fran. da Gama

appointed to the office Gaspar de Sousa de Lacerda, knight of St.

James, on 14 November 1623 Alvaro Pinto Coutinho, intitled cosmo-

grapher, and on 2 December 1626 Bartholomeu Galvao, ‘‘ with. the

charge also of continuing to write the history.”

2 See Bocarro Introd. xvii.

3 See Bocarro Introd. xvii. 2, 377.

4%nn. Fran. da Silva, in his Dicc. Bibl. Port. ii. 154, says that, among

other faults, this edition is “‘ full of locutions and phrases very different

from the style of Couto.” The British Museum Library contains a

manuscript, written in 1654, of this summary of Dec. VIII., which

varies much from the printed edition. (It is evidently a duplicate of

the manuscript owned by the Visconde de Azevedo, described in Silva’s

Dicc. Bibl. Port. ix., supplt. 122-3.) ;

5 See Silva’s Dicc. Bibl. Port. ix., supplt. 122.

6 From a manuscript in the library of the convent da Graga in Lisbon

(Dicc. Bibl. Port. ii. 154).

No. 60.—1908.| LIFE OF COUTO. 15

Couto’s Decades. The first five books of Decade XII.

(evidently all that Couto wrote of it) were published in 1645,

not in Portugal, but in Paris, from a manuscript discovered

there by the Portuguese consul. The fate of Decade XI. is an

unsolved mystery. That Couto wrote it and sent it to Por-

tugal, we have already seen; and that the manuscript was

extant for many years afterwards seems certain, since Faria

y Sousa claims to have used it in compiling the third volume of

his Asta Portuguesa! ; but it had disappeared by the eighteenth

century, and no trace of it has been discovered since—a most

serious and irreparable loss.

THe PRESENT TRANSLATION.

In the following translation I have endeavoured to be as

literal as possible, and have not hesitated to employ a number

of words now obsolete in English, which are recorded in the

New English Dictionary. For convenience sake I have made

the translation from the standard edition of Barros-Couto of

1778-88, but have corrected it by the earliest printed editions

of the Decades, and in the case of Decades VIII. to X. by the

early manuscript in the British Museum Library referred to

in a footnote above. Ihave also restored the spelling of proper

names as given in the earliest versions: hence a sacrifice of

uniformity. The only liberty I have taken is with the punc-

tuation, which I have altered where necessary, in many cases

splitting up paragraphs and sentences, some of the latter,

especially in Couto, being terribly long.

In the notes to each chapter I have given in as succinct a

form as possible such information from other sources as I

thought needful for the better understanding of the matters

dealt with. The gathering of this information has cost me

‘See the Prologue and list of manuscripts in tom. I. And yet, if we

examine the history of the period covered by the lost Decade as narrated

by Faria y Sousa, we can find nothing (except, possibly, one short

passage) to lead us to suppose that he had made the slightest use of

Couto’s work.

16 | JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XX.

no little time and trouble; and I hope that the facts recorded ©

(many of them for the first time in English) will prove of

interest to students of Ceylon history.

I have to express my thanks to Mr. H. C. Corrie, Ceylon

Government Printer, for the pains he has taken to msure

accuracy in the spelling of names, &c.

DoF:

AUTHORITIES REFERRED TO.

Alg. Doc.—Algquns Documentos do Archivo Nacional da Torre

do Tombo, &e. Lisbon. 1892.

Arch. da Rel. de Goa.—Archivo da Relagdéo de Goa, &e. Por

J. I. de Abranches Garcia. 2 pits. Nova Goa. 1872-4.

Arch. Port.-Or.—Archiwvo Portuguez-Oriental. (Ed. by J. H.

da Cunha Rivara.) 6fascic. Nova Goa. 1857-76.

Bald.—Beschryving van het machtige Hyland Ceylon, &e. Door

Philippus Baldzus. 1672. (The English trans. in vol. III.

of Churchill’s collection of voyages being very erroneous,

I have made reference to the original edition.)

Barb.—A Description of the Coasts of Hast Africa and Malabar

in the Beginning. of the Sixteenth Century, by Duarte Barbosa.

Trans. by Hon. H. E. J. Stanley. (Hakluyt Soc.) London.

1866.

Boc.—Decada 13 da Historia da India. Por Ant. Bocarro.

Lisbon. 1876.

Bowrey.—A Geographical Account of Countries round the Bay

of Bengal, 1669 to 1679. By T. Bowrey. Ed. by Sir R. C.

Temple. (Hakluyt Soc.) London. 1905.

Cartas de S. B.—See Tombo do Est. da Ind.

Cc. A. §. Jl.—Journal of the Asiatic Society of Ceylon.

Colombo, v. y.

Cast.—Historia do Descobrimento e Conqvista da India pelos

Portugveses. Por Fernao Lopez de Castanheda. Nova ed.

8 vols. Lisbon. 1833.

C. Lit. Reg.—Ceylon Interary Register. Vols. I. to VII.

Colombo. 1887-92. |

Col. de Trat.—Collecedo de Tratados e concertos de pazes, &e.

Por J. F. Judice Biker. 14tom. Lisbon. 1881-7.

No. 60.—1908.] AUTHORITIES REFERRED TO. 17)

Com. of Af. Dalb.—The Commentaries of the Great Afonso

Dalboquerque, &c. Trans., &c., by W. de Gray Birch.

4 vols. (Hakluyt Soc.) London. 1875-84.

Cor.—Lendas da India. Por Gaspar Correa. (Pub. by the Acad.

Real das Sciencias de Lisboa.) 4 vols. Jisbon. 1858-66.

C. P. Gaz.—A Gazetteer of the Central Province of Ceylon.

By A. C. Lawrie. 2 vols. Colombo. 1896-8.

Des. Cat.—A Descriptive Catalogue of Sanskrit, Pdli, and

Sinhalese Literary Works of Ceylon. By James d’Alwis.

Colombo. 1870.

Doc. Rem.—Documentos Remetiidos da India, ou Livros das

Mongées. (Pub. by Royal Acad. of Sciences, Lisbon.)

4tom. Lisbon. 1880-93.

Fig. Fale.—Liro em que se contem toda a fazenda e real patri-

‘monio dos reinos de Portugal, India e ilhas adjacentes, &c.

Por Luiz de Figueiredo Falc&o. Lisbon. 1859.

Fitch, Ralph.—Ralph Fitch, Hngland’s Pioneer to India and

Burma, &. By J. H. Ryley. London. 1899.

Fonseca.—An Historical and Archeological Sketch of the City

of Goa. By J N. da Fonseca. Bombay. 1878.

Forg. Emp.—A Forgotten Empire (Vijayanagar). By R.

Sewell. London. 1900.

F. y 8.—Asia Portuguesa. De M. de #aria y Sousa. 3 tom.

Lisbon. 1666-75.

Galvao, Ant.—The Discoveries of the World, &c. By Antonio

Galvano. Reprinted, from ed. of 1601, with the original

Portuguese text. Edited by Vice-Admiral Bethune. (Hak-

luyt Sec.) London. 1862. (The English translation being

very incorrect in many parts, the references are to the

Portuguese text as reprinted.)

Garcia da Orta.—Coloquios dos Simples e Drogas da India por

Garciada Orta. Dir. e annot. pelo Conde de Ficalho. 2 vols.

Lisbon. 1891-5.

Heydt.—Allerneuester Geographisch- und Topographischer Schau-

Platz von Africa und Ost-Indien, &. Von J. W. Heydt.

Wilhermsdorff. 1744.

FAlist. Seraf.——Historia Serafica Cronologica da Ordem dos

Frades Menores de S. Francisco na Provincia de Portugal.

Composta por Manoel da Esperanga e Fr. Fernando da

Soledade. 5tom. Lisbon. 1656-1721.

f1ob.-J0b.—Hobson-Jobson : a Glossary of Colloquial Anglo-

Indian Words and Phrases, &c. By Col. H. Yule and

A.C. Burnell. Newedition,ed. by W.Crooke. London. 1903.

Hunter.—A History of British India. By W. W. Hunter.

2 vols. London. 1899-1900.

6) 36-08

18 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX.

Imp. Gaz.—The Imperial Gazetteer of India. By W.W. Hunter.

14 vols. London. 1885-7. [New ed. 24 vols. London.

1907-8. ]

Ind. in the Fift. Cent.—India in the Fifteenth Century, &e.

Trans. and ed. by R. H. Major. (Hakluyt Soc.) London.

1858.

Knox.—An Historical Relation of the Island Ceylon, in the

Hast-Indies, &c. By Robert Knox. London. 1681.

Letters from Portuguese Captives in Canton, written. im 1534 and

1536. Trans. and ed. by D. Ferguson. (Reprinted from

the Indian Antiquary.) Bombay. 1902.

Lopes.—Historia dos Portuguezes no Malabar por Zinadim.

Publ. e trad. por David Lopes. Lisbon. 1898.

Mahdv.—The Mahdvansa. Trans. by L. C. Wijesinha.

Colombo. 1889.

Marco Polo.—The Book of Ser Marco Polo. Trans. and ed. by

H. Yule. 3rded. 2vols. London. 1903.

‘“McCrindle.—Ancient India, as described in Classical Lnterature.

Trans., &c., by J. W. McCrindle. London. 1901.—Ancient

India as described by Ptolemy. ByJ.W.McCrindle. Bombay.

1885.—The Commerce of the Hrythrean Sea. (Arrian.)

By J. W. McCrindle. Bombay. 1879.—Ancient India as

described by Megasthenes and Arrian. By J. W. McCrindle.

Bombay. 1877.

Miss. dos Jes.—Missoes dos Jesuitos no Oriente nos seculos

XVI e XVII. Por J. P. A. da Camara Manoel. Lisbon.

1894.

M. Int. Reg.—Monthly Literary Regisiter and Notes and Queries

for Ceylon. Vols. I. to VI. Colombo. 1893-6.

Orient.—The Orrentalist, &c. Hd. by W. Goonetilleke. 4 vols.

Bombay. 1884-94.

Phil.—The History of Ceylon, &c. By Philalethes [Rev. R.

Fellowes]. London. 1817.

Prim. e Hon.—Primor e Honra da Vida Soldadesca no Hstado

da India, &. [?By Fr. A. Freyre, 1580.] Lisbon. 1630.

Purchas.—Hakluytus Posthumus: or, Purchas His Pilgrimes.

et By Samuel Purehas, B.D. New ed. 20 vols.

Glasgow. 905-5.

Pyr.—The Voyage of Francois Pyrard of L val to the East

Indies, &c. Trans. by Albert Gray, assisted by H. C. P.

Bell. 2 vols. (Hakluyt Soc.) London. 1887-90.

Rajav.—The Rijavaliya : or, a Historical Narrative of Sinhalese

Kings from Vijaya to Vimala Dharma Surya II. Trans. by

B. Gunasékara. Colombo. 1900.

Reb. de Cey.—Rebelion de Ceylan, &c. Juan Rodriguez de Saa

y Menezes. Lisbon. 1681.

No. 60.—1908.] AUTHORITIES REFERRED TO. 19

7 J

Rep. on Keg. Dist.—Report on the Kégalla District, &c. (Arch.

Survey of Ceylon.) By H.C. P. Bell. Colombo. 1892.

Rib.—Fatalidade Historica da Ilha de Ceilado. Escrita pelo

Capitéio Joaéio Ribeiro. (In tom. v. of Colleccdéo de Noticias

para a Historia e Geographia das Nacoes Ultramarinos, pub.

pela Acad. Real das Sciencias.) Lisbon. 1836.

Sela L. S.—Sela Lihina Sandese. Ed. and trans. by W. C.

Macready. Colombo. 1865.

Skeen.—Adam’s Peak. Legendary, Traditional, and Historic

Notices of the Samanala and Sri-Pdada, &c.. By W. Skeen.

London. 1870.

Stephens, H. Morse. CHEE (Story of the Nations.)

‘London. 1891.

Suckl.—Ceylon : a General Description of the Island, &c. By

an. Officer, late of the Ceylon Rifles [7.e., Capt. H. J. Suckling].

2 vols. London. 1876.

Teix.—The Travels of Pedro Teixeira, &c. Trans. and annot.

by W. F. Sinclair, with notes and introd. by D. Ferguson.

(Hakluyt Soc.) London. 1902.

Ten.—Ceylon, &c. By Sir J. Emerson Tennent. 2 vols.

5th ed. London. 1860.

Three Voy. of V. da Gama.—The Three Voyages of Vasco da

Gama and his Viceroyalty. From the Lendas da India of

Gaspar Correa. Trans. by H. EK. J. Stanley. (Hakluyt

Soc.) London. 1869.

Tombo do Est. da Ind.—Tombo do Estado da India. (Por

Simao Botelho.) In Subsidios para a Historia da India

Portugueza, pub. by the Acad. Real das Sciencias. Lisbon.

1858.

Val.—Oud en Ni2uw Oost-Indien, &e. Door Francois Valentyn.

5 deelen. Dordrecht and Amsterdam. 1724-6. (The

Ceylon portion is in deel v.)

Varth.—The Travels of Ludovico de Varthema, &c. Trans. by

J. Winter Jones, and ed. by G. P. Badger. (Hakluyt Soc.)

-London. 1863.

ey. —The Rise of Portuguese Power in India, 1497-1550.

By R. 8. Whiteway. London. 1899.

20: JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

BARROS.

DECADE I.

593-1506 A.D.

BEGINNING with the rise of Islam in 593, Barros describes

the occupation of Spain by the Moors, the elevation of Portu-

gal to a separate kingdom, and the expulsion of the Moors

from Europe. He then treats of the navigator Prince Henry,

and the various Portuguese voyages of discovery during the

15th century, culminating in the pioneer voyage to India of

Vasco da Gama in 1497. The subsequent expeditions to India

are then described, including that of the first viceroy D.

Francisco de Almeida, in 1505 ; and almost at the end of the

Decade we are told of the “discovery ” of Ceylon by the

viceroy’s son, D. Lourencgo de Almeida.

For several years after Vasco da Gama’s pioneer voyage to

India, 1497-9, the Portuguese, though well aware that the

finest cinnamon came from Ceylon, made no attempt to open

up direct communication with that island. The reasons for

this I have explained fully in my paper on “** The Discovery of

Ceylon by the Portuguese in 1506,” and need therefore here

only say that the principal reason was that they were able to

obtain a sufficiency of cinnamon for their homeward ships

from the Moorish merchants at Calicut and Cochin, and that

the Malabar ports supplied them with abundance oi pepper,

which: spice always formed the bulk of their cargoes for

Europe.

Sinhalese Rulers in Ceylon.—Vira Parakrama Bahu VIIL.,

1485-1505 (Kotté) ; Vijaya Bahu VIT., 1505-34 (Dondra and

Kotteé).

Dec. I., BK. v., CHAP. vi.

ok * K *k ok ok ok

Sealers Het learnt that from Cochij, a city some twenty

miles from there, had set sail a ship, which had come from the

1 Cége Cemecerij, a leading Moor of Calicut, who was jealous of the

greater confidence placed in his rival Coge Bequij by the Portuguese

factor Aires Correa, and sought for some means of revenge. The time

is October 1500.

No. 60.—1908.] BARROS: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 21

= j /

island of Ceilam, and carried seven elephants, which it was

conveying for sale to the kingdom of Cambaya'!; and it

belonged to two merchants of the same Cochij, who were called

Mammale Mercar and Cherina Mercar? ........ he went to

Aires Correa, and pretending that in this he was doing him a

service, told him that he had had news, that from the port of

Coulam® had set sail a ship laden with all kinds of spicery,

with which he could well load two of our ships, and that it was

bound for Mecha, and on the way had to take in some ginger

- at Cananor* ......

* * * * * * *

Dac. I., BK. vi., CHAP. vi.

* ok ok k ok ok *k

nes The king of Cochij during this time had not yet seen

the admiral’ ; and because he learnt [November 1502] that

there was about to enter his port a ship of Calecut, which was

coming from Ceilam, and which belonged to a Moor of Calecut

called Nine Mercar, fearing that Vincente Sodre on going out

would capture it, he sent and begged the admiral that he

would not impede that ship, which he wished to enter that

port of his, although it was from Calecut® ......

1 Cambay was at this time one of the chief markets for the sale of

Ceylon elephants (see Barb. 55, 64, 167; and injra, p. 23).

2 These two brothers were the leading Moorish merchants at Cochin,

and their operations were very widespread. The Laccadives were

known to the early Portuguese as ‘‘the islands of Mamale ”’ (see Pyr.

i. 323 n., 1. 481), and this man had a monopoly of the Maldive trade

until deprived of it by the Portuguese.

§ Quilon. The edition of 1778 has “ Ceilao.”

4 Misled by this story, the Portuguese attacked the ship, which,

worsted in the fight, took refuge in the bay of Cananor, whence the

victors conveyed it to Calicut, where the Portuguese “‘ common people ”’

feasted on the flesh of the elephants that had been killed in the engage-

ment. Discovering the fraud, the Portuguese commander, Pedralvares

Cabral, returned the vessel to its captain, with apologies for the damage

done. Such is Barros’s version, but Castanheda (I. xxxvii.) simply

says that the samuri, wishing to buy an elephant, asked the Portu-

guese to intercept the ship.

5 Vasco da Gama.

6 Since the massacre at Calicut, in December 1 500, of the factor

Aires Correa and between thirty and forty others, the Portuguese had

declared unceasing war against Calicut and all connected therewith.

D2, JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

Dec. I., BK. x., CHapP. v.

How the viceroy sent his son Dom Lourenco to discover the

islands of Maldiva and the island of Ceilam ; and what he

did on this voyage until he returned to Cochij.

The Moors who engaged in the traffic of the spiceries and

riches of India, seeing that with our entrance into it they could

no longer make their voyages because of these armadas that

we maintained on the Malabar coast, at which they all called,

sought for another new route by which to convey the spiceries

that they obtained from the parts about Malaca, such as

cloves, nutmegs, mace, sandalwood, pepper, which they ob-

tained from the island of Camatra at the ports of Pedir and

Pacem, and many other things from those parts ; which route

they followed by coming outside of the island of Ceilam and

between the islands of Maldiva, crossing that great gulf until

they reached the mouths of the two straits that we have men-

tioned!, in order to avoid this coast of India which we had

closed to them. When the viceroy learnt of this new route

that they were taking, and also of the island of Ceilam, where

they loaded cinnamon because all that was to be found in

those parts was there, on the ground of the great importance

that it would be to the king’s service to stop that route, and

to discover that island, and also those of Maldiva, by reason

of the coir that was obtained from them, which was the one

essential for all the Indian navigation, all the rigging being

made of it, he determined to send his son Dom Loureng¢o on

this enterprise, it being the monsoon weather for that passage”.

The latter took nine sail of those that formed his armada ; and

owing to the little knowledge that our people had of that route,

although they took with them some natives, they were carried

by the currents to the island of Ceilam, which the ancients

call Tapobrana, regarding which we shall give a copious

relation? when we come to describe what Lopo Soarez did

there when he founded a fortress in one of its ports called

Columbo, which is fourteen leagues above that of Gale, at

which Dom Lourengo made landfall*, which is at the point

1 The ‘‘ two straits ’’ are those of the Persian Gulf and the Red Sea,

the spice trade with which, before the arrival of the Portuguese in

India, Barros describes in I. vit. i.

2 On this see my ‘‘ Discovery of Ceylon by the Portuguese in 1506,”

in C.A.S. Jl., vol. xix., No. 59 (1907), where I show the date to have

been September 1506.

3 See III. 1. i. (p. 29 ff).

4 On this error see my ‘“‘ Discovery of Ceylon,” pp. 308-9, and cf.

infra, p. 27, note *.

No. 60.—1908.] BARROS: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 23

of the island, in which he found many ships of Moors, who were

engaged in loading cinnamon and elephants for Cambaya!,

who when they saw themselves surrounded by our armada,

in order to secure their persons and property, pretended to

desire peace with us, and that the king of Ceilam had en-

joined upon them that when they crossed over to the coast of

India they were to notify the viceroy to send him some person

to conclude peace and friendship with the king of Portugal

on account of his proximity to his captains and the fortresses

that they were making in India, and also because of the cinna-

mon that was in that island of his, and other wares, which he

could give him for the loading of his ships by way of trade.

As Dom Lourengo had set out to discover and capture the

ships of the Moors of Mecha that were sailing from the strait

to Malaca by that new route, and as by the cargo of elephants

that these had, as well as from other information that he

received from the native pilots that he carried, he knew them

to be ships of Cambaya, with which we were not at war, he

did not wish to do them any harm ; and also because of arriv-

ing with an armed force at that port, where the Moors had

spread the report that the Portuguese were sea-pirates ; so he

rather accepted what they offered on behalf of the king. And

by their means he got together some of the people of the coun-

try, with whose approval he erected a stone padram? on a rock,

and upon it ordered to be cut some letters saying how he had

arrived there, and had discovered that island ; and Gongalo

Gongalvez, who was the stone-cutter that did the work,

-although he was not a Hercules to boast of the padroées of his

discovery, because these were in a place of such renown, put

his name at the foot of it ; and so Gongalo Gongalvez remains

more truly the stone-cutter of that pillar than Hercules is the

author of many that the Greeks attributed to him in their

writings?.

When the Moors saw that Dom Lourengo trusted in the

words that they spoke to him on behalf of the king, they pre-

tended to go and come with messages to him, and finally

brought four hundred bahares of cinnamon of that which they —

had collected on shore for loading, saying that the king in

token of the peace and amity which he desired to have with the

king of Portugal, although it had not been agreed to by his

ambassadors, offered him all that cinnamon to load his ships

with, if he wished. And because Dom Lourengo said that he

1 See p. 21, note }.

2 Regarding this padrao see my paper cited, pp. 311-2.

3 Barros alone gives these details.

24 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

wished to send a message to the king, they offered to take and

bring back the persons that-he should select for that purpose,

who were, Payo de Sousa, who went in the capacity of ambas-

sador, and for his clerk Gaspar Diaz, son of Martim Alho, a

resident of Lisbon, and Diogo Velho, a servant of Dom Martinho

de Castellobranco, the king’s comptroller of revenue, who

afterwards became Condede Villanova, and one Fernam Cotrim,

and other persons of his servicet. These being intrusted to

the Moors who had arranged this expedition were conducted

through such dense thickets that they could scarcely see the

sun, taking so many turns that it seemed to them more like

a labyrinth than a direct road to any place; and after travel-

ling for a whole day they brought them to an open place, where

were many people, and at the end of it were some houses of

_ wood which seemed to be something superior, where they said

he had come to take his pleasure, that place being a kind of

country-seat. At the end of this open space, at a good dis-

tance from the houses, they made them wait, saying that it

was not proper for them to go further without leave of the

king ; and they began to go and come, with messages and

questions to Payo de Sousa, as if they came from the king,

feigning to be pleased at his coming. Finally Payo de Sousa

with only two of his company was conducted to that place,

where, according to the Moors, was the person of the king ;

and as soon as they reached him he at once dispatched them,

feigning to be pleased at seeing things of the king of Portugal’s,

giving thanks to Payo de Sousa for coming and to the captain-

major for sending them to him ; and saying that as regarded

the peace and amity that he desired to have with the king of

Portugal, he would send his ambassadors to Cochij, and that

in token thereof he had sent the cinnamon, and would order

to be given them whatever they might need for the provision

of the armada ; and with this he dispatched him. The which

manner of Payo de Sousa’s going and coming at the hand of

these Moors, and his arrival at this place, and the conversa-

tion that he had with this person, who they told him was the

king of Ceilam,—the whole was a trick of theirs, and in a

way a representation of things that did not exist, part of which

Payo de Sousa understood, and afterwards knew of a truth.

For this man with whom he spoke, although from the bearing

of his person and the reverence paid to him by his people he

seemed to be what they said, was not the king of Ceilam, but

the lord of the port of Galle; and others had it that it was not

he, but some other noble personage, who by his order and the

* On the embassy see my paper referred to, pp. 309-10.

No. 60.—1908.] BARROS: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 25

artifice of the Moors showed himself to our people in that

manner and place, to the endfthat for that time they might

secure their ships ; and whilst they were occupied in this, they

would collect the goods that they had on shore, which they did.

When Dom Lourengo learnt from Payo de Sousa what had

passed, and perceived how matters stood, he dissembled with

the Moors, because, as that island was under a heathen king

(although at that time there was no certain knowledge of its

affairs), it seemed to him that, whether it were he with whom

Payo de Sousa spoke, or not, the whole might have been

arranged by him, all the heathen kings being very supersti-

tious in their mode of communication with us, and that per-

chance the Moors had frightened him that he should not do it ;

so without desiring to inquire further into the matter, because

the weather would not allow his remaining longer in that port,

where he ran risks, he set sail to return to Cochijy. And be-

cause Nuno Vaz Pereira, through the rough weather that had

forced them to leave, broke the mainyard of his ship, he found

it necessary to return once more to the port!, where he found

that our padram was already blackened by fire, as if they had

lighted one at the foot of it ; and on asking the reason of this

of the Moors who were there, they laid the blame on the

heathens of the country, saying that the latter beimg an

idolatrous people had their fancies about a thing wherever it

was made. Nuno Vaz, dealing with the matter in the form of

threats if they carried this further, overlooked the past offence ;

and having mended the yard of his ship returned to Dom

Lourengo, whom he found on the coast of India in a place

called Berinjam?, which is in the lordship of Coulam. And

because some Moors who were there had taken part in the

murder of Antonio de 8a°, Dom Lourengo went ashore and

burnt the village ; in which affair moreover there was blood

shed, both of the natives and of our people, owing to the

resistance that they made to the landing and the burning of

certain ships that were there awaiting cargo; and having

taken this revenge for the injury that those Moors had done,

Dom Lourengo left for Cochij, where he arrived with his fleet.

1 Barros alone relates this incident.

2 Vilinjam in Travancore, 12 miles south of Trivandrum.

3 At Quilon in 1505.

26 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). _ (Vou. XX.

BARROS.

DECADE It.

1506-1515 A.D.

Portuguese Governors of India.—D. Francisco de Almeida,

viceroy, to October 1509; Affonso de Albuquerque, governor,

October 1509 to September 1515.

Sinhalese Rulers in Ceylon.—Vijaya Bahu VII., 1505-34

(Dondra and Kotté) ; Dharma Parakrama Bahu IX., 1508-27

(Kotté).

The only reference to Ceylon in this Decade is that here

given, of great importance, in that it testifies to the fact that

Columbo, and not Galle, was the port at which the Portu-

guese made landfall when they first “‘ discovered ”’ Ceylon.

For other visits to Ceylon by the Portuguese during this

period, see my paper already referred to.

Dec. II., Bk. m1., CHAP. 1.

* ok ok * * * *e

Sa While thus giving final orders in the matters of this

fleet against the Rooms! and the cargo of spicery for the ships

that had to come that year to this kingdom, as cinnamon was

wanting for them, he sent Nuno Vaz Pereira? in the ship

Sancto Spirito to the island of Ceilam to bring it, who had come

from Sofala in the ships of the fleet of Jorge de Mello, handing

over the fortress to Vasco Gomez Dabreu, as mentioned above?.

By which journey he got nothing, only there came with him

1 Turks (see Hob.-Job. $.U.).

2 See p. 25. The time is September—October 1508.

Ey Gay OU aie ays,

No. 60.—1908.] BARROS: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 27

Garcia de Sousa, who had been there since the expedition he

made when he went to supply the ships of Ruy Soarez!: and

the cause of his not bringing cinnamon was that the king of

the country was very ill?, and the Moors had incited the hea-

then to hatred of us. And though Nuno Vaz might have done

them harm, he bore an order from the viceroy that he should

not levy war, by reason of the peace that his son Dom Lourengo

had agreed to, the witness of which was the padram that he

left standing in the town of Columbo, which Nuno Vaz saw’?.

* % ok * * 28 **

* Who had arrived at Cape Comorin after the south-west monsoon

had burst, and was in danger of losing his ship.

2 Barros only records this fact.

3 Here Barros flatly contradicts his assertion in I. x. v. (pp. 22, 24)

that Galle was the port at which the padrdo was erected.

28 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Von. XX.

BARROS.

DECADE III.

1515-1526 a.p.

Portuguese Governors of India.—Lopo Soares de Albergaria,

governor, September 1515 to September 1518 ; Diogo Lopes

de Sequeira, governor, September 1518 to January 1522; D.

Duarte de Menezes, governor, January 1522 to September

1524; D. Vasco da Gama, viceroy, September to December

1524 ;.D. Henrique de Menezes, governor, January 1525 to

February 1526. :

Sinhalese Rulers in Ceylon.—Vijaya Bahu VII., 1505-34

(Dondra and Kotté) ; Dharma Parakrama Bahu IX., 1508-27

(Kérté).

Portuguese Captains of Columbo.—D. Joao da Silveira,

1518-20 (2); Lopo de Brito, 1520(?)-2; Fernao Gomes de

Lemos, 1522-4.

The chief events in connection with the history of Ceylon

described in this Decade are the erection of a fort at Columbo

in 1518 by Lopo Soares de Albergaria ; the subsequent siege

(in 1620) by the Sinhalese of that fort, which was defended

against them by the captain Joao de Brito ; and its demolition

by royal command in 1524. In bk. m1. chap. i. Barros gives

a learned dissertation on Ceylon as known to the ancients, and

a succinct description of the island as it was in the middle of

the sixteenth century.

Dre Th Be. mCHar. x.

* ok * ok ** kK *

siteaeees And he! also sent Antonio de Saldanha [in April

1518] with a fleet of six sail to the coast of Arabia, as the king

Dom Manuel had commanded ; and he did not take as many

rowing vessels as he had intended to take, because Lopo Soarez

} The governor Lopo Soares.

No. 60.—1908.] BARROS: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 29

had need of them for the Ceilam expedition, as will be seen

furtheron....... he! set out for India, and arrived at the time

that Lopo Soarez had gone to the island of Ceilam to build

a fortress, which the king Dom Manuel had commanded

him to make?. And because of this island’s being so notable

a thing, and one regarding which many have written some

things without trustworthy information, we shall enter upon

the second book of this Third Decade by describing the position

and the notable things of it.

Dec. ITI., Br. u., CHAP. i.

In which is described the position and things of the island of

Cetlam, which the ancients call Tapobrana?.

The island which we generally call Ceilam*, whose king

Lopo Soarez had gone to place under the obedience of the

king Dom Manuel, is situated in front of Cape Comorij, which

is the southernmost land of the whole of Indiajthat lies between

the two famous rivers Indus and Ganges. The which island

is almost of an oval form, and its direction is along this coast

of India towards the rumb that the seamen call north-east,

the point of which, that which: lies furthest south, is in the

altitude of six degrees, and that of the north almost in ten>,

whereby the length of it will be seventy-eight leagues, and

the extreme breadth forty-four®; and the point nearest to the

mainland will be distant therefrom sixteen leagues a little more

or less’. And this passage and strait between the two coun-

tries is so full of islets, shoals, and sandbanks, that it can only

be navigated through certain channels ; and if it is out of the

season, with so much danger, that there is current among the

people of that East another fable like that of Charybdis and

+ Antonio de Saldanha.

* See IIT. 11. ii. (p. 38).

3 It will be noticed that Couto also (V. 1. vii., p. 80 ff.) uses this

erroneous form. In Portuguese writers of the 15th and 16th centuries

we find frequent instances of similar metathesis: such as, frol for flor,

Madanela for Madalena, Crasto for Castro, &ce.

* Cf. what follows with Couto V. 1. vii. (p. 88).

® Really 54 and 91.

° The actual length and breadth are 270 and 140 English miles, to

about 47 of which the Portuguese league corresponded : so that Barros’s

figures are exaggerations.

‘ This, again, is too much. From Point Palmyra to Point Calimere

is about 46 miles.

30 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XX.

Scylla between Sicily and the land of Italy. And moreover,

as the opinion is here held that the two countries were con-

tinuous one with the other, so also in those parts they have a

similar one regarding the island of Ceilam and the land of Cape

Comorij ; and from the proofs that they both exhibit their

opinion appears more worthy of belief than ours?. For in

weather when the sea is calm the men who sail there are able

as they go along to see all that lies at the bottom of the water,

the rocky bed forming a shoal, and the water being very clear :

and they that have most experience of this are those that fish

for seed-pearl. Of which fishery, it being one of the most

important of those parts, we treat particularly in the books of

our Commerce in the chapter on pearls and seed-pearl®. This

opinion of the country, of the island’s having been joined to

the coast of the mainland, is confirmed by what is said by the

peoples of it, principally those of Choromandel, when speaking

of the time that the blessed apostle Saint Thomas converted

that region to the faith of Christ*. ......

There is moreover current among the natives of the island

of Ceilam a tradition that this name is not its proper one, but

one given to it by chance; for its ancient name is I[lanare,

or Tranate, as others say®, and among the learned it is so

1 That is, in Europe.

2 On this subject, see Ten. i. 6—7, 13—4.

3 In III. vi. iv. Barros, after speaking of the pearl fishery of Bahrein

in the Persian Gulf, adds :—“‘ But this fishery is not as great as that

of the island of Ceilam in India, and Aynam in China, which three

islands are the principal sources of the whole of that East where that

oyster breeds. Of which fisheries, and of those that there are in the

Antilles of Castile, we treat in detail in our Books of Commerce, in

the chapter on pearls and seed-pearl, as we have already pointed out

in another place.’’ Unhappily, the book referred to was never written,

or has utterly disappeared.

4 Barros proceeds to relate a story of St. Thomas at Meliapor, which,

he says, was at that time twelve leagues from the sea, while in the time

of the Portuguese it was only a stone’s throw therefrom, showing how

the sea had encroached in the space of some fifteen hundred years. (He

repeats the details, in much the same words, in ITT. vit. xi.)

5 Barbosa (166) says “‘the Indians call it Ylinarim.’’ Couto (p. 65)

spells the name “ Illenare,” and Castanheda (II. xxii.) ‘‘ Hibenaro ”’

(where 6 is an error for J). All these varieties of spellings represent

Tamil Ian-nddu, “the country of Ceylon ”’ (Ilam = Silam = Sihalam).

‘* Tranate ’? may stand for Tam. tiru-nddu, “‘ the sacred country,” just

s ‘‘ Itterubenero,”’ which, according to Ant. Galvaéo (104), was the

name by which the Moors called Ceylon, seems to represent Tam. tiru

Tlan-nédu, << the sacred country of Ceylon”’ (6 again being an error for 2).

No. 60.—1908.] BARROS: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 31

called, although common usage and time have now taken so

firm a hold, that it is generally called Ceilam: and the event

by which it got this name, according to what its learned men

recount, who have some record of ancient things, was this.

At the time that the Chijst had conquered those parts by

reason of the spicery”, in the passage between this island

and the mainland, through a tempest that they call vara’,

whichis what causes the marvels of their Scylla and Charbydis,

in one day they lost eighty sail*, whence that place is called

Chilao, and by us the shoals of Chilao, which, in reference to

them, means “the perils, or loss, of the Chijs’’®. And as in

newly discovered countries the first thing noticed by the seamen

that discover them is the perils of the sea where they may

receive hurt, for the warning of after-comers, rather than the

proper name of the country, when the Arabs and Parsees,

who after the Chijs for the sake of commerce entered on the

navigation of those parts, from Cape Comorij onwards, as a

thing to which they ought to pay heed in their navigating,

had these shoals of Chilao much in their mouths, and through

not knowing the proper name of the island, which was Ilanare,

they gave it this one of its shoals. And because this syllable

civ) has not much currency in the mouth of the Arabs and

Parsees, and there is frequently on their tongue this other one

ci, they having two letters in their alphabet which attempt to

imitate it in pronunciation, the which are cim and xim,

changing chi into ci they called the island Ceilam, or (to speak

more conformably to them) Cilan, and we call it Ceilam®. This

is the name according to the common people, but the learned

Arabs and Parsees in their geographies call it by the ancient

name Serandib, of which we have several volumes in their own

1 Chinese.

2 On the intercourse between China and Ceylon, see Ten. i., pt. v.,

chap. 111.

’ The Portuguese writers usually refer to this as the vara de Choro-

mandel, and describe it as a tempestuous wind (c/. infra, p. 359).

The word vara represents Tamil vada; ‘‘ north.”

4 There may be some foundation for this story, though the number of

junks said to have been lost is probably an exaggeration. Barbosa

(171) does not mention this tradition, but says that in 1502 twelve

thousand Indians were drowned there.

5 Evidently Barros derived Childo from Tam. Chini-ilavu! I need

scarcely say that his derivation is entirely wrong. There seems little

doubt that Chilaw = Tam. salapam, “‘ diving.”’

6 This etymology is as erroneous as the other: Port. Ceilam is from

the Arab. Sailan, Silam, which go back to Pali Sithalam (see Hob.-Job.

sv. “* Ceylon’).

32 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VOL. KX

language, where we saw it; and the cause why they gave it

this name we have written in our Geography.

And it appears that in that most ancient time, of which its

geographers wrote, it was of the size that its natives make it,

saying that it had a circumference of more than seven hundred

leagues, and that the sea went on eating it away, and hence

would result (if we wish to justify Ptolemy) the giving to it

such a length, that it extends beyond the equinoctial line two

and a half degrees towards the south!. And this being so,

it may be true, as Pliny relates, that in the time of Claudius

there came four ambassadors to Rome from the king of this

island, Tapobrana, and that they were amazed to see the

shadows that the sun made falling in the direction of this our

habitation and not towards theirs, which was over against the

south, they dwelling beyond the equinoctial line?. And it

appears moreover that in the time of Ptolemy there was already

some knowledge of this name Ceilam ; because in speaking of

it he says that anciently they called it Salyca, and the natives

Sali. The name Simondi would be at the time when the Chijs

ruled it, and that because of them, with reference to those

that sailed to it from these parts of the Red Sea, they would

give it that name, because the same Chijs Ptolemy,

speaking of their proper region, calls Sinde. And afterwards,

for the cause which as we have said proceeded from them,

having lost possession of that island, it was called Seilam,

which corresponds to the corrupt name of Salyca, or Sali, by

which he calls it?. )

And the peoples of the kingdom of Siam+, speaking of it,

eallit Lamea, and hold by the tradition of their writings that it

was formerly joined to the opposite mainland of Cape Comorij,

and this at the time that Adam came to inhabit it, for so they

call by his proper name the first man, and by another name

they call him Po Con, which means “ first father’ >, of which

1 On this see Ten. i. 6-10, 558-9 n.

2 See Ten. i. 558. But it is very doubtful if these ‘‘ ambassadors”

came from Ceylon at all.

3 All this is mere unscientific conjecture on the part of Barros.

On the statements of Ptolemy see the work referred to infra, p. 81,

note °.

4 The reason for bringing Siam in here seems to be that Barros was

about to describe that country and its people (he does so in III. It. v.).

He does not seem to have known, when he wrote, that the name Lanka

came from India. (On this name see p. 65 infra.)

5 According to E. B. Michell’s Siamese-Eng. Dict., paw = father, and

poo = male; while korn = first, and khon = man, person. (Cf. also

C. Int. Reg. iv. 118.)

No. 60.—1908.] BARROS: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 33

man we shall see presently what the same people of the island

think. That the Chijs were masters of the Choromandel coast.

part of Malabar, and of this island Ceilam, and of those called

Maldiva, besides that the natives thereot affirm it, as testimony

of it there are buildings, names, and language that they left in

itt, as did the Romans with regard to us Spaniards”, whereby

we cannot deny that we were formerly conquered by them.

In which island they left (according to what the natives say)

a language, which they call Chingalla, and the people them-

selves Chingallas, principally those that live from the point of

Galle onward on the tract of country facing the south and

east. For near to this point they founded a city by name

Tanabare, of which a great part is standing today °; and from

being close to this Cape Galle, the other people, who lived up

above in the middle of the island, called those who dwelt here

Chingalla, and their language likewise, as much as to say,

‘‘ language” or “ people of the Chijs of Galle’ 4. The which

Chijs gave up voyaging to India because of its consuming

so much of their men, ships, and capital®; and the peoples that

remained of them, on account of being a mixed race of many and

divers regions, abhorred by the dwellers on the sea-coast of the

other part of the island opposite to the land of Cape Comorij,

left the sea-ports, and betook themselves to the mountain

ranges, where they have always dwelt®. And of this race are

the mountaineers, with whom at present they are at war’, and

others went to the district of Choromandel, which is on the

mainland, where there were many colonies and settlements

1 That the Chinese ever dominated any territory in India or Ceylon

is improbable; and the arguments Barros adduces are, to say the

least, dubious.

2 Barros rightly says “‘ us Spaniards,”’ since in the time of the Romans

the Portuguese did not exist as a separate people (see Morse Stephens’s

Portugal, chap. i.).

8 When Barros wrote (about 1560) the famous temple of Dondra was

still standing. For an account of its destruction by the Portuguese see

infra, p. 375. Ofcourse the statement regarding the foundation of the

city is erroneous (cf. Couto, loc. cit.).

* This derivation is on a par with the others given by Barros in this

chapter.

® The real cause of the Chinese withdrawal from Indian and Persian

waters was Arab competition.

® This idea of a Chinese origin of the inland Sinhalese persisted

down to Dutch times (see Bald., chap. i. and the illustrations).

7 Barros doubtless refers to the fact that when he wrote the Portu-

guese and their ally Dom Joaéo Perea Pandar were at war with Maya-

dunné (see Decs. VI. and VII.),

D 36-08

34 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

of the same Chijs, whence the people of this country likewise

have the Chingalla language, of which we have spoken!.

The other names that the geographers give to this island,

and other details relating to it,we leave for the commentaries

on the tables of our Geography, it being matter appropriate to

that place, where will be seen the delusion under which some

modern writers labour in saying that the Golden Chersonese,

which we call Samatra, is Tapobrana, and the rest that the

ancients fabulated regarding these two islands?. What now

concerns us is to know that it has very excellent and pure air,

and is for the most part fertile, luxuriant, principally from

eight degrees downward along the sea-coast as far as the

cape of Galle, and the mountain region. And in this distance,

which will be a tract of twenty leagues in length and ten in

breadth, is the buik of the population, and most of the sea-

ports, and where Nature produces all the cinnamon that is used

in those and these parts. ‘True it is that in many parts of the

Kast is found some, but it is uncultivated and wild, as will be

seen in the books of Commerce in the chapter on it, and also of

the rubies, catseyes, sapphires, and other kinds of precious

stones that it contains; however none approaches in fineness in

its own kind to the three that we have named: here these three

sorts, the finest of them, are the most perfect ofall those parts.

Of metals it has only iron, which is obtained in two parts, which

are called Cande and Tanavaca®; and if there had been in it

as much gold as the ancients say*, the natives are such lovers

of it, and so diligent: in demanding of the earth the metal and

precious stones that it holds within itself, that they would

1 Tn I. 1x. ili., which is devoted to a description of Malabar and its |

peoples, Barros says :—“‘ .... the native heathenry and proper indigena

of the country is that people whom we call Malabares: there is there

another, which came thither from the coast of Choromandel by reason

of the trade, whom they call Chingalas, who have their own language,

whom our people commonly call Chatijs.’’ It is evident, I think, that

here Barros has confused Chingdla and Chelim (see Hob.-Job. s.vv.

‘‘ Cheling,”’ “‘ Kling’’).. Barbosa (167) says of the inhabitants of Ceylon :

—‘‘ Their language is partly Malabar and partly of Cholmendal ;” while

Castanheda, (II. xxii.) says :—‘“‘ The language of the heathens is Canara

and Malabar.”’

2 Barros’s Geography having been lost, Couto deals with this subject

in V. 1. vii.

3“ Dinavaca”’ in later Portuguese writers. The name has dis-

appeared from modern maps, the division of Denavaka no longer exist-

ing. It lay east of Ratnapura (cf.mapin Rib.). Itis called Donivagga

in the Mahav. (lxxv. 70, 73).

* That is, taking Taprobane to have been Ceylon,

No. 60.—1908.] BARROS: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 35

long ago have come upon it. Of spicery, besides cinnamon,

of which it is the mother (as we have said), it has pepper,

cardamom, brazil’, and several dyes that the natives use for

dyeing their cloths: of these, some are roots, others wood,

and others leaves and flowers. It has large palm groves,

which is the best inheritance of those parts ; because, beside

its fruits being the common food, these palms are profitable

for divers uses, of which food, called coco, there is here great

loading for many parts. Its elephants, of which a good number

are bred, are those with the best instinct in the whole of India,

and because they are notably the most tamable and handsomest

they are worth much? ; and there is much breeding of cattle

-and buffaloes, from which is made a large quantity of butter,

which is carried as cargo to many parts®. It has much rice,

principally in a district that lies on the side of the island that

faces the east, called Calou, that is, “kingdom,” by reason of

which rice, which they call bate, the kingdom iscalled Batecalou,

which they interpret as “‘the kingdom of rice”’*. In fine, in

native fruits and seeds, as well as in foreign ones that are planted

and sown there, it is so fertile, that it seems as if Nature had

made of it a watered orchard®, because there is not a month

of the year that it does not rain there®, and the sea-coast is

largely marshy, and cut up by rivers, some of them of fresh

water, which descend from the midst of the mountain ranges

of the interior, and others in the manner of salt marshes

formed by the sea. The which mountain ranges are almost

of the oval fashion of the island itself, arranged in such manner

that they appear like a pen [curral] of loose stones, because in

the middle they leave the land flat without those peaks and

ruggedness that this circuit of mountains has. Not that they

are so bare that they have no trees on them, because among

those rocks and peaks the whole is filled up with trees of many

kinds ; and by three or four parts, after the manner of the

passes in the Alps of Italy, one enters within this circuit,

which is a kingdom called Cande. And ii its kings did not

constitute themselves the heirs of their vassals, taking from

them all the property that they possess at the hour of death,

of which, if they choose, they give some things to the children,

1 Meaning sapanwood (see Hob.-Job. s.v. “* Brazilwood ’’).

2 Cf. Couto V. I. vii. (pp. 85-6).

3 Cf. III. 11. vii. (p. 47). The “butter ”’ was really ghee.

4 This is one of the most amusing of Barros’s etymological atro-

cities. Of course, Sinh. bat is boiled rice ; and neither in Sinh. nor in

Tam. is there a word like calow meaning “ kingdom,”

5 Cf. Couto V. vi. ii. (p. 117).

& C7. Couto X. x. xi. (p. 359).

36 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Von. XX.

it would be much more fruitful and well supplied ; but through

fear of this they do not care to cultivate anything.

Almost at the edge of this mountain range, a matter of

twenty leagues from the sea-coast, is a mountain! so high and

steep that it rises to the height of seven leagues?; and on

the summit of it is a flat surface of such small extent in

circumference, that it will be little more than thirty paces

in diameter. In the middle of which is a stone of two cubits

higher than the other flat surface in the manner of a table,

and in the middle of it is figured a man’s footprint, which will

have a length of two spans, the which footprint is held in great

reverence, on account of the opinion that prevails among the

natives; for they assert it to be that of a holy man, anative

of the kingdom of Delij, which is below the sources of the

rivers Indus and Ganges, who came to this island, where he

stayed for the space of many years, bringing men to the usage

of believing and adoring one only God, the creator of heaven

and earth, whom they call Deunu®, and afterwards returned

to the kingdom of Delij, where he had a wife and children.

And many years of his life having passed, in the hour of death

he extracted a tooth, and commanded that it should be brought

to this island, and given to the king of the country, to be

kept in memory of him, beside the footprint on the peak, the

which tooth at the present day the kings hold as a sacred

relic, to which they commit all their needs*. And from this

heathen opinion our people came to call this mountain the

Peak of Adam, whom they’ call by the proper name of Budo.

In which mountain rise three or four rivers, which are the

principal ones that water the greater part of the island ; and

in some places this mountain range is so steep, that for the

space of thirty fathoms it is ascended by means of iron chains,

to which men cling, in order to make their pilgrimage to this

footprint. The which thing is so celebrated among all the

heathenry of that Hast, that from more than a thousand

leagues away there assemble there pilgrims, chiefly those that

they call jogues®, who are like men that have left the world

1 Cf. what follows with Couto V. vt. ii. (p. 108 ff.).

2 An absurd figure; perhaps Barros has confused the height with

the latitude, which is about 7:15. (Butc/. Couto’s statement on p. 109.)

3 Sinh. deviyanné.

* Cf. Couto VII. 1x.ii. (p. 191). The manner in which Barros refers to

the tooth would seem to prove that when he wrote he had not learnt of

the capture of the relic in Jaffna and its destruction in Goa in 1560 and

1561, as described by Couto in VII. 1x. ii. and VII. 1x. xvii. (pp. 191, 213).

5 The natives of Ceylon.

* See Hob.-Job. s.v. “ Jogee,”

No. 60.—1908.] BARROS: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 37

and dedicated themselves entirely to God, and make great

pilgrimages to visit the temples dedicated to him. Many

things do the natives of this island relate of his sanctity and

that of his priests and bramanes, which we defer until we treat

thereof in our Geography, and also of the customs of the people

and state of their kings, and the ceremonies that they observe

and regard amongst themselves.

At present what is to the purpose of our history is to know

that it is divided into nine states, and each of these is called

a kingdom. ‘The first and most notable is ruler of about

that tract of land in which we have said that all the cinnamon

- grows, which lies in the western part of the island, and has

most of the sea-ports, and the best, that there are in it, the

chief city of which is called Columbo. Near to which is a

fortified place, called Cota (as we here say “ fortress’’),

in which the king dwells retired?, in order to keep himself

apart from the concourse of merchants who assemble at

that port of Columbo, and this was the one that Lopo

Soarez had gone to visit. Another kingdom lies to the

south of this at the point of this island, which they call

Galle, and on the eastern side it confines with the kingdom

of faula*?, and in the north with another called Tanavaca ;

and that which is in the midst of the interior of this land

entirely surrounded by mountain ranges, which it has in place

of a wall, is the kingdom of Cande. And along the sea-coast

of this island are these kingdoms: Batecalou, which is the

easternmost in it; and between it and that of Cande, which lies

to the west of it, is another called Vilacem*; and going along

the coast of the island toward the north above Batecalou is

the kingdom of Triquinamale, which by the coast upward

comes to adjoin another called Jafanapatam, which is at the

point of the island towards the north, the which kingdoms

adjoin one another in the interior. And so great are they

amongst themselves, by so much the greater power that the

heathens and infidels have who possess them ; for they have

no other demarcations than the power of each, wherefore

we cannot define them with accuracy, since the covetousness of

men has no certain limits, even though they may have laws

divine and human as to how far what they may have extends.

1 For once, Barros is right.

* A few years after this was written Cota was abandoned by the

puppet-king Dharmapala at the instance of the Portuguese (see infra,

p. 241).

3 Yala.

- 4 Wellassa.

38 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

Dic. TL Bk, oe CHAR in

How Lopo Soarez, by command of the king Dom Manuel, went

to the island of Ceilam to build a fortress : and that which

passed before it was built with the king of the country, who

became tributary to this kingdom.

The king Dom Manuel, because he had much information

regarding the fertility of this island, and knew that from it

came all the cinnamon in those parts, and that the lord of Galle

by the manner in which he comported himself towards Dom

Lourengo (as we have related above) wished to pay him tribute

in order to retain his friendship, and that afterwards through

the medium of Afonso Dalboquerque the king of Columbo,

who was the real lord of the cinnamon, wished to have that

peace and friendship, wrote to the same Afonso Dalboquerque,

that he was to go in person to this island, if it semed well to

him, to build in this port of Columbo a fortress, in order

thereby to make sure of the offers of the. king. ‘However,

as Afonso Dalboquerque whilst he lived ‘considered other

matters more important to the state of India, and that it was

proper that they should be made sure of before this island of

Ceilam, and also because the king was very prompt in sending

all the cinnamon that was needed by us, dissembled with the

reminders that the king sent him every year on this subject,

giving him these and other reasons why he neglected to do it?.

When Lopo Soarez was coming to India he likewise carried

this reminder ; and nevertheless he first went to the strait of

the Red Sea, which by the reasonings of Afonso Dalboquerque

was more important ; and seeing how little he had done in this

journey, on account of matters having succeeded so badly?,

and that in that year of 1518 there might come out another

captain-major and governor, wished before he went to leave

this work completed by his hands. And although he had this

year sent many men and ships to divers parts, such as Antonio

de Saldanha to the strait, Dom Aleixo to Malaca, and Dom

Joam da Silveira to the islands of Maldiva?, all of whom he

lacked for carrying out this work, and it was an honest excuse

for not attempting it, nevertheless he determined upon it ;

because, according to the information that he had regarding

the navigation of the island by reason of the shoals that it has,

galleys and other rowing vessels were sufficient, and some ships

of high build to carry implements for the work of the fortress.

1 Regarding these statements see my “ Discovery of Ceylon by the

Portuguese.”

* See Whiteway 184-6.

‘See Ur. 0d, tr eat io parson 0):

No. 60.—1908.] BARROS: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 39

And as to the number of fighting men, he considered it certain,

judging by what had passed as to the willingness that the king

had shown!, that he would have no impediment to the building

of the fortress. So that, with this assurance, in September

of that year 1518 he set out from Cochij, taking a fleet of seven-

teen sail, of which seven were galleys, the captains being

Manuel de Lacerda, Lopo de Brito, Antonio de Miranda da

Zevedo, Joam de Mello, Gaspar da Silva, Christovam de

Sousa, and Dinis Fernandez de Mello, in whose vessel Lopo

Soarez went”. And there were also eight foists, which Dom

Fernando de Monroy*® had brought from Goa, which Lopo

Soarez had that winter ordered him to get ready for this

voyage ; and he also took two ships with munitions : in which

fleet went as many as seven hundred Portuguese men of

arms’.

Lopo Soarez went pursuing his voyage, and when he had

almost reached the port of Columbo, at which he was going

to put in, the winds set so full astern, that the seas that ran with

them along the coast took him out of his course, and carried

him to the end of the island into the port of Galle, which will

be twenty leagues from Columbo, where he was detained more

than a month®, until the weather gave him the opportunity

of going to Columbo, where he arrived with all his fleet. This

port of Columbo has almost the shape of a hook, for it has a

spacious entrance, the middle of which is cut by a river® and

the point that forms the barb of the hook is so sharp, and is so

separated from the main body of the rest of the land, that a

stone could be thrown across its breadth, and being cut off by a

1 | can find no authority for this statement (cf. below at note °, page

40).

_ 2 Of. this list with those given by Castanheda (C. Lit. Reg. iv. 197) and

Correa (2b. iv. 180), the last writer, however, being untrustworthy, one

captain he names, Fernaéo Peres de Andrade, being then in China (see

my Let. from Port. Capt. 13). The mention by Castanheda and Barros

of Lopo de Brito is puzzling, since both state that Lopo de Brito

left Portugal for India in 1519 to take up the captaincy of Columbo.

Perhaps this was a namesake. |

° A brother of the captain of Goa.

* Castanheda says eight or nine hundred, all Portuguese; while

Correa says that the whites exceeded a thousand, and that there were

two hundred Malabar mercenaries with their captain.

° Castanheda says 1} month; Correa does not specify the period.

Both these writers record encounters between the Sinhalese and the

Portuguese, owing to the slaughter of cattle and robberies by the latter.

° The outlet of the Columbo lake (the present Lotus Pond) is probably

meant. Correa shows this “‘ river ” in his drawing of Columbo. -

40 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX.

ditch! forms as it were an island, having no other entrance but

by the ditch. When Lopo Soarez saw the shape of the port, and

how suitable the narrow end of that point was for building the

fortress’, he at once agreed with the captains that it should be

on that spot?. However, before he went on shore he sent a

message to the king by Joam Flores*, notifying him of the

cause of his coming to that port, giving several reasons why

his lord the king desired to have a fortress there, ascribing the

whole of this step to the faithlessness of the Moors who resorted

thither, and to the ancient hatred that they bore towards the

Portuguese, but chiefly to the great gain that it would bring

to the king to have that fortress made there : both by reason

of his lord the king Dom Manuel’s becoming thereby commit-

ted to the defence of him (the king) against his enemies, as well

as because by having commerce with the Portuguese his whole

kingdom would become very wealthy and fully supplied with

the productions of the West®. The king, as he had some time

ago been occupied in treating of this matter with Afonso

Dalboquerque®, and was very desirous of this commerce,

seeing how rich the king of Cochij had become by it, and that

since we had entered India he (the king) himself had begun to

experience in his revenue the profit that was to be paid, as

soon as he saw the message of Lopo Soarez conceded him the

fortress, sending to interview him with words that showed

his satisfaction.

As the Moors of Calecut and of all that coast of Malabar

since our entry into India had been scared away by us from

all those parts, and had some refuge in this island of Ceilam,

because of our armadas’ not going to it, some who were there

on the arrival of Lopo Soarez, although they were terrified —

at seeing him in the port, when they learnt that the king

had conceded him a fortress became altogether as dead men.

Finally by force of bribes, which everywhere are able to

effect more than solid reasons, they so changed the mind of the

1 The ditch was cut by the Portuguese (see below).

2 D. Lourencgo de Almeida had noticed this twelve years before (see

D. Francisco de Almeida’s letter of 27 December 1506, in my “ Dis-

covery of Ceylon,”’ p. 338).

® Lopo Soares, in his haste to get the fortress erected before the

arrival of Diogo Lopes de Sequeira should prevent him, had to decide

without waiting for the advice of D. Joao da Silveira, whom he had sent

in advance to spy out the land (see IIT. 11. iii., p. 46).

* Correa describes him as “a trustworthy man.” Later on we shall

read of his death at the hands of the Moors when occupying the post of

captain of the guard of the Kilakarai pearl fishery (see p. 58).

> Cf. the reasons given by Castanheda and Correa.

§ This may be true, but I cannot confirm it. Cf. extract C 15 at

p. 3/3 of my << Discovery of Ceylon.”’

No. 60.—1908.] BARROS: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 41

king’s advisers, and his own through the counsel of these,

representing to him dangers to his life and loss of his state if he

thus granted us a place for a fortress!, that when one morning

Lopo Soarez intended to go on land to cut the ditch in that point

which he had chosen for the fortress, he found that by the

industry of the Moors there were there some mud-walls? after

the manner of intrenchments with defences of wood, in which

they had placed certain iron bombards with bowmen posted

for defending the land. And this was not all, but there were

also some of our men taken prisoners, who as in a safe place had

gone ashore, of those who went with these messages between

Lopo Soarez and the king, as if in the way of hostages so as

afterwards to make use of them if the affair did not succeed weil.

Lopo Soarez, when he learnt of the welcome with which they in-

tended to receive him on land, having taken counsel with the

captains, altered the manner of landing, being convinced that

by the power of the sword he would have to remove that

impediment which prevented his building the fortress, the

which he understood had been planned by the Moors, chiefly

after he had sent to view from near at hand the positions

and what people they were who were in defence cf them.

The which determination caused among all the men of arms

as great a transport of delight as they had previously been

sorrowtul, on seeing that the king of goodwill granted a place tor

building a fortress, and that in that transaction they had to exer-

cise more the strength of their arms, like mechanics, with stone

and lime on their backs, without any reward in treasure and

honour, than with sword in hand like knights, with which they

obtained these two things. Lopo Soarez, although he saw this

eagerness among the men, after they had been notified of what

he had agreed to with the captains, didnot choose to land that

day, deferring itfor the following fore-dawn, so as to go better

prepared : and this he did, getting ashore without hindrance

from the enemy. Because, as their strength lay more in the

bombards and tranqueira? than in courage, they did not dare

1Castanheda invents a long speech, and puts it into the mouth of the

leading Moor. According to Correa the opposition did not begin until

after the building of the fortress had made some progress, and was in

part due to the king’s brother, who ruled in another part of the island.

* The origina! has cavallos, which gives no sense. Barros here seems

to have copied from Castanheda, who has vallados, for which cavallos

appears to be an error.

* This is a word that we shall come across frequently in the course of

this history. I have left it untranslated in all cases, because in some

the sense is doubtful. The general meaning seems to be a stockade ;

but it is used vaguely to mean an enclosed defence of limited size.

42 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XX.

to come away from them, and remained in that place like men

who wished to act on the defensive rather than the offensive.

As soon as Lopo Soarez gave the “‘Santiago!”’! our men,

taking no account of the smoke of their bombards, nor looking

to see where they were aimed, competed with one another as

to who should first climb over the top of the positions, as

if on the summit of them was the special prize of victory

of each. However, this courage cost some of them blood

and life; for not only were several wounded by arrows

and firelock shots, but some were also killed by the bombards,

the chiei of whom was Verissimo Pacheco, who (as we have

said) had come from Malaca with the news ot the imorison-

ment of his brother Antonio Pacheco?. This conflict having

gone on amidst the obscurity of the smoke of the artillery

for a short space of time, during which our men tarried in their

ascent of the position, as soon as a handful of them had made

themselves masters of it, they cut up the enemy in such fashion

that they put them all to flight, not failing to follow on their

heels, driving them at the sword’s point?. Lopo Soarez,

seeing that some captains had got a little opposite to where

there were trees, from which they might receive some harm,

chiefly Christovam de Sousa, who had crossed over a stream a

long way from the position, commanded to sound the trumpet

for them to return’, since he was now master of his enemies’

fortress, and to carry off those pieces of artillery that he found

there : and without making further stay, in order to give the

men a rest, he once more embarked.

On the following day, everything being already in readiness

for his purpose, he went ashore: and the first thing that he

set about was to fortify himself, making himself master of the

point which he desired for founding the fortress, the which

1 The Spanish (and Portuguese) war-cry, the apostle James being the

patron saint of Spain.

* Barros relates this in III. r. ix. On the death of Jorge de Brito,

captain of Malacca, the succession to the post was disputed by the

alcaide mér Nuno Vaz Pereira (cf. p. 25) and the captain-major of the

sea Antonio Pacheco, which culminated in the former’s imprisoning the

latter.

’ Correa in his account of the engagement states that D. Fernando

de Monroyo with his twelve foists and the galliot and brigantine bom-

barded the Moors from the sea. As Castanheda and Barros say nothing

of this I take it that Correa has confused this engagement with that of two

years later (see pp. 52, 53), which he does not record.

* According to Castanheda, Christovaéo de Sousa returned of his own

accord, and, on. making a somewhat vainglorious remark to the governor,

received in reply a characteristic snub.

No. 60.—1908.] BARROS: HISTORY OF CEYLON. | 43

fortification was no more than a ditch and a defence of wood,

in which he placed much artillery, in the part that lay over

against the land, by which the enemy might attack him. And

one of the things that perplexed him most after he saw himself

master of that spot was, not to find there stone or shells for

making lime: because before he left Cochij, in obtaining

information from some of our men who had already been there,

they led him to believe that there was stone from which it

would be possible to make lime, and if this did not serve there

was plenty of shell-fish, from the shells of which alarge quantity

could be made. And seeing that there was not one of these

things for making limet, only shells which it was necessary to

bring from a distance, which might detain him a longer time

than he had to spare, it being already in October, and it was

necessary for him to bein India, by reason. of the loading of the

ships that were expected from the kingdom, by which, he

thought, might come the governor who was to succeed him, he

agreed, with the approval of all the captains, that as lime

could not be made quickly they should build the fortress of

stone and clay. Because as the land was separated from the

point from sea to sea, that sufficed for the time being as a.

secure retreat for those who were to remain, until it should be

provided from India according as there was need. All having

concurred in this opinion, Lopo Soarez ordered in great haste

the foundations to be dug, and stone to be brought for com-

mencing the wall, dividing the responsibility of each task

among the captains.

The king of Ceilam, when he saw many of his people killed

and wounded in that incursion of ours on land, and that with

little trouble they made themselves masters of the fortification

_ that the Moors had made, and besides this had begun the work of

the fortress contrary to his wish, having taken counsel with his

fellow-countrymen, without giving heed to the Moors, desired

the peace that he had agreed to with Lopo Soarez rather than

the breaking of it which they had advised. Regarding which

subject he sent to him his governor, giving various excuses for

what had occurred, attributing all to the bad counsels of men

who had got him to believe things contrary to what he (Lopo

Soarez) had promised of the peace and amity that by means of

the fortress he might have with the king of Portugal. And

since he by the death and injury of his people had been paid

for accepting counsel from evil men, who had caused that

rupture, he begged him that they might return once more

to the state of peace which at his coming he had at once

1 When the fortress was rebuilt two years later, oyster-shells for

“making lime were brought from Kilakarai (see infra, p. 49).

44 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX.

accepted, consenting to the building of the fortress where

he wished. Lopo Soarez, although in his reply he showed

that he was offended with the king for the little truth in which

he had acted towards him and the treachery which he (the

king) had committed, both as regards the men whom he had

ordered to be seized, as well as in what he had done over the

agreement of peace, concluded his reply thus: That he was*

content to return to the peace in which they were before ;

nevertheless, for the insult that he had offered to the royal

banner of the king of Portugal his master in permitting the

Moors and the natives to come against him with an armed force,

in which affair several Portuguese were killed and wounded,

he (the king) would have to compensate this injury by sub-

mitting to the title of vassal of the king Dom Manuel his

master, whose insignia were those on the banner of his king,

which represented his person : who when he was insulted, or

anyone despised his peace, his vassals would sacrifice their

lives until they had put his enemy under its yoke. The king’s

governor, having left with this message, returned and went

many times, until at last he agreed with Lopo Soarez that the

king was willing to become a vassal of the king Dom Manuel’s

with a yearly tribute of three hundred bahares of cinnamon,

which in our weight are one thousand two hundred quintals, anc

besides twelve rings of rubies and sapphires of those that were

dug from the gem-pits of Ceilam, and six elephants for the

service of the factory at Cochij', all to be paid to the captain

of the fortress who should be there, or to whomever the gov-

ernor of India should send. And that the king Dom Manuel

should be obliged to protect and defend him (the king) from

his enemies as his vassal; with other conditions besides

which are set forth in the agreement of that treaty, of which

Lopo Soarez had one copy and the king the other, written on

leaves of beaten gold (according to their usage), and ours on

parchment?. This agreement having been made, the king sent

to excuse himself to Lopo Soarez for not coming to see him,

on account of being indisposed, and for matters of his religion

of Bramme?® to which he belonged; because, as regards the

1 Of. p. 73. Castanheda gives the promised tribute as ten elephants,

four hundred bahares of cinnamon, and twenty rings. Correa would

have us believe that any additions to the ordinary tribute were paid for

by the governor.

2 Barros does not profess to have seen this treaty, no copy of which

now exists.

3 The 1777 edition has “ Brammane.” Of course Barros is in error :

the king (Dharma Parakrama Bahu IX.) was a Buddhist.

No. 60.—1908.] BARROS: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 45

heathens of those parts, these two things go together, priest-

hood and government of men. And as the kings have a great

regard for their priests, and much more for the chiefs of them,

who have that jurisdiction that as regards the clergy the

bishops have amongst us, the kings themselves are brammanes

and are superior to all in their kingdom. So powerful is the

ambition to rule, that the princes of the earth are not content

to hold in subjection their vassals by means of the adminis-

tration of the secular government which God has given to

them, by which they have made themselves masters of their

bodies and external actors of the works that each one does, in

order to execute upon him the laws of justice, according to

those that were given for that purpose ; but they have also

wished to be masters of the souls and internal authorities of the

mind, which belong to God alone, or to those who (according

to our gospel) are heirs of this mystery. Having made this

agreement, Lopo Soarez, both with the help that the king

commanded to be given for that purpose, of the people of the

country, as also with the people of the armada, in a few days

finished the fortress, almost at the end of November, to

which he gave the name of Nossa Senhora das Virtudes!.

And at this time there arrived at it Dom Joam da Silveira, who

(as we have said above) was sent with certain ships to the

islands of Maldiva?; on whom, because of his being a person

who had the necessary qualifications and being also his nephew,

Lopo Soarez bestowed the captaincy of it, leaving with him the

troops needful for its defence, and also officials for transacting

the affairs of commerce. And because the Moors were accus-

tomed to go to that island, having been scared away by our

armadas that went about Malabar (as we have said), Lope

Soarez wished to deprive them of that place of refuge, leaving

as captain-major of the sea, with four sail for the guarding of

that port of Columbo, Antonio de Miranda Dazevedo?.

1 Barros and Correa both give this as the name of the fortress. If it

was actually so called by Lopo Soares, the name must have been soon

changed ; for Antonio de Miranda de Azevedo, writing to the king on

8 November 1519, from the fortress, calls it Santa Barbara (see Alg.

Doc. 436). The festival of St. Barbara falls on 4 December.

* The reference is to III. 1. x. (p. 29). In the chapter following

this one Barros describes Dom Jo4o’s expedition (see p. 46).

3 Correa doesnot mention thisman. Castanhedasaysthat he was “a

man who had been long in India and who was very experienced in war,”’

and that it was for this reason Lopo Soares left him as captain-major of

the sea at Columbo, his nephew, D. Jodo da Silveira, being only a

youth,

46 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX.

Having made provision for these matters, Lopo Soarez depart-

ed for Cochij, and in going out of the port, by a disaster

the galley of Joam de Mello was lost, but the people were

Save dieaieer ci:

Dec. II., Br. t., CHap. iii.

Of what happened to Dom Joam da Silveira in the islands of

Maldiva, whither Lopo Soarez sent him?, and also in

Bengdlla where he went, until he arrived at Ceilam to be

placed in ‘possession of the captaincy of the fortress of

Columbo.

2 2k x 2 ** x **

Ss And that on the way he was to pass by the island

of Ceilam®, and from the port of Columbo, whither our people

were accustomed to go to seek cinnamon, he was to take pilots

to carry him to Bengaila; and also that he was secretly to

inspect and take soundings in this port of Columbo, and the

lie of the land, in order with his advice to come to a determina-

tion on what had to be done by command of the king, which

was a fortress in that place’, the captaincy of which was to be

his (Dom Joam’s). Who, having set out with the four ships

with which he went to the islands of Maldiva, reached Colum-

bo®, and having taken note of the place and obtained pilots,

took his way for Bengalla: ...... the discovery of which

deceit® caused him to determine to make his voyage to Ceilam,

where he knew that Lopo Soarez was sure to be at that time

building the fortress, of the captaincy of which he had given

him his promise, and on his arrival he put him in possession

(as we have said) ......

x x x xk of 2 **

1 Correa’s version is that the galley ran on a sand-bank outside the

port (of which sand-bank we shall read again in Couto), but lost only

her keel and a quantity of cinnamon that was thrown overboard in

the confusion.

In April 1518. The events recorded in this chapter preceded those

described in the foregoing one.

° 'This is from the orders given by Lopo Soares to D. Joao da Silveira

when he was about to leave Cochin for Bengal.

+ As I have said above, Lopo Soares had, after all, to decide without

waiting for Dom Joao’s opinion.

5 Probably in August 1518.

° An attempt by the ambassador of the king of Arakan to entrap the

Portuguese ships in the river,

No. 60.—1908.] BARROS: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 47

DeEcaDE III., Bx. m., Cap. i.

es. Diogo Lopez having left Mogambique arrived on the

8th of September at Goa, where he stayed only a few days,

because of having news that Lopo Soarez was on the way to go

to Ceilam, thinking that he might catch him before he left for

euere.. . because his intention was (as we have said) to

catch Lopo Soarez before he left Cochij to go to Ceilam, and

stop him from that expedition, the fortress that he was

going to build not being a thing of such importance at

that time as other things which had been more strongly

commended to him by the king in the instructions that he

carried, for which he needed the men and ships that Lopo

Sodrez had taken for that work. But the weather was such,

that it detained him nine days at Baticala!, whence he sent a

message to Lopo Soarez simply to stay him ; and this message

of his reached Cochij one afternoon, on the day in the morning

of which Lopo Soarez had left. And although by the order

of Diogo Lopez this message went no further, on the way Lopo

Soarez had advice of the ‘arrival of Diogo Lopez, over which

he dissembled, and went forward with his purpose, which he

carried out (as we have said) ......

* * * * x 2 *

Dec. IIL; BK. m., CHap. vii.

eee. They? breed cattle, sheep and ewes; but not as

much as to enable them to do without the butters that come

to them from Ceilam? and other parts, in which much profit

2 ee

Dane. Til Br..1v., CHar. vi.

Of what Lopo de Brito, captain of the fortress of Ceilam,

underwent with the people of the country.

At this same time the captain of the fortress of Ceilam was

Lopo de Brito, son of Joam de Brito*, whom the king Dom

1 Bhatkal on the coast of Kanara (see Hob.-Job. s.v. ‘‘ Batcul ’’).

2 The inhabitants of the Maldives, of which island Barros gives a

description in this chapter. 3 C7. III. 1. i. (p. 35, note 3).

4 Barros mentions the father in order to distinguish this man from

another Lopo de Brito, who, iike his brother Jorge de Brito, was one of

Albuquerque’s captains. Ido not know if this man had been in India

before.

48 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XX.

Manuel in the past year of 1518 had ordered to go and build

this fortress with as many as eight hundred men, among whom

were many artizans skilled in this work ; which task having

been accomplished, he was to remain with the troops necessary

for its defence, and revenue officials, and the rest were to go

to other fortresses. And it happened that after the king had

come to this determination there arrived Lopo de Villalobos,

whom Lopo Soarez dispatched to this kingdom when he left

the strait (as we have described above), by whom he wrote

to the king that as soon as he reached India he intended to go

and build this fortress of Ceilam. Nevertheless in the year

1519 the king dispatched him to go and serve in the captaincy

there?, and his brother Antonio de Brito who was out there?

was to be alcatde mor*; and as factor André Rodriguez de

Beja, and as clerks Joam Rabello and Gaspar Daraujo®

nicknamed Benimagre, both of them his grooms of the bed-

chamber. On Lopo de Brito’s arrival in India this fortress

was handed over to him by Dom Joam da Silveira*, who was

stationed in it as captain. And as he (Lopo de Brito) brought

four hundred men, among whom were many stone-masons and

carpenters, and it was in such a condition that it seemed about

to fall to the ground, being made of stone and clay, Lopo de

1 The reference is to III. 1. vi. It was on 10 September 1517 that

Lopo Soares dispatched Lopo de Villalobos from Kalhat for Portugal

with letters to King Manuel relating the result of his expedition to the

mouth of the Red Sea. When he reached Lisbon, I do not know.

2 In III. 11. ix. Barros names him as one of the captains in the fleet of

1519 under Jorge de Albuquerque, but does not mention his appoint-

ment. Castanheda (V. xv.) and Correa (ii. 574) both do so, how-

ever.

3 When he came to India, and what position he occupied, I cannot

find.

4 Chief magistrate.

5 Of these three men I can find no previous mention. Jodo Rabello,

however, is spoken of by Barros in III. 1x. viii. as factor of Calicut in

1525.

6 T cannot find when Lopo de Brito arrived in India, but it was doubt-

less before the end of 1519. Correa alone (11. 623) gives the date of his

leaving Goa for Ceylon, viz., March 1520, which may be right, but he

cannot be trusted. Castanheda (V. xxi.) says that his brother Antonio

de Brito accompanied him as captain-major of the sea; while Correa

(ii. 624) states that the governor dispatched Antonio de Brito, “‘ chief

huntsman,”’ and Rafael Perestrello to accompany Lopo de Brito as far

as Ceylon, and then to go with Jorge de Brito to Pacem and load pepper —

for Bengal.

No. 60.—1908.| BARROS: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 49

Brito arranged to build it of stone and lime!. And because

near there he could find no stone, nor shell-fish for lime, he

sent some champanas? to the seed-pear! fishery of Callecare?,

which is very close to there, to load with the shells from which

the seed-pearl is taken, from which he made as large a quantity

of lime as he needed, with which he built not only the fortress

but also some houses’; and in addition to this work he

very strongly protected the ditch that cut the land from sea

to sea, whereby the fortress stood on an island in the manner

that we have already described.

The people of the country, when they saw this reformation of

the fortress, like folk affrighted at what the Moors had told them

about us, began to be more afraid of that fortification, think-

ing that all was in order to take the countryfromthem®. Finally

to this suspicion were added other causes, which affected their

liberty, since our people would not consent that the Moors

should come there and trade with them, by which they suffered

much loss, both one and the other. From which prohibition

resulted that they did not supply our people with the produce

of the country, which they had been coming to sell to them ;

and beside this, if they found anyone contrary to orders out-

side of our fortress, he was wounded, or killed if they could

accomplish it®. Lopo de Brito, in order to preserve the peace

that had been agreed to by Lopo Soarez, overlooked some of

these affairs, treating them as such trivial matters that there

began to be a murmuring among our people, who called this

forbearance not prudence but cowardice: whence it came

about that he thought better to carry out the wish of the men

1 Tn writing to the king on 27 October 1519, D. Jodo da Silveira

said that a piece of the fortress had fallen down, and that he had dug a

ditch round it to save the rest. Antonio de Miranda de Azevedo, in his

letter of 8 November 1519, speaks of repairs being carried out with

stone and jime, the latter being made from shells brought by him from

Cochin.

2 Small vessels (see Hob.-Job. s.v. ““Sampan ’’).

3 See LV. 11. vii. (p. 58, note 4).

4 The houses had been built of mud and covered with olas (cadjans) ;

and D. Jodo da Silveira, in the letter referred to above, expressed his

fear lest the Sinhalese should set fireto them. It will be seen below that

the fear was not groundless.

° Both D. Joao da Silveira and Antonio de Miranda de Azevedo

(u.s.) say that the Moorish merchant Mamale of Cananor had written to

the king of Kotté that he was arranging with the governor to demolish

the fortress and return to the status quo ante.

° D. Jodo da Silveira (u.s.) complains of similar conduct on the part

of the Sinhalese.

E 36-08

50 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (VoL. XX.

of arms than his own forbearance, although he considered it

to be more profitable for the government of the country.

Finally, being goaded by both enemies and friends, during a

siesta, the time when the heathenry of the country after eating

lie down to sleep, and are the less suspicious on this account,

with about one hundred and fifty picked men he attacked the

town of Columbo!, which was close to our fortress?. And

as this sally was of a sudden, the enemy were so stricken with

fear, that without thinking of wife or children they all took to

flight at the first onset. As his intention was to intimidate,

and not to kill, in order that they might become afraid of again

attempting what they had done, Lopo de Brito ordered them

to bind the women and children to the doorways of the houses,

so that they might see that they had them in their power

and did not wish to do them harm. However, when he was

leaving, he ordered to set fire to a broad and straight street,

which was the principal one of the city?, and of greatest resort

by the people, fearing that, on the retirement of our men, as

the street led direct to our fortress, the enemy would come

and fall upon his rear, whereby he might receive some harm ;

and so it happened. For when the first impulse of fear had

passed, which had caused them to place themselves in safety,

seeing that wife and children remained to them, they returned

from love of them, like men devoted to death. And although

the fire was a great protection to our men, being now great,

and intervening between them and the others, nevertheless that

fury cost the lives of many of them and of our men : for before

they got free of that onrush of theirs more than thirty had been

wounded, some of whom afterwards died. And truly, if they

had not occupied themselves in extinguishing the fire,

and had not found the women and children bound to the

doorways, by which they understood that that sally of

Lopo de Brito’s was more of a menace than a desire to

injure them, since many hastened to their help, and they came

on madly, it would not have taken much for them to enter

the fortress together with our men. ~

1 In II. 11.1. (p. 27) supra, Barros speaks of the “ lugar of Columbo,” the

first word meaning literally “* place,’”’ but used in reference to a town or

village, irrespective of size. Here he employs the word povoacam (lit.

‘‘ population ’’), meaning the native town (the “‘ black town ’’) as distin-

guished from the Portuguese fortress.

2 The ancient town of Kolamba, Kolompura, or Kolontota (the

‘<city of Kalanbt ”’ of Ibn Batuta), may possibly have extended from

the site of the present Pettah to the Kelani river.

* Barros now uses the word cidade, to signify that Columbo was of

considerable size.

No. 60.—1908.| BARROS: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 51

Nevertheless, with the hurt that they there received in

attacking our men their indignation doubled, whereupon they

showed openly the hatred they bore us, not delaying many

days in coming to lay siege to the new fortress. On their first

arrival, although Lopo de Brito saw himself in a great strait,

they being nearly twenty thousand men, as they had come

badly arrayed, at the cost of many of their lives he drove

them back, and made them busy themselves in pitching their

camp. Making their entrenchments of earth, with a facing

of many palm-trees, little by little, ike people that come at

their ease, they went on approaching our fortress, until they

constructed two bastions of the same palm-trees, in which they

placed some artillery. Although this was not so furious as

ours, the large number made up for the fury, because in that

siege there were more than six hundred spingardoons, some

of which were of the size of bases, which discharged wooden

arrows ten spans in length, with feathers of wild-boar leather

which at two hundred paces made very great execution.

And beside this annoyance, in seeing by day the air thick

with these arrows, at night they had another, which was

being lit up by fire-arrows in order to burn the thatched houses

that they had; and the greatest of all was, going to seek

drinking water outside the fortress?, because all cost much

blood.

This siege lasted for the space of five months*; whereby,

as it was during the winter season, and no succour could

come to them from India, it was the cause of our people’s

suffermg much trouble ; until from Cochij there came to them

in. succour a galley, captain Antonio de Lemos?, son of Joam

Gomez de Lemos, lord of Tréfa, in which he brought some

fifty men, and even these could with difficulty be sent. Because

at this time Diogo Lopez de Sequeira had gone to the strait of

the Red Sea, with a force of so many sail and men (as we have

i Of. Couto’s statement in V.1I. v. (p. 72) as to the ignorance of fire-

arms on the part of the Sinhalese.

2 This statement is strange, in view of the fact that among the

advantages of the point for a fortress, so D. Francisco de Almeida wrote

to King Manuel on 27 December 1506, was ‘‘ much water,’ and Correa

in his drawing shows a well within the fortress.

* The months are not named ; but as Barros goes on to say that it

was during the ‘“‘ winter’? season, we may take it that the siege lasted

from April to Septemiber.

4 In ITT. rx. ii. (p. 55) we find him spoken of as captain-major of the

sea at Columbo, his brother Fernio Gomes de Lemos being captain

of the fortress.

EoD,

52 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (VoL. XX.

described?), and the fortresses of India were left with only the

regulation number for their defence, and that of Cochij, which

was nearer to Ceilam, had less men than the others, on account

of being more secure, a greater succour could not be sent to

Lopode Brito. And even this that went to him was more for

the safety of himself and of the persons that were there than

because of the possession of the same fortress : since it was

not considered as an important matter to the state of India

for us to have there taken that possession, because without

it we had all the cinnamon for the loading of our ships, and the

king of the country, without this yoke which intimidated him,

was willing to pay his tribute. And afterwards in the course

of time it was seen how needless it was, whereupon it was

ordered to be demolished?, only a factory house remaining,

whereby the king of the country was entirely disaffrighted ;

and yet to some of them it was serviceable, with the aid that

they had from us against their enemies with whom they were

at war, aS we shall describe later on®. Lopo de Brito, seeing

what small succour had come to him, and learning the reasons

why, determined to drive away from there that body of neigh-

bours, from whom he had received so much harm, before they

should learn how few men had come to their help; calculating

that even if he could do no more in that sally of his from the

fortress than capture the two bastions that had done them

so much harm, he might consider that as a great victory.

Having agreed in council on the manner in which they were

to carry out that sally, Lopo de Brito ordered Antonio de

Lemos to place himself with his galley in front of the bastions,

making as if from there he intended to batter them with the

great pieces that he carried in the galley : and he himself on

the following day during the siesta, which is the time of sleep —

among the heathenry (as we have already said), on a given

signal, with some three hundred men attacked the enemies’

positions. And it pleased God that when they felt the sword

1 The reference is to III. m1. x. The governor left Goa for the Red

Sea on 13 February 1520, with a fleet of twenty-four sail carrying

some three thousand men of arms, of whom more than half were Portu-

guese. Regarding the expedition see Whiteway 190 ff.

2 See p. 55.

3 As the fortress was demolished in 1524, and as Barros does not tell

us of any more fighting between now and then, he must mean that the

existence in Columbo of a Portuguese factory was of benefit to the king

of Kotté, and his reference is doubtless to IV. vii. xiv., where he de-

scribes how in 1538 the Portuguese factor and his companions helped

Bhuwaneka Bahu VII. to defend Kotté against the army of his brother

Mayadunné (see infra, p. 98).

No. 60.—1908.] BARROS: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 53

of our men in them, they gave them the opportunity of making

themselves masters of the bastions, Antonio de Lemos during

this time having his galley covered with arrows and bolts,

. from which he received much damage. The body of men that

was further back in the arrayal, and also that which was

lodged in the city, which was the principal one, seeing

that these two bastions had been entered by us, and the

great confusion that was caused by the sauve qui peut, the

captains hastened from all parts, whereby was formed a large

number of men, among whom were included one hundred and

fifty horse, which for that island of Ceilam, where they are not

much used, was a great quantity!; and there also came some

twenty-five elephants?, equipped with their castles, from

_which fought many men with arrows. Four of these, as more

skilled in the use of warfare, came in front making great sweeps

with certain swords that they carried fastened backwards to

their tusks®. The which spectacle of wild beasts, coming

accompanied by so great a force of men, put our men into such

confusion, that many gave ground. Lopo de Brito, having

rallied all the men to him before those wild beasts had entirely

driven them back, all the matchlockmen that he had with him

at the same time firing at the four front elephants, shouted

the “‘ Santiago ! ” at them, and with their spears fixed wounded

them severely. These, when they found themselves annoyed

by the matchlocks and spears, wheeled round trumpeting upon

their own people, fleeing so blindly, that they charged into

those that were coming behind, and these into others, in such

wise that their rout gave the greater boldness to our men,

who drove them before them with loud shouts at the spear

point. And since there was not in the bodies of the Moors and

heathens of the island such hardness as in the hides of the

elephants, upon which, when they are enraged, the point of a

spear has no more effect than that caused by the spike ofa

goad on the hide of an ox when it is pricked, that action left

them dead and wounded. Lopo de Brito having traversed

a broad street, by which these people had come, as soon as he

began to get among trees turned round and retired, fearing the

lie of the land, and contented himself with the victory that

God had given him, which had also cost enough of our men’s

blood. However, the result of this affair was that the king

1 This is the only instance mentioned by the Portuguese historian

of the use of horses in war by the Sinhalese, and I doubt if the horsemen

in this case were natives of Ceylon.

2 Here we have war elephants mentioned for the first time. We shall

read much of them later.

3 Cf. Varth. 127.

54 JOURNAL, R.A.S, (CEYLON). [VoL. XX.

seeing some of his noblemen killed, and that the Moors who had

incited him to this rebellion against us were not the ones to

deliver him from our subjection, as they had promised him,

that day having passed, not many elapsed before he sent to

beg peace of Lopo de Brito, whereupon the affairs of that

fortress resumed the state of peace in which they had been

before.

Dec. III., Bk. vir., CHAP. xi.

*K ** ok aK * 3K *

ae This Christian! also related to us that in the house

of Coulam, which was built by another disciple of the

apostle Saint Thomas, stood a sepulchre of the Sybil which

they called Indica, and that church was an oratory of hers.

And that through her warning, announcing the birth of Christ

Jesus, a king of the island of Ceilam called Pirimal went in a

ship to the coast of Mascate to join two other kings, who were

going to adore the Lord at Bethlehem, and that he was the

third; who at the request of the Sybil brought the likeness

of Our Lady painted in a picture, which was placed in her own |

sepulchre?. Of the voyage of which kings, and where the

two dwelt in whose company he went, we shall write in our

Geography when we treat of the cities Nazua and Balla, ......

* ** *K * ** * *k

Dec. III., Br. rx., CHAP. ii.

* *k *K * * * *

See And as the viceroy® carried instructions that he was

to demolish the fortresses of Coulam, Ceilam, Calecut, and

1 One of the Syrian Christians of Malabar, who came to Portugal to

learn Latin, and from whom Barros obtained information, which he

gives in this chapter.

2 Barros does not seem to have realized that this story was a strangely

garbled version of the one he had related in I. 1x. iii. of the king of

Malabar, Sarama Pereimal, who was converted to Muslim, abandoned

his kingdom, and went as a pilgrim to Mecca. (Couto in VII. 1x. x.

speaks of a Xardéo Perimal who in the fourth or sixth century was well

disposed to the St. Thomas Christians of Cranganor.) Cheramém Peru-

mal was not a king of Ceylon, but, according to Zinuddin, was con:

verted by sheiks who were on their way to Ceylon as pilgrims to

Adam’s Peak, and who called for him on their return. (See Ten. 1.

630 n., ii. 1386 n. ; David Lopes’s Hist. dos Port. no Malabar lvii. 20.)

3 D. Vasco da Gama, count of Vidigueira and admiral of the Indian

sea. This was his third and last voyage to India, and he died on 24

December 1524 at Cochin, where he was buried.

No. 60.—-1908.] BARROS: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 55

Pacem, and to erect onein Sunda, and, besides this, had in a

short time to provide for many things, he (the viceroy) at once

set himself with great speed in Goa to provide for some ......

And he also sent word to Fernam Gomez de Lemos, who was

stationed as captain of the fortress of the island of Ceilam!,

that he was to demolish it, the king having commanded that

this should be done, and that he was to come in the ships that

his brother Antonio de Lemos had in guard of that port, of

which he was sea captain-major, the which he did?. ......

* * * * * x *

Sas,

1 Correa alone of the historians tells us (ii. 733) when Fernéo Gomes

was sent to succeed Lopo de Brito, viz., in September 1522. |

2 This was probably in November 1524. Barros is entirely silent

regarding the serious charges brought against Fernao Gomes de Lemos,

which Correa details (ii. 832, 844; see also Three Voy. of V. da Gama

408, 424-5; C. Lit. Reg. iii. 205).

56 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von XOX.

BARROS AND COUTO.

DECADE IV.

1526-1536 A.D.

[As the Barros-Lavanha Decade IV. and Couto’s Decade IV.

cover the same period (though the former extends to 1539),

I have taken them together, except where one records events

not related by the other. |

Portuguese Governors of India.—Lopo Vaz de Sampaio,

governor, February 1526 to November 1529; Nuno da

Cunha, governor, November 1529 to September 1538.

Sinhalese Rulers in Ceylon.—Vijaya Bahu VII., 1505-34

(Dondra and Kotté) ; Dharma Parakrama Bahu IX., 1508-27

(Kotté); Bhuvaneka Bahu VII., 1534-51 (Koétté); Maya-

dunne, 1534-81 (2), Sitavaka).

eee ee

The only events connected with Ceylon recorded in this

Decade are the siege of the king of Kotté in 1528 (?) by his

brother Mayadunné, assisted by an armada from Calecut, the

siege being raised and the king relieved by the dispatch from |

Cochin to Columbo of a Portuguese armada under the com-

mand of Martim Affonso de Mello Jusarte.

Barros.

Dec. IV., Bk. 11., CHAP. vii.

Of some armadas that Lopo Vaz" dispatched, and how he

succoured the fortress of Ceilam, which was besieged,

sending to 1t Martum Afonso de Mello.

x x x 2k * x *

The armada having been got ready, of eight large sail and

several rowing vessels, the captains of which were Antonio

Cardoso, Francisco Ferreira, Duarte Mendez de Vasconcellos.

1 The governor Lopo Vaz de Sampaio.

No. 60.—1908.] BARROS-COUTO : HISTORY OF CEYLON. 57

Francisco Velho, Joao Lobato, Manuel da Veiga, Manuel

Vieira, Jodo Coelho, Vasco Rabello, and Thome Rodrigues,

there embarked on it four hundred men; and being on the

point of leaving, there came news to the governor that

Boenegobago Pandar!, king of Cota in Ceilam, was besieged

by Patemarcar?, captain-major of the king of Calecut, who

through his sea-ports was doing him much harm through hatred

of us, and in favour of Madune Pandar, brother of the same

king of Cota?; wherefore it being necessary to succour that

king, he being a vassal of the king of Portugal’s, the governor

ordered Martim Afonso to set out at once, and cross over to

Ceilam, and succour the king Boenegobago Pandar. Martim

Afonso made the voyage as he had been ordered, and arrived

at Columbo*, where he did not now find Patemarcar, who

on getting news of our armada betook himself into the rivers

of the island in parts where our ships being large could not

come at them, and Madune Pandar raised the siege that he

had laid to his brother.

Martim Afonso, in order not to lose his monsoon®, was un-

willing to be detained in Ceilam, and with much plunder that

1 We find Barros and Couto applying this name to several kings

erroneously. Vijaya Bahu VII. was still reigning at Kotté, Bhuwaneka

Bahu VII. not succeeding until 1534, according to the generally received

chronology.

2 Couto in V. 11. iv. says that the proper name of this man was Paichi-

marea (? Payichchi Marakkar). He seems to have first turned pirate

in 1519 (see Correa ii. 569), the reason for his action being told us by

Barros below (p. 92); and for many years he proved one of the

most formidable enemies the Portuguese had to contend with in the

Indian seas. We shall hear of him again. In Cast. VII. xviii. we

read of his being on the way to attack the king of Ceylon with a

large fleet in January 1527.

3 Barros and Couto both state that Madune, the king’s brother, was

besieging him; but I think they must be in error. As I have said,

Bhuwaneka Bahu did not come to the throne until 1534, when his

brother Mayddunné began an active campaign against him, and did

besiege him in Kotté in 1537-8, as we shall see. Perhaps these writers

have made two events out of one, and Martim Affonso de Mello Jusarte

may have been confused with Martim Affonso de Sousa. At any rate,

Castanheda, who records the war waged by Patimarcar on the king of

Ceylon (VII. lxv.), says nothing of Madune; while Correa (ili. 262) is

absolutely silent regarding any call at Ceylon by Martim Affonso.

Equally silent on the subject are the Rdjdvaliya and Zinuddin.

* He seems to have left Cochin in March 1528, and therefore reached

Columbo in that month or in April.

° If the south-west monsoon burst while he was at Columbo he would

be unable to get to the Coromandel coast.

58 SOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XX.

he took from ships of Moors that were there he departed, and

put in to Calecare!, where he had an interview with the lord

of the territory, and agreed with him in regard to the carrying

on of the fishery of seed-pearl, which is fished in those shoals

of Ceilam, at a fixed price, and with the obligation that he

should pay every year three thousand parddos, in return for

which the governor of India would send and keep guard over

the fishers during the time of the fishery’, as captain of which

at that time there went Diogo Rabello with some ships.

And because the inhabitants of Care®, a place adjoining Cale-

care, where seed-pearl is also fished, had murdered Joao Flores,

captain of the guard of that fishery*, Martim Afonso

proceeded thither, and destroyed it®, and thence went to

Paleacate.

Couto.

Dic. IV., BK. tv., CHAP. v.

* ok * k k * *

eae But what we are able to ascertain regarding this®

is, that whilst the governor was in the course of preparing to

send men to Francisco de Sa, there arrived an ambassador

from the king of Cota, a vassal of the king of Portugal’s, to

beg the governor on behalf of the king to succour him,

because his brother Madune sought to deprive him of the

1 Kilakarai, in Portuguese times the headquarters of the pearl fishery

in the Gulf of Mannar. In Dutch times Tuticorin took its place.

2 Castanheda (u.s.) also records this agreement with the chief of

Kilakarai.

* This is, I think, a misprint or mislection for Cael (on which place

see Hob.-Job. s.v.).

4 Joao Flores we have met with in III. 1. ii. (p. 40). The killing of

him and his companions by the Moors is described in detail by Correa

ill. 235-6; see also C. Lit. Reg. iii. 205-6.

° None of the other historians records this.

® Couto has been expressing doubt regarding the accuracy of Casta-

nheda’s statements (in VII. lxv.) that the governor requested Martim

Affonso to go to Sunda to erect a fortress, and that he declined because

Francisco de Sa had already been intrusted with the task, but consented

on pressure from the governor.

No. 60.—1908.] BARROS—COUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 59

throne with the favour and help of the Camorim, who had sent

him a great armada, whereby he held him in great straits. The

governor having considered these matters in council, it was

resolved that that king ought to be succoured with all haste :

for which purpose the governor dispatched the same Martim

Afonso de Mello!, with eleven? sail, among which was a

royal galley, and a galliot, and the rest rowing vessels, of

the captains of which we can find the names of only three’,

Thome Pirez, Duarte Mendez de Vasconcellos, and Jodo

Coelho: the governor giving him instructions that he was to

cross over to Ceilao to succour that king, and from there was

to go and winter on the coast of Choramandel, ...... there

embarked four hundred men ......

* *f * * * * *K

Dre: IV.,- BK. tv.; CHAP. x.

nee This captain having left Goa* went and put in to the

island of Ceildo, according to the instructions he bore, in

order to succour that king of Cota, who was already relieved

of the armada of Calecut; because as soon as it received

warning of ours it at once withdrew, and Madune raised the

siege that he had laid to his brother. And as we give an

account of the cause of this war and the origin of these kings

further on at the beginning of the Fifth Decade, that appear-

ing to us a better place, weomit it now. That king of Cota

esteemed this succour much, and became more amenable to

the service of the king of Portugal, whose vassal he was.

' Martim Afonso, having nothing more to do there, set sail,

and crossed the shoals to the other side, and went to winter at

Paleacate, ......

x * * * * Xf *

1 Martim Affonso de Mello Jusarte, who, according to Castanheda,

was a relative of the governor’s.

2 Castanheda (u.s.) says ‘‘ nine.”

3 Couto has evidently copied these from Castanheda. Barros gives

the full list. —

4 It was from Cochin, not Goa, that he had been dispatched by the

governor.

60 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoLt. XX.

Dec. IV., Bx. vi., CHAP. vii.

* * * * * * *

From there! we went to India?; and the king?

(whom God keep), being cognisant of my good services, sent

me the offer of Ormuz or Ceilao, whichever I chose, which did

not have effect on account of my being in the kingdom,

because I left there in the year that Lopo Soarez went to

Tndiai pac:

1 Ormuz.

2 The speaker is Lopo Vaz de Sampaio, governor of India, 1526-9,

who, having been sent home a prisoner, after an incarceration of two

years was brought before King Joao II. to make his defence and have

sentence passed upon him (see Whiteway 211). The passage here

given is from his lengthy speech in his defence: he is speaking of the

time when he accompanied Albuquerque on his last expedition in 1515.

3 Dom Manuel (died 1521).

4 That is, in 1515. He must, therefore, have left for Portugal at the

end of that year; and the king’s offer must have crossed him on the

way. The fortress at Ormuz was finished only at the end of 1515, and

that of Ceylon not until the end of 1518 ; so that in both cases the offer

was anticipatory.

No. 60.—1908.| COoUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 61

COUTO.

DECADE V.

1536-1545 A.D.

Portuguese Governors of India.—Nuno da Cunha, governor,

November 1529 to September 1530; D. Garcia de Noronha,

viceroy, September 1530 to April 1540; D. Estevao da

Gama, governor, April 1540 to May 1542; Martim Affonso

de Sousa, governor, May 1542 to September 1546.

Sinhalese Rulers in Ceylon.—Bhuvaneka Bahu VII., 1534-51

(K6étté); Mayadunné, 1534-81 (2), (Sitavaka); Vira Vikrama,

1542-45 (Kandy).

Tamil King in Jaffna.—Sangili.

In this Decade Couto tells us of the attempts made by Maya-

dunné to oust his brother Bhuvaneka Bahu from the throne of

Kotte, laying siege to the city twice, between 1536 and 1539,

and having the help of a Moorish force from Calecut. The

siege was raised on the first occasion by Martim Affonso de

Sousa (who subsequently inflicted a severe defeat on the Moors

near Ramésvaram),' and on the second by Miguel Ferreira,

when the Moorish leaders were treacherously murdered. We

are also tuld of Bhuvaneka Bahu’s sending (in 1540) an am-

bassador to the king of Portugal with a golden image of his

infant grandson to be crowned as his successor. Jafina first

appears in Couto’s history in a somewhat incidental manner.

In one chapter Couto gives an account of the ancient history of

the island as obtained by him from native sources ; in another

a learned dissertation on the opinions held by ancient geo-

graphers regarding Taprobana ; and in a third, an interesting

discussion on Adam’s Peak.

1 Ag the above incidents are recorded also in the Barros-Lavanha

Dec. IV., I have combined the versions of the latter with those of

Couto (see infra, pp. 73-9, 90-8).

62 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XX.

Dec. V., BK. 1., CHAP. v.

Of the antiquity of the population of the island of Ceilao ; of the

beginning and origin of its kings ; and of all those that

it had until Bonoega Bao Pandar, who reigned

in this year of 1537.

Since it falls to us here to enter on the wars of Ceilao (which

since we discovered that island has always been to the state of

India another Carthage to Rome ; because, little by little, it has

gone on consuming, in expenses, men and artillery, so much,

that it alone has swallowed up with its wars more than all the

other conquests of this Hast'), it will be well for us to givean

account of the beginning of its population and of the origin

of its kings, a subject regarding which no one has hitherto

written except ourselves”, the which it cost us much trouble to

ascertain from their own writings, which we found in the hands

of some princes of that island who came to this city of Goa’.

Accordingly it must be known that about five hundred

years before the advent of Christ there was reigning in the

kingdom of Ajota (which nowadays we call Tanagarim*) a

heathen king, who at that time possessed the greatest empire

in the East, since he had under his sceptre all that lies between

the river Ganges and Cochin-China’, and inland as far as some

forty degrees north. This king had a son called Vigia Raya,

heir to the kingdom, so wild, and of such a licentious nature,

that in all his father’s dominions there was not a married

1 Couto wrote this in 1597 or a little before, at the time when Azevedo

the infamous was trying to retrieve the disastrous defeat of Pedro Lopes ~

de Sousa in 1594 by carrying fire and sword through the lowlands of

Ceylon (see Dec. XII., passim).

2 Couto is justified in making this assertion, his summary of the Rdja-

valiya (a very meagre and not very correct one unfortunately) being the

earliest version in any European language.

3 In V. 11. x. (p. 101) Couto tells us that he had heard one of these princes

chant the Sinhalese chronicles. The princes referred to were probably

Dom Filippe of Kandy and his son Dom Joao and nephew Dom

Filippe of Sitavaka, all of whom were refugees or captives at Goa shortly

before this (see infra, pp. 389, note +, 392, note *).

4 This parenthetical statement is, of cource, founded on a serious

blunder, Couto having confused the ancient Ayodhya (Oudh) in

Northern India with its modern namesake in Siam (see Hob.-Job. s.vv.

‘“Oudh”’ and “ Judea’’). We find the same confusion in his account

of the origin of the Solar dynasty in V. 11. x. (p. 101).

® The Sinhalese chronicles do not credit Sinhabahu with ruling over

an empire of any such extent as here stated, and his petty kingdom lay

in exactly the opposite direction to that indicated by Couto.

No. 60.—1908.] couTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON.” 63

woman or a maiden whom he desired that was not at once

brought to him, insulting and dishonouring them, and killing

and impaling all that sought to defend them, and towards

others using brutal inhumanities: whereby he so harassed

everyone, that the people, being unable to endure him any

longer, assembled and went to complain to his father, and to

beg him for justice for such insults and cruelties. And as he

was vexed with his son on account of seeing in him no amend-

ment, nor perceiving any inclination towards good, having

already many times admonished him, he commanded secretly

to equip many vessels, and in them to place provisions and

necessary things; and when all was ready he took his son

unawares, and embarked him with seven hundred youths of

_his own age and of his retinue, who in his turpitudes had all

been ever his companions : because it was a custom in that

kingdom, on the day that the son and heir was born, for the

king to command all the male children that were born on the

same day, throughout all the realms that he possessed, to be

written down and enrolled, who were brought to the court

from seven years upward in order to be trained together with

the prince ; and on the day that this one was born there was

found a great number of them, of whom seven hundred were

still living!.

After the king had embarked his son he told him that he

was to go through the world and seek countries that he might

populate, but that he was not to return to his kingdom,

because he would kill him and all the rest. This prince having

departed set sail and went along at the mercy of the winds

without knowing whither he went, and in a few days he came

in sight of a desert island?, which is this of Ceila6, at which

he came to land on the inner side, in a port that is called

Preaturé, which lies between Triquillimalé and the point of

Jafanapatad*4; and disembarking on land, they were much

1 Cf. Rajav. 15-6.

2 Couto, it will be noticed, says nothing of the yakkha population

of Ceylon.

’ By the “inner side

eastern side.

4 Rijklof van Goens the elder, in his version of the Rajavaliya narra-

tive (Val. Ceylon 210), says that Vijaya made landfall! near the hill of

Trincomalee. Couto, it will be seen, puts the landing-place between

this and the point of Jaffna. The only port on that stretch of coast

with a name like “ Preaturé’”’ is Point Pedro (Tam. Paruttitturai —

“cotton roadstead’’). But, from what follows, it looks as if Couto had

got on the wrong side of the island, and that Preaturé — Periyaturai =

Mahatittha = Mantota.

” of Ceylon Portuguese writers meant the

64 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XX.

pleased with the sweetness of its odours, the softness of its airs,

the coolness of its rivers, and the beauty of its woods : where-

fore they determined to remain there, and began to form their —

towns. The first city that they founded was in that part of

Mantota, opposite to Manar!. Here they remained sustain-

ing themselves for some time with the multitude of fish from

the sea and rivers, and with the many and excellent fruits from

the jungles, which all consisted of oranges, limes and lemons,

and other different sorts very sweet to the smell and very

delicious to the taste. And on account of the great fertility

that they found in all respects, they gave to that island the

name of Lancao, which is a word that corresponds to “ Earthly

Paradise.’ This was the first name that it had, and its true

~ one, which it still preserves’. ,

After these strangers had been there some months, there put

in to that island some vessels from the opposite coast for the

fishery of seed-pearls® (of which there is great plenty there),

and coming to speech with those that were in them, they

learnt that they were from a kingdom that lay on the other

side of the mainland a day’s journey, in which reigned a ruler —

called Cholca* Raya; and having obtained information re-

garding his state and power, the prince entertained the idea of

forming a family alliance with him. To this end he dispatched

in the same vessels some ambassadors, by whom he sent to beg

him that since they were such neighbours he would think well

that they should have intercourse and should be united by

family ties by his giving him a daughter in marriage, and

some others of the noble ladies of his realms as wives of those

men that he had brought with him. These ambassadors

arrived at the opposite coast, and were conducted to the king,

who received them well, and learning about the prince, and

whose son he was (the father being well known throughout

the whole of the Hast), he considered himself fortunate in his

se a

1 Couto has probably confused Mantota with Tammanatota (see

Rajdav. 16).

2 Barros, as we have seen above (p. 32), credits the Siamese alone

with calling the island “ Lamca.’’ Couto is correct in his statements

in the last sentence, but his explanation of Lanka would apply more

appropriately to the name of Tenassarim == tanah sari, ‘‘land of happi-

ness ”’ (see Hob.-Job. s.v. ‘‘ Tenasserim ’’).

3 The statements here made by Couto are not corroborated by the

extant native chronicles . but they are interesting, and may be founded

on popular tradition.

4 An evident misprint or misreading for “‘ Cholea.’’ According to the

Sinhalese chronicles, however, it was the Pandya and not the Chola

kingdom from which Vijaya obtained his queen.

No. 60.—1908.] coUTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON’ 65

desiring to ally himself by marriage with him, and replied to

him favourably, sending him many compliments. And after

the exchange of visits on both sides he sent him a daughter for

himself, with a very large retinue of ladies and maidens, and

a number of other daughters of noblemen for those of his

company, the nuptials being celebrated betwten them all with

great solemnities ; thenceforward they frequently went to

and fro and interchanged communications, many persons

crossing over to live in that island, principally workmen of

every craft, and agriculturists with their plows, seed, cattle,

and everything else necessary for human life. With this that

island began to increase, and the interior to become populated

in such manner that great and beautiful cities and towns were

built.

_ And because those people there had been degraded, those of

the opposite coast called them Gallas, which is the same as

“banished ’’!. That prince, seeing that the affairs of that

island were increasing so much, intitled himself emperor of

the island of Lancao ; albeit foreigners also called it Ilenare,

which in the Malavar language signifies “‘ the kingdom of the

island ”’*, which is the second name that it had. And as

these banished men spoke the Tanagarim language, which was

their own, after they had united in marriage with the women

of the opposite coast, who spoke Malavar (which is the most in

use that there is on that coast of Canara), the two languages

becoming mixed came to form that which they use nowadays,

albeit the most speak pure Malavar?. This king lived twenty-

five years’, and having no children left the kingdom to a

brother of his, whom while he was alive he had sent to beg of his

father : because by-and-by, as soon as he had established his

residence in that country, they communicated and traded

with one another.

_ This brother that succeeded him® had many sons, in whose

descendants that kingdom continued for nine hundred years‘

without going out of the line. When these had passed it came

under the rule of one called Dambadine Pandar Pracura Ma-

bago, or Bao’, of whom we shall treat presently. From this

1 Perhaps Couto means Tam. kalddi = “‘ wanderer,’

been thinking of the Kallar tribe. j

* See supra, p. 30, note °.

5 There are almost as many errors as lines in this sentence.

4 The Sinhalese chronicles say thirty-eight.

5 It was really his brother Sumitta’s son Panduvasadeva who suc-

ceeded Vijaya.

6 Nearly double that period, according to the Sinhalese chronology.

7 Dambadeni Pardkrama Bahu II., 1240 or 1267 a.p.

F 36-08

or he may have

66 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XX.

time forward this island began to be famous in the world on

account of the much and very fine cinnamon that its jungles

yielded!.

And as the Chins were the first that sailed throughout the

Hast, having received information regarding the cinnamon,

many juncos hastened to that island to load it, and from there

earried it to the ports of Persia and Arabia, whence it passed

‘to Europe, as we shall relate more fully further on. Thus this

island was so frequented by Chin juncos, that every year there

went to it a great number of them, from which many Chins

remained in the country, and intermarried with the natives :

from between whom were born certain mixties, who continued

calling themselves Cim Gallas, adding the name of the natives,

who were Gallas, to that of the Chins, whose proper name is

Cim, and formed that which we nowadays corruptly call Chim-

_ gallas, who in course of time came to be so famous, that they

gave their name to all in the island’.

And so, as they proceed from the Chins, who are the falsest

heathens of the East, and from the banished men who had been

expelled from their own country as wicked and cruel: so all

those of this island are the most cowardly, false, and deceitful

that there are in the whole of India, because never up to this

day has there been found in a Chingalla faith or truth?.

And as the Chins continued to carry on trade with this island,

and are wicked (as we have said), there put in there an armada

of theirs, when Dambadine Pandar was king*, whom we

have mentioned above ; and those of the country not being

4 This statement, which is not found in the Sinhalese chronicles, may |

be founded on popular tradition. Kazwini, the Arab writer of the 13th

century, seems to be the first that mentions Ceylon cinnamon (see Ten.

i. 599-600, and Suckl. i. 247).

2 Couto here repeats the absurd statements of Barros in ITI. 11, i. (p. 33).

3 The only excuse for this monstrous and sweeping statement is,

that at the time when Couto wrote (circa 1597) the erstwhile protégé of

the Portuguese and good Catholic, Dom Jodo de Austria, was, as the

Buddhist king Vimala Dharma Strya, compelling those same Portu-

guese to pour out their blood and treasure in a vain attempt to gain the

domination of Ceylon. In VI. vumit. vii. (p.140) Couto makes an exception

in favour of King Bhuvaneka Bahu VII., that béte noire of the Rajdvaliya.

4 This statement proves that the copy of the Rdjdvaliya in the posses-

sion of the Sinhalese princes who supplied Couto with his information

had the usual hiatus after the reign of Parékrama Bahu II. (see Raja-

valiya iv. 66). In reality, the reigning king was Vira Bahu or Vijaya

Bahu VI. (? 1391-1412), and he it was whom the Chinese general Ching

Ho in 1410 carried off captive to China (see Bell’s Rep. on Kégalla Dist.

91-3 ; Sylvain Lévi in Journal Asiatique, 1900, 430, 440).

No. 60.—1908.| CoUTO : HISTORY OF CEYLONT 67

afraid of them, the day that they intended to embark they

captured the king, and sacked his city; and carrying off

from it great treasures they departed for China, and presented

the captive king to theirs. The latter was very angry at the

treachery that his vassals had practised on a king who had

received them into his country ; and he forthwith commanded

them under pain of death to take him back again to his king-

dom, for which purpose he ordered an armada to be got ready,

in which he embarked him with every honour!; and so we

shall leave him for the moment, to return to him again.

This captive king had a widowed daughter?, who, with two

_ little sons’ that she had, had the fortune to escape from the

Chins on the day of the sack, and with them betook herself

into the interior. The Chins having embarked, as the king had

no son left, a heathen called Alagexere*, to whom the same

king had given the government of the realm, seized the king-

dom. This man, seeing himself in that position, fulfilling his

office with the desire of reigning, strove much to get the prin-

cess with the princes into his hands, in order to kill them, and

remain secure in the kingdom. This lady was warned of this

plan ; and wishing to save her sons, she proceeded with them

to the parts about Ceitavaca in disguise, and with such

secrecy that she confided in nobody: there she remained

sustaining her sons in poverty’. The traitor, considering the

boys to be dead, crowned himself as emperor of the whole

island; and after he had governed for a little more than two

_ years, there arrived the armada from China, which brought

his king, and put in to the port of Columbo. The tyrant

caused him to be received with very deceitful demonstrations :

and conducting him to the city that night he murdered him‘,

remaining king, as which he lived ten years’. This tyrant

* It is noteworthy that this statement regarding the remission of

Vijaya Bahu, which finds no place in the Rdjdvaliya, is confirmed by the

Chinese historians (see Ten. 1. 416, 624).

2 According to the Rdjdvaliya (67) it was Vijaya Bahu’s queen

Sunétra Dévi.

8 Only one according to the Rajavaliya.

4 Alakesvara or Alagakkéndra (see Bell’s Rep. on Keég. Dist. 92;

CC. A. S§. Jl. xviii. 281-308).

5 See Réjdvaliya 69-70; Bell’s Rep. on Kég. Dist. 42.

° The foregoing is not borne out by any of the Sinhalese chronicles.

7 Alakesvara appears actually to have ruled for some five or six years.

Couto leads us to infer that he died a natural death ; but the Rajavaliya

_ states that the elder Visidagama caused him to be put to death.

F 2

68 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XX.

left no sons, and the government of the kingdom devolved

upon a chagatar, a wise man, and morally upright!. The

first thing that this man did was to send to seek the princes,

who were wandering in exile, having now lost their mother? ;

and being brought before him, he received them as lords,

forthwith swearing in as emperor the elder one, who intitled

himself Maha Pracura Mabago*, and who would now be six-

teen years old*, and married him to a daughter of the ruler of

Candia, his vassal and relative® ; and to the other brother,

who intitled himself Madune Pracura Mabago, he gave the

dominion of the Four Corlas®. This Maha Pracura trans-

ferred his court to the city of Cota, which he founded anew‘

after the same manner and for the same reason as the kings of

the Decan so long afterwards founded the city of Xarbedar®,

—as we have related in the fourth chapter of the tenth book of

the Fourth Decade, of the time in which the Moors conquered

the Decan,—and ordained that all his heirs should be crowned

there in order to aggrandize it. This king had no son, but

had a daughter®, who was magried to Cholca Raya of the race

of the ancient kings!®, by whom he had a son, whom his grand-

father swore in as heir to the throne. In the time of this king

there arrived at the city of Cota from the opposite coast a

1 The elder Visidagama is meant. (The word changatar was applied

by Portuguese writers to the Buddhist priests: it perhaps represents Sin.

sangatdrya, “the venerable one of the assembly.”’ On p. 284 infra it

is spelt sangatar).

2 The Rdjavaliya tells us nothing of Sunétra Dévi’s death.

-§ Sri Pardkrama Bahu VI. (? 1415: see Rep. on Kég. Dist. 81).

4 So also the Rajdvaliya (68).

5 According to the Rkajdvaliya his bride was a princess from Kiravella

(? Kiraveli pattu in Beligal koralé).

6 Krom the Paravisandésa it would seem that Parakrama Bahu VI.

actually had a brother named Parakrama of Mayadunu (see Alwis’s

Des. Cat. 216).

7 K6tté or Jayawardhanapura was really founded by Alakesvara,

though Parakrama Bahu VI. greatly enlarged and improved it (see

Rdjdwaliya 66, 68; Mahdvansa 320, 321; C. A. 8. Jl. xvili. 285, 304).

8 Bidar in the Deccan, which was founded not “so longafterwards,”’

but some seventy years later. The reason given by Couto for its found-

ing is that a king saw a hare chasing a dog—a widespread fable (see

Knox’s Hist. Rel. 58; C. Lit. Reg. iii. 376; Sewell’s Forg. Hmp. 19, 299).

® Ulakuda Dévi (see Rdjdv. 70; Macready’s Sela L. S., st. xcix.-ci.).

10 The Sinhalese chronicles do not state who Ulakuda Dévi’s husband

was. He may have been the minister Nallurutanaya (see Macready’s

Sela L. S., Introd., st. xciv.—xev.).

No. 60.—1908.] couTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON? 69

panical’ of the caste of those kings, a man of great activity

and sagacity, whom the king welcomed, and married him to

a woman of rank, by whom he had two sons and a daughter ;

these lads were brought up in companionship with the prince,

with whom there was also a first cousin of these lads, the son

of a sister of his mother’s. These three lads grew up, and

came to have such power in the kingdom, that the king

noticed in them a change of disposition, from which he feared

that on his death they would murder his grandson. And

dissembling in regard to this, he resolved to separate them,

which he did, commanding the two brothers to go and

subject for him the kingdom of Jafanapatao, which had

rebelled against him, conferring on the elder one, who was

called Québa Permal, the title of king of that dominion

with the obligation of vassalage. This man, who was a

very great horseman, and of the greatest size and strength of

any of that time, in a few days made himself master of that

dominion’. .

The emperor Maha Pracura Mabago Pandar?® having suc-

ceeded to the dominion, when he had reigned a year and a

half, his uncle, the ruler of the Corlas*, died ; and the king

gave that dominion to the brother? of the king of Jafanapatao.

This emperor Javira married a princess of the Seven Corlas,

who was of the blood royal and was already a widow, by whom

he had a son who was a witling from birth, and a daughter of

whom their chronicles do not speak, wherefore she must have

died young. This king reigned a few years; and a sister of

his called Manica Pandar, taking her half-witted nephew in her

arms, had him sworn as king, and herself as tutor and gover-

ness of the kingdom, as she was very prudent and courageous.

After this lady had governed the kingdom for two years,

seeing that a male sovereign was necessary, because there

had already been several disturbances, and the nephew was

incapable of reigning, she sent in great haste to summon

Queba Permal, king of Jafanapata6, in order to hand over the

‘For the ordinary meanings of this word see Hob.-Job. s.v.

Panikar,’’ and cf. infra, p. 286. Here, however, it seems to have

some sense of rank.

2'The person here called Québa Permal was Sapumal Kumara, the

commander-in-chief, whorfi the king did send, as stated, to conquer

the kingdom of Jaffna, of which he was made ruler (see Rajav. 68, 69;

Sela L. S. st. xxviii.). The family details given by Couto are not found

elsewhere (see Bell’s Rep. on Kég. Dist. 83).

3 Vira Parékrama Bahu (? 1467).

4 Parakrama of Mayadunu (see swpra, p. 68).

5 Ambulugala Kumara (see Rajdav. 68).

70 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX.

kingdom to him, he being the most valorous of all the princes of

the island!. This came to the ears of his brother the king of the

Corlas, who forthwith hastened to take part in this business,

claiming the kingdom for himself?; but when the brother

arrived, although they had many disputes, Queba Permal

became king, and changing his name called himself thence-

forward Boenegabao Pandar, which signifies “king by

strength of arm’’?. This king married a gentlewoman, whom

the king of Candia gave him as wife, saying that she was his

daughter, which was not the fact ; but he called her so because

of having brought her up from childhood’. By this lady he

had a son called Caipura Pandar, who on the death of his —

father succeeded to the kingdom’. He was not crowned more

than four times (because those kings were accustomed to be

crowned once every year on the same day as that on which they

were first crowned ; and for this reason the years of their rule

are counted by the number of times that they were crowned®).

So this king, having been already crowned four times, was

slain by the king of the Corlas, who made himself emperor

by force, and changed his name, calling himself Javira Pra-

cura Mabago Pandar’. This king already had four sons°,

and was not crowned more than three times. On his death

there succeeded to the empire his eldest son called Drama

1 All the above is entirely at variance with the Rajdvaliya (70), which

simply says that, on the accession of Vira Parakrama Bahu, Sapumal

marched from Jaffna to Kotté, slew the king, and assumed the

sovereignty.

2 The Rajdvaliya says nothing of this.

3 Sapumal on ascending the throne (? 1469) took the title of Sri

Bhuvaneka Bahu VI. Couto’s explanation of the title is para-

phrastic.

4The Sinhalese chronicles are silent regarding any marriage of

Bhuvaneka Bahu VI.

5 What Caipura represents I do not know. According to the

Rdjdvaliya (70) a prince who had been brought up by Bhuvaneka Bahu

VI. was, on the death of the latter, proclaimed king under the title of

Pandita Parakrama Bahu (? 1485).

6 This statement appears to be founded on some misapprehen-

sion. | ®

7 The Rdajdvaliya (70) tells us that, on hearing of the death of Bhuva-

neka Béhu VI., Kuda Kumara of Ambulugala marched from the Four

Koralés, defeated the royal army, proceeded to Kétté, slew Pandita

Pardkrama Bahu, and ascended the throne (1485) under the title of

Vira Pardkrama Bahu (VIII.).

5 The Rajdvaliya says a daughter also.

No. 60.—1908.] coUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 7)

Pracura Mabago!, who married a lady of the caste of the

ancient kings, by whom he had three sons?.

At this time there died one of the king’s brothers®, who left

four }sons and two daughters*, and their mother married

another brother of her husband’s called Boenegabo Pandar, who

was ruler of Reiga6é>. This king, after being crowned eight

times, died®, leaving three young sons, whom their uncle

seized, and secretly slew’, the right to the throne thus being

left to him alone, whereupon he forthwith had himself crowned

as emperor®, bringing up in his house the three stepsons

whom we have mentioned, who were also his nephews, the

sons of his brother?, who were called Boenegabo Pandar, who

was the eldest, and the second Reigad Pandar. and the third

Madune Pandar?’.

In the time of this king Boenegabo Pandar!!, Dom Lourengo

d’ Almeida, son of the viceroy Dom Francisco d’Almeida, in

the year of our Lord 1505, arrived at that island!?, and sending

1 Dharma Parakrama Bahu IX. commenced to reign 1508, though

his brother Vijaya Bahu VII. had already assumed regal power (in

the south of Ceylon ?) in 1505 (see Bell’s Rep. on Kég. Dist. 85-6, 96).

2 The Rajdvaliya does not tell us of any marriage of this king’s.

8 Sri Raja Sinha (see Rajdv. 71, 74).

4 According to the Rdjdvaliya (74) Raja Sinha and Vijaya Bahu

had three sons by their common wife (no daughters are mentioned).

5 ‘There seems to be confusion here, Maha Rayigam Baiidara and

Bhuvaneka Bahu VII. being sons of the common marriage mentioned

in the previous note.

6 According to the Rdjdvaliya (74) Dharma Parakrama Bahu IX.

reigned twenty-two years, Vijaya Bahu VII. succeeding him (1527).

” As I have said, the Rdajavaliya does not even tell us that Dharma

Parakrama Bahu ever married, so does not credit him with any sons.

I think Couto must have evolved these three sons out of the three

nephews he mentions below.

* Vijaya Bahu VII., on the death of his Beother Dharma Parakrama

Bahu, doubtless peeneienred his court from Dondra to Kotté.

° Four sons (and two daughters) is what Couto actually credited

above to Raja Sinha : now he conforms to the number given by the Rdaja-

valiya.

Bhuvaneka Bahu, Maha Rayigam Batdara, and Mayadunné

(Rdajav. 75).

1 By “ this king Boenegabo Pandar ”’ Couto means Vijaya Bahu VII.

To him and Couto this name ‘‘ Boenegabo ”’? (with various spellings)

seems to have been one safe to use in al] doubtful cases, being applied by

them to kings who had no claim to it (see supra, p. 57, note *).

2 The statement is correct, though the date is wrong (see supra,

p. 22 ff.), and the inference is misleading, since Vijaya Béhu in 1506 was

ruling in the south of Ceylon.

12 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX.

ashore to get water and wood, they tried to prevent him,

wherefore he ordered to fire from the galleons some bombard

shots, wherewith he astonished them in such manner that

they betook themselves into the interior, those natives not

being accustomed to hear that new noise amongst them!,

because at that time there was not a single firelock in the

whole island ; and after we entered it, with the continual use

of the war that we made on them, they became so dexterous

as they are today, and came to cast the best and&handsomest

artillery in the world, and to make the finest firelocks, and

better than ours”, of which there are in the island today more

than twenty thousand. This was the reason why Scipio was

of opinion that one should never make war continuously on

one same nation, lest they should become dexterous, as we

have done to the Chingalas and Malavares, who by continual

use are today more skilful than all the nations of the East,

and so have given us more trouble to the state than all others.

And returning to our subject, as soon as this king learnt

of the Portuguese armada that was in his port, so great was

his fear that he sent to proffer. terms of peace to Dom Lourenco,

and to offer vassalage, which was accepted of him with a yearly

tribute of four hundred bares of cinnamon, which are equal to

one thousand two hundred quintals?.

These three infantes, nephews and stepsons of this king,

beginning to grow up and arrive at manhood, their uncle and

stepfather began to find them such an incumbrance" that he

resolved to murder them, as he had already done with three

other nephews, first cousins of these; but there was not

wanting someone who warned the youths, whereupon they

fled from the anger of their uncle to the kingdom of Candia’.

Thence, with the help of that king® and of other lords, they

sallied forth with large armies and attacked Cota, killing their

uncle, and taking from him the kingdom®. And as in these

1 Cf. Rajdv. 73,74. On the knowledge of firearms among the natives

of India and Ceylon, see Whiteway 37 ff.

* Cf. infra, p. 117, note ©.

3 See supra, p. 23.

4 See Rajdv. 74-5. According to this authority the three fled to

Jaffna, where Mayédunné left the elder two and proceeded to Kandy

(or, rather, ‘‘thehill-country,”’ the city of Kandy being not yet founded).

5 Jayavira Baidara, according to the Rdjdvaliya (75); he was

first cousin to Mayadunné (see infra, p. 124).

6 See Rdjdv. 75-6. According to this chronicle no one could be got

to undertake the assassination of Vijaya Bahu, until at length “a

stranger, Salma by name ”’ (Val. Ceylon 76 has “‘ Seelam ”’), consented

to do the bloody deed.

No. 60.—1908.]| couTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON._ 73

envy and covetousness had as yet no place, that affair being

still fresh, they divided amongst themselves the empire, there

going to the eldest, who was called Boenegabago Pandar!, the

kingdom of Cota, which was the capital; and to the middle

one, who was called Reigad Pandar, fell the kingdom of

Reigad with that city, where first was the capital of the

empire”; to the youngest called Madune Pandar went the city

of Ceitavaca with its territories®: all three being sworn in as

kings of that which fell to them. The king of Cota married a

ereat-grand-daughter of the king Javira Pracura Mabago?.

After the partition of these kingdoms had taken place,

there arrived at this island the governor Lopo Soarez in the

year of our Lord 1517°, and built the fortress of Columbo,

that king of Cota having the vassalage renewed, with the

- obligation of three hundred bares of cinnamon, and twelve

rings of rubies and sapphires, and six elephants for the service

of the dockyard at Cochim. This tribute was paid for several

years until it was entirely lost, as we shall relate more fully in

due course.

Drc. V., BK. 1., CHAP. Vi.

Of how Madune, king of Ceitavaca, determined to take the kingdom

from his elder brother with the help of the Camorim, who for

that purpose sent him a great armada : and of how Martum

Afonso de Sousa had advice thereof and went in search of tt,

and utterly destroyed it, and passed over to Ceilao.

These three brothers® continued in their dominions for

some years ; but Madune the youngest, as he increased in age,

so did he in cupidity, desiring greatly to attain to the monarchy

of that island, scheming methods and stratagems to that end.

And the one that seemed to him best was to murder his eldest

! Bhuvaneka Bahu VII. (accession 1534).

* Referring probably to the fact that, before founding Jayawardhana

Kotté, Alakesvara resided in the city of Rayigama (Rdjdv. 66; Bell’s

fep. of Kég. Dist. 92). Cf. infra, p. 99, note +.

3 See Rajdv. 77. According to this authority Mayddunné built the

city of Sitavaka with the aid of the minister Arya.

* The Rdjdvaliya (77) says that Bhuvaneka Bahu “ took to wife a

princess from the royal family of Gampola in the hill-country, and had

a daughter by her.”’

5 It was in 1518 that Lopo Soares came to Ceylon (see supra, p. 39),

sixteen years before the partition spoken of.

* See preceding chapter.

74 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

brother, because with the other he would have little trouble!.

Whilst he was harbouring these designs, there happened to

go” this past August [1536] seven pardos of Malavares at the

time that Nuno Freire d’ Andrade, alcaide mor and factor of that

port?, was in Cota with the king, having in his company seven

or eight Portuguese, of whom the king was very fond, because

he was a great friend of all*. The Moors of the pardos being

arrogant sent to request the king to send them forthwith

those Portuguese. The king, in a taking at this, said “ Yes ”’;

and giving an account of the affair to Nuno Freire d’ Andrade,

told him that he wished to send some captains, which they

call modeliares, to attack the Moors and chastise them for that

impertinence. Nuno Freire begged of him as a favour that

expedition, because it also concerned him: he granted it to

him, giving him Samlupur arache®> with six hundred men.

Nuno Freire, with these few Portuguese that he had, set out

in the daybreak watch, and at dawn arrived before Columbo :

taking the Malavares on land unawares, and attacking them,

he made a great slaughter, and of those that were able to

escape, some threw themselves into the sea and got into the

ships, while others betook themselves into the interior, and

went to stay at Ceitavaca. Those in the sea collected in three

of the ships, and went off, leaving the other four in the posses-

sion of our people with all their contents.

1 The Rajavaliya (77) tells us that “‘ May4dunné having taken counsel

with Rayigam Bajiidara raised disturbances in the territory which be-

longed to Bhuvaneka Bahu, paying no heed to the latter being their

elder [brother],’’ but gives no reason for their action. (After the para- —

graph ending with the words I have quoted, as far as page 82 of the

Rdajdvaliya there are omissions and transpositions of events from their

proper chronological order. The events of the years 1536-7, as here

recorded by Couto and Barros, are entirely passed over by the Sinhalese

chronicle.)

2 The words “ to Columbo” (which Lavanha: inserts in taking over

this sentence from Couto—see p. 77) appear to have been omitted

here by an oversight.

? I cannot find when he was appointed to these offices. Since the

demolition of the fortress at Columbo in 1524 (see swpra, p. 55), the

safeguarding of Portuguese interests in Ceylon had devolved upon

the factor. Nuno Freire seems to have been succeeded as factor

shortly after this by Manuel de Queiréds and Pero Vaz Travassos (see

C. Lit. Reg. iii. 221, 227, 228, and infra, V. v. viii., pp. 105, note 1, and

107, note 1).

* CH. Raja. 79.

® This is, without doubt, the Sallappu Arachchi of the Rajavaliya (77),

who in 1540 went with the embassy to Portugal (see infra, p. 118, note 7).

No. 60.—1908.] couTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. | 75

By this affair Madune king of Ceitavaca was so exasperated

against his brother, that after the Malavares had returned, on

his informing them that he was determined to make war on his

brother the king of Cota, they told him to send and ask succour

of the Camorim, and said that when the latter had sent it to

him, he would have little trouble with that business, offering

him their services for setting forward his ambassadors. Madune

thereupon at once dispatched them with persons of rank, whom

he selected for that purpose, by whom he sent costly articles

to the Camorim and for his ministers, asking him for a good

armada, the expenses of which he would pay entirely to his

satisfaction.

These ambassadors the Camorim received well; and per-

- suaded by the Moors, and mastered by self-interest, he ordered

to collect the ships that had gone out, and to fit out others

with all speed, and made up the number of forty-five, in which

he ordered to embark two thousand men, and made captain

of this armada Ali Abrahem Mavrc4!, a Moor who was a great

pirate and a bold knight. This armada reached Columbo at

the beginning of the past October; and as Madune was

already prepared with large armies, the Moors having joined

him, they moved against the city of Cota, laying siege to it

all round.

Description of the City of Cota?.

This city is situated in the midst of a beautiful lake, and has

one single narrow pass by which it is entered, which by order

of Nuno Freire had been fortified with a bastion and tran-

queiras, in which was placed the artillery that they had

captured from the pardos ; and around the city they arranged

many boats to prevent the enemy if they sought to cross over

to it, either in others or in jangadas?.

And the first thing that the king did was to dispatch a very

urgent message to the governor4, in which he told him of the

risk and danger in which he was, begging him to send him

succour, since he was vassal to the king of Portugal ; and an-

other to Martim Afonso de Sousa, who he learnt was in Cochim,

——,

1 According to Zinuddin (Lopes 63) this man was brother to Cunhale,

of whom we shall hear later on (see infra, p. 91 et seq.).

2 Apparently Couto intended to give here a detailed description of

the city of Cota, but, for some unexplained reason, omitted to do so.

He has partially supplied this omission in VII. x. xiv. (pp. 216—7 infra).

8 Rafts, from Tam. sangddam (see Hob.-Job. s.v. “‘ Jangar ”’).

+ Nuno da Cunha.

76 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (VoL. XX.

in which he begged him, since he had the armada at hand, to

come and deliver him from the power of those. enemies.

Madune continued the siege, delivering great assaults, and

attempting the passes many times, which were valorously

defended against him, the few Portuguese that there were

being those that took part in all the dangers, where they

performed astonishing feats, all being wounded many times,

whom the king at once aided, and commanded to be tended

like his own person, having in them the chief refuge of his

defence : and thus the siege went dragging on for the space of

three months, during which there were encounters worthy of

record.

The king’s envoy, who went with the message to the gover-

nor, arrived at Cochim, where he found the captain-major of

the sea, Martim Afonso de Sousa, to whom he gave the letters

from the king and from Nuno Freire representing to him the

strait in which the king was. The captain-major seeing that

it was an imperative obligation to succour that king, and also

being vainglorious over the great victory of Repelim ', got

ready with all speed, and leaving the galleys on the coast of

Malavar, with the foists rounded Cape Comorim when it was

now February. Thence he ran along the coast as far as the

shoals of Manar (which are also called those of Chilao), and

crossed over to the other side ; and making a straight course

for the coast of Ceila6, he arrived at Columbo. The Mala-

vares, aS soon as our armada left Cochim, were at once advised

thereof, and fearing to lose their ships, they took leave of

Madune, and embarking in them forthwith crossed over to the

opposite coast. Madune likewise raised the siege, and sent to —

make terms with his brother, before the armada should arrive.

When Martim Afonso de Sousa arrived at Columbo, it was

some ten days previously that the Malavares had departed,

and there he learnt that the brothers were already reconciled

and friends ; and now that he was there, he resolved to have

an interview with the king, and set out for Cota, where he

received him very well; and Martim Afonso encouraged him

and emboldened him against his brother, telling him that at

any time that he should need it he would most certainly

have the succour of the Portuguese. The king was much

gratified at beholding that love and diligence with which the

Portuguese hastened to aid him in his affairs, exchanging

with the captain-major grand speeches and compliments,

giving them stuffs and trinkets, both to him and to the

captains of his company.

' This refers to the defeat of the raja of Eddapalli (Repelim) and the

sack of his city by the Portuguese, as described in V. 1. iv.

No. 60.—1908.| BARROS: HISTORY OF CEYLON.- otal

Martim Afonso de Sousa seeing that there was nothing else

for him to do there took leave of the king, and went over to

the opposite coast, and in a few days reached Malavar, where

he received the news that the pardos had not yet returned,

wherefore he set himself to wait for their return, sending out

his spies to look for them!.

% *% * *% % K *K

Barros.

Dec. IV., BK. vul., CHAP. xxii.

How Madune Pandar, king of Cettavaca, with the aid of an

armada of Malavares besieged the king Boenegobago his

brother in the city of Cota, and Martim Afonso went to

succour him, and fought with the armada, and defeated

The affairs of Ceilam did not allow Martim Afonso de Sousa

much time in Cochij?, because Madune Pandar king of Ceita-

vaca persevering in his designs, and continuing in his preten-

sion to the rule of the whole island of Ceilam (as we have said

above®), there happened to go in August of this year of 1536

seven pardos of Malavares to Columbo, at the time that Nuno

Freire de Andrade, alcaide mor and factor of that port, was in

the city of Cota with seven or eight Portuguese*. The Moors of

the pardos sent to request the king Boenegobago Pandar to send

1 Shortly afterwards, having received news that the Moorish fleet was

at Mangalor, Martim Affonso went out with his armada, met the fleet at

sea, and totally defeated it, sinking some ships and driving others

aground with the loss of twelve hundred Moors.

2 In the previous chapter Barros (or Lavanha) has described the defeat

of the Calicut armada under Cutiale Marcar by Martim Affonso de Sousa,

who afterwards went (in May 1536) to Cochin to “‘ winter.”

3 The reference is to IV. 11. viil., where Barros says nothing of Maya-

dunné’s designs, but where there is a long footnote, appended by the

“<¢ editor ”’ of Barros’s Fourth Decade, Jodo Baptista Lavanha, embody-

ing information from Couto. This proves that the words in parentheses

are one of the interpolations of that impudent forger.

4'The foregoing words, from ‘‘ there happened” to “ Portuguese,”

have, it will be noticed, been “* conveyed ”’ bodily from Couto by La-

vanha. Infact, the whole narrative is stolen from Couto’s Fifth Decade,

a word altered here and there, and this paraphrase palmed off by the

imposter as the work of the great Portuguese historian.

78 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XX.

them forthwith those Portuguese. The king, resenting so

great an impertinence, determined to chastise it, of which he

told Nuno Freire, who because it concerned him begged of

the king that expedition, and he granted it to him, and six

hundred men with Samlupur arache their captain to accom-

pany him. Nuno Freire set out at night! with them and

the eight Portuguese, and at dawn reached Columbo, where

taking the Malavares on land unawares he defeated them,

killed many, and of those that were able to escape, some

betook themselves into the jungles, and went to stay at Ceita-

vaca, and others threw themselves into the sea, and took

refuge in three pardos, leaving the other four in the possession

of our people.

Madune Pandar, mortified at the result, received and lodged

the Malavares who had fled to Ceitavaca, who, becoming

acquainted with his designs, advised him to send and ask

succour of the Camorim, whereby he would easily attain his

object, and they offered to set forward and accompany his

ambassadors. Madune approved of the counsel, selected from

amongst his followers the ambassadors, and at once dispatched

them with a costly present for the Camorij, and articles for

his ministers, asking him for a good armada, the expense of

which he would pay liberally.

The Camorij received Madune’s ambassadors well, and per-

suaded by the Moors, and mastered by self-interest, he ordered

to collect forthwith the ships that had gone out, and to fit out

others, and with all speed he got ready an armada, of forty-

five ships, in which he ordered to embark two thousand men,

and as captain of it Ali Abrahem Marca, a Moor who was a

sreat pirate and a bold knight. This armada reached Colum-

bo at the beginning of October ; and as Madune was already in

the field with a large army, the Moors having joined him, they

all proceeded to lay siege to the city of Cota.

This city is situated in the midst of a large lake, and is

joined to the land by a narrow pass by which it ‘is entered.

This pass Nuno Freire fortified with a bastion and tranqueira,

in which he placed the artillery that had been captured in the

four pardos of the Malavares, and arranged that there should

be boats to defend the passage against the enemy if they

should attempt it in others or in jangadas.

The king Boenegobago at once dispatched a messenger to

the governor, begging him to send and succour him in that

1 Lavanha, not knowing how close Kotté was to Columbo, probably

thought Couto’s ‘“‘ daybreak watch ’’ to be an error, so made the ex-

pedition start “‘ at night,”

No. 60.—1908.| BARROS: HISTORY. OF CEYLON” 79

strait in which he was, since he was vassal to the king of

_ Portugal; and he sent another to Martim Afonso de Sousa,

who he learnt was in Cochij, praying him that with the

armada victorious from the emprise of Repelim he would

come and deliver him from those common enemies. Madune

meanwhile continued the siege, delivering great assaults,

and attempting the passes many times, which were defended

against him with much valour, the few Portuguese that were

there being the first in dangers, from which they emerged many

times wounded, whom the king commanded to tend with

great care, because in them he had his greatest defence, and

thus the siege went dragging on for the space of three months.

The envoy who went to the governor arrived at Cochij,

_where he found Martim Afonso de Sousa, to whom he gave the

letter from the king and another from Nuno Freire, and re-

presented the strait in which the king was. Martim Afonso,

recognizing the obligation that lay upon him of succouring that

king, vassal of the crown of Portugal, got ready with dili-

gence ; and leaving the galleys of his armada on the coast of

Malavar in guard of it, with the foists rounded Cape Comorij,

having passed which, and running along the coast as far as

the shoals of Manar, from them crossed over to Ceilam, and

arrived at Columbo, whence when he arrived the Malavares were

already gone; because having advice of the departure from

Cochij of our armada, and fearing to lose their ships, they

took leave of Madune Pandar, and having embarked, went

over to the opposite coast, and Madune likewise raised the

siege of the city before Martim Afonso should arrive, and made

terms with the king his brother.

Martim Afonso, seeing that without his drawing the sword

the enemy had raised the siege against the king, thought it

proper and a due courtesy to visit him : wherefore disembark-

ing he set out for Cota, where the king received him with

great demonstrations of gratitude for that succour. Martim

Afonso offered it to him on behalf of the king of Portugal and

of his governor of India whenever he should need it, at which

the king was much gratified, understanding how certain was

the favour of the Portuguese, and recognizing the willingness

and diligence with which they had hastened to his defence.

Martim Afonso took leave of the king, having no occasion

for further detention there, and having embarked went over

to the opposite coast, and in a few days reached Malavar,

where he learnt that the pordos of Ali Abrahem had not yet

reburned *./...

80 _ JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). NV ORO

Drc. V., Br. 1., CHAP. vii.

Of the various opinions that have existed amongst geographers

as to what was the Tapobrana of Ptolemy ; and of the reasons

that we give for its being this island of Ceilaé ; and of the

names that its cinnamon bears amongst all nations".

Before we enter upon other matters, now that we are occu-

pied with the affairs of CeilaO, and have shown the source of

its population, and the origin of its kings, and the names that

the natives gave to it, it will be right that we also state

those that it bears amongst strangers, and that we show that

it is the true Tapobrana of Ptolemy, regarding which there

has been such confusion amongst geographers, and the reasons

why all of them thought this to be the island of Camatra?.

Pliny, speaking of Tapobrana?, says that is six* thousand

stadia in length and five thousand in breadth, and that it was

in a way considered a new world, and that it was discovered

in the time of the emperor Claudius, and that a king of that

island sent ambassadors to him, and that the ships that used

to go there were not directed or steered by the stars, because

they did not see the poles.

Strabo speaking of Tapobrana makes it of a like size as does

Pliny?.

_ Onesicritus®, a captain of Alexander the Great’s, who sailed

this coast of India, says that Tapobrana is of five thousand

stadia, without stating whether it is in breadth or in length,

and that it was separated from the people of the Prasis on the

Ganges by a sail of twenty days’; and that between it and

India there were many other islands, but that this more than

all others lay to the south.

1 On Ceylon as known to the Greeks and Romans see Ten. i. pt. v.

chap. i., Suckl. i. chap. ix., but especially the excellent volumes of J. W.

McCrindle, Anc. Ind. as desc. in Class. Lit. Valentyn (Ceylon 14-8) has,

without the slightest acknowledgment, taken over this whole chapter

from Couto, and, in doing so, has made some absurd blunders, which I

shall point out below.

2 T do not consider that Couto in what follows proves that Ceylon was

the Taprobane of the ancients, nor do I regard the question as: yet

solved (perhaps it never will be). I would merely refer to the further

references to the subject in the documents given-in the appendices to my

paper on ‘‘ The Discovery of Ceylon by the Portuguese in 1506.”

3 See McCrindle’s Anc. Ind. 102-6.

' Read “ seven.”

° This is not quite correct (see Anc. Ind. 20, 96).

6 See Anc. Ind. 20.

7 Onesikritos does not mention the Prasians.

No. 60.—1908.] coutTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. — 81

Arrian!, a Greek author, in the treatise that he made on

the navigation of India, says that anyone setting out from the

coast of Camora and Poduca would arrive at an island that

lay to the west called Pallesimonda, and by the ancients

Tapobrana, which all considered a new world, and in his time

was well known, and that in it were bred the largest and best

elephants of all those in India?.

Eratosthenes®, a Greek author, says that the island of

Tapobrana lies in the Koan Sea between the east and west on

the way to India twenty days’ sail from Persia.

Ptolemy‘ in his tables puts the island of Tapobrana on the

coast of India opposite to the Comori Promontorium, which

lies in thirteen and a half degrees north (and Pliny° calls it

_Colaicum Promontorium), and says® that before his days it

was called Simonda, but that in his time it was known by the

name of Salica, and its natives by that of Salim, and that it

had a length of nine hundred and thirty miles, which is equal

to two hundred and ten leagues of ours, and that in it was

produced much rice, honey, ginger, beryl, jacinth, and many

other kinds of stones and metals that are found only in the

island of Ceilao.

Let us turn to the geographers who make this Tapobrana

to be the island of Camatra.

Micer Pogio’, a Florentine, secretary to the pope, a learned

man, who by command of the holy pontiff wrote a description

of the journey that Nicolao de Conti’, a Venetian, made by

land through the whole of India to Cathay, says in it that this

Venetian arrived at Camatra anciently Tapobrana.

Maximilan Transilvanus, also a learned man, and secretary

to an emperor, in a letter that he wrote to the cardinal of

1 The reference is to the Periplus of the Hrythrean Sea, by an unknown

author, but formerly attributed to Arrian. See McCrindle’s Com. and

Nav. of the Eryth. Sea 141, 144.

2 The passage in the Periplus does not mention elephants.

3 Tecan find no such statement as follows in the quotation from

Eratosthenes in McCrindle’s Anc. Ind. Couto repeats the statement

further on.

*See Ptolemy’s map of India in McCrindle’s Anc. Ind. as desc. by

Ptol.

5 See McCrindle’s Anc. Ind. 104.

§ See McCrindle’s Anc. Ind. as desc. by Ptol. 247.

* Val. has “ Michael [!] Poggius.”’

* See translation in Ind. in the Fift. Cent. Cf. also Yule’s Marco Polo

(3rd ed.) ii, 295.

a | 36-08

82 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

Salzburg!, in which he gave him an account of the first voyages

that the Portuguese made to India, says that they arrived at

the shores of Calicut, and thence at Camatra, which anciently

was called Tapobrana.

Benedeto Bordone in his /nsulario* says that the island of

Madagascar (which is that of Sao Lourengo) lay to the west of

Ceilao one thousand three hundred miles and to the south of

Tapobrana one thousand eight hundred ; and many other

geographers who write in the same way, whom we omit, to

avoid prolixities.

Our great Joao de Barros alone, a man most learned in

geography, speaking in his Decades of the island of Ceilao®,

says that it is the Tapobrana of Ptolemy, as he proved more

fully in his Tables of Geography, which after his death dis-

appeared, which was a very serious loss. And although his

authority were enough as sufficient proof of Ceila6’s being

Tapobrana, and Ptolemy’s putting it on the hither side of

the Ganges on the coast of India (which cannot be under-

stood of Camatra, which lies so far beyond the Ganges),

nevertheless we shall examine the ancient geographers whom

we have named, and shall show how all speak of Ceilas, and

not of Camatra.

Pliny* says that Tapobrana is six thousand stadia in length,

which is two hundred and ten leagues, and that in the time of

the emperor Claudius it was discovered bya freedman of Annius

Plocamus, who going along Arabia in a ship was caught by

the westerly gales, and in fifteen days passed beyond Carmania,

and arrived at Tapobrana, and that the king of that place

received him very well, and he gave him some coins which he —

had brought of those that were current in Rome, which had

the likeness of the emperor engraved on them ; and that the

king sent with him his ambassadors to visit that emperor.

By all these facts we consider it to be proved that this is

the island of Ceilao. As to the size of the island, it is the same

that Ptolemy® gives to it, because in his tables it extends as

far as to pass the equator two degrees to the south, by which

1 De Mollucis insulis, ttemque aliis pluribus mirandis, que novissima

Castellanorum nauigatio sereniss. Imperatoris Caroli V. auspicio sus-

pecta, nuper inuenit : Maximiliani Transylvani epistola ad Reverendiss.

Cardinalem Saltzburgensem lectu per quam jucunda. Colonize, .... anno

.-.. MDXXIII. mense Ianuario. (Often reprinted.)

* Isolario .... nel qual si ragiona dt tutte ’ Isoledelmondo .... Vinegia,

1534 (and later editions).

3 See supra, III. 11. i. (p. 29 e¢ seq.).

' See McCrindle’s Anc. Ind. 120 ff.

° See McCrindle’s Anc. Ind. as desc. by Ptol. 247 ff,

—_—

No. 60.—1908.] couTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 83

it appears that in his time it had the same magnitude ; and the

natives affirm, and hold it to be fully confirmed by their

writings, that formerly this island was so large, that it joined

on to the islands of Maldiva, and that in course of time the

sea consumed it at that part, covering it in the manner in

which it is seen today ; and that the highest parts remained

separated into many islands, as they lie today stretching in

a line in the rumb that seamen call north-west and south-east,

in which they assert that there are more than thirty thousand

islands. And already in the time of the same Ptolemy, who

lived in the year of our Lord 143, it appears that the sea had

begun to cause this devastation : because he says that around

Tapobrana there were one thousand three hundred and

seventy-eight islands. And with regard to the freedman of

Annius being carried"by the winds from Arabia in fifteen days

to Tapobrana, it is very clear that CeilaO is spoken of, which

lies five hundred leagues from the coast of Arabia, which is

the most that can be sailed in fifteen days. And this island

lies on the coast of India beyond Carmania ; and Camatra is

outside the whole of India, and many leagues beyond the

Ganges ; and simply to go from Ceilao to Camatra other fifteen

days with a stern wind are needed.

And in addition to all these proofs we find today in Ceilad

vestiges of Roman buildings, which shows that they formerly

had communication with that island. And we may even say

more, that in it were found the same coins that this freedman

took, when Joao de Mello de Sao Payo was captain of Manar in

Ceilao, in the year of our Lord 1574 or 1575, in excavating

some buildings that stand on the other side in the territories

that they call Mantota, where even today there appear here

and there very large ruins of Roman masonry work ; and

whilst some workmen were engaged in taking out stone, they

came upon the lowest part of a piece of foundation, and on

turning it over they found an iron chain of such strange fashion

that there was not in the whole of India a craftsman who

would undertake to make another like it. And they also

found two copper coins, one quite worn, and another of base

gold, likewise worn on one side, and on the other could still

be made out the figure of a man, from the breast upwards,

with a piece of lettering around worn away in some parts,

but there could still be made out clearly at the beginning this

letter C, the following ones being worn away, and the lettering

1 This must, I think, be an error for “1584 or 1585,” since Joao de

Mello was captain of Mannar in 1587-8 (see infra, pp. 305, 361), and it

is improbable that he had held the post for so long a period.

84 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

continued around, in which could be seen these other letters

RMNg. This chain and the medals were taken to Joao de

Mello, who prized them much, and took them to the kingdom

to give them to the king, and was lost at sea in the year 1590,

when he went in the ship Sad Bernardo in the company of

Manoel de Sousa Coutinho, who had terminated his governor-

ship of India and sailed in the ship Bom Jesus'. And it is

possible that these coins were some of those that the freedman

of Annius brought there, and that during the six months

that he was in that island he set about those buildings in the

Roman style, and that he placed in the foundations those coins

(a thing very common in the whole of Europe). And after

considering the letters on the coin, and having read many

ancient letterings, it seems to us that this letter C is the

first of the name of Claudius ; and that the following ones,

which were already worn away, must have read Imperator,

because the others RMN® clearly stand for Romanorum?.

Another coin like this one was found in the Spanish Indies,

which was discovered by Pedro Colon (according to what is

stated by Lucius Marinzus Siculus in his book De las Cosas

Memorables de Espana, in the life of the Catholic kings?) when

other foundations like these were being excavated, which bore

the likeness of Cesar Augustus. This coin Dom Joao Rufo,

archbishop of Cuenca, had, and sent it to the supreme pontiff,

from which Lucius Marinzus* inferred that the Romans

formerly sailed to those parts.

And returning to our subject, if it is true, as Hector de

Laguna® says, that in the time of Pope Paul was found a stick

1See infra, p. 305, note >. Valentyn alters the date to 1591 (it was

really 1592), and for Bom Jesus has “ Ban Tehis”’ !

2 Of course there is not a trace of Roman buildings in Ceylon ;

and though many Roman coins have been found in various parts of

the island, there is no proof that a single Roman ever landed on its

shores. See, onthe above, my note in the R. A.S. Jl.,n.s., 1905, p. 156.

Valentyn makes nonsense of Couto’s argument in the last clause, by

substituting ‘“‘ Keyser’ for ‘“‘ Imperator,’’ and “‘ der Romeynen ”’

for ‘““ Romanorum.”’

3 Obra compuesta por L. Marineo...... de las cosas memorables de

Espana. Alcala de Henares, 1539.

4Valentyn has “ Maximus.”

5 For ‘° Hector ”’ read “‘ Andres.’’ Couto seems to have evolved the

erroneous name in copying from Garcia da Orta, who throughout his

work refers to Laguna as “‘ Tordelaguna,”’ an error which his friend

Dines Bosque points out to him in the 58th Coloquio (see G. da Orta i.

210, ii. 378-9). The reference here isto Dr. Andresde Laguna’s transla-

tion of Dioscorides, entitled Pedacio Dioscorides Anazarbeo, acerca de la

_—

No. 60.—1908.] covuTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 85

of cinnamon (which was preserved in Rome as a precious

object), the which, as appeared from a lettering that it bore,

had been there from the time of the emperor Arcadius, son

of Theodosius, who succeeded to the empire in the year of our

Lord 397, which was one hundred and twenty-six years after

Claudius, who ruled in 271, it might well be that it was brought

as a present by those ambassadors who came with the freedman.

_ And leaving Pliny let us come to Onesicritus. The latter

says! that Tapobrana was of five thousand stadia, and that

Brasis on the Ganges was separated from it by a sail of twenty

days ; and that between India and it there were many islands,

but that it lay more than all others to the south. As to the

size, he agrees with Ptolemy. In regard to its being separated

from the Ganges by a space of twenty days’ journey, and

there being between it and India many islands, this shows

clearly that he spoke of Ceila6, because it is the same days’

journey from the Ganges, and lies to the south of the whole

coast of India, and the many islands that he refers to are those

of Mamale?, and all the others, of which Ptolemy makes

mention, and Gamatra lies to the east of India very distant

from it.

Arrian®, the Greek author, in saying that anyone setting out

from the coast of Comara and Poduca for the west would

arrive at Tapobrana, it is very evident speaks of Ceilao:

because Ptolemy in his tables places Comara and Poduca in

141 degrees on the opposite coast of India on the inner side of

the Promontorium Comori, which appears to be Sad Thome

or Negapatao : because anyone who sets out from that coast

to reach Ceila6 has to sail to the west, and for Camatra to the

east ; and it is well known that the island of Ceilao breeds

the largest and best elephants of all those in India, as the

Materia Medicinal, &c., Salamanaca, 1566, p. 23, where, in a note to

cap. xili., Del Conamomo, Laguna says that when he was in Rome he

was presented by his friend Master Dr. Gilberto with a fragment of the

reddish kind of cinnamon called montana, which had by mere chance

been found, together with other things, withthe body of Maria, sister of

Arcadius and Honorius, and wife of Stilicon, who had been interred in

the Vatican more than 1,400 years before, her tomb having been

discovered during the pontificate of Paul III. (1534-49). Laguna,

however, says nothing about a “ lettering ” on the “ stick ”’ (as Couto

calls it) of cinnamon, nor does he say how the tomb was identified.

Valentyn, in taking over Couto’s remarks, creates a new error by

turning Laguna into ‘‘ Lagena.’’

1 See supra, pagé 80, notes © and ”,

2 The Laccadives (see supra, page 21, note ”).

3 See supra, page 81, notes ! and 2).

86 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX.

same Arrian says. And so much so is this, that all others

recognize in them such superiority, that on any of them seeing

one from Ceilao, immediately it runs away from it as if mad,

of which we have experience every day in this city of Goa

among those that the king employs in his dockyard from

different countries!.

Eratosthenes?, the Greek author, says that Tapobrana. lies

in the Eoan Sea between the east and the west, separated by

a twenty days’ sail from Persia, at the commencement of

India. This writer speaks even more clearly of Ceilao, which

lies in eight degrees north between east and west ; and however

much wind the ship may have, she will not do more, starting

from the mouth of the Persian Gulf, than arrivein twenty days

at Ceilao, which is five hundred leagues*; and Camatra is not

in the Eoan Sea, but below the equator, and hence we have

proved Ceilao to be Tapobrana.

Let us now come to the modern geographers who make it

Camatra. All of these looking for this island of Tapobrana

below the equator, where Ptolemy places it (because in his

time, as we have said, it extended two degrees to the south

side), and running along the whole coast of India as far as

beyond the Ganges, finding no other but Camatra, without

further consideration made it Tapobrana ; as in like manner

without it they made the river Indus fall into the Gulf of Cam-

baya, which is an error, and whence it arose we shall with the

divine favour show further on*. And so Benedeto Bordone

commenting on that passage in Pliny speaking of Tapobrana,

where he says “* Septentrion non cernitur,” in the annotation

that he makes upon it reprehends Pliny for saying that in it

the star of the arctic pole was not seen: because he says that

those that live in Tapobrana in the part towards the Promon-

torium Colaicum see this pole at an elevation of thirteen degrees.

and that conformably to the altitudes in which those of that

island live, so will they see its elevation ; but that those

who lived below the equator could see neither one pole nor the

other, in which he contradicts himself, because he makes

Camatra Tapobrana; and the equator cuts this island of

1 Valentyn here coolly transfers to the time when he wrote (circa 1720)

Couto’s personal experience of over 120 years earlier! This fable of the

recognition by other elephants of the superiority of those from Ceylon

is met with in many writers. I donot know who originated it.»

* See supra, page 81, note °.

3 Valentyn credits all this to Eratosthenes, and has ‘‘ a hard wind,”

“a light ship,”’ and “‘ the N. of the strait of Persia.”’

‘ This promise (which Valentyn, parrot-wise, also makes !) Couto

appears not to have fulfilled.

No. 60.—1908.] couro: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 87

Camatra in the middle, and it does not extend on one side and

the other towards the poles more than five degrees : whereby

those that live at the point of Daya, which is the most north-

erly, do not see that star at an elevation of more than five

degrees ; and in'the same manner those that live at the other

end in the direction of the arctic scarcely get a glimpse of it :

which is contrariwise in Ceilao, because those that live at the

point of Jafanapatao see the arctic pole at an elevation of

eight and a half degrees ; and those that dwell at the point

of Gale (which is the most southerly) see it at an elevation of

five. Hence it is clearly seen that the latter is Tapobrana,

which at that time extended to two degrees south; and that the

Colaicum Promontorium of Pliny and the Comori of Ptolemy

is to be found in Cape Comorim we hold as indubitable :

because at that time, and many years afterwards, the king-

dom of Coulao was the greatest in the whole of Malavar,

and extended to about the shoals of Chilao!; and as that Cape

Comorim belonged to that kingdom, and is one of the famous

ones of the world, it was denominated by Pliny Colaicum

Promontorium, as much as to say, “the promontory of

Coulao,” or “of the kingdom of Coulao.” And Ptolemy’s

ealling it Cori Promontorium may well be from the town of

Titi Cori, which lies beyond it, and which at that time would

be an important place and frequented by strangers, wherefore

Ptolemy gave that cape its name.” And for this reason, and

for others that we omit, it appears to us that this island of

Ceilao is that of Jambulus®, of which Diodorus Siculus‘

makes mention at the end of the second book of the abbrevia-

tion of his history, which Baptista Ramnusio and others make

Camatra.

_ And it has given us no little trouble® trying to find whence

this name of Tapobrana had its beginning and origin, which

we have turned over in our mind many times: because in the

whole island of CeilaO there is not a port, bay, city, town,

promontory, spring, or river, that bears any resemblance to

1 Cf. Barb. 157 et seq. .

* Like most of Couto’s etymological explanations of place-names, the

above are merely pour rire.

° Here Valentyn has met the deserved fate of literary pirates. Mis-

taking his original, he has made himself ridiculous by saying “ it appears

to us that this island of Ceylon is also the same as Sambola [sc],”” &e. !

He evidently thought the writer Iambulus was an island !

* See McCrindle’s Anc. Ind. 204.

* Valentyn is not ashamed of deliberately lying, by taking over these

words.

38 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX.

this name, neither in its chronicles!, nor in those of the Canaras,

nor in any language of India, has it any signification or is it

understood, wherefore it seems to us that it is a Greek name

given by Ptolemy, which was intended to signify some great-

ness or peculiarity of that island?; because moreover the

name of CeilaO was given from those shoals on which the

Chins were wrecked near that island, which became so famous

thenceforward, that the island was then known not by its

proper name, but by that of the shoals: because as the

Persians and Arabs sailed to that island, and went in fear of

those shoals, they always bore them in their thoughts, saying

that they were going to Cinlad, or that they had come from

Cinlao, that is to say, that they were going to or coming from

the shoals of the Chins: and thus, the letters becoming

changed in course of time, that island continued being

called Ceila6?.

And because on every occasion that offers itself we* seek

to show the great corruption that time has caused in all the

proper names of cities, kingdoms, rivers, mountains, simples,

drugs, and other things in these parts, we wish to begin at

once here, whilst we are still in this island, and tell all the

names of its cinnamon, both those that were given to it by

the Greeks, Latins, Persians, and Arabs, and those that it

has among all the nations of the East, and we shall show the

corruption that time has brought therein, which is the cause

of there being amongst all the physicians great confusion.

Cinnamon? in this island, where grows the best in all the

Hast, is called corundo potra, which means “tree of bark’’®.

The Malavares, where the worst and coarsest grows, call it

caroa potu, which is the same as “‘tree of bark ’’?: because the

bark, which the Chingallas call corundo, the Malavares term

caroa ; the Arabs call it carfa®. This name is current in

UG A0N a stesV-- (p62);

* Couto may be excused for knowing nothing of the name Tamba-

panni.

3 Cf. Barros IIT. 11. i. (p. 31).

* Here again Valentyn takes the credit to himself.

° Compare what follows with Garcia da Orta’s fifteenth Coloquio,

and the notes thereon by the Conde de Ficalho, who justly thinks Couto

has appropriated from his compatriot.

° The explanation is, of course, wrong, kurundu-potta meaning

‘* cinnamon bark.”? G. da Orta has cuurdo.

‘Tam. karuvaéppatta: = ‘‘ cinnamon bark.’’ G. da Orta has camed,

an evident misprint for carud.

8 Arabic kirfat.

No. 60.—1908.] couTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. ~ 89

corrupted form amongst our physicians, because some call it

quirfe, others quirfa. The Persians name it darcin, which

means ‘‘ wood of China ’’: because as the Chins were the first

who carried to the Strait of Persia the drugs, stuffs, and wares

of the Hast, and from there through the hands of the Persians

all passed to Europe, by the names that they gave them there

these things were known, and not by their proper ones which

they bore in their own countries. Serapion! interprets this

darcin, and says that it means “tree of China,’’ because he

thought that they grew in that province, owing to finding

cinnamon in the hands of the Chins, as. we have said. After

the same manner Arrian? was deceived in saying that cassia

and zinguir, which were certain varieties of cinnamon, grew

‘in some places of the Troglodyte, and that thence the mer-

chants carried them to Greece.

Pliny? fell into the same error, saying that cinnamon grew

in Ethiopia near the Troglodyte, and that that part through

which the equator ran was called by the ancient authors

cinamom fera, which means “‘ country that produces cinna-

mon,’ which must have originated from this cinnamon’s

having reached his hands by way of the Red Sea by means of

the Arab merchants who lived in that part of the Troglodyte,

and not asking in Greece where this drug grew, it was thought

that it was produced in the country of the Arabs who brought

it thither: as also some ancient writers, because they saw

cinnamon come by way of Aleppo, called it conamomo alipitino.

And because of this confusion we do not know today what

kinds of spiceries and scents are duaca, mocroto, magla, and

asipl4j, of which Arrian makes mention’, who says that they

grow in Arabia and Ethopia ; nor the nicato, gabalio, and tarro,

which Pliny® named as scents of Arabia, whence we know of

nothing but incense, storax, and myrrh, which possibly may

be those of Pliny ; nor in the whole of Ethiopia was there any

- drug but ginger, and this very bad, and only in the kingdom

of Damute.

And returning to the names of cinnamon, the Malays call

it caio mans, which in their language means “ sweet wood,”

which is the caisman or caesmanis of the Greeks : because it

' Liber Serapionis aggregatus in medicinis simplicibus. Venice.

1479 (and later editions).

* The reference seems to be to the Periplus (see McCrindle’s ed. 62).

> I cannot find any statement, such as is here attributed to Pliny, in

McCrindle’s Anc. Ind.

* See McCrindle’s Hrythr. Sea 15 ff.

° I cannot find such names in McCrindle’s Anc. Ind.

90 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). VOT ae.

appears that it also came to them with this Malay name, and

they corrupted it, the Greeks also calling it cassia lignea, a

name that we have found among none of the nations of the

Kast, having inquired well through all the physicians. And

venturing our opinion, it seems to us that it should be cass

lignea, which is the same as ‘‘ wood of Cais”: because anciently,

before the kingdom of Ormuz was transferred to the island of

Gerum, where it is today, the capital and emporium of the

whole of that strait was the island of Cais, which lies beyond

Ormuz inside the Strait!. And as at that time the merchants

of Europe stayed in that island, as they do today in that of

Ormuz, carrying away the cinnamon that the Chins brought

to them, it would seem that in Greece they said that they

brought it from the island of Cais, and that on this account

they called it catslignea?. All this we say subject to correction

by the doctors of medicine, having meddled in a matter of their

profession ; because our intention was no more than to show

the corruption that time has wrought in the names of cin-

namon?.

Dre. V., BK. m1., CHAP. iv.

Of the wars that there were in Ceilad between those two brother-

kings : and of the succour thatthe Camorim sent to Madune :

and of how Martim Afonso de Sousa defeated the armada of

the Camorim in Beadald.

So great was the ambition of Madune Pandar, king of

Ceitavaca, and so insufferable was it to him to see his brother,

although his elder, equal with himself in power, that he did

not cease to think of and devise methods of putting him to

death, and taking the kingdom from him, in order to obtain

the monarchy of the whole of that island. And so he planned

many times to give him poison, but without effect, because

they caught with it some whom he had for that purpose bribed

heavily, who under torture confessed the truth ; wherefore

thenceforward the king of Cotta took great care of himself,

eating only things cooked with his own hands*. Madune,

seeing that his plots were discovered, determined to take the

1 See Teix. 236.

* Couto’s ingenious derivations will not hold water.

3 On the history of cinnamon see Fliickiger and Hanbury’s Pharma-

cographia, 2nd ed., London, 1879, pp. 519-23.

* As I have said above, the Rdjdvaliya passes over in silence this

period of Ceylon history. Couto repeats these accusations against

-Mayadunné in V. 11. x. (p. 99 infra).

No. 60.—1908.] CcoUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. ~ 91

kingdom from him by war, and once more to avail himself of

the Camorim, dispatching in August past [1637] ambassadors

with a sum of money and many jewels as a present to the

Camorim, sending to ask him for a large armada, for which he

sent the expenses, in order to aid him in that enterprise,

offering him some sea-ports in that island.

The Camorim received these ambassadors favourably, and

forthwith sent to all the ports of his kingdom to hire all the

vessels there were; and he chose for that expedition three

leading Moors, called Paichimarca (whom some wrongly call

Patemarca) and his brother Cunhalemarca!, both natives of

Cochim, born and brought up among the Portuguese’; and the

other was Aly Abrahem®. The Camorim ordered pay to be

issued to troops throughout the kingdom, and mustered

eight thousand mento make this expedition, giving orders that

all the vessels should go and unite at Panane+, where Paichi-

marca lived. The armada proceeded to get ready in the

rivers, and as soon as the vessels were fit to leave they went

to Panane®. ......

*k * * * %e % *

Bice lei Martim Afonso de Sousa ...... received this mes-

sage® in Chale’, and making haste arrived at Cochim, where he

disembarked to arrange some matters for proceeding to Ceilao

in search of the enemy, having already had advice of the route

they had taken. ......

* ** % % * 6 *

..»-e» Martim Afonso ...... arrived at Cape Comori, where

he had speech of some boats that he found there, and learnt

that the enemy were making their way inside in order to pass

the shoals of Manar. ......

1 Barros (or Lavanha) wrongly calls him Cutiale (see p. 99 infra). His

name was in reality Kuiji ’ Ali.

2 Couto does not say why they became enemies of their former

friends. 7

3 See supra, p. 75.

4 Ponani, between Cochin and Calicut.

° To get something like a consecutive narrative, the extracts from

Barros-Lavanha on pp. 92-4 and 95-8 should be combined with those

from Couto on pp. 90-2 and 94-5.

6 From the captain of Cochin, to say that the Moorish fleet had set

out from Pondni.

-* An old port of Malabar, on the south side of the Beypur river (see

Hob.-Job. sv. “* Chalia ’’),

92 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XX.

...... Having gained this victory!, which was one of the

famous ones of India, Martim Afonso de Sousa commanded

to sack the enemies’ quarters, where they found great spoils,

ree And among this was captured an umbrella, which the

Camorim was sending to Madune?; ......

** *k *« * *k ** i

Barros.

Duc. 1V., “BK. vaml., CHAP, xii.

Of what Martim Afonso de Sousa, captain-major of the sea,

did when going in search of an armada of the king of

Calicut’s, the captain-major of which was Pate Marcar.

ok * *K ok 3K * *K

Ais testis Also on the coast of Callé and Callecaré, which is

beyond Cape Comorij, in the fishery of seed-pearl, because of

it there was collected there another great number of them! ;

and if the Portuguese had not entered India they would now

have been masters of its whole coast, and of Ceilam; ......

And because at this time there flourished greatly a Moor by

the name of Pate Marcar’, who went rowing about those seas

in great force, and doing us some injuries, it will be necessary

to treat a little of him.

This Moor lived in Cochij, and with two ships that he had

carried on a large trade in many wares that he loaded for —

Cambaia, with cartazes® of safe conduct from the captains of

Cochij. These ships were taken from him by Portuguese,

without the cartazes that he carried being valid with them.

And because he had no restitution for this loss, desiring to

recoup himself for it, like an aggrieved man as he was, he

transferred himself to Calecut with his household, and

became a pirate’; whereupon the king of Calecut, seeing

See C. Lit. Reg. iii. 213, iv. 205; Whiteway 252-3; Lopes 63-4.

The engagement took place in January 1538.

* As a token, doubtless, of his recognition of Mayddunné’s claim to

the kingdom of Ceylon (see Hob.-Job. s.v. ‘‘ Umbrella ”’).

_ 8 Moors, “‘ the greatest enemies that the Portuguese have in India,”

of whose widespread dispersion throughout the East Barros (or Lavanha}

speaks in the first part of this chapter.

* See page 57, note 2.

» Passports. On these see Pyr. ii. 206.

° On piracy in Portuguese times see Whiteway 47 ff.

_—

No. 60.—1908.] BARROS: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 93

that the affairs of Cambaia still occupied us!, fitted

out for him vessels, beside those that he had ; and with the

help of other wealthy Moors, who wished to injure the Portu-

guese, he got together an armada of forty-seven rowing vessels,

in order to go and help Madune Pandar against his brother the

king of Ceilam. With this king the Portuguese were on

terms of great friendship, and he paid the king of Portugal the

tribute that we have already described in the events of the

time of Lopo Soarez, when he governed India, and built a

fortress in that island. And as Madune Pandar saw that

besides the great power that his brother had, our friendship

afforded him great help, because in Columbo, where he resided?,

the Portuguese always had their factory for the cinnamon

that came from that island, and moreover knew of the war

that we had with the king of Calecut, and that Pate Marcar

was at that time going about in force, he sent word to him

secretly to help him against his brother ; and the compact that

they made was, that he desired no more than to remain with

the title of king, and free from giving cinnamon to the Portu-

guese ; and that he would give him all his brother’s treasure,

which was reported to be very great. This obliged the king

of Calecut to send thither Pate Marcar with the fleet of forty-

seven® sail of which we have spoken, in which he carried more

than two thousand men‘, with a great number of pieces of

artillery, so well prepared in every way, and with such skilful

and brave men, that the Turks of the sea of the Levant did not

approach them in discipline and fighting spirit.

* * % *% * 6 *

At this time Martim Afonso de Sousa, captain-major of the

sea, was cruising with forty sail guarding the coast of Malavar.

And as the order of guarding it is to make a run to the north

as far as Baticala, and another to the south as far as Coulam,

having made a run to the north, when he returned, he learnt

that Pate Marcar had sallied forth from Panane with his

armada, of which he was captain-major, and had _ his brother

Cutiale Marcar as second in command, and as third Ali Abra-

hem, a valiant captain of the king of Calecut’s, a native of

Panane.

' Pate Marcar ...... going on captured a vessel of ours that

was coming from Ceilam with the cargo of cinnamon for the

1 Rather, the affairs of Diu (see Whiteway, op. czt., chap. xi.).

2 This is doubtless one of Lavanha’s blunders. The king, of course,

resided at Cota. we aN

3 Couto says fifty-one. Zinuddin says forty-two galleys. »

4 Couto, as we have seen, says eight thousand.

94 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (VoL. XX.

ships that were to go to the kingdom. The captain and factor

_ of this vessel was Antonio Barreto, who died in the fight, and

all our people that were in her! ...... Martim Afonso, as

the weather was contrary to him, and he learnt that Pate

Marcar had not crossed over to Ceilam, determined to go

forward until he came across him, and by force of rowing

almost under water he ran along the coast until he reached

the port of Calle* after nightfall, where he slept.

* “4 * * * x *

Couto.

Dec. V., BK. 1., CHAP. v.

Oj the other things that happened to Martim Afonso de Sousa

during the whole of the rest of the summer: and of how he

proceeded to Ceilad: and of the terms of peace that those

kings made.

* * * * 6 * e

ae ee And Martim Afonso de Sousa, thinking it was his

duty to advise the governor of this victory, dispatched

Miguel d’ Ayala, captain of a catur, by whom he wrote to the

governor and to the captain of Cochim of the favour that —

God had done him: and to the king of Cochim he sent the

umbrella which the Camorin was sending to Madune. ......

Having dispatched this catur, Martim Afonso de Sousa at

once got ready and embarked to go to Ceilad to have an

interview with that king, taking the best of the enemy’s vessels,

with which he recruited his armada, and the rest he sent to

Cochim, and thus he went, already at the end of February

[1538], towards the shoals, which he crossed very well to Manar,

and from there along the coast he went to Columbo. And

we shall leave him for a little, as it is necessary for us to

continue with Miguel d’ Ayala, who had gone with the message

to Goa.

% * Vee * * * *

1 Correa also mentions this (see C. Lit. Reg. iii. 212).

* Hither Cael (Kayalpattanam) or Callecare (Kilakarai).

—

No. 60.—1908.] CouTO-BARROS: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 95

And returning to Martim Afonso de Sousa, who was on his

way to Ceila6, in a few days he arrived with all his armada

at the port of Columbo, and there disembarked, and with all

his troops arranged in order marched for Cota, in order to have

an interview with that king, who received him with great

honour ; finding him already relieved of anxiety and at peace

with his brother ; because as soon as he learnt of the defeat of

Paichi Marca, and of the arrival of our armada at Columbo, he

sent to ask his brother for terms of peace, which he granted

him, because he was a good-natured man. For which the king

of Cota gave thanks to Martim Afonso de Sousa, appreciating

greatly the good faith that the Portuguese kept with him, and

how they hastened to help him in his troubles. Martim

Afonso de Sousa, seeing that there was nothing for him to do

there, treated with the king regarding his coming, and asked

him for a loan towards the expenses of the armada and the pay

of the soldiers (because he had sent and offered all this). The

king granted him this with great alacrity, commanding to

giveshim forty-five thousand cruzados, which were charged

as a loan upon the factor of Columbo, in whose receipt-book

we saw this money: and both this and much other that

he afterwards lent was repaid to him very badly, and even

today! the greater part is owing to him (the king of Portugal

urging strongly upon his governors to make a very prompt

payment to him”). Martim Afonso de Sousa took leave of the

king, who gave stuffs and trinkets both to him and to all ae

captains, and making sail he returned to Cochim ......

Barros.

Dec. IV., BK. vimt., CHAP. xiii.

How Martim Afonso de Sousa with four hundred Portuguese

fought Pate Marcar, who was on land with four thousand

fighting men, and conquered and defeated him, and captured

his armada, with the death of many Moors.

8 * * oe % % +

Whilst Martim Afonso had gone to Cochij to refit, Pate

Marcar, thinking that it was by reason of the bad weather, or

1 Circa 1597. 2 See infra, pp. 165-7.

96 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XX.

because he was afraid to fight, went and entered a port that

they call Beadala!. The land of this place has the appearance

of a thumb, because on the outer side of it, as it were at

the first joint, where it joins the hand, stands the town,

and on the other and inner side is a large gulf, as one can

figure by separating all the other four fingers from this

thumb, which form the coast that ends at the point and

cape that they call Canhameira?. At the end of this thumb

on the nail is built a sumptuous heathen temple, Ramanacor

by name’; and so narrow is the land from this sea outside

to that inside the gulf, where stands Beadala, that Joa6é

Fernandez Correa*, the former captain of the fishery of

seed-pearl, which is fished in that latitude, was about to

cut through that land. And the advantage of this breach

was, that that passage from there to Canhameira is full of

many islets, sandbanks, and shoals ; and in windy weather

it is very perilous for navigation. And passing through this

breach that he intended te make, vessels would enter the

great gulf, and with the mainland that lay at the upper part |

they would be more sheltered, and it would be better sailing,

and moreover it would be advantageous to the captains of the

fishery who were stationed there®.

1 Védalai on the Ramnad coast (see Hob.-Job. s.v., where Yule has

confused Payichchi Marakkar with ’Ali Ibrahim).

2 Point Calimere. This must not be confused with the Canhameira

(Conimere) on the Coromandel coast (see Hob.-Job. s.v. ‘‘ Conhameira’’).-

Curiously enough, Yule has omitted to enter Calimere Point in his

monumental work. Barros in I. tx. i. mentions the two, as Canha-

meira and Conhomeira.

3 Ramanakovil, the famous temple on the (now) island of Pamban.

4 In Couto VIT. 1x. iii. (p. 192) we shall meet with him as captain of

Negapatam (in 1560).

5 The foregoing passage is of great interest in connection with the

history of the Pamban channel. According to Hunter’s Imp. Gaz. xi.

22, ‘“‘the ancient records preserved in the temple of Rameswaram

relate that in the year 1480 a violent storm breached the isthmus,

and that, despite efforts to restore the connection, subsequent

storms rendered. the breach permanent.’’ I cannot find that the

pioneer work of the Portuguese in the cutting of the channel has

been noticed by writers on the subject. According to the anonymous

writer of Primor e Honra (i. 24) the actual cutting of*the channel was

carried out by Joao Fernandes Correa in 1549, when the Jesuit

father Antonio Criminal was murdered by the natives (see F. y S.

IT. 11. vii. 6).

No. 60.—1908.] BARROS: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 97

Pate Marcar, as he intended to cross over from there to the

island of Ceilam, which lay in front, set about cleaning his

foists, and those that he had already careened with their sterns

on shore and the prows in the sea, between which ran a chain

of shoals along the thumb that we have figured, in such man-

ner that they could not be reached from the sea outside except

by a channel near the town, and he was lodged on land in a

palm-grove that ran along the thumb opposite to the pagode

of Ramanacor, and had a decorated tent and the pomp of a

prince in his arrayal, in which he had seven thousand men,

because as he was going for that business of placing Madune

Pandar in possession of the kingdom of Ceilam, he had mus-

tered all the Moors that lived on that coast, which has a great

swarm. of them, by reason of the fishery of seed-pearl, as we

have said above.

6 * *% * * *% BS

Among the spoils of this battle was captured an umbrella,

which the Camorij was sending to Madune, which Martim

Afonso sent as a present to the king of Cochij by Miguel de Aiala,

whom he ordered to go on from Coch1ij to Dio with letters for

the governor}, in which he gave him an account of that victory.

Miguel de Aiala arrived at Cochij, and presented the king with

the umbrella, which he valued greatly, and much more the

news of the victory, which was as much rejoiced over in that

city as lamented in Malavar. ......

Dec. IV., Br. vitt., CHAP. xiv.

Of other victories that Martim Afonso de Sousa obtained

on the coast of Malavar.

Victorious Martim Afonso de Sousa set out from that town

of Beadala, and came to Tutucurij, where was stationed the

Portuguese factor of the fishery of seed-pearl, and from there

he sent to Cochij the greater part of the vessels that he had

1 Nuno da Cunha had left Goa for Diu in view of an anticipated siege

of the latter place by the Turks.

H 36-08

98 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). Vou. XX.

captured, with the spoil that there was of artillery, munitions,

and captives; and he himself with the rest of the troops

crossed over to the island of Ceilam, which will be a

transit of twenty-four leagues, all shoal, where the fishery

18 carried on.

Having arrived at the port of Columbo, he found the

king with our factor and Portuguese in his fortress, which

they call Cota, besieged by Madune Pandar, the king’s

brother, who was expecting Pate Marcar, and all in great

excitement when they saw our sails, thinking them to be

his; but having been certified of the truth, they at once

abandoned the siege that they had laid, and retired to a

mountain range, where Madune fortified himself, fearing

that the Portuguese would go to seek him’. The king

received our people with great pleasure, when he under-

stood that they had come in his aid, which was soon seen

in the welcome that he showed to all; and in the reception

that he gave to Martim Afonso. The days that he had

him there he banqueted him in a new way according to his —

usage. which was that the table was served by women all

crook-backed at the loins, in order that they, thus stooping

lower, might appear more humble and reverent in token of

courtesy”; and thus far does the ambition of a man go,

who honors himself by others’ ills. Martim Afonso offered

his armada to the king, and gave him an account of the

destruction of Pate Marcar, and said that for no other

purpose had he left Cochij but to relieve him of that

trouble in which the siege had placed him. The king, to

show the satisfaction that he felt at that action, which

Martim Afonso had carried out in order to aid him, gave

him stuffs and jewels, and to all the captains, and com-

manded to give him twenty thousand? cruzados in loan, as

a help to pay the wages of the soldiers whom he had

brought, and with many expressions of his great obligation.

Martim Afonso took leave of him, and set out for Cochij,

where he arrived, having put such a glorious end to that

enterprise.

* * * * * * *

1 According to the Rdajdvaliya (78), it was after his withdrawal from

Kétté in 1539 (see infra, p. 105) that Mayadunné retired to Deraniya-

gala (see Bell’s Rep. on Kég. Dist. 60).

2 Another of Lavanha’s fictions.

3 Since Couto (supra, p. 95) says that he saw the receipt for the

money. his figure must be accepted as correct.

No. 60.—1908.] couTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 99

Duc. V., BK. 1., CHAP. x.

Of the things that happened in Ceilad: and of how Madune on

the death of his brother Reigad Pandar seized his kingdom :

and of how the king of Cota married his daughter to a prince

of the caste of the sun : and what caste thisis : and why it 1s

so called. ?

Madune was much chagrined at the defeat of Paichi Marca,

and at the great friendship and favour that his brother, the

king of Cota, had with the Portuguese ; the which was so

insufferable to him, that he was like to die of pure vexation :

and he directed his thoughts towards nothing else, but to seek

methods of killing his brother, even to bribing those of his

inner chamber to give him poison, which they attempted

several times, but were found out and executed’. Things

being in this state, and the king of Cota in fear of his brother,

the other brother Reigao Pandar? died without leaving any

sons*; and because that kingdom came by right to the king of

Cota, Madune went in great haste, and entered into the city

of Reigad Corle, which was the capital of the kingdom’, and

made himself master of it, and of the treasures of his brother,

by this becoming more powerful than the king of Cota. And

as the desire of seeing himself ruler of the whole of that island

was what inquieted him, he at once resolved to employ his

whole strength against his brother as soon as summer set in,

and to dispose of that business quickly, before he had another

1 Cf. supra, p. 90. -2 See supra, p. 71.

3 The Rajdvaliya (79), ina parenthetical paragraph which is out of its

place chronologically, says:—‘‘ Rayigam Baiidaéra remained in MApiti-

gama, and died there.”’ As this chronicle says nothing of his having

any issue, we may take it that Couto’s statement is correct.

4 CH. swpra, p. 73, note *._ Couto’s statement does not, at first sight,

seem reconcilable with that of theRdjdvaliya as given in the previous note.

since Mapitigama isin Dehigampal koralé of Kégalla District, while the

city of Rayigama was, presumably, in Rayigam koraléof Kalutara Dis-

trict. According to the Rdjdvaliya (78), however, “‘ Rayigam Bandara was

brought [by Mayadunné apparently] to Sitévaka and made to reside in

Mapitigama ;”’ so that it is probable that Mayadunné made himself mas-

ter of his brother’s territory and treasure before the latter’s death, and

not after it,as Coutoleads us to infer. Valentyn,in the version of the

Rdjawaliya of which he gives a translation in his Ceylon, says (76): ““ About

this time [1540, which is too late] the king of Reygamme went on a certain

day to the village of Mahoe Pitigam, which is an appanage of Malvane,

fell sick there, and died.”’ Ithink the words I have italicized are an

interpolation by Valentyn, who thought the Mapitigama referred to was

the one north of the Kelani river, betweon Malvana and Hanvella.

100 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX.

succour from the Portuguese. And desiring again to avail

himself of the Camorim, he sent him [in May? 1538] other

ambassadors, by whom he sent to ask him for another armada,

sending him much money for his expenses. This armada he

asked him to send at the beginning of September!, as it would

find him already before Cota. Of this the king was soon

advised ; and seeing the risks that he was incurring, and that he

was without a son and heir, he determined to marry a daughter

that he had”, in order that the sons who might proceed from her

should be heirs to that kingdom ; andso he chose as his son-in-law

a prince who lived in the Seven Corles, called Treava Pandar?,

who is the one that the histories of India corruptly call

Tribuli Pandar*, who through both father and mother

sprang from that royal race of the caste of the sun®, because

none could inherit the empire of Ceilao except those that came

directly from that caste, which the Chingalas hold to be divine,

as we shall presently show: and so they will not make their

sumbaias® to or obey a king of another caste, even though they

kill them. i

1 That is, as soon as the south-west monsoon, then on the eve of

bursting, had abated, and Ceylon was once more accessible from the

west coast of India.

2 See supra, p. 73, note +. Valentyn (Ceylon 76) says the daughter’s

name was “ Samoedra Dewa, that is, sea goddess’: in which state-

ment there is a double error, since Dewa should be Dewi, and dévi in

this connection means a princess and not a goddess.

? What ‘‘ Treava’’ represents, it is difficult to say: perhaps

Tiruvar is meant. The person referred to is Vidiye Bandara, who,

according to the Rdjdvaliya (79), was the elder son of Samudradévi,

daughter of King Taniyavalla, by a Soli prince. (For the connection,

see table in Bell’s Rep. on Keg. Dist. 15; and regarding Vidiya see C.

P. Gaz. 572.) Valentyn (Ceylon 76) says that King Taniyavalla’s son-

in-law was “‘ a Malabar king from the lands of Jaffanapatnam.”’

4 This is a somewhat curious statement for Couto to make, since he

himself always calls Vidiye Batdara by the “ corrupt’? name. We

shall hear a great deal further on of this troublous and “‘tribulated ”’

prince. .

5 That he belonged to the Stryavansa we may take leave to doubt.

By a coincidence the Portuguese almost represents the truth about him,

for it says that he was of the “ casta do Sol ”’ (with which word, of course,

Soli has no connection).

6 This word sumbaia or zumbaia is explained by the Portuguese

dictionaries as meaning “‘a profound reverence,” or “alow bow.” It

seems to represent Sans. sambhdvana, “ worship, honour.’”’ The word

is not recorded in Hob.-Job., though it is of frequent occurrence in

Portuguese and other writers on India.

No. 60.—1908.] couTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 101

Whence come the kings of the caste of the sun, and the reason

why they are so called.

And that it may not be left to us to give an account of this

caste of the sun, we shall tell what they fabulate regarding

this, in order to give an honourable beginning to their kings.

Their chronicles say (and we heard them chanted by a prince

of Ceilao! in verses after their mode, which an interpreter went

on interpreting to us, because all their ancient events have

been pu» into verse, and are chanted at their festivals), that

when all the heathens of that part beyond the Ganges,

in all that today comprises the kingdoms of Pegt, Tanacarim,

Sia0, Camboja, and all the rest of that inland region, were

living without king, without laws or any polity that would

differentiate them from brute beasts, dwelling in dens and

caves, eating herbs and roots, without having knowledge of

agriculture or of the tilling of fields ; and when those natives

of Tanacarim? were standing one day in the morning at the

rising of the sun viewing its beauty, on its first rays’ striking

the earth they saw it open of a sudden, and from within it

issue forth a very handsome man, dignified in person, of

venerable presence, and in all other respects different from all

men, to whom there flocked all those that saw him, filled with

wonder at that marvel, and with great humility asked him

what man he was, and what he wished. To which he replied

in the Tanacarim language that he was the son of the sun and

the earth, and that God had sent him to those kingdoms to

rule and govern them. The which being heard by all, they

threw themselves on the ground and adored him, telling

him that they were ready to receive him, follow him, and

accept his laws and customs. From there he was conducted

and placed in an elevated position ; and they yielded him

obedience as king, and he began to command and govern them.

The first thing that he did was to draw them from the jungle

and unite them in civil communities, showing them the

method and plan of building houses, and of cultivating the

fields; and afterwards gave them mild and gentle laws, where-

by they found themselves in comfort, and lived differently

from what they had hitherto done. This king reigned many

years, and left many sons among whom he divided his realms,

among whose descendants they continued more than two

thousand years ; and all the heirs who succeeded were called

suriavas, which means, “‘ of the caste of the sun.” From

these came directly Vigia Raya, who (as we have already said

in the fifth chapter of the first book) was banished, to populate

1 See supra, p. 62. note 3. 2 Cf. supra, p. 62, note +.

102 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). fVon. XX.

that island of Ceilao, among whose heirs the rule thereof con-

tinued directly, and continues until today!; because the

king Dom Joao, who lives amongst us, and is the true heir

of the whole island, proceeds from this caste ; and in this

island of Ceilao alone was it preserved by direct line from

heir to heir, which was not the case in the other kingdoms

where it began, because all in the process of time came to fall

into the hands of tyrants, and it is totally extinguished and

destroyed; and in this king Dom Joao alone is it preserved

today, and in him it will end, as he has nosons or grandsons ,—

as in truth it has ended”. And thus all these kings of Ceilao

boasted of having sprung from the East. And thus they all

acknowledge in them a certain superiority, and send to ask

their daughters in order to marry them.”

Of this caste came directly this prince whom the king of

Cota married to his daughter, although he was disinherited

and poor. The nuptials having been celebrated, that king

was able, having a son-in-law, to live more at his ease. And

being advised of the determination of Madune, they fortified

the city of Cota very well, collecting inside it provisions and

arms. In this there came Nuno Freire, alcaide mor of Columbo,

with some Portuguese that he had, to offer him their help,

animating the king and encouraging him : assuring him that

the whole state of India would be risked to succour and aid

him, wherefore he need have fear of nothing; continuing to

serve him in the fortification of the city with much diligence,

for which the king was much obliged tothem. And in this state

these matters must remain until we return to them.

Dec. V., BK. v., CHAP. Vi.

Of the things that happened at this ime in Ceilao : and of how

Madune began again to make war wpon his brother the king

of Cota: and of the armada that the viceroy Dom Garcia de

Noronha sent him in succour, ......

It is necessary, in order that we may interweave our history

well, for us to touch a little upon Ceilad in passing. Madune

went on planning in his mind new methods for destroying his

! Circa 1597.

2 The above refers to Dom Jodo Perea Pandar (Dharmapala), who,

when Couto wrote, had been living in Columbo under Portuguese pro-

tection (and extortion) for over thirty years. The last six words Couto

must have added after learning of Dom Joao’s death on 27-28 May

1597 (see infra, p. 413).

No. 60.—1908.] couTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. — 103

brother utterly, the which he wished to do by war in order to

finally consume him. And so, as soon as Martim Afonso de

Sousa went away from that island!, he began again to solicit

the Camorim for another armada?, which he prepared for him,

once more intrusting that expedition to Pachi Marca. The

king of Cota was soon advised of these preparations, and

atonce dispatched a message to the governor Nuno da Cunha,

begging him to help and support him, since he was a vassal

of the king of Portugal’s, because he was in great risk of

losing that kingdom. This message reached Nuno da Cunha

in June past [1538], whereupon he forthwith dispatched

patamares (which are couriers?) by land to Sao Thome, where

dwelt Miguel Ferreira, a much respected knight, and one that

_knew the affairs of Ceilao better than all who up till then had

been in India*; requesting him by letters to muster all the

men and vessels that he could, and go and succour that king,

he being there closer at hand ; and that all the expenses that he

incurred he would repay very promptly. And that in case

there were not men and vessels there for that expedition, as soon

as the summer? set in he was to come to Goa; and he should

have them.

These letters were given to Miguel Ferreira, who, fitting

out some vessels, as soon as the summer set in left for Goa,

because in Sad Thome there was not the material for that

expedition. And making haste, he reached the city of Goa on

the day that the viceroy received the news of the flight of the

galleys®; because although he had left with the intention

of getting more vessels and men in Cochim, on arriving at that

city, where he found news of the Turks’ being before Dio, he

thought it more necessary to hasten thither with those vessels

that he had brought, than to go to Ceilao, because that business

could be carried out at any time.

1 See supra, pp. 95, 98.

2 See supra, p. 100.

3 See Hob.-Job. s.v. “* Pattamar.”’

+ How he obtained this knowledge Couto does not say, and I cannot

discover ; but he had evidently resided in the island, for in V. v. viii.

(p. 105) we find him spoken of as a great friend of the king’s. He was a

man who had had much and varied experience since the time when, in

December 1513, he was sent as ambassador to Shah Ismail of Persia by

Albuquerque (see Com. of Af. Dalb. iv. 80-1). Couto gives us some

personal details regarding him in V. v. viii. (p. 107). At this time he

was captain of Coromandel.

° That is, the north-east monsoon season, September to April.

6 The Turkish galleys from before Diu. It was in November 1538

that the viceroy received the news.

104 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (VoL. XX.

The viceroy received Miguel Ferreira very well, because he

had already had information regarding him ; and seeing that

it was necessary to go to the help of Dio, and that he was also

forced to succour Ceila6, and was about to leave the next day,

he brought these matters before the council, and it was resolved

that it was very just and necessary to succour that king, in

order that the trade of that island should not be lost; and

that Miguel Ferreira should be given four hundred men, and

vessels for them!. This being settled, because Miguel Ferreira

could not set out for Ceilao before the end of January, he left

him in Goa getting ready, granting him all the conditions he

asked for.

% * x of of : x

Drc. V., BK. v., CHAP. Viii.

Of what happened to Miguel Ferreira on his journey to Ceilao :

and of how he captured the whole armada of the Camorim :

and of the negotiations that he carried on with Madune until

Pachi Marca was killed: ......

Miguel Ferreira, who remained in Goa preparing for the

succour of Ceila6, as we have related in the fifth chapter of the

fifth book, made such haste with the armada, that at the

beginning of February [1539] he set sail, and went pursuing his

journey with fair weather until he had passed Cape Comorim,

when he ran along that coast as far as the shoals, which he ~

crossed to the other side?. In Manar he learnt that Pachi

Marea with his whole armada was in the river of Putulao?, and

the Moors belonging to it on shore with tranqueiras erected ;

and that Pachi Marca had gone with part of his forces to

Ceilad? to assist Madune against his brother. Miguel Ferreira

considered this a piece of good luck, and agreed with his

captains to attack the pards®, which were sixteen in number ;

1 According to Correa, the viceroy wrote and asked the king of

Ceylon for a loan, which he obtained, but which was never repaid (see

C. Lit. Reg. iti. 221).

* Correa gives details of the voyage, which may or may not be true

(see C. Lit. Reg. iii. 226-7).

’ That is, the Puttalam lake. Correa says it was “the river of

Negumbo”’ ; but Couto is more likely correct.

* The Portuguese writers always distinguished Mannar from the

mainland of Ceylon.

®> Boats (see Hob.-Job. s.v. “* Prow ’’).

—_—

No. 60.—1908.| couTO : HISTORY OF CEYLON. 105

and going towards that river, they reached it in the daybreak

watch, and under arms entered it, and found the pards all

fastened together with their sterns on the land, and tranqueiras

erected along the sea with artillery placed in them. Miguel

Ferreira attacked the vessels, and at once entered them without

meeting with any resistance, and all our men leaping ashore

with loud shouts attacked the tranqueiras, in which were nearly

two thousand men. And as they took them by surprise, when

they wished to run to their arms our men had already entered,

and many were severely wounded and killed; and nevertheless

those that were not immediately cut down, hastening to the

defence, engaged our men in a hand-to-hand battle, and at the

end of it, with the loss of many, they abandoned the tran-

queiras, which remained with all the artillery in the possession

of our men, some of whom also were left dead and wounded,

though only few. Miguel Ferreira ordered the artillery to be

embarked, and taking the paros in tow went towards Columbo,

where he disembarked with all his men under arms, and thus

went marching to the city of Cotta. The king went out to

receive him, because he was a great friend of his, and con-

gratulated him on his victory, conducting him to the city,

where he entertained him well, and gave him an account of

all that had passed with his brother!, telling him how until then

he had kept him besieged, and that as soon as he received

news of the defeat of the armada of Pachi Marca he had retired

with the latter to Ceitavaca. Miguel Ferreira agreed with

the king to go and seek Madune at Ceitavaca, and not to rise

from before that city until they had captured him, in order

that he might give no more trouble to him, or expense to the

state of India with so many succours as had been sent to

him.

And having mustered all the troops that he could, the king

commenced to march towards Ceitavaca?, Miguel Ferreira

going in the van with five hundred Portuguese divided into

five companies, and entering Madune’s territories, they began

to commit great injuries and cruelties. Miguel Ferreira dis-

patched a modeliar with a message to Madune, informing him

of his arrival, and that he assured him that he was not going

to quit that island without leaving him totally destroyed, and

the king of Cotta secure and quiet; that he requested him to

plaints against the Portuguese factor Pero Vaz Travassos, insisting on

his being sent away, and that Miguel Ferreira at last threatened to

return to India and leave the king to his fate, and so on.

> Correa says they marched along a large river (the Kelani).

106 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XX.

send him forthwith Pachi Marca, and all the Malavares that

were with him, or else he swore by Nazareth (an oath that he

always used) that he would take his whole kingdom from him

and pursue him until he had him in his hands and carried his

head to the viceroy of India. This message was given to

Madune, who was alarmed at the power with which his brother

was coming against him, and at the injuries that he was doing

in his realms; and he replied! with great humility that he

knew well that it was not lawful for kings to deliver up men

who were in their power; but that everything else he was

ready to do; and that all the friendship that his brother wished,

conditions and terms, he would grant them all. With this

man he dispatched another of his own, by whom he sent to beg

the king his brother to cease from the injuries that he was

doing and the punishments that he was inflicting in his realms ;

and that all the satisfaction that he required he was ready to give

him. As the king of Cotta was a good man, and had a kind

heart, being touched with the humility of his brother, he

wished to retire at once, but Miguel Ferreira would not consent

to it, and sent to tell Madune once more that he if was deter-

mined not to deliver up Pachi Marca with all the Malavares

he must know that he would go right into Ceitavaca in search

of him. Seeing such boldness, Madune, astonished at the

determination of Miguel Ferreira, sent to tell him that he need

not move from where he was, and that he would satisfy him in

a manner whereby he would not incur infamy. And calling

Pachi Marca and his brother Cunhale Marca, he told them how

Miguel Ferreira insisted upon his delivering them up to him,

and that he thought it well that they should one night take to ~

flight, in order that he might have an excuse for exculpating

himself. And so he counselled them to betake themselves to a

village in the interior, where they would remain hidden until

Miguel Ferreira returned, which they forthwith did, taking

with them some seventy Moors besides of their following.

And journeying that night amidst the jungles, where by

order of Madune were concealed many pachas (who are a caste

of Chingalas cruel in the extreme, so that when they capture

an enemy they immediately cut off his nose and lips?), as they

1 Correa says nothing about any message from Miguel Ferreira; but

states that Mayadunné sent his foster-mother with a message to the king.

* Apparently Veddas are meant (see T'ezx. 237). We shall hear of

these people again, as helping the Portuguese to defend Columbo against

Raja Sinha I. (see infra, p. 295). Perhaps pacha is a corruption of

Sinh. paitayd, ‘‘vile or worthless man, wicked mischievous fellow,

raseal’’ (Clough).

No. 60.—1908.] couTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 107

passed they showered upon them flights of arrows, and one by

one struck them all down, and cutting off their heads carried

them to Miguel Ferreira, at which he was appeased!. The

king of Cotta made peace with his brother, and when they

had returned to the city of Cotta the king commanded to

make a payment to the soldiers of the armada, and to Miguel

Ferreira and all the captains he gave stuffs and trinkets of gold

and precious stones, and lent thirty thousand cruzados for the

expenses of that armada. Seeing that all was ended, Miguel

Ferreira dispatched the whole armada with the vessels of the

Malavares to Goa, writing a short letter to the viceroy, the

substance of which was :—That he had in that expedition done

all that he had commanded him, that he left Ceila6 in entire

peace, and that Pachi Marca with all his race was destroyed,

as he would learn there from the captains of the armada ;

and that he sent him there all his vessels as a present.

This armada reached Goa at the end of April, and the viceroy

caused many celebrations to be made for that victory, and

conferred many honours and favours upon the captains. And

so this was one of the great deeds of this kind that was done in

India, by which Malavar was so intimidated, that the Camorim

at once sent to beg peace of the viceroy, which he granted

him, as we shall relate further on.

Miguel Ferreira, after dispatching the armada for Goa, set

sail to go toSa6 Thome, where he had his house, taking some

vessels from that coast with him, and went about outside the

island, it not being now the season for going inside; ......

This man was at this time more than seventy years old,

large in body, dry, lean, well-favoured, a great horseman,

and crafty in war. He was never married, but had some

natural children ; he dwelt in that city, where he was always

wealthy and honoured, and where he died. From there

he hastened with great readiness to help in the service of

the king, and he was called upon OF the governors in times of

great need.

%* * 3% ES * *% ok

+See Rajdvaliya 78, where Kufiji ’Ali is called Kundali, and it is said

that May4dunné and the vadakkaru coming from before Gird-imbula

were defeated by the Portuguese in Gurubevila pass, which tallies with

Correa’s narrative (C. Lit. Reg.227). According to the same authority,

** two of the principal vadakkaru ”’ were bound by Mayadunné and sent

to Kotté. That they were treacherously murdered is, however, con-

firmed by Correa (C. Lit. Reg. iii. 228) and Zinuddin (see Lopes 65).

Correa, however, says that they were killed by the factor Manuel de

Queirés and a body of twenty Portuguese.

108 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX.

Dec. V., BK. vi., CHAP. 1.

*K * * *K ok *e kK

a Ae But above all they [the Burmese] worship and

venerate that idol called Budao, of which we have already

many times spoken above, in the ninth chapter of the fifth

book!, who they say landed in that kingdom?, coming from the

the island of Ceila6?, and that he was sent by God to give

them light. Andso they all have so great a veneration towards

that island of Ceila6, as towards a sacred object, and the

chief pilgrimage is that to the Peak, which they call that of~

Adam, where the Budao, their writings say, stayed many

years’. And because regarding this Peak there have been

very various opinions among the writers of Hurope®, we shall

presently relate the truth as to what the natives hold concern-

ing it, according to their writings, and what appears to us in

regard to it.

K %* *% 6 +f ** *k

Dec. V., BK. vi., CHAP. il.

Of the Peak, which they call that of Adam, in the island of Ceilao :

and of the various opinions that there have been regarding

ut: and of that which the natives hold’.

In the preceding chapter we promised to give an account

of that footprint that is on that mountain which is called

Adam’s Peak in the island of Ceila6, by reason of the great

1 As a matter of fact, in the chapter referred to, the Buddha is men-

tioned only once.

2 (Pegu.

3 Buddha visited neither Ceylon nor Pegu.

+ Cf. Barros III. 11. i., swpra, p. 36.

> See infra, V. vi. ii., and Skeen’s Adam’s Peak, chap. ii.

6 Valentyn, in his Ceylon (379-82), has translated this chapter, but

has made some ridiculous blunders, and has also interpolated remarks

of his own, fathering them upon Couto. These I shall point out in the

notes below. (He also gives an absurd, purely imaginary picture of the

Peak.) Philalethes (Hist. of Cey. 212 ff.) has translated a portion of

Valentyn’s translation, errors and interpolations included ; and Skeen

(73-9) has given a fresh (but faulty) translation of this Couto-Valentyn

hash, correcting some of the Dutch writer’s mistakes in footnotes, but

crediting the Portuguese historian with them. Sa e Menezes, in his

Reb. de Cey. cap. i., quotes from Couto’s account (see C. A. S. Jl. xi.

456-8).

No. 60.—1908.] couTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 109

disagreement thaf prevails among writers, and the fictions that

Marco Polo Veneto and Nicolao de Conti with other Venetians

have written!. And because we discussed the truth of this

with Chingalas who were very old and conversant with the

affairs of that island, and with its rites and customs, and they

told us what is in their writings”, it will be well that we dispel

the confusion that has existed hitherto.

This Peak, which is called Adam’s, is a mountain that is in

the heart of that island, in certain territories that they call

Dinavaca®, and is so high, that it is seen from a distance of

twelve leagues*, when one approaches the island. The natives

call it Amalala Saripadi®, which in their language means

‘““mountain of the footprint”’®. It goes rising from below,

and. above divides into two’ peaks, and on one of them is this

footprint, and from both descend several streams of water,

which are formed by some springs that exist above, and go in

different directions to form at the foot of the mountain a small

river that almost encircles it. In this stream® the pilgrims

that go to make their offerings to the footprint bathe, for that

is their baptism, and they hold that there they are purified.

On the summit of one of these peaks there is a flat surface of

1 The animus displayed by Couto in this sentence is due to the fact

that the Venetians were the detested rivals of the Portuguese, the hatred

being mutual, since the discovery of the route to India had destroyed

the eastern trade of Venice (see Hunter i. 186—7).

2 As Couto was never in Ceylon, it must have been at Goa that he met

these old Sinhalese (c/. supra, V. 1. v., p. 62, V. 11. x., p. 101).

3 See supra, p. 34. Sa e Menezes (op. cit.) says ‘‘ in the territories

of Ceitavaca ”’!

4 C}. supra, p. 36, note ?. Here Valentyn interpolates :—‘‘ It begins

really near Guilemale, and Dinavaca lies to the west of it, and one can

see it much farther than twelve miles away, since Guilemale lies 24 hours

from Colombo.”’

> Valentyn alters this to “‘ Hammanelle Siripade.’’ (Cf. Tennent’s

erroneous note in his Ceylon ii. 132.)

6 This is, of course, not literally exact, Samanala Siripadé meaning

** Saman’s-dwelling of the sacred footprint.”” By some extraordinary

misapprehension, S& e Menezes says that Amalala Saripadi “is the

same as ‘land of Eve’”’!

’ By a printer’s error apparently, Valentyn has “ 12,” upon which

Skeen founds a footnote unjustifiably charging Couto with error. The

latter probably meant the real Peak and the False Peak (Béna Sama-

nala).

8 Valentyn interpolates ‘“‘named Sitegangele,” which calls forth

another footnote from Skeen.

110 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

moderate extent!, and in the midst thereof is a slab? (which

will be about the size of two gravestones) elevated on large

stones ; in the middle is the form of a footprint, much larger

than ordinary ones, of such a fashion, that it appears as if it

had been impressed in the same stone, in the very same manner

that a signet is impressed in a little soft wax, or the footprint of

aman in a little soft clay®?._ The pilgrims who resort hither

(who are innumerable), not only heathens but also Moors,

from Persia to China, on reaching that little river, purify

themselves, as we have already said, with their ceremonies, and

clothe themselves with new cloths. After it seems to them

that they are purified, they climb the mountain, which is

very steep; and a little distance before they arrive at the

summit there are certain beams‘ laid across, from which hangs

a great bell of the fashion of those of China®, of the finest

metal, and from it hangs a large mallet covered with leather®,

upon which [bell] each pilgrim is obliged to strike a blow in

order that they may know if they are pure ; because they hold

amongst themselves that for him who is impure the bell will not

sound ; and such a one is obliged to return and purify himself

with other greater ceremonies. Thus are they deceived by the

devils, who, in such a manner put into their heads that all are

pure ; because there was never a man for whom the bell failed to

1 Valentyn has rendered this correctly ; but Philalethes translates

-¢ a, small plain,’ and Skeen simply “a plain,” to which he appends an

unnecessary footnote.

2 $4 e Menezes has loza, which Lieutenant-Colonel St. George has

erroneously translated “ building.”

3 What with mistranslations and interpolations, Valentyn has made

sad nonsense of the above. He says:—‘“‘.... and in the middle of this

a water tank, named Wellamallacandoere, being of the size of two graves,

raised up with great stones, and in the middle is the form of a great

footprint, which they name Siripade, of a foot much larger than an ordi-

nary one, and of such fashions that it appears to be impressed in the

stone, just as a signet is impressed in white wax.” Here Valentyn has

misread. lagea (slab) as lagoa (lake), and branda (hot) as branca (white) ;

and his first interpolation has evoked from Skeen two further footnotes.

4 Valentyn erroneously translates traves by trappen (steps), and after

this word interpolates “or really two upright stone columns, upon

which is laid another stone from the one to the other.”’

> That is, a basin-shaped gong.

6 Valentyn has ‘“‘ and from this hangs a large clapper bored through,

through the whole of which goes a cord of leather, at which each must

pull, and givea blow upon the bell,” &c. This interpolation owes its

origin to Valentyn’s having misread forrado (covered, or overlaid) as

jurado (bored).

No. 60.—1908.] couTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 111

sound. And we have spoken with persons who made this

pilgrimage in company with more than five hundred, and the

bell sounded for all’. Having reached the top, they can do

no more, except kiss that stone with great veneration and

return, and on no account may they go up on the top of the

slab, because it is a sin without absolution?. The Moors like-

wise go thither to make offerings, because they say that that

footprint was of our father Adam, and that thence he ascended

to the heavens, and that of the last foot there remained in the

stone that form?.

Marco Polo Veneto’, third book, folio 55°, says, that the

Moors hold among themselves that under that stone was the

sepulchre of Adam. And he says further, that the native

heathen related, that a son of a king, called Sogomombarca6®,

contemning the kingdom, resorted to that mountain to live a

holy lifé, and that thence he ascended to the heavens, and that

the father ordered temples to be made and statues erected to

him, and that thence originated the idolatry of India. The

natives whom we have questioned laugh at this; but that of

which they have their writings, and which they today sing in

their songs (in which they preserve all their antiquities), is

what I shall now relate very briefly, becauses 1 in all their stories

and. histories they are all very prolix’.

They say® that there was a king who reigned over the whole

of the East ; that having been many years married without

having children, at the end of his old age God was pleased to

1 For this sentence Valentyn substitutes “‘ Four to five hundred

together go there on this pilgrimage.”’

2In Valentyn the foregoing clause undergoes the following extra-

ordinary transformation:—“ .... and they are on no account allowed

to climb up by the pool or water tank, which in Cingalees is named Darroe-

pokoene, that is, tank of the children. When women are unfruitful, they

drink of that water ; but they may not go themselves to fetch it, but tt is

brought to them by the yogis. To climb up this tank would be an unpardon-

able sin.” All this interpolation, again, is founded on the same

blunder as before, lagea having been misread as lagoa.

3’ Here Valentyn interpolates:—‘‘ This proceeds from an old Eastern

tradition that Adam, being driven out of Paradise, was sent to a moun-

tain in India, named Serandive (that is, the island of Ceylon).”’

4 Valentyn has the curious form “‘ Marc. P. Venetus.”’

® Valentyn substitutes “L. 16, 3 pag.’’ For Marco Polo’s account of

Adam’s Peak and the Buddha see Yu e’s Marco Polo ii. 316 ff.

* Sagamoni Borcan in Yule’s Marco Polo. The name, according to

Marsden, represents Sakyamuni + Burkham (divinity), the latter

word being used by the Mongols as a synonym for Buddha.

7 In this paragraph Valentyn takes liberties with the original.

* Couto repeats what follows, almost verbatim, in VIT. 11. x. (p. 178).

112 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

give him a son, the greatest and most beautiful being that

could be; and on commanding his astrologers to cast his

horoscope, they found that this child would be a saint, and

that he would contemn his father’s kingdoms, and would make

himself a pilgrim (whom they call jogues): on which the

father, filled with grief, determined to prevent all these things

by shutting up his son! so that he might see nothing. And so

when he was over five years of age he placed him in certain

palaces’, which he had ordered to be made for that purpose’,

locked and shut in, with large and verdant gardens inside,

where he commanded him to be brought up in company with

noble youths of his own age, with guards and watchers, in

order that beyond these no one else should speak to him, so

that he might not see or hear anything that might cause him

discontent, nor learn that there was anything else outside of

there, lest he should desire it. Here he was reared until the

age of eighteen, without knowing that there was sickness,

death, or any other human misery.

On arriving at years of discretion, he did not fail to discover

that there were more things than those he saw; wherefore

he sent to beg his father to allow him to leave there and go and

see the cities and towns of hiskingdom. This the king granted

him, commanding him to be brought forth and conducted to

the city with great caution; and in one street he encountered

a lame and infirm man, and on asking those who accom-

panied him what this was, they told him that these were

ordinary things in the world, where there were many lame,

blind, and with other defects. On another occasion when

they again took him forth, he saw a very decrepit old man

leaning on a stick, his whole body trembling. Astonished at

this sight, the prince inquired what it was, and they told

him that that proceeded from the many years that he had

lived, and that therefore men who reached that age became

very feeble*. Another day he encountered a dead man, whom

they were carrying to burial with great lamentation, and on

inquiring as to this, they told him; whereupon the prince

asked : ‘‘ What! I and all of us have to die ?”’ and on their

telling him ‘“ Yes,” he became melancholy and sad.

While going along in this frame of mind, they say, there -

appeared to him in a vision a saint in the form of a pilgrim,

who persuaded him to contemn the world and adopt a solitary

life; and as he was already thus influenced, and had more

1 Valentyn interpolates “‘ in some gardens ”’ (or “ courts ’’).

2 Valentyn has “* walled gardens (and verandaz).”’

3 Valentyn omits these words.

* This last clause is omitted by Valentyn.

No. 60.—1908.| CoUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON, 113

freedom, he found means to disappear in the garb of a pilgrim,

and betook himself into the interior of that country to lead a

solitary and very austere life. And omitting many fables

that they relate, both of his flight and his wanderings, after

passing through many countries, they say that he came to

Ceilao, bringing with him a great concourse of disciples. . There

on that mountain he led such a life for so many years that the

natives worshipped him as God?; and desiring to depart

thence for other parts, his disciples who remained there begged

him to leave them some memorial of him, that they might

reverence it in his name; whereupon planting his foot upon

that slab?, he impressed that footprint, which continued to be

held in such veneration, as we have said. In the histories of

this prince he is called by many names, but his proper one was

Drama Rajo*; and that by which he was known after he was

held as a saint is the Budao, which means ‘“ wise’’®, of whom

we have already spoken above in the ninth chapter of the fifth

book, who is said to have prophesied of the city of Pegu : to

those parts he proceeded after leaving Ceilao.

To this name the heathen throughout the whole of India

have dedicated® great and superb pagodes’.. On seeing this

history, we began to reflect if the ancient heathens of these

parts had knowledge in their writings of Saint Josaphat, who

was converted by Barlad, who according to the legend of him®

we hold to have been the son of a great king of India, and that

he had the same upbringing and all the other experiences that

we have related of the life of this Budao. And as the history

of Josaphat must have been written by the natives (for nothing

is left unwritten by them), it would seem that in course of time

many fables came to be added to it, as they have in the life of

the Budao, which we pass over, because not in two chapters

should we bring them to an end as they have them.

And as we are reminded of what was told us by a very old

man of the district of Salsete in Bacaim regarding Saint

1 Valentyn omits these last words.

* Valentyn inserts “‘ a ’”’ before ‘‘ God.”’

? Once more Valentyn has * water-tank,” and again Skeen has a

footnote attempting to explain the absurdity.

* Dharmaraja (“ King of Righteousness’), a common title of the

Buddha’s. Skeen has an uncalled-for note on this, accusing Couto of

confusion.

> Or. “‘ sage.”’

® Valentyn substitutes ‘“‘ To him ...... have erected.”

7 The rest of this paragraph and the two following are omitted by

Valentyn.

° On the legend of Barlaam and Josaphat see Yule’s Marco Polo.

3rd ed., ii. 323 ff, -

Tr 36-08

114 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XX.

Josaphat, it seems well to us to record it. We were going in

this island of Salsete! looking at that rare and marvellous pagode

(which they call that of Canara”), made in a mountain, and

having many halls cut out of a single rock, and one of them as

large as the palace of the Ribeira at Lisbon, and more than

three hundred chambers on the mountain above, in the form

of a spiral, each one with its cistern at the door, in the same

living stone, of the coolest and most. excellent water that

could be desired ; and at the doors of the great hall the most

beautiful statues as large as giants, of such subtle and perfect

workmanship, that better could not be formed in silver; with

many other magnificent objects, which we pass over so as not

to be discursive.

And asking this old man, of whom we have spoken, regard-

ing this work, and what he thought as to who had done it, he

told us? that without doubt it had been done by order of the

father of Saint Josaphat, in order that he might be taken and

brought up therein, as hislegendsays. And as we learn from

it that he was the son of a great king of India, it may well be,

as we have already said, that this was the Budao, of whom

they recount so many marvels.

And continuing with the footprint on the Peak, having

taken much trouble to ascertain the truth thereof, and having

visited many antiquities of India?, it seems to us that it might

be that of the blessed apostle St. Thomas; and likewise

certain marks of knees that are impressed at the present day

in a large stone that stands in the neighbourhood of the

Pedreira at Columbo®, which a vicar*® of that fortress told us —

4 In VII. 111. x. Couto describes this island and its caves. (See also

Gerson da Cunha’s H ‘story and Antiquities of Bassein 188-201.)

2 In VII. tr. x. Couto has, more correctly, Canari; but he adds,

‘* which is presumed to be the work of the Canaras, and for that reason

it is so called.”’ As a fact, the cave temples are the famous ones of

K4énheri, a name that has no connection with Kanara (see Hob.-Job.

s.v. “ Kennery ”’).

3 In VII. 111. x. Couto tells us more about this old man, and repeats

there more fully what he tells us here.

4 Valentyn omits from “‘ on the Peak ”’ to “ India.”

5 Of the Pedreira at Columbo we shall hear more in connection

with the siege of the fortress by Raja Sinha I. in 1586-8 (see pp. 283,

306, 325). The name literally means “ quarry,” and Valentyn

translates “‘in a part of a quarry ’’; but it is a proper name, and was

applied to one particular spot near Columbo, the identity of which I

shall discuss when we come to the siege referred to. (Ten. ii. 133 has

an erroneous note on this statement of Couto’s.)

®° TI cannot identify this vicar, unless he be the one mentioned in

X. X. iv. (p. 325), Fa. Francisco Vieira,

No. 60.---1908.] COUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 115

he had noted well many times, and that they did not appear to

him to have been made designedly!, and this we say of other

similar ones, which are to be found in the city of Maliapor,

where that apostle made his abode ; because although his

legend does not state that he visited that island, it is a thing

that might have been, since a record has not been made of all

the places that he visited, as I have already said, in the

first chapter of the tenth book of the Fourth Decade, of the

period when the Tartars and Mogores received the faith of

Christ.

In a judicial inquiry that was held in the city of Maliapor

by order of the king Dom Manoel in the time of the governor

Dom Duarte de Meneses? regarding the body of the holy apostle,

a certain Diogo Fernandez, a Portuguese, testified that in the

year 1517 he went from Malaca, in company with one Bastia6

Fernandez and an Armenian called Coja Escander, to visit the

house of the saint, and that he was the first Portuguese that

had reached there ; and that on their all entering therein they

found it surrounded by jungle and ruined, and at the door of it

a very old Moor, who had the care of keeping alight a lamp by

order of the heathen (who always had much devotion for

that house), and who related to them many things of the life

of the apostle, which they had not known or heard ; and that

he showed them a footprint stamped in a stone, as fresh as

if the foot had just been placed there in that very hour,

and the stone had been clay ; and another stone in which was

the mark of a knee ; and that it was firmly held by the natives

that those two sions were left there by the holy apostle; and

that when they killed him he knelt on that stone, and left in

it that mark®. He said also, that in the year 1519 there went

thither three Portuguese from Malaca, called Antonio Lobo

Falcao, Manoel Falcad, and Joao Moreno, who took the stone

with the knee-mark, and broke it, and divided it between them,

carrying it off asa great relic; and that afterwards they worked

many miracles, as we shall tell in another part>.

1 They were probably water-hollowed marks.

21521-4. King Manuel died 13 December 1521. What follows

is recounted more fully by Barros in III. vir. xi. On this inquiry see

Whiteway 203. (It was conducted by Miguel Ferreira, then captain of

Paleacate, whom we met with supra, in V. v. vi. and V. v. viii.,

pp. 103-7).

3 The next four paragraphs Valentyn omits.

4 Barros (u.s.) has Joam.

5 The reference seems to be to VII. x. v., which chapter 1s dee oted

to the house, stone; &c., of St. Thomas at Nekenen

116 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (VoL. XX,

All this is sufficient reason for proof of the conjecture that

we made as to the footprint on Adam’s Peak and the knee- »

marks at the Pedreira being those of the holy apostle, who

went about filling India with miracles and wonders, of which

we have only the smaller part in his legend; and in many

writings we find that such marks were always miraculous and

permitted by God.

In a court of the Holy House in Jerusalem, which is paved

with beautiful slabs, in one of them are the impressions of two

footprints like that of which we are treating, which (according

to the opinion of some who have written concerning the Holy

Temple, and among them the father Frey Pantalead) they

affirm to be those of an Abyssinian who was martyred there

for the faith of Christ, who thought well that some vestiges

should remain there as a sign of how he esteemed his martyr-

dom. Inthe Church of the Ascension, which stands on Mount

Olivet, is to be seen another stone with a footprint like these,

which our Lord Jesus Christ left there, when he ascended into

heaven, of the last foot that he raised. In the Garden of

Gethsemane (in that place where the three apostles placed

themselves whilst Christ prayed) is another stone, on which

those disciples lay, and on it are impressed the forms of the

bodies, as if in a little soft wax. 3

Wherefore this footprint on Adam’s Peak and the knee-

marks of which we have spoken are miraculous, and at that

time there went to India no one who could do such miracles

but this holy apostle. And having read what Dorotheus,

bishop of Tyre, says (and it is related by Maffei in the third

book of his History of India), that in this footprint on Adam’s —

Peak is venerated the memory of the eunuch of Queen Candace,

who, he says, went about preaching the gospel throughout the

whole of the Red Sea, Arabia Felix, and Taprobana, we cannot

discover whence that learned man could have inferred this,

since it is not said in any writing that this eunuch left

Abyssinia, of which he was a native. And we made diligent

inquiry throughout India, and spoke with many ancient and

learned Moors, heathen, and even J ews, and in no part of it is

there any knowledge or tradition of this eunuch.

And to conclude with these matters. of Ceila6, we shall do

so briefly with one that to us-is very wonderful, which is,7

that all the trees that stand around the foot of this Adam’s

Peak, and even those more than half a league distant from it,

all in every part make with their boughs an inclination towards

the mountain, all having very straight trunks as far as where

the branches begin, without any wind causing them to change}.

' Valentyn adds: “ this must have some reason.”

No. 60.—1908.]| couTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 117

This is held by all in the island for a miracle!, and if it is not

one? (for it may well be that God desires that they all make

that reverence to the footprint of his apostle),? there must be

some natural cause for itt; and what appears to us is, that it

originates from some property that that mountain has of

attracting to itself trees, as the loadstone does iron. And as

we read of that fountain of Pliny which is in our Portugal,

that if a very large tree is brought near to the water it swallows

the whole of it, and draws it in branch by branch until it has

entirely disappeared : now let the curious philosophize over this.

This whole island is so prosperous, that the king of Cotta

having commanded two paras of corn® to be sown, it responded

with sixty. The jungles all consist of trees of citrus® and other

excellent fruits’. It has pepper, ginger, cardamom, many

sugarcanes, honey, many civet-cats, elephants, many precious

stones, rubies, catseyes, chrysolites, amethysts, true sapphires,

and others white®, very fine beryl, so pure that it looks like

erystal®, and all hold it for such, in which they are deceived.

Tt has iron, coir, tow!®, many rivers of excellent water, in

which are bred many and good fish ; it has many makers of

arms, chiefly of firelocks, where are made the best in the whole

of India". It has many bays and ports in one and another

part, capable of containing large ships and vessels. It has

many other things which I omit in order not to be discursive™.

Dic. V., BK. vi., CHAP. iil.

* * * * * * r *K

eee The principal [pagodes resorted to by pilgrims]

and those held in most veneration throughout the whole of

1 Valentyn has “ great wonder.”

* Valentyn omits these words.

> Valentyn omits the rest of the paragraph.

4 On this subject see Skeen 64-6.

_ ® The original is trigo, which really means “ wheat,’ but this grain

can hardly be meant here. -

§ Literary “‘ thorny trees,” by which general term Portuguese writers

described trees of the citrus genus.

* Valentyn omits the foregoing paragraph.

* Literary “‘ of water.’’ Valentyn has weeke (soft), which is incorrect.

* Valentyn omits the rest of this sentence.

10 Instead of “ coir, tow,’’ Valentyn has “‘ lacker-work ”’ !

1 Cf. supra, p. 72. What follows, Valentyn omits.

Couto has not been more discursive regarding Ceylon.

118 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX.

Industao are the pagodes of Ramanacor! opposite to Manar,

near the shoals of Chilao ...... There is also the pagode of

Tanavaré? in CeilaO, and that of Adam’s Peak’. ......

** * xk xk x x **

Drc. V., BK. viI., CHAP. v1.

* 2 * * * * *

the: the viceroy? ...... sending a galleon with supplies

to Ceilac® 2.

x * * 2 of * ok

Desc. V., BK. vit., CHAP. iv.

. And of the ambassadors thai the king of Cotta sent

to the kingdom.

* ; * * * *

And returning to our subject, the governor® hastened the

writing of the letters for the kingdom, and dispatched the

ships to Cochim to take in cargo, and in them embarked Dom

Alvaro de Noronha, son of the viceroy Dom Garcia de Noronha.

There also embarked two ambassadors’ from the king of Cotta

in Ceilao, who went with good credentials, and by them that

king sent to beg the king Dom Joao to do him the favour to

swear as hereditary prince a grandson of his, son of his

daughter® and of Tribuli Pandar, on account of his having

1 See supra, p. 96, note °.

2 Dondra. See supra, p. 33, and infra, p. 373.

3 See the foregoing chapter, in which, however, curiously enough,

Couto does not mention any pagode on Adam’ s Peak.

4 D. Garcia de Noronha.

5 It was the custom to send from Goa to Ceylon each year (in Septem-

ber-November) a galleon, which conveyed supplies to the Portuguese

stationed at Columbo, and brought back the tribute cinnamon and

other goods for the cargoes of the homeward-bound ships (cf. C. Lit.

Reg. iii. 236, 237). In Purchas ix. (164) will be found details of the

salaries and provision of the officers and men of ‘‘ the Galleon of the

Traffick and Voyage of Ceilaon,’’ from a ‘‘tractate’’ by the viceroy

D. Duarte de Menezes (1584).

6 D. Estevao da Gama, second son of Vasco da Gama, 1540-2.

7 The Rajdvaliya (77) mentions only one, Sallappu Arachchi (cf.

supra, p. 74, note *). The whole paragraph in the Rajdvaliya relating

to the embassy is out of place.

5 The Rdajavaliya (7 2) records the death of this princess ‘< from con-

stitutional weakness”’; but when this took place is not clear (cf. infra,

p. 164, note ”).

_—

No. 60.—1908.] couTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 119

no other heir!; sending him the likeness of his grandson,

which was of natural size”, in the form of a statue of gold, placed

in a large box, with a crown of gold set with many precious

stones in the hand for the king to crown it therewith®.

These ships reached Portugal safely*, and the king received

these ambassadors very well; and for the act of swearing

the prince the king commanded to summon all the lords

of the realm, and carried it out in public assembly with

the greatest solemnity and ceremony possible, crowning the

prince after the manner of the kingdom, commanding great

festivities and bull fights to be held®. And having passed

to them his letter of confirmation, and bestowed many

favours on the ambassadors®, he sent them back well satisfied

in the next ships’.

Dc. V., Br. 1x., CHAP. vil.

* 3 kK * *K * ok

And hoisting sail he [the governor, Martim Affonso de

Sousa] went following his course with strong dry winds until

1 Possibly this may imply that Bhuvaneka Bahu’s daughter was

dead. As the marriage seems to have taken place in (June ?) 1538,

this “ heir ’’ cannot have been more than some eighteen months old.

* The original has “ que era de Maraa,” which is unintelligible. I

suspect that Maraa is an error for marca, and that the meaning is

what I have given; though the words might be taken as referring to

the prince, in which case they would mean ‘‘ who was of note.”

3 The Rajdvaltya (77) mentions the golden image, but not the

other details.

* In August 1541, according to Fig. Falco.

°It is remarkable that of this ceremony and the attendant festi-

vities no account is extant, in print at any rate. Ribeiro (I. v.) says

that the ceremony took place in 1541; but I think it more probable

that the year was 1542.

° In a valuable paper by the eminent Portuguese scholar Dr. Sousa

Viterbo, published in the Historia e Memorias of the Royal Academy of

Sciences in Lisbon, and entitled “‘O Thesouro do Rei de Ceylao,” are

printed some documents of March 1543 relating to this embassy, chiefly

favours granted by King D. Jodo III. In these the ambassador is called

“ Pamditer,” theinfant grandson ‘“‘ Tammapala Pandarym,” the Sinha-

lese king ‘‘ Buhanegabahoo,” and his grand chamberlain “‘ Tammatey

Samparaprimal”’ (this last evidently Vidiye Bandara’s brother Tammita

Surya Bandara, whom we shall meet with below, in VI. Ix. xvili., &c.).

‘ These last words are rather misleading: in fact, the ambassadors left

Portugal for India in the fleet that sailed 25 March 1543 under Diogo

da Silveira (see C. Lit. Reg. iii. 237, and cf. infra, p. 124, note 1).

120 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX.

he had passed Cape Comori!; and as it was the conjunction

of the moon, on going tuwards the shoals, the vara of Choro-

mandel? swept down with such fury, that it scattered the

whole fleet, which was quite disorganized, each one running

whither he best could. The governor with the greater part of

the galleys almost sinking and water-logged cast anchor at the

Itha das Vacas*. There he remained many days until the

monsoon had passed*; and seeing that there was now no time

to go forward, he became sad and melancholy on account of

the ill success that a fleet that he had prepared at such ex-

pense had had. Andsummoning to his galley the captains, he

revealed to them whither he had been going, and showed them

the king’s letters, and those that they had written to him from

India, in which they had made light of that expedition, saying

to them, that by that they would see the reason why he had

prepared that fleet, and that they might now judge what he

should do; because he was ready to fulfil what the king had

commanded him ; that if there was still time to pass the shoals

he would do it, as the expense had already been incurred®.

And all the pilots having been summoned, on discussing if they

could still pass, they all agreed that the monsoon was already

over, and that nothing could now be done. On this it was

resolved to return, whereupon the governor turned about and

1 Regarding this shameful expedition, which left Goa on 12 August

1543, see Whiteway 283-4.

2 See supra, p. 31, note ?

3“ The Isle of Cows’: the name given by the Portuguese to Nedun- -

tivu (or Delft, as the Dutch subsequently named it). :

4 The most interesting fact about this expedition is, that the famous

Dr. Garcia da Orta, who was a friend of the governor’s, accompanied it ;

and he tells us in his Coloquios (Col. 45) that while in the I/ha das Vacas

he saw many goats slaughtered for the armada, the largest of which

had bezoar stones in their stomachs. He adds, that it afterwards

became a custom for the Bengal ships to call at this island for these

concretions (see Garcia da Orta ii. 232, 235-6).

5 Correa states that from the Isle of Cows the governor sent a black-

mailing message to the king of Jafina (see C. Lit. Reg. iii. 237). Xavier,

writing to the directors of the college of Santa Fé in Goa, from Cochin,

27 January 1545, says :—‘‘ Jafanapatan was not taken, nor was the

possession of the kingdom given to that king who was to become a

Christian : this was not done, because there ran ashore a ship of the

king’s that came from Pegu, and the king of Jafanapatan seized the

goods, and until what he seized is recovered that which the governor

ordered is not to be done ; please God that it be done a it shall be to

his service. I was in Jafanapatan some days,...... ” (see Miss. dos

Jes. 37-8). On this subject see C. Lit. Reg. iii. 327.

sy :

No. 60.—1908.| couTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON ; 121

once more doubled the Cape, picking up several vessels of

his company, which he went to look for in those ports.

*K *% K *% * 7K *

Die: Va BKe x. CHAP? v1.

* * * * * * *

bee aa Cogecemacadim!, since at the first he had argued

against going”, could not find means to again justify it; not

because he was afraid of anything, because if he had had any

suspicions he would not have gone on board a galleon that had

arrived a few days before from Ceilad? and anhcored in that

bay, the captain of which was Pero de Mesquita, to which

Cogecemacadim went to see some elephants that it had brought,

and he went on board the galleon quite at his ease and with full

assurance, without fearing anything.

2 x *k x xk xk *

1 Regarding the khwdja Shamsuddin and the story of which this

extract forms a part, see Whiteway 285-9,

2'To Goa, whither the Portuguese were trying to inveigle him from

Cananor. .

3 This was probably the vessel that had (as usua]) gone in September

1544 to fetch the tribute and other cinnamon for the loading of the

homeward-bound ships (c/. swpra, p. 118, note °).

€

122 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX.

COUTO.

DECADE VI.

1545-1554 a.p.

Portuguese Governors of India.—D. Joao de Castro, gover-

nor and viceroy, September 1545 to June 1548; Garcia de

S4, governor, June 1548 to June 1549; Jorge Cabral,

governor, June 1549 to November 1550; D. Affonso de

Noronha, viceroy, November 1550 to September 1554.

Sinhalese Rulers in Ceylon.—Bhuvaneka Bahu VII., 1534-

51 (Kotté); Dharmapala alias Dom Joao Pereapandar,

1551-97 (Kotte); Mayadunné, 1534-81 (2) (Sitavaka); Vira

Vikrama, 1542-5-(?) (Kandy).

Tamil King in Jaffna.—Sangili.

Portuguese Captains-Major of Ceylon.—D. Joao Henriques,

1551-2; Diogo de Mello Coutinho, 1552; D. Duarte Dega,

1552-3 ; Fernao Carvalho (acting), 1553-5.

In this Decade we are told of the arrival in Ceylon (in 1543)

of the first Franciscan missionaries, and of the propagation of

Christianity by them on the south-western coast and in the

kingdom of Kandy. The duplicity of the Kandyan ruler,

who pretended to be inclined to Wie. led to the send- -

ing to Kandy of two Portuguese expeditions (one in 1547, the

other in 1550), both of which had to retreat, the latter suffer-

ing severe loss. Mayadunné once more (1549) took up arms

against his brother Bhuvaneka Bahu VII. ; and a Portuguese

force sent to aid the latter defeated Mayadunné’s troops

and captured his capital Sitavaka, which was sacked (1550).

In October 1550 the ship from Portugal conveying the new

viceroy of India, D. Affonso de Noronha, made accidental land-

fall at Columbo, the viceroy’s visit being followed by important

consequences. In 1551, as a combined Sinhalese and Portu-

guese force was about to take the field against Mayadunne,

Bhuvaneka Bahu was accidentally killed, his grandson

Dharmapala being thereupon proclaimed king in his stead.

On this news reaching Goa, the viceroy set out with a large

’ armada for Columbo, where on landing he at once began to

No. 60.—-1908.] _ couTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 123

behave in the most extraordinary manner towards the king

of Cota and his followers, torturing the Sinhalese in order to

discover hidden treasure, and extorting large sums of money.

Another expedition against Mayadunné followed, when Sita-

vaka was again entered and this time looted more thoroughly

than before. A design of the viceroy’s to seize Dharmapala’s

father Vidiye Ba dara was frustrated by the flight of the

latter ; but in 1552 he was treacherously captured by the

captain of Columbo, and imprisoned. Succeeding in escaping

(in 1553), he wreaked his vengeance on the Christians along the

coast. A temporary peace was thereupon patched up. One

of the most important results of the viceroy’s visit in 1551 was

the walling-in and fortification of Columbo on a much larger

scale than in 1518-24, and the appointment of a captain-

general of Ceylon.

Dec. VI., BK. Iv., CHAP. vii.

Of the things that happened at this time in Ceilad : and of how

the governor Dom Joaé de Castro sent Antonio Moniz

Barreto with a fleet to succour the king of Candea: ......

In the fourth chapter of the second book of the Fifth Decade

we gave a detailed account of the great wars that broke out in

Ceilao, between the king of Ceitavaca, Madune Pandar, and

Banoegabao Pandar, king of Cota, his brother, on account of

the former’s wishing to deprive the latter of his kingdom ;

and how to rid himself of him the king of Cota married his

daughter to Tribuly Pandar, on account of having no son to

succeed to his throne. Of this marriage was born Dramabolla

Bao! Bandar, who it was that the king Dom Joao proclaimed

in Lisbon as prince and heir of the kingdom of Cota, dis-

patching the ambassadors who went for that purpose?, in

whose company he sent some friars of St. Francis?, whose

‘Such a name as Dharmapala Bahu is, of course, an impossible

monstrosity, which Tennent did not realize (see his Ceylon ii. 15).

2 See supra, p. 119.

° The first Jesuits (Xavier and his two companions) had left Portugal

for India on 7 April 1541, reaching Goa on 6 May 1542. On10 May

1546, Xavier, writing from Amboina to the brethren of the Company in

Portugal, says :-—‘‘ With the Christians of the islands [sic] of Ceilan,

which is near Cape Comorin, remain five friars of the order of St.

Francis with other two clerics ’’ (see Miss. dos Jes. 56).

124 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

custodio was the father Frey Antonio do Padrao, a devout man

who was the first commissary-general that went out to India.

These friars were directed to distribute themselves over the

island of Ceila6, in order to plant in those untilled lands the

doctrine of the gospel (because the kings of Portugal always

claimed in this conquest of the East so to unite thetwo powers,

spiritual and temporal, that at no time should one be exer-

cised without the other). These apostolic men, having

arrived in CeilaO in company with the ambassadors!, were

very well received by the king of Cota, who gave them leave

to preach the law of Christ throughout the whole of his realms.

And these evangelist conquerors, not neglectful of their obli-

gation, began to break up in several places the untilled soil,

and to sow therein the gospel seed, which began to fructify

like that grain of mustard in the gospel, erecting several

temples, in which the most high God began to be honoured

and venerated by all. And the first places in which they were

built were Panaturé, Macu?, Berberi, Galle, and Belliguao,

all seaports, in which they brought within the pale of the

church a great number of those heathens.

And penetrating into the heart of the island®, there arrived

in the kingdom of Candea one Frey Pascoal with two

companions', who were well received by that king Javira

Bandar®, first cousin to Madune, son of a brother of his

1 Correa (iv. 310) says that the ships from Portugal arrived at Goa on

3 September 1543, and he also tells us (see C. Lit. Reg. iii. 237) that

the Sinhalese ambassador left for Ceylon (presumably in September

1543) with Francisco d’Ayora, who was taking a galleon for the cinna-

mon and aship. But he does not mention the arrival at Goa or depar-

ture for Ceylon of any friars. In a document printed in Arch. Port.-Or.

iii. (733) the guardian of St. Francis in Lisbon is made to say (in 1597)

that the Franciscans had sustained Christianity in Ceylon for forty-four

years; but I think this must be an error for fifty-four (1597 — 54—1543).

2“ Mact.” is Maggona. From a comparison of this list with that

given on p. 170 infra (where we read of the anti-Christian campaign waged

in 1554-5 by Vidiye Batidara), it would seem that by an error “ Cale-

turé ’’ has been omitted after ‘““ Panaturé.”’

* This was probably in 1545-6.

4 These were, as far as I know, the first Europeans to visit Kandyan

territory.

° Jayavira of the Rdjdvaliya (72,75, 81, &c.); Vira Vikkama of the

Mahdavansa (323), which expatiates on his merits as a devout Buddhist.

Apparently he founded the city of Senkhandasela Sirivaddhana (Kandy),

and made it his seat ; but the exact date of its foundation is uncertain,

as is the year of his accession to the throne (c/. Rajdv. 72, 75, 81, with

Madhav. 323, which gives 1542 as the year ; and see C. P. Gaz. 125, 688)

No. 60.—1908.| couTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 125

father’s!, who favoured them inevery way: somuch so, that he

gave them a large piece of ground, and everything needful for

building a church, and houses for them to dwell in. There

they commenced to till that unfruitful and sterile soil, which

yielded no other fruit but thistles and thorns of abominable

idolatries, sowing in their place the seed of life. And finding

disposition in the king to invite him to the marriage supper of

the Lord, they sounded him, conversing with him on matters

of our faith and law, showing him clearly the truth thereof

and the blindness and falsity of his idols; and so much did

they succeed in softening him, that they conquered him, not

however so far as to receive baptism, because he had great

fear that his people would kill him?. And the fathers, not

wishing that sheep to perish from want, persuaded him to

write to the governor? of the wish that he had, and to beg him

for a captain with men to help him against his people, if they

should attempt any commotion on a change of the law. One

of those fathers went with his letter, and arrived at Goa a few

days after the triumphal procession of the governor Dom

Joao de Castro*. And having had an interview with him,

and given him an account of everything, when he had read

the letter, and understood from it the desire of that heathen

king, he did not wish to lose such a good opportunity ; be-

cause he knew that the chief spices and the richest gems that

the kings of Portugal sought for in this conquest of the East

were souls for heaven®. And moved thereto also by his

good zeal, he brought forward this matter in council, and

it was there resolved that they should send him a captain

with two hundred men to pass the winter and stay with

that king, until they had secured him in the faith and in his

kingdom.

1 This should be ‘‘ mother’s ”’ (see Rdjdv. 72, 75, for the connection).

2The Mahdvansa and the Rdjdvaliya are entirely silent regarding

the king’s disposition towards Christianity.

3D. Joao de Castro (1545-8).

4 This procession took place on 21 April 1547 (see Whiteway 314):

it was to celebrate the relief of Diu. Correa (see C. Lit. Reg. iii. 246),

by an extraordinary blunder, attributes the “ conversion ”’ of the king

of Kandy to Xavier.

5 According to Freire de Andrade, in 1546 King D. Joao ITI. had sent

his viceroy in India a long letter impressing upon him the importance

of the conversion of the heathen, and ordering harsh measures for those

who would not become Christians ; but the authenticity of this letter

seems extremely doubtful (see J. Freire de Andrade’s Vida de D. Jodo

de Castro, edited by D. Fr. Francisco de 8. Luiz, 51-8, 372-6).

126 7 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XX.

For this expedition the governor at once chose Antonio

Moniz Barreto!, to whom he gave seven foists, in which he

was to take one hundred and fifty men, dispatching him in

great haste, having given him a provision that in every place

to which he should come, in which he found vessels of ours,

he should take them with him; and writing by him letters

full of kind words to that king, and sending him stuffs and

curious trifles. Antonio Moniz Barreto set sail at the end of

April, and of his journey we shall give an account further on.

** * *f * *f 6 *

Dec. VI., BK. Iv., CHAP. viii.

Of how Madune persuaded the king of Candea to revolt against

the Portuguese : and of what happened to Antonio Moniz

Barreto on the expedition - and of how he crossed the whole

island of Ceilaé with arms in hand fighting with the forces

_ of that king.

Madune having learnt that the king of Candea was minded

to become a Christian, and that he had sent to ask of the

governor Dom Joao de Castro favour and help for this, fearing

that this would be the means of his destruction, and that he

would be left with all those kings as his enemies, set about to

put a stop to the whole business, by sending to persuade the

king of Candea not to become a Christian : because as soon

as he did so the Portuguese would be certain to take his

kingdom ; and that if they did not do this his own subjects

would try to kill him, in order not to be governed by men of a

different law. The men that Madune sent on this business

said such things to that king, and also worked upon his fears,

that not only did they bring him round completely, but they

also arranged with him to kill all the Portuguese that accom-

panied Antonio Moniz Barreto, of whom they had already

had advice, this business being settled with such secrecy, that

the fathers neither heard nor knew of it.

Antonio Moniz Barreto, pursuing his voyage, doubled

Cape Comorim and ran along the other coast, then crossed

the shoals of Manar, where he fitted out two vessels that he

found there?, and took them with him®, and made a circuit

1 Came out to India as a lad in 1529, saw much service, and became

governor of India, 1573-6.

2 At Mannar, apparently.

3 In accordance with the governor’s orders (see supra, VI. Iv. vii. at end).

No. 60.—1908.] coUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 127

of the island in order to make the port of Batecalou, where,

according to the order that he carried, he was to disembark!,

to proceed from there to the kingdom of Candea, as he had

been directed by the same king. In Gale he took some more

vessels that he found there?, which, although he had few

men, was necessary in order to spread the report on land that

he had a large fleet.

And on arriving at the port of Batecalou® with twelve row-

ing vessels* he disembarked, and ordered several bases to be

brought on shore, and munitions, and chose one hundred and

twenty men°, leaving the rest to guard the vessels, and set out

for Candea*, guided by the ambassadors of that king, who

had accompanied the friar of St. Francis to Goa’, and thus he

journeyed for several days® until he arrived at the city of

Candea’, and as soon as he had entered it he was advised of

the feoination of that king, and of how he had agreed

with Madune to kill him and all his company ; and it was not

known from what quarter the advice reached him. On hear-

ing this, and seeing that the matter brooked of no delay,

Antonio Moniz Barreto took a very speedy and resolute

determination, which was to order at once on the very instant

the burning of all the baggage that they had brought with

them, leaving nothing but what they carried on their bodies,

1 The burst of the south-west monsoon being at hand.

2 This is the first time we read of Portuguese vessels at Galle since

the stay there in 1518 of Lopo Soares on his way to Columbo to erect a

fortress (see swpra, p. 39).

® So far as I know, these were the first Europeans to visit this part.

As Antonio Moniz left Goa at the end of April, we may take it that he

reached Batecalou before the end of May 1547. He must have run

great risk of being caught by the burst of the south-west monsoon.

4 As Antonio Moniz left Goa with five foists, and commandeered two

vessels at Mannar, he must have added three to his fleet at Galle.

5 He took one hundred and fifty from Goa, but did not get many

more at Mannar and Galle.

6 Correa makes Antonio Moniz land at Columbo (apparently), where,

learning that the king of Kandy has changed his mind, he is disinclined

to proceed, is persuaded to do so, but is forced to turn back by hostile

forces, never reaching Kandy at all (see C. Lit. Reg. iii. 252-3).

7 Regarding one of these ambassadors see C. Lit. Reg. iii. 246. é

8 How different from this bald statement is the lively description of

the journey in 1602 of the first Dutch in Ceylon by es same route (see

C. Int. Reg. vi. 318-9, 325).

° This is the first mention of the royal seat, which the Portuguese

ealled ‘‘ the city of Candea,”’ it owe the capital of the kingdom: to

which they applied that name. (

128 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). PVionm. XOX,

with a little biscuit’ and their arms, and said to his men! :—

‘“* You see well, brave soldiers and comrades mine, the urgent:

advice that we have received; wherefore another instant

determination is necessary to save our lives; and nothing

better has suggested itself to me than this, to rid ourselves of

encumbrances, and march with our arms in our hands in the

direction of Triquinimalle*, in order thence to proceed to

Cota, where we have a friendly king®, because if we return

to the fleet I fear we may find the roads occupied, and that all

will be our enemies, while in the other direction we have a king

who is sure to receive us and entertain us very well ; wherefore

remember, that the life of each one lies in the defence of his

own arms and hands (apart from those of God, which are

those that must defend and deliver us in this journey) ; where-

fore, follow me ;” and taking his matchlock on his shoulder he

proceeded to march out of the city.

The king of Candea, who continued to dissemble, waiting

for them in order, after they had been received and dispersed,

to carry out on them the treachery, as soon as he had word of

the determination of Antonio Moniz Barreto, and of what he

had done, knew well that he had been warned, and suspecting

that it was by the friars at once ordered them to be seized, and

in great haste dispatched some modeliares with a large force to

go after our people, which they did ; and making haste they

encountered them already a good distance beyond the city ;

and attacking them with great determination at several

points, Antonio Moniz Barreto did not relinquish his march

at the same pace at which he had been going, placing himself

in the rearguard for the better security of his men; giving

orders for the matchlocks to be discharged in such fashion

that the firmg never ceased, so that they might thus proceed

while keeping the enemy at bay, as they did. And so they

went marching the whole day with much difficulty, not having

time to rest for a moment, or to eat, only munching the dry

biscuit, and fighting. As soon as night fell they had a little

respite, and went on continually marching, but with less

trouble ; for although the enemy continued to pursue them it

was more slackly ; but as soon as it dawned they once more

1 This address, of course, is imaginary. Jacinto Freire de Andrade,

in his Vida de D. Joao de Castro, invents a totally different one.

2 There is a palpable error here ; but what name should take the

place of “ Triquinimalle ”’ I cannot say (see infra, p.130, note 2).

3 Freire de Andrade (op. cit.) has “‘ the king of Ceitavaca, a faithful

friend of the state’s’”’! (Previously he speaks of “ Madune, king of

Cotta ”’ !)

No. 60.—1908.] couTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 129

pressed upon them with great determination, because they

received sO many accessions that they exceeded eight

thousand.

Our people seeing that it was necessary for them to defend

their lives, and that they could not obtain help from any

quarter, all did such great things, that words would fail to

exaggerate them ; for many times they came to hand-to-hand

fighting with the enemy, and yet they always got off with

slight wounds, there remaining in their hands on one occasion

as prisoner a modeliar, at which Antonio Moniz Barreto was

greatly pleased, and ordered him to be brought along in the

midst, in order to make use of him when it should be neces-

sary.

From this modeliar he learnt that the enemy intended to

attack him at a bridge that was ahead, where all our men

were bound to come into their hands, the passage being very

narrow. ‘This caused no fear to Antonio Moniz Barreto or to

any of the others, except a Galician, who filled with the fear

of death and desirous of saving his life beg: making long

speeches, and resolved to give himself up tu the enemy ; and

as he could do it in no other way, he pretended to be exhausted,

letting himself fall on the ground as if dead, and saying that

he could go no further. Antonio Moniz Barreto, since he

sought not only to escape from the enemy, but also not to

lose a single man, went and encouraged the Galician with

kind words, telling him that the worst was now past, that

God who had delivered them so far would do so for the rest of

the way. The Galician replied, that he could go no further »

either with his arms or without them, and to leave him there

to die. Antonio Moniz Barreto made him rise, and took his

matchlock from him, and put it on his own shoulder, and like-

wise everything else that might encumber him, and placed

him in the midst of the soldiers, and made him walk; but

as he already had death pictured in his imagination, causing

him great paroxysms of terror, he again fell to the earth,

feigning to be dead. Antonio Moniz Barreto, who had kept

his eye on him, at once hastened to raise him up, but he

refused, saying that he must leave him, that he would not go

further.

Antonio Moniz Barreto, knowing that this was despair

begotten of fear, told a soldier to cut off his legs, or to kill him

at once, as he did not wish that the enemy should afterwards

say that they had captured one of his Portuguese. But when

the soldier went to do this, the Galician jumped up as lively

and active as if he had never experienced any fatigue, and

began to march in the midst of them all. The enemy never

left our people, but kept their distance, because the matchlock

K 36-08

130 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CRYLON). [Von. XX.

fire had wrought great havoc among them ; for since they

were sure that the affair would be finished at the passage

of the bridge they did not wish to risk themselves ; but from

a distance they showered clouds of arrows upon our men, by

which almost all of them were hurt. In this wise they reached

the bridge, where the enemy attacked our men furiously ;

and such was the condition of affairs, that they considered

themselves lost.

Here Antonio Moniz Barreto played the part of an ex-

perienced captain and brave soldier, doing such deeds with

his arm, as also all his comrades, that they ridded themselves —

of the enemy, who had got even inside their ranks.

Here a sudden and fortunate idea came to Antonio Moniz

Barreto, namely, to cut off the legs of the modeliar whom they

held prisoner,who was a leading personage ; and to leave him

in the road, in order that the enemy should occupy themselves

with him, which they did! ; for following after our men they

came upon the modelar in that state, and stopped to raise him

and send him to be cared for. Of this little space of time and —

road our people took advantage in such fashion, that they

reached the bridge, though followed by some. Antonio

Moniz Barreto as soon as he gained it placed himself in the

rearguard with the strongest, and ordered the rest to pass

over, they keeping the enemy back with matchlock fire,

whilst the others passed over a few at a time ; and this they

did with infinite trouble, those that were already on the other

side keeping the passage clear with their harquebuses, which

played incessantly. Antonio Moniz Barreto, when he got to

the other side, ordered part of the bridge to be destroyed, so

that the enemy should not follow him, because that river was

so deep that it could not be forded in any part. In this way

our people were freed from trouble, and went marching with-

out hindrance to Triquinimalle?; and thence they proceeded

to Ceitavaca, where that king received them and entertained

them very well, ordering them to be given everything they

needed?.

Now let Titus Livius glorify his Decius, who when he was

besieged on Mount Gaurus by the Samnites sallied forth in

the night with a few Romans through the midst of the enemy,

1 Freire de Andrade says that the prisoner’s legs were broken.

2 Here the error is repeated. Perhaps we should read “ Ruanelle ”’

(Ruvanvella). The river that had to be crossed may have been the

Ritigaha-oya at Kannattota.

* Mayadunné was at this time playing a double part ; but he soon

threw off the mask.

No. 60 —-1908.] coUToO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 131

escaping with all of them!: yet though we have not such a

wealth of words or so eloquent a style to embellish this deed,

by itself it is such, that told thus without additional adorn-

ment it is seen how much it surpasses that of his Decius ;

since this captain did not sally forth by night amongst the

enemy, when the darkness would make the hostile army .

appear much larger to the Samnites, but in full daylight, and

through the midst of the enemy’s city, surrounded on all sides,

breaking through the midst of them, it being plainly visible

that they were only one hundred and twenty ; and not for the

space of half-an-hour, but for three whole days, without losing

one of his comrades?.

_In the conversations that he had with Antonio Moniz Bar-

reto, Madune gave him to understand that his brother the

king of Cota had induced the king of Candea to kill him with

all the other Portuguese ; and that he wished to show how

much more a servant of the king of Portugal’s he was than all

the other kings of that island, placing himself at his service

for all that he might require. Antonio Moniz Barreto re-

turned his compliments, and took leave of him, the modeliares

persuading the king to kill him and all the Portuguese, which

he was unwilling to do, however much it were a matter of

relief and import to him. Antonio Moniz Barreto reached

Columbo, where in a few days there arrived ambassadors from

Candea, by whom that king sent word to Antonio Moniz

Barreto that he was very repentant at having taken the coun-

sel of Madune, who had got him to commit that folly, and

sent him the bases that had been left there, and ten thousand

pardaos in silver to divide amongst the soldiers. And he

wrote to the friars of St. Francis, whom Antonio Moniz Bar-

reto had taken with him, to return to him, as he wished to

fulfil his word, and become a Christian : to which Antonio

Moniz Barreto would not consent until he had gone and given

a report to the governor; and when the season came he

embarked for Goa’.

1 Livy VII. 32.

2 Correa says that more than thirty of the Portuguese were killed (see

C. Lit. Reg. iii. 253).

3 In September 1547, apparently ; for in VI. v. vi. Couto mentions

him as leaving Goa at the end of that month or beginning of October

with the viceroy for Guzerat. Correa has a curious story about Antonio

Moniz, which may be one of his fictions (see C. Lit. Reg. iii. 253). It

will be noticed that Couto fails to tell us what became of the ships and

men left at Batecalou. They probably made their way to Columbo

when the weather served.

132 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX.

Dec. VI., BK. vit., CHAP. iii.

Ls of how the king of Cota sent to ask him! for help

aganst Madune.

of * 2 38 *% ** *K

Not many days had elapsed since the governor’s arrival?,

when there came to him an ambassador from the king of Cota,

who as vassal of the king of Portugal sent to beg him earnestly

to help him, as he was in the utmost danger of losing his king-

dom: because his brother Madune, king of Ceitavaca, had

taken from him the greater part of it, and had besieged him in

the city of Cota, where he was in great danger of perishing? ;

that that kingdom was his grandson’s, to whom the king of

Portugal had conceded it, and had proclaimed him in the city

of Lisbon as heir to it, and that Madune wished to deprive him

of it : wherefore he begged him to help him with a large force,

and he would at once give ten thousand cruzados’ worth of

pepper’ for the loading of a ship to Portugal, which he would

deliver to the captain-major who should go there; and

that he would also give as tribute one hundred and fifty bares

of cinnamon, besides the three hundred that he already paid?®,

and that he would at once give ten elephants for the service

of the dockyards of the fleets of the king of Portugal.

Having heard the ambassador, the governor brought these

matters before a council of the captains and fidalgos, all of

whom agreed that help should be given to that king, not only

because he was a vassal of the king of Portugal’s, and because

of the terms that he offered, but also to prevent Madune’s

becoming ruler of the whole island, whereby he would give

great trouble to the state, and the king of Portugal would

lose the profits that he got from it.

1 The governor, Jorge Cabral, 1549-50.

2 At Cochin, in November 1549.

3 The Rdjdvaliya tells us nothing of this, there being a deplorable

hiatus in that chronicle of some ten years, 1540-1 to 1550, the only

events during that time recorded being an attack by Jayavira on Maya-

dunné’s territories in the Four Kéralés, his defeat by the minister Arya,

and the conclusion of peace on his paying an indemnity (Rdjdv. 81).

The paragraph relating these occurrences is entirely out of its proper

place, and I do not know to what year they refer. (The events are also

recorded by Valentyn, Ceylon 76.)

4 This is the first mention of pepper from Ceylon (cf. supra, p. 117).

On the importance of pepper as an article of trade in the sixteenth

century see my “* Discovery of Ceylon by the Portuguese,’’ pp. 287-8.

5 See supra, V. I. v., p. 73.

No. 60.—1908.] CcouvTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 133

This having been settled, the governor chose for that ex-

pedition Dom Jorge de Crasto his uncle, his mother’s brother,

and gave him six hundred men, among whom were many

fidalgos and knights ; and ordered the ships to be got ready

that he was to take, for the expense of which the ambassador at

once gave the ten thousand cruzados that he had offered. The

governor ordered to make haste with the fleet and the ships,

all of which he determined to dispatch at the beginning of

January.

1% % 7% * % * *%

Desc. VI., BK. vitt., CHAP. iv.

Of another message that the governor Jorge Cabral received from

Ceilao from the prince of Candea: and of how Dom Jorge

de Crasto left for Ceilao.

The ships [for Portugal] having been dispatched!, the

governor hurried on the preparations of the fleet of Dom

Jorge in order to dispatch it soon. And when it was just

ready, there came to him letters from the fathers of St. Fran-

cis who were in the kingdom of Candea, in which they begged

him to send a force in support of the prince of that kingdom,

as he wished to become a Christian. And since it is necessary

to give some account of this prince, we shall doso. This king

of Candea had a legitimate son, called Caralea Bandar?,

who was heir to the throne. This prince managed to get his

father to release the friars of St. Francis (whom he had im-

prisoned when Antonio Moniz Barreto went to that kingdom,

as we have related above, in the eighth chapter of the fourth

book), and who formed so great a friendship with Frey Pas-

coal, who was their commissary, that this father proposed to

him to become a Christian, preaching to him many times on

the matters of our faith, to which he became inclined and well

disposed, in such manner that all that he needed was to receive

the water of holy baptism®. Of this his father was informed,

and resolved to kill his son, and to give the kingdom to another

bastard son that he had, called Comarsinga Adasana‘, for

1 The last one left Goa on 10 January 1550.

2 Karalliyeddé Kumara Bandara (Rdjdv. 82).

3 In VIII. iii. (pp. 283-4) we read of this prince, who had then (1565)

succeeded to the throne of Kandy, that he was a Christian, and was

named Dom Joao.

* Kumarasinha Adahasin. The Kdjdvaliya does not mention this

prince.

134 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX,

whom he wished every good. Of this the prince heard

rumours, or received information, from someone in his father’s

house. And desiring to escape from his anger, he took with

him the friars, and betook himself to a mountain in the king-

dom of Huna?, and with a large force that followed him waged

war against his father from there?.

Of all these things the fathers informed the governor in

those letters that they sent to him, begging him to send and

help that prince against his father, who wished to deprive him

of the kingdom and give it to another, because he desired to

become a Christian. This the governor highly approved of,

and gave orders to Dom Jorge de Crasto, that when he had

done with the affairs of Ceitavaca he was to proceed to the

kingdom of Candea, and chastise that king for the Ueachery

that he had shown towards Antonio Moniz Barreto.

This fleet set out at the beginning of January of this year

1550, upon which with God’s favour we enter; and of the

captains and chief persons that took part in this expedition

we know the names of none ; but of their fleet we shall give ©

an account further on. ......

x ak xk ** *k ok x

Denc. VI., BK. virt., CHAP. vi.

Of the dissimulation with which the king of Candea sent to ask

Dom Jorge de Crasto for fathers that he might become a

Christian : and of how he sent him two, and with them the

French captain : and of what happened to them on the journey.

Dom Jorge de Crasto having left Cochim, as we have related

above in the third chapter of this eighth book, arrived at

Columbo at the end of the same month of January [1550], and

having disembarked his troops commenced to march to Cota.

Madune, who with his whole force was attacking that city, on

receiving the news that our fleet had arrived at Columbo with

a large body of men to help his brother, raised his camp and

retired to Ceitavaca, leaving the tranqueiras? on the roads

garrisoned with many troops to guard the passes against our

1 Read “‘ Huva,” é.e., Uva. This is the first occurrence of the name.

* The Rajadvaliya version of this family quarrel is very different, it

being there (82) attributed to a mésalliance formed by Jayavira after

the death of his queen. Valentyn (Ceylon 78) has a rather fuller version,

which supports Couto in his statement that the king wished to sup-

plant Karalliyeddé Bandara by a son of the second marriage.

* Regarding these fortresses see next chapter.

No. 60.—1908.] couro: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 135

men if they should attempt to get to Ceitavaca. Dom Jorge

reached Cota, and was heartily welcomed by that king ; and

they at once resolved to go together against Madune, and not

to withdraw from that business until they had utterly de-

stroyed him, in order to give no further trouble to the state

with succours and fleets in aid of his brother, who was a vassal

of the king of Portugal’s. For the expedition the king began

to collect his forces and arrange for the things necessary in the

way of provisions and servants for the whole army. The

report of the fleet of Dom Jorge de Crasto and of his arrival

at Columbo soon spread over the whole island.

The king of Candea, as he was guilty in the matter of

Antonio Moniz Barreto, began to tremble, and to fear that they

wished to chastise him for the faults that he had committed ;

and as he was a man of great cunning and malice he determined

to temporize with Dom Jorge de Crasto and deceive him, until

he should see how matters tended between Madune and his

brother, and to this end he at once dispatched ambassadors

to visit him. These ambassadors found Dom Jorge de Crasto

still in Cota, getting ready for the expedition to Ceitavaca.

Dom Jorge de Crasto ordered them to be taken before the

king, where he heard them, and they told him that the king

of Candea had sent them to visit him and to offer himself for

everything that might be of service to the king of Portugal.

That he would have him know that in the affair of Antonio

Moniz Barreto, in which he did not deny being guilty, there

were nevertheless sufficient matters of satisfaction for it to be

forgiven. That his cousin Madune had disturbed his mind

and drawn hinf away from the desire that he had had of be-

coming a Christian, putting before his eyes fears and the loss of

his kingdom, and the rebellion of his subjects owing to a change

of law ; and that he had repented of his past conduct, since

he had always been inclined to the law of the Christians, as

the friars always knew of him ; that he was firmly resolved to

become a Christian ; that he earnestly begged him to send him

some friars to settle this with him; and that he also wished

to be reconciled to his son ; and that thus he hoped little by

little to move his vassals to become Christians. Dom Jorge de

Crasto was much pleased with that embassy, and at once set

about to satisfy that king, sending with the ambassadors

two friars of St. Francis, and with them the French captain!

1 Jn VI. 1x. xiv. Couto, describing the siege of the fortress of Catifa

by the Portuguese in 1551, says that all the ditches and entrenchments

were made by order and according to the plan of this officer, ‘“‘ whom

the king Dom Joao had sent to India on account of his being a man who

had much knowledge and practice of warfare.”

136 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vot. XX.

and twelve soldiers, and ordered them to go by way of

Negumbo}!, so as to avoid the territories of Madune.

The ambassadors having left with our people, they went

pursuing their journey, not escaping some conflicts with forces

of Madune’s, in which our folk ran great risk and danger, but

God delivered them from all by the valour of their arms, and

thus with great trouble they reached Candea. The king

received them very well, and ordered the friars to be lodged in

the same hermitage that the former ones had built?, which was

still standing, and the French captain and his soldiers near to

them, ordering all necessaries to be given to them. The

friars began to make some Christians, thinking: that the

king also had a mind thereto, which he had not, as he was

wicked and perverse, and fear made him pretend it, so long

as he did not know what was passing between Dom Jorge

de Crasto and Madune, whom he favoured in secret; and

so he took such care of and had such an eye on the French

captain and the friars, that he did not allow them to go

beyond a certain limit, keeping spies in Ceitavaca, in order

to be advised each day of all that passed there.

Dec. VI., BK. vitt., CHAP. vii.

Of how the king of Cota and Dom Jorge de Crasto set out

for Ceitavaca: and of the sieges of the forts that they

met with on this march: and of how they took them,

and routed Madune, and captured from him the city of

Ceitavaca.

After the king of Cota had collected his forces and arranged

for the things necessary for the expedition, he set out on the

march, Dom Jorge de Crasto going in the van with all the

Portuguese, and the king with five thousand men in the rear-

guard®, Thus they marched the whole of the day until they

reached a very large tranqueira, on a pass that lay between the

1 This place here makes its first appearance.

2 See supra, p. 125.

3 The Rdjdvaliya (78) briefly records the events described in this

chapter, in a couple of paragraphs that are quite out of their proper

order. It also tells us that they occurred after Bhuvaneka Bahu had

reigned for twenty years, whereas they actually took place sixteen years

after the king’s accession.

No. 60.—1908.] couTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 13)

Matual river! and a lake of such size, that it is asserted to be

five leagues in circumference, which lay two leagues from the

port of Columbo*. In this place (because there was no other

passage to Ceitavaca) Madune had built this fortress, which

was of wood, of two faces, with very broad fillings, and stood

on the north? side of the river ; and in the face that looked

towards Cota the curtain of the wall was thirty fathoms in

length, and in the point that lay towards the river was a fine

bastion with many pieces of artillery. From this bastion to

the lake extended a very dense bamboo forest, for the space

of half a league, so intricate that even the wild beasts

could not penetrate it. From end to end along the outer

face of this fort ran a fine, broad ditch, which was filled

with water from the lake, and which was crossed by a

drawbridge?.

The army having arrived here, they pitched their camp at

some distance from the fort, and held a council as to the mode

of attack ; and it was resolved that it should be at the angles

of the wall, for which purpose they made large wooden bridges

on wheels, and several strong mantelets, and ladders, this

occupying two or three days. And when all was ready one day

at dawn our people attacked the fort at one part, and the

king at another. And running the bridges over in spite of

the storm of bombard and matchlock shots that rained upon

them, they set up the ladders against the wall, and our men

climbing up them leaped over it, and by force of cuts and

blows forced their way inside, where they had a very great

hattle with the enemy, in which many were killed and wounded

on both sides. The king of Cota and his people, likewise

after several losses, entered the tranqueira, on which the

enemy began to be put to the rout, and abandoned it completely,

Dom Jorge de Crasto ordering it to be at once set fire to, by

which it was entirely consumed. They passed that day in

that place, and sent to Cota those that needed healing (who

were many). i

1 This is the first time the Kelani river is mentioned. Further on in

this chapter Couto (p.139) gives it its proper name. The name Matual

(which still survives in Mutwal) was applied by the Portuguese to the

river under a misapprehension, arising from their hearing its mouth

spoken of by the Tamils as Muhatuvaram (Modara).

* The lake referred to is evidently that of Mulleriyava, and the site

of the stockade was probably near Ambatalé.

3 This must be a mistake for “ south.”

+The formation of the fortress is not very clear from this descrip-

tion.

138 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). fVon. XX.

Next day they went on marching until they reached the

other tranqueira, called that of Maluana!, of the same plan and

make as the former. And our troops attacking it at one

part, and the king at another, it was entered and captured,

though with many dangers and deaths on our side, and with

the loss of more than six hundred of the enemy, who aban-

doned it.

On the following day they marched upon the other tran-

queira, two leagues from this one, called Grubabilem?, which

was larger and stronger than the others, on account of being

near the city of Ceitavaca. The curtain of the wall that ran

along the front was larger and thicker than those of the ones

they had passed. At each point it had two very large bastions,

and on the wall many watch-towers very well provided with

men and munitions. On the side facing the river, which was

the same Matual, ran a dense bamboo forest, and on the

other a very impenetrable jungle. Here in this tranqueira

were the forces of Madune, though he was in the city. This

tranqueira was attacked with very great determination, and in

this attack there were many wonderful feats, which we do not

particularize as we do not know the names of those who per-

formed them ; but as a result of the affair the tranqueira was

captured, though with loss on our side, and in it they remained

that day resting from their fatigue and tending the wounded,

who were many in number.

Next day they proceeded to march to Ceitavaca, which lay

two leagues? in front, and on the road they met Madune with

all his forces. And joining battle (which was severe and cruel

and with much loss), Madune was conquered and routed, and

went fleeing to the mountains of Dinavaca*, leaving the city

in the hands of our people, who entered it as victors.

11f this is correct, the allied forces must have crossed the river,

though Couto does not tell us so. (Perhaps Kaduvela is meant.)

Malvana became later on a Portuguese position (see p. 405, note ').

2 Gurubevila (modern Hanvella), where, according to the Rajyavaliya

(78), the Portuguese in 1539 defeated Mayadunné and his Moorish

allies (see supra, p. 107, note 1). As this is on the south of the Kelani

river, the mention of Malvana previously must be an error. In

1595-7 D. Jeronimo de Azevedo erected a fort at Gurubevila (see injra,

p. 405).

3 This is an under-statement.

4 According to the Rdjdvaliya (78), Mayddunné, after preparing his

palace for the entry of his brother, left with his household and forces for

Batugedara (Ratnapura District), which, we see from Couto’s state-

ment, lay in the old territory of Dinavaka (see supra, p. 34, note °).

No. 60.—1908.] couUToO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 139

This city is very large!, and is situated amidst four moun-

tain ranges, and this same Matual river (which by another name

is called the Calane) divides it in the midst?, which comes from

the confines of the kingdom of Candea. On the south side

on an eminence is the king’s palace, which is built in the form

of a handsome fortress, with its walls very thick and strong,

and one ascends to it by twenty very wide and large steps.

The fortress is Square, and in each side it has three gates for

service ; on this side lies half the city, and on the other to the

north the other half ; and in this part is the most superb and

sumptuous pagode*® that exists in the whole island, which is

dedicated to an idol of theirs called Paramisura*. The archi-

tecture of this pagode is strange’, and it is asserted that nearly

twenty years were expended on it, more than two thousand

workmen being employed on it continuously.

Our people having entered the city, the king took up his

residence in his brother’s palace, where he found many valu-

ables ; and Dom Jorge de Crasto with his soldiers in that part

of the city, which was put to the sack by our men, who found

much gold, drugs, and wares of all sorts, with which they

loaded themselves well. Then they passed over to the other

side, and did the same, without touching the pagodes, as Dom

Jorge de Crasto had ordered them for the sake of the king of

Cota, who sent and placed guards over them®. And the king’s

people were the ones that stole most, because like house rob-

bers they dug and disinterred much treasure. Madune, who

had retired to the mountains of Dinavaca, seeing himself

beaten and routed, and his brother master of his city, thought

to employ his guile, and sent to the king his brother and to

Dom Jorge de Crasto his ambassadors, who entered Ceitavaca

and were conducted to the king, who heard them in the

presence of Dom Jorge de Crasto’.

1 Compare what follows with Bell’s Rep. on Kég. Dist. 62-5, and

the sketch plan there given.

It was actually the Sitavaka-ganga, a tributary of the Kelani-ganga,

that divided the city. ; |

3 The Berendi Kévil (see Bell’s Rep. 63-5 and plates).

4 Paramesvara (supreme lord), a title of Siva, of whom Mayadunné

was a worshipper.

° Or “ foreign.” As a fact, Berendi Kéovil is modified Dravidian in

style (see Bell’s Rep. 65).

§'The Berendi Kévil was not so fortunate in the following year, when

the avaricious viceroy D. Affonso de Noronha entered Sitavaka (see

wmjra, p. 152).

’ The kajdvaliya is silent regarding this embassy.

140 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XX.

They told him, that his brother Madune sent to beg mercy

of him, and that he fully confessed that he had committed

many faults, for which he had already been well chastised,

and had repented of them ; that he besought him earnestly

to be reconciled to him, and that he was ready to give him all

the satisfaction necessary. The king, who was a man of very

good heart and nature (a rare thing in this Chingala nation!),

touched with the miseries of his brother, and believing that

he would never more attempt against him his evil designs,

said to Dom Jorge de Crasto that he wished for peace with his

brother, if it appeared good to him. Dom Jorge de Crasto

answered that in this matter he might do what he thought

well, and what would be best for himself and for the quiet of

the kingdom. Upon this the king dispatched the ambassa-

dors, by whom he sent word to his brother telling him to come

to Ceitavaca, that there they might be reconciled and make

peace, sending him a surety on his own account, and another

from Dom Jorge de Crasto. Madune at once went, accom-

panied by some modeliares of high rank ; and on arriving at —

Ceitavaca his brother received him very kindly, embracing

him with much affection and good-will (there being nothing of

this in Madune), and in the presence of Dom Jorge de Crasto

they were reconciled, and made peace with the following

conditions :—

That never more should Madune make war on his brother,

and that he should deliver up to him all the territories that he

had taken from him. And that he should at once pay to Dom

Jorge de Crasto one hundred thousand pagodes for the expenses

of that fleet, since he was the cause of the war. And that for

the expedition to Candea he should supply all the servants and

provisions necessary for payment. And that the king of Cota

should be obliged to give him three thousand men to accom-

pany him on it.

Having made these contracts, both the kings concluded

peace according to their mode, continuing there in great friend-

ship?. Dom Jorge de Crasto began to get ready to proceed to

Candea, as he had been ordered ; and if that king should have

become a Christian, he was to consider the expedition well

undertaken, and to help him against his subjects if they should

attempt any disturbance, and also reconcile him to his son ;

and if not, he was to chastise him for his past faults. And he

1 Compare Couto’s sweeping condemnation of the Sinhalese in V. 1. v.

(p. 66), and his description of Bhuvaneka Bahu’s character in V. Vv. viii.

(p. 106).

* All the preceding, as well as what follows, is entirely passed over

by the Rdjavaliya.

No. 60 —1908.] coUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 14]

began to press those kings for the things that they were under

obligation to give him. Madune at once complied with the

hundred thousand pagodes that he owed, with which Dom

Jorge de Crasto made two payments to the soldiers, and he

also furnished him with the provisions and servants that he

needed.

The king of Cota, as he was a great friend of the Portuguese,

because of the many obligations he was under to them, under-

standing and knowing the malice of the king of Candea, and

that all the things he had said were inventions caused by the

fear that he was in, wished to dissuade Dom Jorge de Crasto

from that expedition, putting before him the many obstacles,

and assuring him that the expedition was one of great risk and

peril, because of the difficult passes that lay in the road. And

that although that king was his first cousin!, he was under far

greater obligations to the Portuguese than to him; that he

assured. him that he did not consider it safe to trust him, and

that on every occasion that he found time and opportunity

he was certain to plan against him all the treachery that he

could. Dom Jorge de Crasto thanked him for that counsel ;

but as he was bound by the governor’s order he did not like

to be induced to do anything outside of it, and he therefore

asked him for the troops that he had promised, which he at

once gave him.

And when all was ready he set out at the beginning of April

[1550], taking leave of those kings: and the king of Cota at the

same time left for his kingdom. Dom Jorge went making his

daily marches, of which the king of Candea was advised each

day. And fearing that Dom Jorge de Crasto having entered his

kingdom with that force would seize and chastise him, not

wishing to be at his mercy, he collected forty thousand men,

and fortified his city, with the intention of preventing his

entry, keeping strict watch therein. And one night there was

an alarm that our people were already within a league of the

city ; and the king having hastened at that report with all his

troops to await him at the entrance to it, it pleased our Lord

that the French captain (who, with his soldiers, was, as it were,

under detention) had opportunity to escape, and in the dark-

ness of the night went walking along, until he reached Dom

Jorge de Crasto, who with his army was encamped at a league

from the city, in order to enter it next day ; and having re-

ported to him the manner in which the king was waiting for

him, and of the large force that he had, and of how all his pro-

fessions were inventions, Dom Jorge was dumbfoundered, and

1 See supra, p. 124.

142 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

immediately called a council of the captains, and before them

all heard once more the French captain’s report. Having all

heard this, they voted that they ought at once to retire, as

they were thirty leagues within the heart of the island, and

many narrow and difficult passes had to be passed through ;

and that if that king should attack them they had not sufficient

forces to fight him. With this resolution they at once raised

the camp and retired in great haste but in very good order.

In the morning the king of Candea received word of their

retreat, and sallying forth with all his army he followed after

them by devious roads, and getting in front waited for them

in some very narrow and difficult passes ; and attacking them

in those narrows where our men could not turn round, they

continued shooting them down with firelocks and arrows,

without our people’s having any shelter or defence. Dom

Jorge de Crasto and the fidalgos and captains were unable to

govern their men, because as they all went in single file and

broken up, and at a great distance one from the other, they

could not help them, nor had they any to do the same for them,

they running the same risk, and being all of them wounded.

Thus they proceeded fighting until they got out of the terri-

tories of Candea, where they got quit of them, seven hundred

men having been killed and lost in those jungles, among whom

were four hundred Portuguese, the rest being native Chris-

tians and people of Cota; and all the others that escaped

suffering from many wounds!. And as they went marching

through the territories of Madune, there came out to meet them

a modeliar of his with five hundred men, and informed Dom.

Jorge de Crasto that Madune begged them to come to Ceita-

vaca, and was waiting to give him everything needful?.

1 This was the first of many such disastrous expeditions of the Portu-

guese. In Primor e Honra, pt. iv. cap. 1 (108-9) the author says :—

‘* Women gave their lives to many Portuguese who escaped from the

rout of Dom Jorge de Castro in the island of Seyldo in the kingdom of

Candea, where there were some who to save the Portuguese from death

offered themselves thereto.’’ The writer may have been one of those

that accompanied the expedition. Curiously enough, Couto, who has

given us the foregoing details regarding Jayavira which the Rajdvaliya

omits, now drops all further reference to that king, and not until 1565

do we hear of Kandy again, when Jayavira’s son was reigning (see pp.

233-4). Jayavira’s expulsion from Kandy by his son, and his reception

as a refugee by Mayadunné, are recorded by the Rjdvaliya (82); but

when these occurred, and when he died, does not appear.

2 Correa tells a similar story in connection with the retreat of Antonio

Moniz Barreto in 1547, which he has probably confused with this one

(see C. Lit. Reg. ili. 253).

No. 60.—1908.] CoUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 143

Dom Jorge de Crasto made a show of being very grateful for

this ; and as he was prudent he well understood the malice of

Madune, and told the modeliar that he would do so. And as

soon as it was night, and he had encamped in a place at some

distance from the modeliar, after having made it secure, he

decamped, and took the road to Cota by ways far removed

from Ceitavaca, leaving in the camp thirty badly wounded

men, who could not walk. Next morning the modeliar arose,

and found the camp vacant, and taking the baggage that he

found there and the wounded men, he went to Ceitavaca.

Madune ordered all the Portuguese to be decapitated, telling

them that he intended to do the same to the captain and to

all of them. This was learnt afterwards from one of them,

who managed to escape, and hid himself, and some days later

arrived at Cota. Dom Jorge pursued his way in great haste,

and met the king of Cota with all his men, who had come to

seek him, as he had already been informed of the disaster

that had occurred, and that he had foretold. On seeing the

king, Dom Jorge de Crasto was relieved, and thanked him

heartily for that succour, and accompanied him to Cota,

where the king lodged all the Portuguese, and tended them

and gave them every necessary. Dom Jorge when he was

healed left for Columbo, and at the beginning of September

went across to Cochim, where he arrived a little before the

governor Jorge Cabral!.

Dec. VI., BK. rx., CHAP. i.

ee oe ok x x ok x

The ships? passed the Cape of Good Hope almost at the

same time. ...... The viceroy* and Dom Alvaro de Tayde?,

without sighting each other, took their course outside of the

1'The end of D. Jorge de Castro was a sad one. In 1563 he was

appointed captain of Cochin, and in 1571 he was captain of Chalé when

it was besieged by the samuri of Calicut with an enormous force. After

bravely defending the fort with his small body of Portuguese for four

months, Dom Jorge was compelled by famine to capitulate. For this

he was, by royal command, in 1574 imprisoned and tried, and sentenced

to death, the sentence being carried out in spite of his past services and

great age (eighty years). Couto (IX. xxvi.) describes the general horror

felt at this event.

2 Of the outward-bound fleet of 1550.

8 D. Affonso de Noronha, who was proceeding to India to succeed

Jorge Cabral. His ship was the S. Pedro.

* A son of Vasco da Gama’s ; he was going out as captain of Malacca.

144 JOURNAL, R.A,S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX.

island of Sad Lourenco, and encountered many dangers and

difficulties, which caused the death of some of the men; and

attempting to make the coast of India in October, the easters

took them on the bow, in such fashion, that the viceroy was

compelled to fall off to CeilaO, ...... As soon as the viceroy

sighted land his pilot said that it was the coast of India ; but

Joao Rebello da Lima, a famous pilot who was going as a

passenger, said that the land that was seen was Columbo and

Ceilao. The pilot began to contend stoutly that it was the

coast of India ; and whilst they were in this uncertainty there

came a boat and informed the viceroy that the land that was

visible was Columbo. The pilot on hearing this, as he had

been considered the best on that course, was so mortified

that he retired to his cabin, and in three days died of

vexation.

The viceroy gave orders to steer for Columbo, and anchored

outside. Those on land recognizing that it was a ship from

the kingdom, there put out to it speedily several vessels that

had remained there of the fleet of Dom Jorge de Crasto ; and

learning that it was the viceroy, they at once sent word to

Cota to the king and to Gaspar d’ Azevedo! the alcaide mor?,

who quickly hastened to Columbo, the king coming with a

very large retinue, and ordering the viceroy to be visited and

supplied with plenty of provisions and some pieces [of jewelry ].

The viceroy learnt from Gaspar d’Azevedo what had hap-

pened shortly before to Dom Jorge de Crasto (as we have

related in the seventh chapter of the eighth book), and of the

wars that Madune had waged against his brother ; and hear-

ing that the king was in Columbo, he disembarked in the

vessels, and went on shore to see him, being accompanied by

all the fidalgos and people from his ship; and he repaired to

Santo Antonio, the monastery of the minorite friars?, whither

the king went to see him, there passing between them great

compliments:

There the king gave him an account of his affairs, and

oie him that, as he was a vassal of the king of Portugal’ S,

he would so arrange matters as to secure that kingdom against

his brother, who treated him badly and desired to kill him.

nee eee

1 He came to India as captain of one of the ships of the fleet of 1536.

2 According to the Tombo do Est. da Ind. (240) he combined this office

with that of factor. When he was appointed, Ido not know. To Pero

Vaz Travassos and Manuel de Queirés (see supra, p. 74, note *) seem

to have succeeded Duarte Teixeira and Antonio Pessoa (see C. Lit. Req.

iii. 236, 237) ; and Gaspar de Azevedo probably came next.

3 Franciscans. ‘This is the first mention of a monastery in Columbo.

The exact position of this building I do not know.

No. 60.—1908.] coUuTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 145

The viceroy answered him that he had had that strictly en-

joined upon him, and that the first thing to engage his atten-

tion would be that ; and in return for this he asked him for a

loan of two hundred thousand parddos, from which the king

excused himself, telling him that there had been great expense

on account of the wars, and that shortly before he had spent

more than seventy thousand parddos with Dom Jorge de

Crasto. The viceroy was not very pleased ; and taking leave ©

of him embarked; and the king gave him to send to the

queen! by those ships the following pieces [of jewelry]:—A

large gold collar with pearls and rubies and three crosses of

precious stones at the lower part and a large pearl below ;

another collar with rubies, one large one in the middle ; an-

other gold collar with several rubies and catseyes, and in the

middle a large catseye surrounded by rubies ; three bracelets

of gold and precious stones ; a large ring with a catseye sur-

rounded by rubies; a beautiful catseye unset: all of which

was given in charge of the factor of the fleet, and went that

year to the kingdom. The viceroy also took his trinkets ;

and before setting sail, there came to see him a son of

Madune’s? the king of Ceitavaca, and what passed with the

viceroy is not known.

The king of Cota, seeing how the viceroy left him displeased,

sent after him one Bragmane Pandito® with fifteen thousand

parddos, which he sent him as a present*. ......

x x * 2 x * %

Dom Alvaro de Tayde da Gama, captain of the galleon

Sa6 Joao, who, made landfall at Pegu, after taking in water

and provisions, set sail for India, and came to land at the

Point of Galé, where he cast anchor, it being the beginning of

November, and there he disembarked in order to have his

sick cured, because there were Portuguese there and friars of

St. Francis with a small house®. There he remained the whole

1 Of Portugal.

2'This was probably the “ Barbinhas”’ referred to by Couto in

X. Vit. xiii. (see p. 273, note !, andc/. p. 242, note *).

3 Who this Brahman pandit was I do not know.

4 Correa (iv. 725) says :—‘‘ The viceroy Dom Affonso, through the

faulty navigation that was kept on his voyage, being separated from the

other ships made landfall! in Ceylao at the end of October, where he at

once occupied himself in some things to his profit, as I shall tell further

on. And he left Ceylao, ...... ” As Correa does not appear to have

written more than the four volumes, his promise was never fulfilled.

5 Cf. supra, p. 124. This is the first mention of a Portuguese settle-

ment at Galle.

L 36-08

146 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Von. XX.

of the month of November, without taking any notice of the

many requests made to him by Manoel de Crasto, on behalf of

Diogo de Crasto, whose the galleon was. When the month had

passed he re-embarked, and came to Cochim on the 13th of

December, ......

Dec. VI., BK. 1x., CHAP. xvi.

Of the war that Madune again made on the king of Cota: and

of how this king was killed by accident: ...... and of

how the viceroy Dom Afonso de Noronha left for Ceilad.

We have above, in the seventh chapter of the eighth book,

related how Madune, king of Ceitavaca in Ceila6, after seeing

himself routed by Dom Jorge de Crasto, was reconciled to his

brother the king of Cota by force of necessity ; but as the

hatred that he bore towards him was deadly, he dissembled

as long as the summer! lasted. And as soon as the winter

began, having assembled his armies, he marched against his

brother in order to destroy him once for all? (it being the

season in which he could receive no help from India). The

king of Cota, as soon as he received advice cf this, having

collected his troops, sent his son-in-law Tribuly Pandar?, and

with him Gaspar d’ Azevedo, factor and alcaide mor, and all

the Portuguese, who would be nearly one hundred, in order to

meet Madune, who had already entered his kingdom. ‘Tribuly

Pandar went in search of Madune, who was going along com-

mitting great ravages, and had some encounters with him,

in which he killed some of his men, and forced him to retire to

the other side of the Calane river, where he encamped his aye

Tribuly Pandar with his remaining on this side.

The king of Cota learning that his father* was there left

Cota and went to the army to see it ; and as ill-luck would have

it, while the Portuguese were in a very large verandah eating,

1 That is, the hot season, September 1550 to April 1551.

2 The Rdjdvaliya (79) erroneously says that it was “after the lapse of

many years”’ that “‘ Mayadunné once more disturbed the peace of the

districts which belonged to Kotte.” This statement is due to the mis-

placement of events of which I have spoken.

’ This is the first occasion on which we hear of this man’s taking an

active part in state affairs. The Rdjdvaliya does not mention him in

connection with these events.

4There is an obvious error here: for “‘ his father’? we must read

either ‘‘ the father of his grandson,” or “ his son-in-law.”’

No. 60.—1908.] couTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 147

he came to a window on the outer wall! to see them; and

while there a firelock shot struck him in the head, so that he

immediately fell dead, without its being known whence it

came?; and all rushing in confusion found the king dead?, and

Tribuly having taken the body went with it to Cota. The

army having decamped, after they had performed the funeral

ceremonies they placed Prince Dramabella on the royal throne,

and proclaimed him king, the grandees doing him obeisance

after their manner, his father being the first, and then the

alcaide mor, and all the great men of the kingdom ; which

took place the same day, without any festivities or pageantry*.

Madune as soon as he learnt of the death of his brother went

with his army to the village of Belegale, a league from the citv

of Cota>; and from there he sent to require the grandees of

Cota to do obeisance to him, because that kingdom belonged

to him by right. The grandees sent word to him that they

had a king and prince who was heir by right, to whom they

had already done obeisance ; and that in his service and in

defence of his kingdom they were all ready to die. On this

reply Madune advanced nearer to the city, and encamped his

army in sight of it, a lake lying between them. Tribuly

Pandar, seeing that effrontery, collected what troops he could,

and with them the Portuguese, and had with him a severe

battle, in which our men were in the van and performed such

feats that they drove the enemy from the field with the loss

of many men, and Madune betook himself to a place called

1 The Rajdvaliya (79) says that the king “‘ opened the doors of the

uppermost storey of the royal pavilion built over the water.”’ Valentyn

(Ceylon 77) has it, that the house oolong to Mayadunné.

2 The Rajavaliya (79) says:—“‘ and, as he walked about, looking up

and down the river, the Portuguese fired a shot, which struck the king

on the head, and instantly killed him. Some say that this hurt was

done of set purpose; others, that it was done unwittingly: God

alone knoweth which is true.” Valentyn (u.s.) attributes the act to

““a Portuguese,’ and adds that some said that it was done on purpose,

others accidentally ; and yet he gives a ridiculous picture showing a

Portuguese soldier taking deliberate aim at the king.

> The date of this fatality is not given ; but it seems to have occurred

in June or July 1551. Tennent (Ceylon ii. 15) gives the year as 1542 !

Valentyn (Ceylon 47) says it occurred after the king had reigned 11

years (which may be a misprint for 17).

4 The Rajdavaliya simply states that “‘ the Portuguese raised Dharma-

pala to the throne and sent information thereof to Goa.”’

* Probably the place meant is Bollégala on the right bank of the

Kelani river, nearly opposite to Ambatalé, which is about the distance

stated (say 44 miles) from Kotte.

L 2

148 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX.

Canabol!, Tribuly being left to carry on the war and the

government, the king his grandson” being very young?.

The king remained in Cota observing the funeral ceremonies

for his grandfather, whose death was for many years suspected

to have been caused by Portuguese bribed by Madune, until

one Antonio de Barcelos dying many years afterwards told in

the hour of his death, on account of the condition in which he

then was, that it was he who killed the king of Cota by pure

accident while shooting at a pigeon, and that nothing else need

be suspected, as that was the truth. At the time of this man’s

death there was present a Chingala, a Christian and very old,

from whom we learnt this, and he told it to the king his grand-

son. We are glad to have ascertained the truth of this fact

through a man that was a native of that island, on account of

the bad opinion that was held of the Portuguese in this matter.

These tidings were sent early in August* to the viceroy,

who, seeing how necessary it was to go at once and settle

these affairs, ordered the fleet to be got ready with all haste, |

because he was obliged to set out in September, and he

immediately set afioat the whole fleet, and poe to pay the

men.

It being the 10th of the month, there sadnaed at the bar

of Goa five ships, of eight that had set out from the kingdom,

the captain-major of which was Diogo Lopez de Sousa. ......

% % * ¥ * * *

With the arrival of the ships the viceroy hurried on his

embarkation ; and having committed the care of India to the

captain of the city, and with him as deputies the chief

justice, the veador da fazenda® and others (because the bishop

was accompanying him on a visitation), he embarked, and set

sail at the end of September. The viceroy took ten galleons,

eight carvels and galleys, and nearly fifty rowing vessels,

including galliots, foists, and catures*. The captains that

1 Perhaps Kanampella, south of the Kelani river, a few miles west of

Sitavaka. All the foregoing details are summed up in the Rdjdvaliya

(79) as follows :—‘‘ Mayadunné, on learning of the death of Bhuvaneka

Bahu, proceeded to attack the Portuguese ; but the Portuguese checked

hig advance and held their ground.”

2 Another absurd blunder : read “ son.

3 At this time Dharmapala could not have been more than twelve

years of age (c/. supra, p. 119, note *).

4 That is, as soon as the south-west monsoon had abated sufficiently

for a vessel to put to sea.

5 Comptroller of revenue.

6 See Hob.-Job. s.v. “‘ Catur.”

No. 60.—-1908.] CoUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 149

accompanied him on this expedition are the following :—

Dom Fernando de Meneses his son, Dom Antonio de Noronha,

son of the viceroy Dom Garcia de Noronha, Eitor de Mello,

Diogo Alvarez Tellez, Bastiao de Sa, Francisco de Mello Per. ira,

Dom Joao Anriquez!, Martim Afonso de Miranda, Pero

Barreto, Vasco da Cunha, Goncalo Pereira Marramaque,

Afonso Pereira de Lacerda, Diogo de Sousa, Diogo de Miranda

Anriquez, Diogo de Mello Coutinho?, Antonio de Noronha,

Jorge Pereira Coutinho, Fernad de Castanhoso, Nicolao de

Sousa, Alvaro de Lemos, Manoel do Canto, Pero Vaz de

Matos, Joao da Rocha, Mathias de Trinchel, Luis Mergulhao,

Pero Salgado the viceroy’s ensign, and his veador, Simao

Botelho® the veador da fazenda, Andre de Mendanha the

chief justice, Manoel da Cunha, and other fidalgos and knights.

In this fleet there went three thousand men, a very fine body.

haar The viceroy went pursuing his course to Cochim,

where in passing he dispatched some business ; and leaving

there he doubled Cape Comorim and crossed over to Ceilad,

where he arrived in a few days.

Dec. VI., BK. 1x., CHAP. xvii.

Of how the viceroy Dom Afonso de Noronha disembarked at

Columbo and had an interview with the king of Cota : and

of the compact that they made against Madune : and of how

they routed him and captured the city of Certavaca.

The viceroy having anchored with all his fleet in the port

of Columbo disembarked on the following day, and the king

and Gaspar d’ Azevedo the alcaide mor gave him a very grand

reception: because through some rowing vessels that had.

gone in advance they had had notice of his coming, and had

at once gone to Columbo to await him, the king taking with

1 This man, we shall see further on (p. 154), was left at Columbo as

captain-major of Ceylon.

* Succeeded D. Jodo Henriques on the death of ae latter (see infra,

p. 157).

5 Perhaps the only honest man in the whole gang of robbers. Regard-

ing him see Whiteway 290-8, and Sousa Viterbo’s O Thesouro do Ret

de Ceylao 1-17. From his long letter to the king of 30 January 1552,

it appears that he wished to leave for Portugal, as the king had given

him leave to do, but the viceroy forbade it on various grounds, so he

was forced to accompany this marauding expedition.

150 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XX.

him his father and the chief men of his court'. The viceroy

took up his lodging in the factory, and immediately dispatched

his son Dom Fernando de Meneses with five hundred men to

occupy the city of Cota, in order to hold the passes to it, so

that no one should go out of it: the which Dom Fernando did,

placing a captain with a hundred men on guard over the king’s

palace, so that there might be no disturbance of any kind;

these precautions scandalizing many, since it appeared as if

they were going to conquer a friendly king rather than one

that was anenemy. The viceroy after having given orders in

Columbo regarding various matters left for Cota with his whole —

force, and after taking up his quarters laid hands on the chief

modeliares and the servants and the oldest persons of the house-

hold of the king, the latter being unable to come to their help,

and began to inquire of them regarding the treasures of the

ancient kings, since it was surmised that they were very great ;

and because he could extract nothing from them he ordered

several modeliares to be put to the torture, we know not by what -

right or justice ; and in this he went to such an extreme, and —

carried it out with such evil methods, that all being horrified

at the tortures that they saw some put to, they began to

leave, afew at a time, and during that period there went over

to Madune more than six hundred of the principal men. The

viceroy seeing that they would not reveal anything to him

ordered the king’s palace to be searched, even invading his pri-

vate apartments, and carried off all his gold money, including

five hundred and sixty portuguezes of old gold, silver, jewels,

and precious stones, and the money alone amounted to a

hundred thousand parddos : all of which was incharged upon

Simaéd Botelho, the veador da fazenda, in a separate book,

1The Rajdvatiya (79-80) says:—* When letters reached Goa that

king Mayadunné was checked when he once more marched against

the Portuguese on the death of Bhuvaneka Bahu. and that prince

Dharmapala had been made king, many persons and the pidalgu

[fidalgo] called Don Juvan Arikku, nephew [or, son-in-law] of the

viceroy, and the padre Vilponsi Aponsu Perera, came from Goa, landed

at Colombo harbour, went to Kotré, and had an interview with king

Dharmapala.” I cannot confirm or confute the statement as to the

relationship to the viceroy of D. Joao Henriques ; ; but regarding the

padre named I shall have something to say further on (see p. 172,

note *). Valentyn (Ceylon 77) says that Dharmapala sent a message to

the king of Portugal as well as one to the viceroy, and he adds that “the

viceroy of Goa Don Louis de Tayde,. and his sister’s son, Don Joan,”

came with a great fleet to Ceylon, &c. How the name of D. Luiz de

Ataide (who was viceroy in 1568-71 and again in 1578-81) got in here,

I cannot imagine.

No. 60.—1908.} couro: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 151

which is among the revenue accounts at Goa, where we saw

these details?.

After they had taken from this poor king all that they could

find, the viceroy discussed with him and his father Tribuly Pan-

dar the business of Madune, and they agreed as follows :—That

the viceroy and they two should go against Madune, and that

they should not cease their operations against him until they

had him in their hands, and had utterly destroyed him, so

that he could give them no more trouble; and that they should

give him two hundred thousand parddos for the cost of that

expedition, one hundred at once, and the other hundred

afterwards, for which an acknowledgment was given, which

was incharged upon the factor of the fleet Manoel Collaco, and

afterwards upon the factor of Cochim, and by him handed

over to the receiver of residues, where we went to see it, and

ijt does not state whose the debt is, only saying that they are

due, without mentioning the time in which he was obliged to

pay them, which must have been in the original, which we

cannot find. Furthermore the viceroy agreed with the king

of Cota that all the prizes that should be taken in Ceitavaca

should be divided equally, one half for the king of Portugal,

and the other for the king of Cota.

These agreements having been made and signed, they began

to prepare for the expedition against Madune, the king of Cota

giving the viceroy then and there eighty thousand parddos

on account of the hundred thousand that he was under obliga-

tion to give him immediately ; though even to give him this

he had to sell jewels and other personal and household articles,

which he carried with him and had thus saved. Then the

king and his father took the field with four thousand men,

‘and the viceroy with nearly three thousand Portuguese.

Before they set out there arrived Dom Diogo d’ Almeida, son

of the auditor of the exchequer, with fifty soldiers, whom the

viceroy welcomed gladly.

This fidalgo, as we have related in the past chapter, left'the

kingdom that year as captain of the ship Hspadarte, of the

company of Diogo Lopez de Sousa ; and having bad weather

passed outside of the island of Sad Lourenco, and with much

trouble and risk made landfall at Cochim, after the 15th

of October; and learning that the viceroy was in Ceilao

1 Incredible as the above statements appear, they are fully substan-

tiated by Simao Botelho himself (Cartas de S. B. 39,and O Inventurio do

Thesouro do Ret de Ceylao, printed for the first time in 1904 by Sousa

Viterbo). All that the Rdjdvaliya says is (80), that the viceroy “ took

possession of much of their royal treasures.”

152 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

immediately freighted a foist, and collected fifty soldiers from

his ship, and set off in search of him, and found him in Cota

already in the field.

Everything being ready for the expedition, the viceroy began

to march in very good order, the van being led by his son Dom

Fernando de Meneses, with all the young fidalgos, who quickly

attached themselves to him!. Madune as soon as he had

news of the arrival of the viceroy fortified his tranqueiras? and

garrisoned them with many men and munitions, while he

himself remained in the open with three thousand picked men

to go wherever needed. Our people arrived at the first tran-

queira, attacking it on all sides ; and although they met with

very great resistance they gained an entrance, many of the

enemy being killed ; and passing on, they captured the other

two tranquewras, into which, though very well defended, our

people gained an entrance with very great valour. Going on

to the city of Ceitavaca, the vanguard had some encounters

with Madune, in which they totally routed him, and he with a

hundred men went fleeing to certain very strong mountains, —

called Darnagale®. The viceroy entered the city of Ceitavaca,

without resistance’, and took up his quarters in Madune’s

palace, and the king of Cota near the pagode, and he at once

ordered guards to be placed at the entrances to the city, which

was then sacked, both by our people and by those of the king

of Cota, and many prizes were found in it. The viceroy

ordered the whole of the royal palace to be dug up, to see if

he should find the treasures, which he did not, and he did the

same with the great pagode that was there, in which were

found many idols of gold and silver, large and small, candle-

sticks, basins, belts, and other things, all of gold for the

service of the pagode, and some pieces of jewelry set with

stones, all of which was incharged upon the veador da fazenda

Simao Botelho: all these pieces are entered without valuation,

and for this reason we do not estimate. what they were worth?. —

1 See Rajav. 80.

2 Those described in VI. virt. vii. (pp. 136--8). They appear to have

been reconstructed.

* Deraniyagala (see Rdjdv. 80). Valentyn (Ceylon 78) says that

Mayadunné soon left this mountain fortress for “ the village of Balatga

Palla.”’

* The Rdjdvaliya speaks of fighting taking place after the entry into

Sitavaka..

° The lists are printed in O Thesouro do Rei de Ceyldo 24-8. As Couto

says, there are no valuations entered.

No. 60.—1908.] coUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 153

the king of Cota as had been agreed, besides what was concealed

and secreted, and God only knows how much that was.

The king of Cota ordered spies to be set on Madune ; and

learning that he had withdrawn to the mountains of Darnagale

with few followers, begged of the viceroy five hundred men

to go with his father Tribuly Pandar to attack him, and

capture him ; because if he compromised with him, on their

backs’ being turned he was certain to reinforce himself and

cause new troubles to that island and to the state of India.

The viceroy replied that he approved of this, and thereupon —

asked him for the twenty thousand parddos that were due to

him of the balance of the hundred thousand. And as the king

was poor, and for the eighty thousand that he had given had

even sold articles of his personal use, as we have said above,

he could not collect the money, nor had he any source whence

to obtain it, and the viceroy leaving the business in suspense

said that it was already late, and that it was necessary for him

to go and dispatch the ships that had to leave for the kingdom ;

and leaving Ceitavaca he went to Columbo, to settle various

matters of that island before he took his departure’.

Dre. VI., BK. 1x., CHAP. xviil.

Be cee. of the matters that engaged the viceroy’s attention

; H, OCOD CS ie

6 5 *% 6 oe * 6

Mani We must now leave him [D. Antao de Noronha]

to return to the viceroy, whom we left just now in Columbo.

There he disposed of the affairs of that island, agreeing to

leave a garrison of four hundred men in the city of Cota for its

security, and nominated as captain-major of that island and of

1 In the headings to the lists as given in O Thesouro, &c., the fact is

stated that half was for the king of Portugal and half for the king of

Ceylon as agreed by contract made with the viceroy. Faria y Sousa’

(Asia Port. II. tt. ix.), after recording the contract, adds sarcastically :

—* however the necessity of India did not allow of the observance of

words, or faiths, or punctualities. If the barbarian had violated them

to the Catholic, he had been a thousand times a barbarian. In this wise

Tam reduced to not knowing what is a Christian or a politician when he

breaks them to the barbarian. Better judges may know.”

2 The Rajdvaliya (80) says that the viceroy “‘ having again given the

city to the flames returned to K6tté.” Neither of these statements

appears to be correct.

154 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX.

the fleet that he was leaving there Dom Joao Anriquez', and

assigned to him ten rowing vessels, the captains of which

were Dom Duarte Deca, Jorge Pereira Coutinho, Diogo de

Miranda Anriquez, Ferna6 de Castanhoso, Antonio de Noronha,

Ruy de Brito, Nicolao de Sousa, Joao Coelho de Figueiro, and

Manoel Colaco as factor of the fleet. He left an order for Dom

Joao Anriquez that he should reside in the city of Cota, appoint-

ing as magistrate to administer justice Rafael Corvinel, while the

post of alcaide mor he intrusted to Fernao de Carvalho”, who had

to reside in the city of Columbo, it being agreed at a council of

all the captains that it should be walled in all round as speedily

as possible, artizans being at once left for this. And so as

Soon as the viceroy embarked they took the work in hand,

and began to enclose it with mud-walls, of which even

today the greater part is standing®. The viceroy hurried on

these matters in order to embark; and it appears that he had

determined to take with him Tribuly Pandar’, father of the

king, of which he got wind, and taking himself off betook

himself to certain jungles that are a league from Cota: at

which the viceroy was much annoyed, but hid his chagrin,

and on several occasions pressed the king to become a Christian,

from which he excused himself, telling him that at present it

was not convenient for him to make a change of law, because.

as he had reigned only a short time, and his uncle Madune had

a fixed determination to take the kingdom from him, it was

1 He was the first “ captain-major of Ceylon ’’: D: Joao da Silveira,

Lopo de Brito, and Fernéo Gomes de Lemos were styled only ‘‘ captain

of Columbo.” With the demolition of the fortress in 1524 this office

ceased to exist : now it was to be revived and enlarged.

* From O Thesouro do Rei de Ceylao 40, it appears that he was also factor.

3 It is unfortunate that Couto does not enter into greater detail on

this subject (regarding which the Rdajdvaliya is silent). It is evident

that by “ the city of Columbo ”’ is intended so much, at least, as lay

within what are now the Pettah and the Fort, for it was this extent that

the Portuguese fortress of Columbo covered down to its rendition to the

Dutch in 1656. (It therefore lasted just over a century.) The

mud-walls, of which Couto reports the greater part as still standing

when he wrote (circa 1597), had to be strengthened to resist the great

siege of 1587-8, as we shall see. Valentyn (Ceylon 91) says that he

could not find in the Portuguese writers when the fortress was rebuilt :

he must have overlooked the above passage.

* 'The reason is not stated ; but it was doubtless to prevent him from

influencing his son Dharmapala. The Rdjdvaliya (80-1) attributes

the issuing of an order to imprison Vidiye Bandara to his having married

a daughter of Mayadunné’s; but according to Couto (VI. x. xii., p. 163),

this marriage took place a year or more later.

No. 60.—1908.| couTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 155

certain to be a great argument for him to induce his vassals to

go over to him, which would be the cause of that kingdom’s

being lost?; but that he would give him a prince who was his

first cousin to take to Goa, and that there he might make hima

Christian : and at once he committed him to the viceroy, who

ordered him to be given quarters in his galleon, and in Goa he

made him a Christian with great solemnity ; and when he left

for the kingdom? he took him with him, and the king com-

manded him to be.committed to the fathers of the Company to

be indoctrinated, giving him six hundred thousand revs for the

expenses of his household. ~

This prince (who was called Dom Joao) frequented the

court for many years, and the king bestowed honours upon

him, and when he talked with him gave him a chair, as he did

to the counts. Afterwards he sent him to India with the same

allowance of six hundred thousand rezs*; and in the city of Goa

he married a Portuguese wife, the daughter of an honoured

knight, who is still living; and the prince of Ceila6 (for thus

he was always intitled) died, and lies interred in Sao Francisco

at Goa. We have given an account briefly of this prince, in

order not to do it afterwards in bits}.

1 And yet, in his curious appeal to the pope, the king of Portugal,

and the viceroy of India, written at Columbo on 10 December 1594

(see Arch. Port.-Or. i1i. 735-40), Dom Joa&éo Pereapandar claims to have

been a Christian for forty-five years! The Rajdvaliya (80), after the

paragraph that I have quoted above (p. 150, note '), proceeds:—‘ He

[Dharmapala] was ‘made a proselyte to the religion of Christ and

admitted to baptism, and had the baptismal name of Don Juvan Propan-

dara conferred upon him. At his baptism many leading men of Ko6tté

alsoreceived baptism.”’ (In the glossary prefixed to the English trans-

lation of the Rdjdvaliya the learned translator explains Propandara

by “ proponent ’’—which means a divinity candidate in the Dutch

Reformed Church!) On the other hand, Ribeiro (liv. i. cap. v.) implies

that Dharmapala was not baptized until 1594. The fact is, that the

actual year when he was baptized is not mentioned in any of the authori-

ties that Ihave consulted. (See further infra, p. 172, note +.)

*In 1555.

3 From a.royal letter of 6 February 1589, printed in Arch. Port.-Or.

ii. (187), it would seem that this prince received an annual sum of 2,500

parddos from the rents of opium and soap: this, at 300 rezs to the

parddo, equals 750,000 rets—rather more than Couto mentions.

+ As the Rajdvaliya is silent regarding this prince, I cannot identify

him; nor do I know when he died, but, judging from the document

referred to in the previous note, his death occurred probably in 1587.

sae me neaee in his Rebelion de Ceylan cap. ii., refers to this prince (see

C, A. 8. Jl. xi, 462-3, where, however, the translation is very faulty).

156 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XX.

And to return to our subject: the viceroy wished not to

leave there without being given the twenty thousand parddos

that were still due to him, and also wished for the return of

Tribuly Pandar, who owed him nothing, since he had not

fulfilled the contracts that he had made with him, to pursue

Madune until they had killed him or had him in their hands.

And seeing that Tribuly had fled, he seized the king’s grand

chamberlain! ; who was all his household, and sent him on

board a galleon of the fleet, telling him that he would not be

released until he had paid him the twenty thousand pardaos.

The grand chamberlain seeing himself in such straits sent to

beg money of his friends and relatives; but could find none

that could lend it to him, so ordered to sell a gold belt that

he wore and some trinkets of his, which amounted to five

thousand parddaos, which he sent to the viceroy with a pro-

missory note, in which he bound himself to pay the fifteen

thousand in full that year. On this the viceroy ordered him

to be released, and embarked, leaving the grand chamberlain’s —

promissory note with Dom Joao Anriquez for him to collect

the fifteen thousand parddos. And also among certain

things that he left him orders to carry out, that which he

most impressed upon him was to capture Tribuly Pandar

and send him to Goa. Having taken leave of all, he set sail

tor Cochim?, ...:):

* * * * * *" *"

1 This was Dharmapala’s paternal uncle Tammita Bala Surya

Bandara, or, as he is called in a letter of D. Joao III.’s of 16 March 1543,

confirming this office to him and his descendants, “‘ Tammatey Sam-

paraprimal ”’ (? Sampakapperumal).

2 The Rdjdvaliya (80) says that the viceroy “departed for Goa,

giving the post to his nephew, and leaving the captain Diyagu da Mel

to assist him. The Buddhist monks who were at Kotté departed to

Sitavaka and the hill-country.”’ What Simao Botelho thought of the

viceroy’s doings may be judged from the following passage in his letter

to the king dated 30 January 1552 (Cartas de S. B. 39) :—‘* Regard-

ing the expedition to Ceylao and its result and the death of the king

I shall not enlarge, because the viceroy is doing this minutely; but it

appears, since the purpose was treasure and Christianity, things so

different the one from the other, that our Lord was not willing that

either of these should be done or got, except so little of one and the other

as that the money and jewels did not come to ninety thousand pardaos

(I do not mention the exact quantity because there are some things to

be sold, and what they will be worth f do not know, they being articles

with precious stones), and there was no Christian made except a boy,

who was given by force, ason of the dead king’s [?]; and since there

are bound to write to your highness concerning this business all who

No. 60.—1908.] CcouTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 157

Dec. VI., BK. 1x., CHAP. xix.

| eee es of what happened in Ceilao.

oe aK * - x x *

The viceroy having left Ceila6, Dom Joa6é Anriquez tried

to capture Tribuly Pandar, the king’s father, as the viceroy

had left him orders to do ; which becoming known to the king,

he took a hand in the matter, and begged him not to interfere

with his father, but to dissemble with him for the present,

as it was necessary for them once more to unite against Madune,

who was already in Ceitavaca reorganized, and with a large

force. The king’s request seemed to Dom Joa6 good, and

he gave him a safeguard for his father to come to Cota, that

they might settle about the war that had to be carried on

against Madune The king wrote this to his father, and sent

to summon him. Tribuly was in the Seven Corlas, where

there reigned a first cousin of hist, with whom he had agreed

to marry the king his son to a sister of this cousin’s, so that

thus they might all be allied against Madune. The captain

Dom Joaé Anriquez learning of this was greatly pleased at it,

and agreed with Tribuly Pandar that he should set out with

the prince of the Corlas with ail the army against Madune,

and that he with the king his son and his grand chamberlain

should go by way of Calane, that thus he would not be able

to escape them. This agreement having been made, when

they had one and the other begun to prepare for the expedition,

Dom Joao Anriquez feli ill of a severe sickness, of which he died

on the first of May [1552]. He was succeeded by Diogo de Mello

Coutinho, either by.an order that existed, or by election, we

cannot well ascertain which, who carried on his obligations,

waging against Madune all the war that he could, not taking

into consideration the league that had been formed against

him with Tribuly Pandar and the prince of the Corlas ; rather

were there, I think I am excused from doing so, and through them

your highness can learn if I served you therein well or ill; only one

thing I shall say, which no one shall drive out of my head, only that

there is treasure there, although it may not be much, and some was

hidden.” From Simao Botelho’s Tombo do Estado da India (240) it

appears that the viceroy also raised the amount of the tribute cinnamon,

although the factor had already increased it from 300 to 450 bahars.

In spite of all this, Couto (or perhaps his “ corrector’? Adeodate da

Trinidade) in VII. 1. vi. expatiates on the virtues of this rapacious extor-

tioner, and says that he lived poor !

1 This is apparently Edirimanna Surya, of whom we shall hear again

in VII. 111. v. (see p. 175, note *).

158 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vion: Xoxe

he determined to seize Tribuly Pandar, as the viceroy had

left orders to do, and so he seized him, as will be seen further

onl,

Dec. VI., BK. x., CHAP. vi.

* BS i ok * *k * *

. And because there had reached? him [the Hen |

tidings of the death of Dom Joaé Anriquez, captain of Ceilad,

he dispatched to that fortress Dom Duarte Deca’; ......

Dec. VI., BK. x., CHAP. vil.

Of how Diogo de Mello, captain of Ceilad, seized Tribuly

Pandar, father of the king: ......

There took place at this time so many events simultaneously

that it has not been possible to continue relating them in

their order, because the most important and material ones

occupied their place : and so we shall give these a little rest,

in order to continue with those that took place at the beginning

of this summer, poth in CeilaO and in Malaca; and for this

purpose we shall continue with them together, a thing that we

always avoid, because we strive as far as possible to keep them

separate and relate them by themselves, so that they may be

found apart when they are sought for. But here -we shall

not at present keep to this order, because thus it is necessary.

And. to continue with the affairs of Ceilao, Dom Joa6 Anriquez

haa died, after that they had ah with ea Pandar

1 The Réjévaliya (80) says :—‘ Not many ie after this, the

nephew of the viceroy died of a flatulent complaint after he had fended

over charge to Diyagu da Mel, and left written instructions to imprison

Vidiye Bandara.”

2 In September 1552, it being impossible to communicate with

India earlier, owing to the south-west monsoon.

3 As this man was captain of one of the ships left at Columbo by the

viceroy, we might take the word “dispatched ”’ here to mean ‘‘ appoint-

ed by dispatch,” which it usually does in the Portuguese historians,

were it not that in the next chapter we read of his ‘‘ arrival” at

Columbo, presumably from Goa. Through a careless misreading of

Couto’s words, Faria y Sousa (Asta Port. II. tm. x.) says that Dom

Duarte was accompanied to Ceylon by Xavier “ fired with zeal for a

spiritual conquest ”’: the fact being that, as Couto states, Xavier went

in the ships for Malacca, on his way to China,

No. 60.—1908.] COUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 159

and with the king his son to go against Madune, he was

succeeded by Diogo de Mello Coutinho (as has been related

above in the nineteenth chapter of the ninth book of this

Sixth Decade), who as soon as he took charge of the fortress,

finding in the instructions that tho viceroy left for Dom Joaé

Anriquez that he was to seize Tribuly, resolved to do it, without

giving a hint to anyone. So, having an interview with the

king, he asked and required him to order his father to come

to Cota, because he wished to speak with them both on matters

concerning the service of the king of Portugal. The king, think-

ing that Diogo de Mello would not meddle with him, sent to

summon his father, who at once came to Cota. Diogo de

Mello, who was in Columbo, as soon as he heard that he had

arrived, went thither, and in the king’s house seized him,

and brought him to Columbo, and put him in a tower that

served for keeping the powder in, and put on him strong iron

fetterst.

Tribuly’s wife, the king’s mother?, when she saw her hus-

band made a prisoner, stirred up the greater part of the people

of Cota, and left there and went to the town of Reigaé?,

whence she planned for his release ; and three days after this

had occurred. there arrived Dom Duarte Deca, who came as

captain, and at once took charge of Columbo*. The king

went and interviewed him, and begged him to release he

father, which he would not do, but rather made his imprison-

ment more rigorous® : and so we shall leave him for a time,

to continue with the affairs of Malaca.

ok x * ot xk x x

Dom Pedro da Sylva encountered at sea Bernaldim de Sousa,

who imagined that he would be enraged at his conduct with

his brother® ; but he was very far from being so, these things

seeming to him very bad, and so after saluting each other

1The Rdadjdvaliya (81) says:—** Accordingly Diyagu da Mel, on

obtaining the post, seized king Vidiye, took him to Colombo, and im-

' prisoned him there.”’

*This shows that Bhuvaneka Bahu’s daughter was still living (c/.

infra, pp. 161, note 1, 164, note 2).

3 See supra, p. 99, note ¢.

* This was probably in September 1552.

°> As might be expected of such a man (see infra, p. 169, note °),

6 This refers to an unseemly quarrel that took place at Malacca at the

end of 1552, in which Xavier played a discreditable part (see Whiteway

76). D. Pedro da Silva was captain of Malacca, and his brother D.

Alvaro de Taide was sent to succeed him when his time expired. This

led to jealousy, and ultimately to violent measures, sides being taken

by the various captains there.

160 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. DDG

they went together to CeilaO and disembarked at Gale, and

from there went by land to Columbo?, where they remained

some days, going to visit Tribuly Pandar in prison, and con-

soling him, and offering to speak to the viceroy on his behalf? ;

and after getting some necessary things they embarked and

lett tor Cochin, <1). 3.

nk x nk * ok x x

Dc. VI., Bk. x., CHAP. xii.

Of the events that took place this year in Ceilad: and of how

Tribuly Pandar, who was imprisoned, became a Christian,

and escaped from prison : and of the ravages that he com-

mitted, and of other things.

We left the affairs of Ceilao with the imprisonment of Tribuly

Pandar, father of the king of Cota, and the arrival of Dom

Duarte Deca; we shall now continue with the events that —

took place thissummer. Uponthe assumption of the captaincy

of Ceila6 by Dom Duarte, the king interceded with him

for the release of his father, making him very great offers, and

giving him all the assurances that he might require, without

being able to persuade him. The fathers of St. Francis had

intercourse with this prince, who prayed them to make him a

Christian, because he was well affected to the matters of our

faith, and because in no one had he found humanity and

charity except in them. The fathers were highly gratified at

this, and catechized him, and baptized him’, without telling the

captain of this, because they feared that he would prevent

them ; but after it was done they let him know of it. Dom

Duarte was so angry about it, that it had been done without

their communicating it to him, that he at once ordered to be

put on Tribuly a huge fetter, and to fasten it to a chain, and

to stop his communications with the friars, by whose means

he thought he might obtain some alleviation, and all the other

consolations that a prisoner could have, whereby he reduced

that unhappy® prince to a state of utter desperation. His

1 Apparently in February 1553.

2 This is the first time we read of Portuguese journeying by land

between Galle and Columbo, and it shows that, at this time at least,

that portion of the coast was in a settled condition.

’ The reason for all this solicitude on behalf of Vidiye Bandara is not

evident : perhaps it arose from dislike of D. Duarte Deca.

4 The Rajavaliya is silent regarding this.

°> The word in the original is atribulado—an evident pun on the

prince’s name.

No. 60.—1908.1 couTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 161

wife, the king’s mother (who, as we have said, affronted at

the imprisonment of her husband, had gone off to the town

of Reigad), as she was a prudent and courageous woman,

being informed of the ill-treatment meted to her husband,

took steps to release him thence by stratagem, since it could

not be done by force; and putting herself in communication

with some persons that she trusted, Portuguese, who

had also been disgusted by these excessive measures, she

bribed so much, and gave so much, that they made a mine

in the garden of the fathers, upon which the prison looked,

which led into the place where Tribuly was, and by this

they got him out one night, and he was hurried away from

the fortress!. Next day, when the alarm was given to the

captain of that business, he lost no time in holding an

inquiry, and arrested several persons, against whom nothing

was proved, and at once dispatched a message to the viceroy

of what had occurred.

As soon as Tribuly found himself free from prison, as he

bore in his heart bitter resentment for the ill-treatment that

had. been accorded to him, collecting a large number of men,

whom his wite had sent to him, he betook himself in the direc-

tion of Gale, and all the churches and Christians that he came

across he put to the fire and sword, not sparing anything? ; and

on reaching Gale he did the same, and burnt a fine ship that

was there already finished and on the stocks, which belonged

to one Miguel Fernandez ; and proceeding to Reigad, he took

his wife and went to the town of Pelande®, which would be

1The Rdjdvaliya (81) says :—‘‘ The queen of king Vidiye contrived

to have the jail broken into by pallaru, and the king removed and

brought by night from Colombo to Rayigam Koralé, and thence to

Awwagama (or Atulugama).” WValentyn (Ceylon 78) has it that the

two wives of ‘‘ Videa Rajoe”’ procured his escape. The date of Vidiye

Baiidara’s release is nowhere stated, but it must have been after Febru-

ary 1553, when, as we have seen in VI. X. vii., he was visited in prison

by the two Portuguese captains.

2 In VII. uw. iv. (p. 170) Couto records another raid by Vidiye Bandara

in the same region, which shows that the loss of life and property on this

occasion could not have been as great asis here stated: unless, indeed, two

raids have been evolved out ofone. TheRdjdvaliyais silent on the subject.

3 The Rdjdvaliya (81) says:— “There [Awwagama], however, he

could not maintain his ground, because the Sinhalese and Portuguese

army marched against him from K6tté. He therefore crossed over the

Kalu-gaiga and lived in the heart of Pasyodun Koralé. Here he

founded the city of Pelénda and erected a fort. He assumed the

honorary title Tuttardyakanda Anganvira, spread his fame in the four

directions; and, while residing in Pelénda, cherished a desire to

attack K6tté and Sitavaka.”’

vi 36-08

162 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

eight leagues from Cota!, with the intention of making all the

war that he could on the Portuguese. :

The king his son when he had news of his flight, and of the

ravages that he was committing, was very sorry, and sent to

beg him not to go any further with that business, nor to

remember the wrong they had done him; but to cast his

eyes upon Madune his enemy, who was the cause of all those

troubles ; and that they should all unite for his hurt, because

otherwise that kingdom would be lost ; and to the same purport

he spoke to the captain, and begged him that past events

might be forgotten and present ones considered, and that they

should all arm against Madune, who was powerful, and incited

by these dissensions ; and that he knew for certain that unless

something was done in this direction very quickly all that

island would be lost and would remain in the power of the

hostile king ; and that it was the king of Portugal that would

lose most in this, since he was suzerain of that kingdom of Cota,

and the commerce of that cinnamon was of great importance

to him. 5 ;

Dom Duarte Deca having considered all these things made

a compact with the king against Madune, bringing into the

league Tribuly Pandar, who was to go from the town of Pelande,

where he was, with his troops against Ceitavaca ; and that the

king should send the grand chamberlain with all his army

and fifty Portuguese that he would give him. This compact

the captain swore upon a missal to observe, and the king

thereupon gave him a thousand cruzados towards the expenses

of the fifty soldiers, and began to arrange matters for the

expedition, the grand chamberlain putting in the field nearly

three thousand men ; and when he expected the fifty Portu-

guese that Dom Duarte Deca was to send him, he failed him

with all of them, sending word to him that the soldiers did not

care to serve without pay, and that he must send him more

money for this. The king, as he had been plundered and

was penniless, had nothing to send him; but the grand

chamberlain had a golden girdle that was worth five hundred

cruzados, and this he sent him, that he might pay the fifty

soldiers. Dom Duarte received the girdle, and responded by

sending him twenty soldiers, and as captain of them Joao

Coelho?. The king was very indignant at Dom Duarte Dega’s

thus failing to do as he had sworn; but he did not cease

1 [t is rather less in a direct line.

* Doubtless Joa&éo Coelho de Figueiro, who was captain of one

of the ships left at Columbo by the viceroy in 1551 (see supra,

p. L54).

No. 60.—1908.] CoUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 163

preparing for the prosecution of the enterprise, and dispatched

the grand chamberlain with orders to go and see the prince of

the Corlas! in order to get him to join the league. The grand

chamberlain having set out arrived at the village of Madabe?,

where he had an interview with that prince, and arranged

with him that he was to assist him against Madune from that

side, and left him four hundred men to add to his forces. This

done, the grand chamberlain with the Portuguese invaded

the territories of Madune at one point, the prince of the Corlas

at another, and Tribuly Pandar from Pelande at another.

At the part where the grand chamberlain entered there came

out to meet him Madune’s captain-general, with whom our

people had several encounters, in which they routed him.

Dom Duarte Dega, whether it were that Madune, learning

of this confederation, sent secretly to bribe him, in order

that he might not aid the king of Cota, or lest he should,

from cupidity of what he hoped to get from him, offer

himself to him, or whatever it was, they had communications

with one another, which were not so secret that Tribuly

Pandar did not get to know them, and at once informed his

son thereof?.

The king seeing such bad faith, as he was a great friend

of the Portuguese, fearing some treachery, sent to recall all

with the grand chamberlain. Tribuly seeing this injustice

of the captain’s, and how on top of what he swore he

corresponded with Madune, wished however to be quits

with him and pay him back in the same coin, and

so they entered into an agreement, which concluded as fol-

lows :—That Tribuly Pandar should marry a daughter of

Madune’s, a widow with one daughter, and that the latter

should marry his second son, the king’s brother: and to this

they gave their assents, which were at once published. When

the king heard of it he was very vexed, because he knew from

the malice of Madune that all these agreements were in order

to cajole his father Tribuly, so as to arrive at depriving him

of the kingdom, which was what he aimed at. The old queen,

the grandmother of the king and of Madune (who was a very

serious lady of great prudence), seeing the king of Cota

abandoned even by his own father, took with her the grand

chamberlain, and went to the village of Reigad, where Tribuly

was ; and having an interview with him, she made him a

speech much to her credit regarding this business, which had

1 See supra, p. 157, note 1.

2 Perhaps Madampé is meant.

3 The Rajdvaliya has nothing of all the foregoing.

M2.

164 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Von. XX.

such an effect that she got him to cancel all the proposals he

had made with Madune, placing her son’s affairs once again in a

more hopeful position; and it pleased God that this lady

arrived before the matrimonial alliances with Tribuly were

consummated; for had it not been so all would have been lost.

These matters having become known, Dom Duarte Deca

was deposed, and in his place succeeded Fernao Carvalho,

alcaide mér of Columbo!. The king, his father Tribuly

Pandar, and the prince of the Corlas (who by the intervention

of the old queen swore a new league) got ready to prosecute the

war, begging the assistance of fifty soldiers from Fernaé

Carvalho, who offered them to them, and they immediately

sent him five hundred cruzados for their expenses. All being

in the field, when the king sent to ask the captain for the

soldiers he sent answer asking to be excused, saying that some

Malavar vessels were cruising off the coast of Columbo, and

that he must go after them, lest they should pillage the country :

and so he went off without sending them either soldiers or

money. The king, seeing how he went from bad to worse

with these captains, yet did not desist from the enterprise,

and ordered it to be prosecuted. The confederates entered

the territories of Madune, and defeated his captains many

times, and brought him to such a state, that he sent to beg

mercy of his brother, who as he was a good man showed it to

him, and they made a new peace, with the carrying out of the

marriages that had been agreed?. In this state we leave

these things.

1 This was only until the viceroy should appoint a successor (see

p. 165).

* The Rajavaliya (81) says :—*‘ The princess whom the aforesaid queen,

daughter of Mayadunné, bore in dangerous labour, was given in marri-

age to king Vidiye’s son by his first bed. It should be noted that the

name of this son was prince Vijayapala, afterwards known as king

Dharmapala.” The words italicized are not in the original, and are

erroneous. (According to Valentyn’s version, Ceylon 76, Dharma-

pala had a younger brother named Vijayapéla.) The version of the

Rajdvaliya translated by Valentyn (Ceylon 79) says :—‘‘ About this

time there died the emperor’s mother, or the wife of Videa Rajoe, who,

having learnt of her death, whilst he was still at Pellenda, made peace

with the king of Majadune, and thereafter married his daughter Maha

Tiquiri Bandara, beside this, in order to render the bonds of friendship

so much the stronger, giving in marriage to his son Jaja Palla Astana,

the lawful brother of the emperor’s, a niece of the king’s, Coeda

Tiquiri Bandara. After the consummation of these marriages, he made

little of the king of Majadune, or of the Portuguese; but on the con-

trary began to do them harm, and gave out that he was the rightful

heir to the empire.” |

No. 60.—1908.| coUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 165

Dec. Vi.) Bk. x., CHAP: xiv.

ck ae 6 * * ok og

Summer having begun, in the early part of September [1553]

there arrived at the bar of Goa two ships from the kingdom :

Rose si: The viceroy warmly welcomed the captain-major, who

delivered to him the bag of vias!, in which he found various

instructions regarding matters which the king commanded

him to attend to at once, and of some ot these we shall give

the purport, because it is necessary for our history.

_ The viceroy found an alvard?, in which the king commanded

him immediately, as soon as he had read it, to return to the

king of Ceilao all the money and jewels that he had taken

from him ; and if any had been sold, to pay him their value;

because the king considered that the viceroy had done him

great disservice by his conduct towards that king, for which

he reprehended him in his letters. The viceroy at once

began to carry into execution the alvard, and dispatched the

galleon of the Ceilao voyage*, in which he ordered, to embark

Affonso Pereira de Lacerda, whom he appointed to the

captaincy of that island, ordering Dom Duarte Deca to return’,

and by him he sent to that king all the jewels that still remamed

to be sold; and of the rest, which might be worth some

two hundred thousand pardaos, a declaration was made in the

journal of Belchior® Botelho (upon whom all had been

incharged), in order that it might be repaid to him little by

little ; but of the whole the poor king did not get back twenty

thousand pardaos, by instalments, and by articles that were

sent to him, because all the rest was deducted, part in the

tribute, and the greater quantity in gifts and favours that he

bestowed upon captains, alcaides mores, secretaries, fidalgos,

officials, and servants of the viceroys and governors. And in

these gifts was well fulfilled that old adage that says: “‘ Mouro

re a

* The royal dispatches were termed vias, because they were generally

sent in quadruplicate, one set, or via, in each ship.

2 A royal order.

3 See supra, p. 121, note 3.

* From VII. 1. vii. and VII. 1. iv. it appears that, although “ dis-

patched ” at this time, Affonso Pereira did not actually enter on the

post until April 1555 (see pp. 169, 170, infra). If D. Duarte Dega left

Ceylon, as he was ordered to do, ,it is to be presumed that Fernao

Carvalho continued to act as captain of Columbo.

° This must be a slip of the pen for “ Sima,” as it was upon Simao

Botelho that all the Ceylon plunder was incharged (see supra,

p. 150). Belchior was Siméo’s eldest son (see O Thesouro do Rei de

Ceyildo 7).

166 TOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vion axe

que nao podes haver, da-o por tuaalma’’t. So this king, seeing

that he could not get what was due to him out of the hands of

the governors who succeeded down to Mathias d’Alboquerque,

bestowed liberal favours upon those that asked him?, which

were paid by means of secret agreements, which all had for

that purpose ,—a very great injustice, much in use in India, not

to pay men for the money, the foist, the provisions, the coir,

-and all the rest that is got for the fleet, but to pay others, with

whom they have agreed for the third part. But leaving this

matter, and others from which we derive little satisfaction,

let us return to our subject. The king continued to press the

governors and viceroys for his dues, without being able to get

them out of their hands, until the year 1558, when Francisco

Barreto being governor, and seeing how that king worried

him, brought the matter into court, after the king’s proctor

had presented a libel against that king: by the judges it was

decided, that the king [of Portugal] was not under obligation to

pay him anything, because the state had spent much more on

fleets than he had sent in the way of help?®.

This decision appears to have been disapproved of by the

king Dom Filippe when he succeeded to the realms of Portugal,

1 Literally, ‘‘ The Moor that you cannot get, give for your soul.”’

Cf. mjra, p, 240.

3 In the Arch. Port.-Or. v. (No. 206) is printed an alvard issued at

Goa on 3 January 1558, by the Governor Francisco Barreto, which runs:

—‘* The Governor of India, etc. Ido to wit all who shall see this my

- alvaré and whom it may concern that inasmuch as I am informed that

the king Dom Johao king of Ceiléo on account of importunities and

untrue statements grants favours to many men without their deserving

it, and for just considerations that move me thereto, I think fit and com-

mand that henceforward no Portuguese person or any other person of

any quality or condition whatsoever receive from the said king any

favour of money that may be payable to him from the money that our

lord the king has to give to the said king of Ceilao, and may order to

be given and paid to him, nor likewise shall they sell him merchandise

or anything else in order to get payment from the said money, under

pain that whoever shall act contrary shall not have the said favour nor

the price of what he shall thus sell him, and shall lose the things that he

shall sell, and in addition he shall be given the punishment that I shall

think fit. I notify thus to all the judges, magistrates, officers, and

persons to whom this shall be shown, and command them thus to com-

ply with it and cause it to be complied with without any doubt or hin-

drance. And this shall be proclaimed in Ceildo, and shall be registered

in the exchequer, so that it shall be notorious to all, the which shall

be valid though it may not pass through the court of chancery. The

secretary Quintino Martins did it in Goa the 3rd of January 1558.

Francisco Barreto.”

Bid os

a Al

No. 60.—1908.] coUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 167

because in the year 1585 he passed an alvara, signed by the

cardinal Alberto, regent of the kingdom, in which he com-

manded that payment was no longer to be made to the persons

to whom the king of Cota had granted the debts due to him,

and that on account of these he was to be given each year

what had usually been given him for entertainment, which

was a thousand parddos!; as we shall state more exactly and

at greater length in our Tenth Decade, because here we only

refer to it, these things being closely connected.

ioe * * * a * *

1 The alvara of 1585 spoken of by Couto is notin the Arch. Port.-Or. :

but in that collection is a letter from the king to the viceroy, dated 6

February 1589, paragraph x. of which (180-1) runs :—‘‘ And I was

pleased at the manner in which you acted regarding the king of Ceildo.

and at your having ordered payment to be made to him of the thousand

parddos that he has yearly as pension, which as a Christian king, and

one who has nothing else to sustain him, it is right that he should not

lack, and that you have particular care of him, and that he understand

by deeds and words that I have enjoined it upon you; and as regards

the money that he gives to several persons on account of what was lent

to the viceroy Dom Affonso, I have nothing fresh to treat of, because

by the ships of the past year I commanded to write to you that in no

case should payment be made of any of this money, having been informed

that a great quantity had been paid to persons to whom he gave it

with much largess, without there being a book of receipt or expenditure

of his money, regarding which I commanded a provision of mine to be

passed, which I sent you in past years, which you shall cause to be

observed entirely as is set forth therein.” The promise that Couto

here makes, of dealing with the subject in his Tenth Decade, he appears

to have forgotten to fulfil, sce he does not refer to the matter therein,

168 JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

CcOUTO.

DECADE VIL.

1554-1565 a.p.

Portuguese Governors of India.—D. Pedro Mascarenhas,

viceroy, September 1554 to June 1555; Francisco Barreto,

governor, June 1555 to September 1558; D. Constantino de —

Braganca, viceroy, September 1558 to September 1561 ;

D. Francisco Coutinho, count of Redondo, viceroy, Septem-

ber 1551 to February 1564; Joao de Mendong¢a, governor,

February to September 1564.

Sinhalese Rulers in Ceylon.—Dharmapala alias Dom Jodo

Pereapandar, 1551-97 (Kotté); Maéyadunné, 1534-81 (2),

(Sitavaka); ——-—-—— ? alias Dom Joao, 155?-6? (Kandy).

Tamil King in Jaffna.—Sangili.

Portuquese Captains-Major of Ceylon.—Affonso Pereira de

Lacerda, 1555-9; D. Jorge de Menezes Baroche, 1559-60;

Balthazar Guedes de Sousa, 1560-4; Pedro de Ataide Inferno,

1564-5. :

In this Decade we are told of the ravages committed by

Vidiye Raja after his escape from prison; of an alliance

between the Portuguese and Mayadunné for his destruction ;

of a combined attack upon him in the city of Pelénda; and

of his flight to Jafina and death there at the hands of the

Tamils (1555-6?). We also read of further engagements

between the Portuguese and Mayadunné’s troops under the

command of Raja Sinha, in which on one occasion the

former suffered a serious defeat; and of the siege of Kotté and

its relief (1556-63). Several chapters are devoted to a detailed

account of a campaign (in 1560) against the king of Jafina,

commanded by the viceroy in person, which after a successiul

beginning ended in disaster, the Portuguese being obliged to

make a hasty and shameful retirement from the peninsula.

A curious and perplexing episode in connection with this

expedition is the alleged capture by the Portuguese, in a

No. 60.—1908.] couTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 169

temple in Jaffna, of the tooth relic; the subsequent offer (in

1561) by the king of Pegu of a large sum for its redemption ;

the refusal (after much debate) of this offer, and the destruc-

tion of the relic by command of the viceroy.

Dec. VII., Br. 1., CHAP. vii.

% * 3% 6 “6 % %

See Almost at the same time! there also anchored at the

bar of Goa the ship Hspadarte of the company of the viceroy

Dom Pedro Mascarenhas, which had gone to Ormuz to winter,

as we have said. And because Fernad Gomez de Sousa, who

came by it as captain, carried the captaincy of Cochim, the

viceroy at once dispatched him to enter on it ; and he did the

same to Afonso Pereira de Lacerda, who was there as captain,

to go from there to serve in the captaincy of Columbo in

Ceilao ; and also dispatched Dom Duarte? to go and enter

on the captaincy of Maluco*, who went on board the ship

Conceicad, the captain of which was Dom Jorge Deca, who

had been dispatched for these voyages. ......

Dec. VII., Br. u., CHap. iv.

Of the events that happened in Ceilaé: and of the stratagems that

Madune made use of in order to set Tribult Pandar at enmity

with the Portuguese: and of how afierwards he agreed with

them to destroy him, as they did.

Tribuli Pandar having escaped from the prison in which Dom

Duarte kept him (as has already being related in the Sixth

Decade in the twelfth chapter of the tenth book) went and

1 Apparently in March or April 1555.

* See supra, p. 165, note #.

8 He had been appointed to this a year before. He had no sooner

entered on his office than he began to show what manner of man he was

(‘* obstinate, headstrong, and of a violent temper, and blinded by his

cupidity,”’ is Couto’s description of him). His outrageous proceedings

culminated in his being seized by the Portuguese in the Moluccas and

sent a prisoner to Goa, whence he was sent to Portugal to justify his con

duct to the king, which he managed to do by inculpating another man.

170 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX.

took up his residence in the village of Balande! (after he had

committed the ravages of which we have spoken). Madune,

as he was crafty, and as all those dissensions had been cut

short midway from the conclusion he desired, at once dispatched

messengers to Tribuli Pandar, by whom he sent to persuade him

to avenge himself of the affronts that the Portuguese had put

upon him, offering him to this end all the help he might need, in

men and money: which Tribuli Pandar accepted of him, and

he sent him six hundred Chingalas with their modeliares?; and

with the troops that he collected in addition he began to wage

a very bitter war on our people, and destroyed the villages of

Paneturé, Caleturé, Macu, Berberi, Galé, and Beligas?, and

wrecked all our temples that the friars of St. Francis had in all

these places, having made in them many Christians of great

and exemplary life, some of whom on this occasion received

a glorious martyrdom at the hands of this barbarian, who

spared nothing ; and many of the Christians he took captive,

ill-treated, and even put to the torture?.

At this juncture there arrived’ Afonso Pereira de Lacerda

(whom we left above on his departure from Cochim) to succeed

to that captaincy ; and after taking posession of it, learning

of the great ravages that Tribuli Pandar had committed,

he determined to make on him all the war that he could, —

for which purpose he made his preparations. Madune, who

never lost an occasion, as soon as he saw Tribuli Pandar

at full enmity with the Portuguese, dispatched ambassadors

to Afonso Pereira de Lacerda, ordering them to wait on him

and offer him all that he might need against Tribuli Pandar :

which Afonso Pereira de Lacerda accepted of him with thanks,

a compact being made between them that each on his side

should make war on Tribuli Pandar, and that they should

not relax their efforts until they had totally destroyed him ;

because as long as he was alive he was sure to cause trouble to

that island’. This compact was made with the condition that

the customs dues of the country and ports should be collected

1 An error for “‘ Palande.’’ (The edition of 1782 has “ Bandale.’’)

2 The Rdjdvaliya says nothing of this alliance, but (81) ascribes Maya-

dunné’s enmity to Vidiye to the latter’s ill-treatment of his second wife,

daughter of the former.

3 Cf. supra, p. 124. —

4 Cf. supra, p. 161. It is probable that it was in this general

massacre that Fernao Rodriguez lost his life at Berberim (Béruvala), as

recorded on his wife’s tombstone, now in the Colombo Museum (see M.

Lit. Reg. i. 14).

> In April 1555. Mle

° The Rajavaliya is silent regarding this compact.

a ee ey | ee Ne ee Se Me en ey ln Ee ee Oe Oe ee

No. 60.—-1908.] courTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 7

for the king of Portugal, to whom they were paid in former

times, but had been usurped by Madunet, which were as

follows :—From the ports of Lica6? one thousand fanams, of

Belicote* three hundred, the lands of the queen* three thousand

three hundred , those of Mapano® seven hundred, those of Muli-

ara® two thousand, the Regir’ two thousand five hundred, the

port of Matual three thousand three hundred and twenty, that

of Columbo two thousand®, Paneturé five hundred and sixty,

the port of Macu®, Beligad, and Galé, and Chucari!® nine thou-

sand seven hundred. And they agreed further that the captain

should apprehend the grand chamberlain! of the king of Cota

and his brother-in-law Alaca modeliar!*, and a son of the black

captain’s!®? (who were the three persons whom Madune most

feared), the ambassadors leading the captain to believe that

these were the instigators of the affairs in which Tribuli Pandar

was concerned, that they helped him in the ravages that he

had committed : for Madune thought that when he had not

1 This is the first time we learn of these important facts. When the

eustoms dues of the Ceylon ports first began to be collected for the king

of Portugal, I do not know.

_? This should be “ Alicao ’’ (Alutgama), the initial having, as in other

instances, been dropped through confusion with the Portuguese femi-

nine definite article (cf. C. Lit. Reg. iv. 190, note). The plural form

“ ports ”’ refers to this and the next place mentioned.

3 This is an error for “ Belitote””’ — Welitota near Balapitiya (cf. p. 358).

+ I do not know where these were.

> Mapane (Mapané) was the name by which, in Portuguese times,

the tract of open land now called Galle Face was known (see C. A. S.

Jl. xii. 76, note). Weshall come across the name more than once in

the account of the great siege of Columbo, 1587-8 (cf. infra, p. 296,

note 1°),

6 This is evidently Mulleriyava, a few miles east of Colombo (cf.

infra, p. 292, note *).

* This is a puzzling name; but coming, as it does, between Mulleri-

yava and Mutwal, I think the original “‘o Regir”’ is a misreading or

misprint for some such form as “* Veregore”’ = Véragoda (cf. infra, p. 384).

$’'The port of Matual, it will be seen, had a larger trade than that

of Columbo.

9 Maggona.

10 This, I think, must be a ghost name, evolved out of a misreading

of some Portuguese word or words. It may, however, be a blunder

for “‘ Caleturé ”’ ; but its enumeration after Galle makes this dubious.

1 Tammita Bala Surya Bandara (see supra, p. 156, note 1, &c.).

In VII. nt. v. (p. 177) he is called Alanca. (Perhaps Alegakkén

is intended.) The Rajdvaliya does not mention him.

8 T do not know who this was.

172 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

got these against him it would soon be very easy for him to —

make himself master of the whole island.

All these contracts having been made according to the wishes

of Madune, without Afonso Pereira de Lacerda’s suspecting

his falsehoods, they at once prepared to prosecute the war :

and the captain apprehended the persons that Madune had

indicated, and the grand chamberlain he sent at the beginnnig

of summer! to Goa, where the governor Francisco Barreto?

received him cordially, and ordered him to be intrusted to the

friars of Sad Francisco®, where he remained, and commanded

him to be given all that he needed, and they treated him with

so much kindness, that they succeeded in making him a

Christian, and baptized him with great rejoicings, the governor

Francisco Barreto being his godfather, and bestowing his name

on him ; and afterwards he sent him back to Ceilao with gifts

and honours*.

1 That is, in September 1555.

2 He succeeded to the governorship on the death of the viceroy D.

Pedro Mascarenhas on 16 June 1555.

3 On the convent and church of St. Francis of Assisi see Fonseca

220-5.

4In VIII. xii. (p. 244) Couto again refers to this “conversion” of the

grand chamberlain. All that the Rajdvaliya says (81) is, that “ his

*[ Vidiye’s] younger brother, Tammita Sirya Bandara, was captured and.

sent to Goa’’; and no mention is made of his return to Ceylon. The

version used by Valentyn, however, says (Ceylon 78) :—‘‘ Meanwhile the

deported councillor Tammutta Bala Soeria Sena Dipati [sic] found means

of making himself so esteemed by the viceroy [sic] of Goa, that he returned

to Ceylon with great gifts.” In what year or years the chamberlain’s

baptism and return to Ceylon took place, I cannot find: but, as Fran-

cisco Barreto’s governorship ceased on 8 September 1558, they

must have occurred before that date. The “ conversion ” and baptism

of Dharmapala must also have taken place during this period, for in the

Arch. Port.-Or. (v. No. 257) is printed the summary of a provision by the

governor Francisco Barreto, dated at Chaul, 21 March 1558, allowing ~

the king of Ceylon, on account of his “‘ being now converted to our holy

faith,’ to send to India yearly fifty extra bahars of cinnamon, besides

the usual 150 of tribute. The wording of this would seem to imply

that the “conversion” took place in 1557. I have quoted above

(p. 150, note 1, p. 155, note !) a passage from the Rajdvaliya (80)

which implies that Dharmapéla was “ converted’”’ and baptized by

means of a padre named “ Vilponsi Aponsu Peréra,’’ who accompanied

the viceroy D. Affonso de Noronha to Ceylon in 1551. The key to this

mysterious and obviously anachronistic passage is to be found in Valen-

tyn (Ceylon 78), whose more correct version of the Rdjdvaliya reads :—

* At this same time there left for Ceylon a Franciscan priest Fra Joan

No. 60.—1908.] cCoUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 173

The contracts between Madune and Afonso Pereira de

Lacerda having been agreed to, Madune dispatched a bastard

son of his called Raju! (who was the worst enemy and gave

more trouble to that fortress than all others, and laid two very

strait sieges to it, one when Manoel de Sousa Coutinho was

captain, and the other in the time of Joao Correa de Brito, as

Villa da Conde, and a captain Alfonso Per eira with him, who came first

to Colombo, and afterwards to Cotta to the emperor Darmapala,

whilst the latter was preparing for a severe conflict, in which the Portu-

guese also took their share. After this priest had been here for some

time, he brought the emperor so far, that, in the presence of the cap-

tain-general, he with many of his grandees, and a large portion of his

people, was baptized.”’ So we find that the mysterious padre “‘ Vilponsi

Aponsu Peréra ” resolves himself into the friar Frei Jodo de Villa do

Conde and the captain Affonso Pereira de Lacerda! Now, the latter,

as we have seen, did not arrive in Ceylon until April 1555: so that it is

evident that Dharmapala’s baptism could not have occurred before that

date. According to the Hist. Seraf. iti. 536, Fr. Jodo de Villa do Conde

was one of the six Franciscan friars sent out by King Joao III. in

1540 [sic] in reply to the request of “‘ Bonezabago,’’ whom, however,

he failed to convert, but who, nevertheless, was persuaded to send two

of his sons (?) to Goa, where they were baptized, and died shortly after-

wards (see C. Lit. Reg. iii. 245, 327). The death of Bhuvaneka Bahu

is mentioned, and the succession of his grandson, D. Jodo Parea

Pandar, who deferred becoming a Christian, but gave a cousin (and so

on, as Couto states above on pp. 154-5). This writer then says :—

‘““Some time having passed, the same father Fr. Jodo baptized not only

this king, but the queen his wife, who took the name of D. Catharina,

many of the grandees of his court, all the ladies of the palace, and so

large a number of the people in the city, and outside of it, that the

baptized were counted by thousands. Within a few months in a limit

of thirty leagues he erected twelve churches, where with his companions

by day and night, without taking an hour of rest, they cultivated and

watered with the holy sacraments these new plants, which afterwards

filled the whole circuit of the island. Besides this we baptized in Goa

his grand chamberlain, who received the name of D. Francisco Barreto.”’

Now, taking the above with the official documents quoted supra (p. 166,

note 3, and the first part of this note), I think we may conclude that

it was in 1557 that Dharmapala was baptized and took the name of

Dom Jodo (after the king of Portugal), his wife taking that of Catharina

(after the queen of Portugal). That it could not have been later than

the early part of 1558 is certain, since King Jodo III. died on 11 June

1557; and the news would have reached Ceylon in the latter part of

—:1558.

1 Here enters on the scene the famous “royal lion,” Raja Siyha I., at

this time only a lad in his teens, known as Tikiri Bandara (see Rdjdv. 82).

There is no reason for believing him a bastard, as Couto calls him (cf.

infra, p. 272, nate 1).

174 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Von. XX.

will be related in the Ninth and Tenth Decades!). This Raju

went with a large army against Tribuli Pandar in the direction

of Caleture?. Afonso Pereira de Lacerda sent Ruy Diaz

Pereira with two hundred men and Antonio de Espindola with

one hundred to attack each on his side the city of Palanda,

where Tribuli Pandar was, because Raju was to go from another

side, so that thus he could not escape them. Having all

arrived there and encamped their armies, our people attacked

the city with great determination; and although Tribuli

Pandar defended himself very bravely, an entrance was

nevertheless effected, many inside being killed; and

Tribuli Pandar, seeing himself defeated, managed to escape,

and fled to Tanavaré?, and our people entered his houses, and

captured his wife, who was the daughter of Madune, and whom

he had only recently married ; and carried off all his household ~

and personal property, and thereupon returned to Columbo

and Raju to Ceitavaca. Tribuli Pandar not thinking himself

safe in Tanavaré went to the Seven Corlas, whither Madune

afterwards followed him and proceeded to lay siege to him —

very leisurely, as will be seen further on.

Dec. VII., BK. u1., CHapP. v.

Of the events that took place this year in Ceilad : and of the war

that was prosecuted against Tribuli Pandar : and of how he

fled to Jafanapatad, where he was killed : and of the war that.

Madune again made on the king of Cota.

‘In the past winter? we left Tribuli Pandar a refugee in the

Seven Corlas after being defeated ; and finding himself so

persecuted there, he betook himself to the prince of Urunguré

1 These were in 1579-80 and 1587-8 respectively. The second we

shall find described in full detail in the Tenth Decade (p. 274 ff.); but the

Ninth Decade having been stolen, and Couto’s summary of it unfinished,

almost all that we know about the first is gained from a reference here

and there in the Tenth Decade (see infra, p, 257).

2The Rdjdvaliya (82-3) recounts the incidents of this campaign in

much greater detail than Couto, but ignores any Portuguese participa-

tion (see also Val. Ceylon 79-80).

3 Dondra. From the Rdjdvaliya it would seem, however, that he did

not actually go to Dondra.

4 The “‘ past winter ’ should mean May—August 1555; but it will be

noticed that in VII. 1. iv. Couto gives no dates, nor does he in this

chapter : so that it is not easy to fix the year in which the events he

describes took place.

No. 60.—1908.] coUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 175

(which is one of the corlas!), because of his being a close con-

nection of his?, and he entertained him well, and assisted him

against Madune, and gave him everything necessary for war ;

but as Tribuli Pandar was wicked and perverse, in payment of

this great kindness he one night murdered the prince, and took

possession of the city’, in which he fortified himself with his

followers, making himself master of the palace, house, and

treasure of the prince*. This tyrant seeing himself in power

and master of Uringuré determined to get possession of the

whole of the Seven Corlas, which was a large dominion, and in

which neither the Portuguese nor Madune could do him harm,

it consisting entirely of high mountains and narrow and

difficult passes>. Having determined this, he mustered a force

and began to invade the other corlas and with his army to

capture and destroy their villages.

The natives, seeing how great was the wickedness of a man

that should murder a prince who had sheltered him in his

troubles and persecutions, and one so closely connected with

him, all entered into correspondence with each other, and

formed a general league against him, swearing with their

ceremonies that they would all die both in the defence of their

cities and in avenging the death of that prince ; and mustering

all their forces, they occupied and fortified all the passes by

which this tyrant could enter ; and for greater security they

sent ambassadors to Afonso Pereira de Lacerda, captain of

Ceilao, to beg him for assistance in soldiers, promising that to

all that should come they would pay fifteen gold parddos the

month each.

Afonso Pereira de Lacerda having seen their request and

offer, and considering that it would be to the king’s service

to help those people, in order that that tyrant should not make

himself master of those cities (because he would cause great

oppression and troubleto the whole of that island), at once

dispatched one Joao Fernandes Columbrina, an old soldier and

1 There is not, and never was, I believe, a kéralé in the Seven Kéralés

with a name like this. Perhaps Kurunégala is meant ; but this seems

very doubtful (cf. infra, p. 318, note *). Regarding this man and his

capital see C. A.S. Jl. xiii. 46-7. The Rajdvaliya (84) calls him “ king

Edirimanna Surya of the Irugal race.”’

eC T. supra, p- 157, note 1.

3 Mundakondapola.

4Cf. Rajdvaliya 84; C. A. S. Jl. xi. 47, and note. Valentyn

(Ceylon 81) gives an imaginary picture of the murder.

» As a fact, the Portuguese never did obtain any permanent footing

in the Seven Koralés.

176 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XX,

worthy knight, with sixty Portuguese, who were glad to go on

that business on account of the high pay that they had promised

them ; and they proceeded to join the natives of those

corlas, and began to make war on Tribuli Pandar from above,

while Raju, son of Madune (of whose services they also

availed themselves), did the same from below!; and thus they

harried that tyrant, who seeing his cause lost sought to save

his person, which he did one night, taking his mother-in-law

and his wife, Madune’s daughter, with whatever treasures he

could ; and by unfrequented roads made his way to Jafana-

patado to beg help of that king?, so as to return once more

with a larger force: and he received him humanely. And in

discussing his business afterwards, and giving him an account

of his experiences, in the course thereof he represented to him

the obligation binding upon all the kings of that island, to

expel from it the Portuguese, making it appear to him so easy,

that he persuaded him to give him help against them, and to

urge the same upon all the kings his friends and relatives..

And for the greater certainty of this they met in a pagode, in

order there to swear that league with the ceremonies customary

amongst them. But as the thing that God. most abhors is

false and tyrannic men, it pleased him to speedily chastise

this Tribuli Pandar, when he was most intoxicated with the

revengefulness of his hate : and it occurred. in this manner.

These princes being before their idols in order to take their

oaths with great festivities and rejoicings, there happened to

fall from a soldier’s firelock powder-flask a little gunpowder,

and another that stood by out of mischief set fire to it, which

took place close to both those princes. And as: Tribuli

Pandar was fearful, and alarmed at everything (which is the

weight that the wicked always carry on their heart, as a penalty —

of their wickedness), as soon as he saw the blaze of the powder,

thinking that it was treachery, he drew his sword on the king ;

and amongst all there ensued a great strife, in which Tribuli

Pandar was killed, there remaining, as a result of this affair,

in the power of that king the old queen, the grandson, his

daughter-in-law, and his treasures?: and thus ended all his

1The Rdajdvaliya (84-5), while recording a previous engagement

between the Portuguese-cum-Kotté Sinhalese plus Vidiye’s troops

and the forces of Mayadunné at Puvakella ferry, of which Couto says

nothing, is silent regarding the confederacy here described against

Vidiye.

* This was Sangili, who massacred Xavier’s converts in 1544.

’ Of these treasures we shall hear again (see pp. 195.196). As regards

Vidiye Raja’s widow, see infra, p. 396, note *, p. 398, note ®,

No. 60.—1908.| courTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 177

wars and troubles! (whom the captains of Columbo persecuted,

he having in the beginning perhaps some small faults : because

‘if he came to bite, it was because they worried him). And

after his death began the great troubles of that island, and the

kingdom of Cota was lost ; and there were so many sieges of

that fortress and of that of Columbo, as will be seen in the

course of the Eighth, Ninth, and Tenth Decades : for Madune

had never grown so impudent had Tribuli Pandar lived, it

being he that broke his power and abated his pride and tyranny.

Madune seeing that Tribuli Pandar was dead, and the grand

chamberlain of the king of Cota, and his brother-in-law

Alanca Modeliar and the son of the black captain prisoners,

and out of favour with the Portuguese (all brought about by

his industry to this end), forthwith took steps to prosecute the

war on Cota, and not to desist therefrom until he had made

himself master of that kingdom. And mustering his armies, he

sent his son Raju, whom he was training and inciting to acts

of bravery, that he might afterwards kill him [Mayédunné]

and his legitimate brothers and make himself king (as we

shall relate in the Eleventh? Decade, Madune paying for his

tyranny at the hands of his own son), to prosecute the war and

lay siege to Cota: which he did, sallying forth from Ceitavaca

with a large army ; and invading that king’s territories, he

marched on causing great havoc and pillaging®.

There was at this time in the city of Cota with that king

Afonso Pereira de Lacerda with a few troops, and with those

that he had he garrisoned the passes to the city, and fortified

them as best he could, and on therivers he distributed ten or

twelve vessels, the captains of which were Ferna6 de Crasto,

Domingos Rapozo, Joao Rodriguez Correa, Antonio de Espin-

dola, Diogo Juzarte*, Christovad das Neves, Gaspar Lopez,

Vicente Bello, Antonio Fernandez, Gongalo de Chaves, Antonio

d’ Araujo, Antonio Jorge, and Domingos Diaz, and as captain-

major of the whole Fernad Perez Dandrade. These vessels

1 The account in the Rajdvaliya (86) of Vidiye’s flight and death is

very different from Couto’s. The version in Val. (Ceylon 81) is curious,

and agrees with neither of the above. It runs :—‘ From there [‘ Conda

Palla Nuwara’] he went on board ship in the bay of Portaloon or

Putaleon, left for Jaffanapatnam, and betook himself to a haven or

bay which is since called Anaxaddie or Anacse Heriatotta, that is, ‘ the

passage of the king’s crossing.’ .... Vigea Rajoe with his son Jaja Palla

Astana and their retinue went to the village of Tammaraccoelam; but

there, after a very sudden but short fight, he was robbed of everything

by the Malabaars.”’ 2 Sic, for Tenth (see infra, p. 271).

3’ The Rajdvaliya does not record this,

* This man is mentioned again in VII. 1x. vi. (p. 205).

N 36-08

178 _ JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). — [Vou. XX.

went up and down preventing the passage of Raju’s troops,

as well as making attacks on several of his father’s villages,

which they destroyed and burnt. The king of Cota, although

he was in an impoverished condition, yet mustered his troops,

and putin the field some modelares, who had many encounters

with the enemy in which there was loss on each side. And

since these assaults were many and unimportant, and we do

not find a record of anything noteworthy, we shall pass them

over: enough that they spent part of the summer and all this

winter! in waging all the war they could, and so we shall

leave them until we return to them.

Dec. VII., Bx. in., CHap. x.

This prince”, they say, went and landed in the island of.

Ceila6, having taken with him a large number and throng of

jogues, his disciples, and that he took up his abode on that moun-

tain range where is Adam’s Peak, where he lived many years

leading aholy life. And desiring to depart thence, his disciples,

who remained there, begged him to leave them some memorial

of him : upon which, planting his foot upon a slab of rock, he

impressed in it that footprint, as if he had done it in a little

soft wax, the which they venerate and reverence as that of our

father Adam ; and it is held by all in such veneration, as I

have described in the twentieth? chapter of the sixth book

of my Fifth Decade, where I relate this matter of this footprint

very minutely, and show that this island of Ceila6 is the

Tapobrana of Ptolemy, in which I treat of many curious things

which no previous writer has written of. ‘This prince is called

in their writings by many names: but the principal one is

Drama Raio; and after that they held him for a saint they

called him Budon, which means “sage,” to whom this heathenry

have erected all over India many very costly and sumptuous

pagodes; and in his legend they relate great marvels, which,

in order not to surfeit and weary the reader, I refrain from

setting down.

1 This should mean the first eight months of 1556: but when we

return to the king of K6tté and his Portuguese allies (in VII. 1x. vi., p.

204) we shall find that there is a hiatus, or else Couto has run several

years together.

*See V. vi. ii. (p. 113), where the same details are given in almost

identical words.

* This should be “second.”’

No. 60.—1908.] couTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 179

Dec. VII., Br. v., CHap. viii.

Cer a *k % * * * %

-.-... Having arrived at Goain a few days!, he [the gover-

nor Francisco Barreto] dispatched the supplies for Ceila6é,

Malaca, and Maluco, and with this the winter set in, ..... i

Dec. VII., Br. vi., CHap. vii.

* * * * a ge *

Having done all this very methodically, he [the viceroy,

Dom Constantino de Braganca?] embarked at the end of

March, and in a few days arrived at Goa, where he was very

well received, and at once dealt with the supplies for the

fortresses of Ceila6, Malaca, and Maluco. ...... And at the

same time he dispatched Dom Jorge de Meneses Baroche? as

captain of Ceila6, and ordered Afonso Pereira de Lacerda to

return, and with this the winter set in.

Dec. VII., Bx. vu., Cap. iii.

. And by the same opportunity he [the viceroy] sent

many supplies to Malaca and Ceila0o?.

Dec. VII., Bx. virt., CHap. ii.

* 1% * K * * 7s

Se And to the bishopric of Cochim® he [the archbishop

of Lisbon] assigned from Cananor to Bengala, and Pegi, with

the coast of the Fishery, Negapatad, and Sao Thome, with

the large and beautiful island of Ceila6, with all the rest

1In April 1558.

2 1558-61.

’This last name is a title assumed by D. Jorge de Menezes after his

capture of Broach in 1547.

4 This is a repetition of the statement made in VII. vi. vii.

5 King Sebastiaéo (or rather his grandmother the regent) had asked

of the pope, and the latter had granted, that the bishopric of Goa

should be elevated to an archbishopric, new bishoprics being created

for Cochin and Malacca,

N 2

180 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

adjacent to them and to all the coast, separating from it the

great and widespread Christianity that lies in the interior of

Cochim, Cranganor, and Coulad, and in the mountains of

Malavar, which was ruled and governed by Armenian arch-

bishops and bishops that follow the false sect of the heresiarch

INestora coe i.

%* % * % Re * *k

Dec. VII., Br. virt., CHAP. x.

* eo * * * * *

And the winter setting in', he [the viceroy] spent it in revising

the general muster-roll, and in making a new one, in order to ex-

elude from it all the artizan mechanics that received the king’s

pay, who were a great number, by which he saved the state a

ood sum of money, and prevented an excessive number of

old soldiers, who were always paid either by patronages or by

bribes?; and at the same time he ordered the whole fleet to be

got ready, and many provisions arid munitions to be collected,

as he had determined to cross over to CeilaO against the

king of Jafanapata6, which les at the northern point of the

island ; because the king? (in an instruction) had strongly

recommended him to take steps to destroy him and capture

his kingdom, because he was there acting the pirate and had

ordered all the ships and vessels of the Portuguese that passed

by his coast to be set upon, and was using stratagems to get

them to put in to the coast, so as to rob them’, sending by

night to cut their cables, by which means he had committed

great robberies and destructions ; and to strive as much as

possible to transfer to that part the inhabitants of the town of

Sad Thome, so that they might not be subjected to the insults

and affronts that the king of Bisnaga sought to offer to them,

1 In May 1560.

2 In the fleet of 1559 there left Portugal for India nearly three thou-

sand men of arms. Couto himself, a lad of 15, came out in the admiral

ship, the Flor dela mar, as he tells us in VII. vit, ii.

3 By “‘the king” is apparently meant Dom Sebastiao, who succeeded

to the throne on the death of his grandfather Q. Joav IIT., 11 June

1557. But as D. Sebastiao was at this time (1560) only six years of age,

we must suppose that the ‘‘instruction ’’ referred to came from the

regent, his grandmother Dona Catharina, and his uncle the cardinal

D. Henrique. In this year the Inquisition with all its horrors was

established in India,

* Cf. the statement of Xavier quoted on p. 120, note °.

No. 60.—1908.] couTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 181

because the king had already had news of those that he had

put upon them, when he made all of them captives': and these

instructions we cannot find in the whole of this state’, they

being entirely lost, of which we have many times complained? ;

but these details we have obtained from old and ancient men.

Dec. VII., Bx. 1x., CHAP. i.

Of the great armada with which the viceroy Dom Constantino set

out for Jafanapaiad : and of what took place until he arrived

there.

The viceroy Dom Constantino spent the whole of the winter

in getting ready the armada which he intended to take to Jafana-

patao, and in collecting the stores for that expedition*: and

at the beginning of August [1560] he set afloat all the vessels and

fitted out and supplied them with provisions and munitions,

and began to make a general payment to all. And already

by the beginning of September they were all so far ready, that

the viceroy embarked ; and having first made over the govern-

ment to Dom Pedro de Meneses the Red, who was captain of

Goa, he left an order for the licentiate Belchior Serra6, vea-

dor da fazenda, to go and superintend the loading of the ships®

at Cochim, and left him all the powers as regards revenue for

anything that might happen.

# x * * 2 * *

While the viceroy was already at the bar giving his last

orders before setting sail, it being the 4th of September, there

arrived the ship Conceicaé, which remained at Mossambique

the previous year to winter, and then on the following day

there arrived ten or twelve vessels from Chaul and Bacaim to

accompany him on that expedition. Amongst others there

came by these Dom Pedro Dalmeida, captain of Bacaim,

1 These events, which took place in 1558, are related by Couto in

VII. vu. i. The king of Bisnaga (Vijayanagar) referred to was Rama

Raya (see Sewell’s Forg. Emp. 193-4). Howthe proposed transplanta-

tion of Christians from Sao Thomé succeeded, we shall see in VII. rx. iii.

* That is, India, which was always referred to by the Portuguese

historians and in official documents under this term (estadc).

’ Throughout his Decades we find Couto again and agam making

complaint of the absence from the archives at Goa of official documents

that ought to have been there.

* See supra, VII. vii. x. (p. 180).

* The ships for Portugal. Four only, of the fleet of six that left

Lisbon in April, reached Cochin in November and December. Of two

- of these we shall read in VII. rx. v. (see p. 202).

182 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XX.

who had left the fortress in charge of Manoel da Veiga, factor

and alcaide mor. There came also Dom Luis Dalmeida his

brother, Ayres de Saldanha, and other fidalgos. And the

viceroy learning that Dom Pedro Dalmeida had come there,

leaving his fortress (on the top of other past escapades at which

the viceroy Dom Constantino had been annoyed), he would

not see him, but on the contrary ordered him to be taken to

the fortress by the chief justice, and that he should be sent as a

prisoner to one of the passes of the island!: and the vessels

that had come in his company he ordered to be equipped anew, ~

and divided them amongst Ayres de Saldanha and others.

And on the eve of our Lady, the 7th of September, he set

sail with a fine fleet of twelve galleys and ten galliots and

seventy rowing vessels including foists and catures.

The captains of the galleys were :—The viceroy, of the

royal galley; Dom Antonio de Noronha Catarras, of the

galley Santiago; Bastiad de Sa, of the galley Sad Luis ;°

Martim Afonso de Miranda, of the galley Sad Miguel; Andre

de Sousa, son of the controller of the cardinal Dom Anrique,

of the galley Vitorra; Fernad de Sousa de Castellobranco,

of the galley Conceicad; Goncalo Falcad, of the galley Chagas ;

Lionel de Sousa, of the galley Monserrate; and Dom Lionis

Pereira and Ayres Falca6 in two others.

Those of the galliots were :—Duarte do Soveral, whom the

viceroy took in order to go over to his vessel if necessary ;

Dom Antonio Manoel; Francisco de Mello, brother of the king’s

huntsman ; Dom Jorge de Meneses, who was afterwards chief

ensign of the kingdom ; Ayres de Saldanha ; Martim Afonso

de Mello, nicknamed Hombrinhos?; Jorge de Moura; Ferna6

Gomez Cordovil ; Lourenco Pimentel, in a galliot that had

belonged to the Rooms ; and others.

The captains of the foists were :—Dom Joao de Castello-

branco, son of Dom Pedro de Castellobranco, who was captain

of Ormuz, and brother of the Conde de Villanova ; Anrique

de Sa; Francisco de Sousa Tavares the Lame; Garcia

Rodriguez de Tavora; Dom Francisco Dalmeida, who was

afterwards captain of Tangier ; Dom Filipe de Meneses, brother

of Dom Joaé Tello, who was afterwards one of the governors of

the kingdom ; Alvaro de Mendoca; Pero de Mesquita ; Pero

Peixoto da Sylva ; Nuno de Mendoca ; Dom Paulo de Lima ;

Nuno Furtado de Mendoga; Dom Payo de Noronha; Ferna6

de Crasto; Tristad de Sousa, son of the governor Martim

1T do not know what Dom Pedro’s escapades were, to which Couto

refers. He was released from his imprisonment, and sent back to

Bacaim to complete his term of office, in April 1561.

2 ** Little shoulders.”’

No. 60.—1908.] couro: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 183

Afonso de Sousa; Fernad de Miranda d’Azevedo, son of

Antonio de Miranda, who was captain-major of the Indian

Sea at the time of the differences between Pero Mascarenhas

and Lopo Vaz de Sampayo; Dom Pedro de Crasto, son of

Dom Diogo de Crasto, alcaide mor of Evora; Joao Lopez

Leitad ; Manoel de Mendanha; Afonso Pereira de Lacerda! ;

Gil de Goes ; Martim Afonso de Sousa; Pero de Mendoga, who

was called Larim, because of being very thin®, son of Tristao

de Mendoga; Bastiad de Resende, a natural son of Garcia de

Resende, he that wrote the chronicle of the king Dom Joao

the Second?; Antonio Ferrad, married to a bastard daughter

of Nuno da Cunha; Agostinho Nunez’, son of Leonardo

Nunez, chief physician to the king Dom Joa0; Bertolameu

Chanoca, secretary of the state ; Vicente Carvalho ; Francisco

da Cunha; Luis d’Aguiar; Polinario de Valdarama, the

viceroy’s equerry, who had charge of his horses; Manoel da

Sylveira; Andre de Villalobos ; Antonio Nunez of Cananor ;

ChristovaO de Faria; Pero Semxemos; Duarte Ferreira ;

Diogo Madeira; Jeronymo de Magalhaes; and many others,

whose names I cannot find.

The viceroy pursuing his voyage with all this fleet had got

as far as the islets of Onor®, when he encountered a storm

from the south-west® so severe, that the whole fleet was forced

to turn stern on to it; and with great trouble they managed to

cast anchor at the islets of Angediva, where they were detained

four or five days until the wind had ceased, when they resumed

their voyage, and in a few days arrived at Cochim, where the

viceroy landed to give orders about various matters, and the

city gave hima very grand reception, but he would not take

up his lodging there, but remained in his galley attending to

1 The late captain of Ceylon, whence he must have returned at the

end of 1559 (cf. supra, VIL. vi. vii., p. 179, and infra, VII. rx. vi., p. 205).

2 The allusion is, of course, to the shape of this curious coin, the larin

being a thin silver bar or rod, sometimes bent over in the form of a hook

(see Hob.-Job. s.v. “ Larin,’”’ and the pictures of the coin in Pyr. i. 232,

234).

3 Chronica que tracta da vida ...... CIOENA Reorole Dom Joaé ho Segundo,

&ec., Lisbon, 1596.

4 In Garcia da Orta’s fifty-eighth Cologuio, his friend the physician

Dimas Bosque mentions the presence in this expedition of Agostinho

Nunez, also of himself (see infra, p. 196, note 1).

5 Onor is Honavar, a town and port of Kanara (see Hob.-Job. s.v.

** Honore’’). The “islets”? here mentioned are doubtless Hog and

Pigeon Islands south of Honavar. es,

° A storm off the west coast of India in September is rare, but not

unknown,

184 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

much business; and he dispatched Fernad Gomez Cordovil

to go to the town of Sad Thome and get the inhabitants

to cross over to Jafanapatad!, to whom he wrote very flattering

letters in which he urged them to do this, because it was to the

credit neither of the Portuguese nor of them that they should

remain in that town, exposed to affronts and insults which

the Canaras? could put upon them whenever they wished. And

that the kingdom of Jafanapatao had many and good ports,

where they could carry on by sea their traffic and merchandize ;

and that the country was very fertile and abounding in every-

thing ; and that he would apportion them in such a manner that

they would live more comfortably and with less alarms ; and

that they were to be ready when he sent vessels to bring

them over. ......

Having arranged everything, the viceroy set out, and in his

company the bishop of Cochim Dom Jorge Temudo in a galliot,

who wished to accompany him on that expedition, that

‘island belonging to his jurisdiction®, and five or six other

vessels that were equipped in that city. With the whole of

this fleet he passed Cape Comorim, and went as far as the

shoals of Chilao, and as the galleys could not cross them,

he sent them back to Cochim, in charge of Vicente Correa,

the navy surveyor of India, and the viceroy went on board the

galliot of Inofre+ do Soveral, and the captains of the other gal-

leys on to other rowing vessels; and Ayres Falca6 alone went

crossing in his galliot; and when all had reached the middle of

the shoals®, he alone struck on them with his sails set; and

a very big sea that came rolling up struck his vessel on the poop

and lifted it off again, and with that violence he got over

them to the other side without perishing, and from there went

with all the fleet and anchored over against Jafanapatac®.

1 See supra, VII. vii. x. (p. 180).

* The Portuguese applied this name to the inhabitants of Vijaya-

nagar (see Hob.-Job. s.v. “* Canara ’’). |

5 See supra, VII. vit. ii. (p. 179). D. Jorge Themudo, of the order

of St. Dominick, had come out from Portugal the previous year. It

was in his company that Couto came (see p. 180, note *).

+ Previously Couto calls him Duarte. There was an Inofre (Hum-

phrey) de Soveral in the East at this time, but I cannot say which name

is correct here.

® Apparently the fleet passed through one of the openings in Adam’s

Bridge.

* What direction the vessels took after passing Adam’s Bridge is not

said; but from the statement that they anchored “over against

Jafanapatad ’’ it would seem that they took their course between

Mandativu and Kalmunai.

No. 60.—1908.] coUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 185

Dec. VII., BK. rx., CHAP. 11.

Of the council that the viceroy Dom Constantino held regarding

the method of disembarkation : and of how he went on shore,

and captured the city : and of the incidents that occurred in

the entering of it.

The viceroy; having cast anchor over against the city of

Jafanapatad, spent two days in taking counsel as to the

manner in which the disembarkation should be made, regard-

ing which there were differences of opinion. amongst the

captains, and all voted according to the information they had

received from men that knew the country, who affirmed that

the city had only two places where one could disembark : the

first, and most usual, called the Elephants’ Quay!, which lies

at the entrance to the city, just as does the stone quay at

Lisbon”, or the customhouse quay at Goa®, which that king

had strongly fortified with tranqueiras and artillery; the

other was half a league from there at some distance from the

eity*, which although it might be more troublesome would

involve less risk, because that king had no fear regarding it.

The majority of the council therefore voted that it was at this

place that they should disembark.

1 In the original ‘‘ 0 caes doselefantes.”’ Inthe seventeenth century

the Elephants’ Quay (so called, because from it were shipped elephants

for transport to India, &c.) was on the island of Karaittivu, as can be

seen from the maps in Baldzus’s Ceylon, the fact also being stated by

him in chap. xlvi. (English trans.). On the little islet opposite, between

Karaittivu and Vélanai, the Portuguese built a fort, which they named

“fortaleza do caes” (renamed by the Dutch Fort Hammenhiel).

Through some strange blunder the word caes as a proper name got

transferred to a place on Vélanai, which still exists and flourishes under

the name of Kayts! (see C. Lit. Reg. i. 24, v. 115).

2 See the plan of Lisbon in the sixteenth century in Morse Stephens’s

Portugal 239.

3 See the plan of Goa in Baldzus’s Malabar and Coromandel, fig. 41.

+In the absence of any contemporary description or accurate map

of Jafinapatam and its vicinity, it is difficult to follow Couto. He

describes the caes dos elefantes as lying ‘‘ at the entrance to the city,”

like the quays he names at Lisbon and Goa; but, as I have said above,

the Elephants’ Quay, as the Dutch maps of Ceylon show, was on the

island of Karaittivu, at some distance from the town of Jafina. Im

Ressende’s map of Jafina, however, the forlaleza do caes is shown on a

point of land very near to the fort, a narrow channel intervening.

Where the “‘other’’ place was, half a league (say two miles) from the

town, it is not easy to say. It may have been Nivanturai to the west of

Jafina, or (more likely) KaraiyGr or PAsaiyur to the east.

186 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). - [Von. XX.

It having been settled that it was to be at this place, the

viceroy arranged the order of disembarkation, and mustered

all the troops, and found no more than one thousand two

hundred men, although in Goa pay had been received by more

than four thousand (it being the custom, when viceroys

embarked, to make a general payment to all, even to the

Portuguese officials and the casados!, and. for those to

embark that liked ; because by means of this bounty and

liberality this state was always increased and sustained). Of

all these soldiers the viceroy Dom Constantino formed five

companies of two hundred men each?, as captains of which he

appointed Luis de Mello da Sylva’, to whom he had given the.

leadership of that expedition, Dom Antonio de Noronha

Catarras, Martim Afonso de Miranda, Gongalo Falcao, and

Fernao de Sousa de Castellobranco, while the viceroy remained

to bring up the rearguard with the banner of Christ, with all

the fidalgo adventurers and people of his retinue, who formed

a very considerable body. 7

All having been arranged, the viceroy ordered an altar to be

set up on an islet that was there*, in which a very devout mass

to our Lady was said, at which he and the greater part of the

fidalgos and men of the fleet communicated with much devout-

ness, and the bishop of Cochim gave them a general absolution,

and conceded the great and plenary jubilees> that the

supreme pontifis had granted at the instance of the king Dom

Manoel for all those that might be killed in battle in India

fighting for the faith of Christ®. This holy and divine act

1 Literally “‘married men.” Regarding them see C. A.S. Jl. xi. 508, n.

* The viceroy himself evidently commanding the extra two hundred.

8 This man is not mentioned in the list of captains in the previous

chapter.

4 Probably Siritivu, the islet between Mandaitivu and Jaffna.

5 See New Eng. Dict. s.v. “‘ Jubilee,” 2.

® In Alg. Doc. 146 is printed the summary of a bull issued by pope

Julius II. at Rome, 12 July 1506, conceding “plenary indulgence

for all sins to the faithful of both sexes who by order of the king (Dom

Manuel) shall go out to India, or shall reside there, or die there.”? Inthe

same volume, p. 363, is the summary of another bull, by Leo X., dated

Rome, 18 of the kalends of October (14 September) 1514, granting

plenary indulgence to those serving in the conquests of Africa, Ethiopia,

Arabia, Persia, and India. On p. 455 is the summary of another bull

of Leo X.’s, dated Rome, 12 kal. of October (20 September) 1521,

in which the scope of the indulgence is extended to all the Portuguese

acquisitions in the Red Sea, Persia, Malacca, Sumatra, and China, and

to those that died at sea as well as on land.

No. 60.—1908.] couTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 187

being ended, they dined, and from two o’clock onward they

set about the disembarkation : and on setting foot on land,

there came to meet them the hereditary prince! of the kingdom

with two thousand men, he being conspicuous in the front with

a shield entirely white*, uttering their battle-cries and shouts

of defiance like men that intended to prevent the disembarka-

tion. But by running the prows of the vessels ashore they

played upon them with the falcons in such a fashion that they

quitted the field, and betook themselves to the jungles, without

a single one’s reappearing, and our people had the opportunity

of landing entirely at their ease ; and the first captain that:

leapt on shore was Goncalo Falca6, on account of a suspicion

that attached to him through certain words that he had with

the viceroy at the council regarding the disembarkation.

All our people having landed, they formed their companies,

and in front of all rose in the air the banner of Christ crucified,

which a father of St. Dominick bore on a long staff, so that it

might be seen by all those that were to fight under its protec-

tion, and there it was adored by all and acclaimed with a

general voice. Thereupon Luis de Mello da Sylva, who led

the van, began to march towards the city, guided by men that

knew the way, and just behind him Dom Antonio de Noronha

Catarras, who took a short cut through some jungle, so that

when he came again into the open he found himself in front of

Luis de Mello da Sylva, and halting sent word to him to pass

in advance, because he was waiting to accompany him : and

so they went on until they came in sight of the city, which

had at that part a fine street, and in the middle of it were two

large pieces of artillery covered with palmyra leaves so that

our people should not see them.

Luis de Mello da Sylva advancing on this street, Dom

Fernando de Meneses the Nosy? (who was on in front) told him

to look out how he went, because what they saw was artillery.

He had not even finished speaking when one of the pieces was

discharged, and it pleased our Lord that it overcarried;

because they had sighted it too high, and it went passing over

without doing any damage. Luis de Mello da Sylva seeing

that sent word to all to take to the shelter of the houses on

each side, all of which had large porches projecting outward,

and beneath these they hastened for refuge, which could not.

1 J cannot identify this man, who, it will be seen from the next chap-

ter, was delivered as a hostage to the Portuguese, and by them conveyed

as a prisoner to Goa.

2 Doubtless a chank shield (cf. Rdjdv. 72, where “‘a conch and

shield ’’ should be “‘ a chank shield ’’).

§ Original “‘o Narigao ’’ = “‘ the Big Nose.”

188 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX.

be managed quickly enough, before the other ball came down

the street with a great roar and shaking of the earth ; and as

it came lower down, it struck the ensign of Luis de Mello da

Sylva’s company (who was a certain Sardinha) in the legs,

and broke them, so that he straightway fell dead ; and in its

flight it caught two other persons, among whom was a Castilian ;

and apparently some small piece of iron reached Luis de Mello

da Sylva, and caused a slight wound on the ball of his cheek,

from which a good deal of blood ran down his fine long beard,

which made him even handsomer and nobler looking. At the

same time that the ensign fell with the banner, Joao Pessoa,

son of Antonio Pessoa, who followed near by, ran and quickly

raised the banner aloft, and began to march forward along

the street, until he had placed it over those pieces of artillery,

not however before there came another ball, which struck

down four or five men of the company of Ayres de Saldanha,

who was going in that of Luis de Mello da Sylva.

The artillery having been captured, Luis de Mello da Sylva

sent word to the viceroy, and he passed forward, breaking

through clouds of arrows and bullets, with which several were

slightly wounded. A bullet struck Dom Felippe de Meneses

on his Adam’s apple, but he was so fortunate that it glanced

off, without doing him more harm than leaving on the point of

the apple a very red and beautiful mark.

The prince of Jafanapataéd! hastened to that street along

which our people were going, and had an encounter with them,

which lasted but a short time, because at the points of their

spears they drove him back to the top of the street ; he then

went by another that opened into that one, whereby he came

upon Gongalo Falcad with his company, who attacked the

prince’s forces and had a stiff battle with them, and at great

risk, because from the tops of the roofs and from the gardens of

the houses they shot arrows at our people at their pleasure.

The viceroy was already entering the great street, riding on

a beautiful horse with long stirrups armed with good arms,

with the guidon of Christ in front, and surrounded by many

fidalgos and knights ; and receiving news that Goncalo Falcao

was in danger, he told those fidalgos and captains to succour

him, and it being just at the time that Dom Antonio de

Noronha Catarras met him with his company and heard this

he said: “I, sir, am equal to this ;”’ and turning he went

forward along the street, until he reached the part where ~

Gongalo Falcad was in straits ; and on his arrival the street

was soon cleared, where was a piece of artillery, which our

1 Presumably the hereditary prince spoken of above.

No. 60.—1908.| couto: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 189

people turned about down the street which led to the Elephants’

Quay, where the king was with all his army ; and firing upon

them, they caused great destruction amongst them.

The king, seeing how badly things had fallen out, and that

the city had been entered by our people, retired with all his

army to his palace (which was a fair-sized fortress) with the

intention of defending himself therein. Luis de Mello da

Sylva entered into a very wide street that led to the parade-

ground of the palace, and at the top of it halted, and sent a

message to the viceroy to know what he wished him to do,

and the latter galloped off on his horse until he reached Luis

Mello da Sylva, to whom he spoke in very flattering terms.

And as it was already near nightfall he agreed with the captains

that they should pass that night there, and on the following

day attack the houses of the king, where he already knew that

he had fortified himself. And then he arranged the manner in

which the guard should be kept of the street, and at night,

and divided the streets that led to the parade-ground amongst

the captains of the companies, for them to fortify themselves

at the entrances to them, which they set to work to do,

for this purpose pulling down several houses ; and all the rest

that were in these streets, which were covered with thatch?,

they ordered to be unroofed, so that the enemy should not set

fire to them in order to embarrass them. The viceroy remained

at the entrance to the great street on a gallery, where they

laid for him a carpet with some pillows, in which he passed

the whole night armed, and from there he dispatched a captain

to the armada to bring them food and munitions: which was

done with great speed, without anyone’s being encountered to

hinder it. There our people passed the whole night with great

vigilance, and with their arms constantly in their hands, and

the viceroy: sent out some spies to learn what the king was

doing, and if there were any stir where he was.

The prince did not care to go with his father into the

fortress, but remained outside with all his troops; and as

soon as he saw our people fortified at the entrances to the

streets, determined forthwith to attack them in the rear in the

daylight watch, to which end he also sent out some spies, to

see the manner in which our people lay. One of these went

along a street where Dom Antonio de Noronha was with his

company ; and along the walls very secretly he went approach-

ing the encampments ; and it pleased God that there went

watching in the same street, and walking at some distance

from the troops, a soldier, named Francisco da Costa (who

1 The original has palha = straw; but it is more likely that the houses

were covered with palmyra leaves.

190 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XX.

still’ lives, married in this city of Goa, rich and honoured), and

he chanced to descry a person ; and on going to approach him,

the spy when he saw him, for greater pretence, squatted on

his hams, as if he were easing himself, in order that he might

think from the confidence that he displayed that he was a

servant of the company. Francisco da Costa coming to him

asked him who he was, and also put his hand on his arm ; upon

which the black tried to sneak away, but could not, because

Francisco da Costa seized him in his arms and carried him to

Dom Antonio de Noronha, and gave him an account of the

circumstances under which he found him ; and he told him to

take him to the viceroy, since he had captured him, that he

might thank him for it: and so he did. The viceroy ordered ©

him to be bound and put to the torture, and at once he con-

fessed that the prince had sent him to spy out the manner in

which he lay, because he had determined to attack him in the

daylight watch, that he had sent out other eight or ten spies,

and that the king was fortified in his palace, and that the

prince was waiting with two or three thousand men for word

from the spies to attack our people.

The viceroy after getting the information that he desired |

sent to warn all the captains to hold themselves in readiness

and to allow no negligence. Whereupon all got up, and stood

with their arms in their hands waiting for the hour, and thus

they remained until dawn without there being any alarm :

because it seems that on the return of the spies that the prince

had sent out this one was missing; and surmising that he

might have been captured, and that our people would be on

the alert, he abandoned his intention and went to the king,

who on the news that he gave him resolved not to await the

viceroy there. Therefore ordering to be taken from there

the things of most importance, as soon as the daylight watch

came he set fire to the palace, and retired to a fortress that lay

a league and a half from there, built entirely of unburnt bricks,

with its bastions and round turrets, very well made and pretty

strong”.

_ The viceroy on seeing that fire at once guessed what it

might be, but he did not wish that any steps should be taken

until it was full daylight, when he saw that the palace was on

fire, and then he had information of all that had happened ;

1 Circa 1604. No doubt Couto got these details from this man.

2 This may have been at Nallur, afew miles north-east of the present

Jafina fort, where, according to Casie Chitty, the royal palace stood

(see C. As. Soc. Jl. No. 3, 1847-8, p. 72, n.). The map of Petrus

Plancius (? 1585) shows it slightly south-east of thé city, but this is

probably a mere guess.

No. 60.—1908.] coUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 191

and arranging his companies in the form they had hitherto had,

he entered the city, which was a large one, and found it aban-

doned, because its inhabitants had retired to the neighbouring

villages, and so our people were left masters of it, and of the

Hlephants’ Quay, where was the greater part of their artillery,

and of various things that our soldiers found there. And

from one pagode, their principal one, they brought to the

viceroy an enchased tooth, which was commonly called that

of an ape, which was held amongst all those heathens as the

most sacred object of all those of their worship!: of which

the viceroy was immediately advised, and they assured him

that it was the greatest treasure that he could have got, because

they must needs give him a large sum of gold for it.

Those heathens had it that this tooth was that of their

_Budao (who is that great saint of theirs, of whom we have

already given an account in other Decades when we spoke of

the fo tprint on Adam’s Peak and of the population of Pegi).

_ In his legend they relate that this Buda6o after he had been

to Ceilao went to the regions of Pegu, and through all those

kingdoms, converting the heathers and working miracles ;

and that when he wished to die, he wrenched from his mouth

that tooth, and sent it to CeilaO as a very great relic of his.

And thus it was considered so great among them, and among

all the heathenry of the kingdoms of Pegu, that there was

nothing that they valued more highly: so much so, that

Dem Joa6 of Cota finding himself in need fabricated a false

tooth, and set it in gold, and ordered to be made for it a very

costly charola*, in which he put it, and sent it carefully

1 This is one of the most puzzling incidents in Ceylon history. If this

was really the daladd, how came it to be in a Hindu temple in Jaffna ?

Was it among the “ treasures’’ that Tribuli Pandar (Vidiye Raja)

carried with him when he fled from Mundakondapola? (See p. 176.)

If so, how did he come by it ? In the Mahdvansa xci. 17-9 we read of

Pardékrama Bahu VI.’s making caskets for the tooth relic circa 1420 ;

and the relic is not mentioned again until after 1592, when we are told

(xciv. 11-4) that Vimala Dharma Strya (Dom Jodo) having heard

that the tooth was preserved in Delgamuwa (how and when did it get

there ?) brought it to Kandy and built a relic-house for it. See on the

subject Ten, ii. 29-30, 198-9; J. Gerson da Cunha’s Memoir on the

History of the Tooth Relic of Ceylon 40 ff.; Pyr. ii. 145,”. The earliest

writer that records the capture of the daladaé by the Portuguese is Lin-

schoten (i. 292-4) ; but his account is full of errors, the most noteworthy

being that the relic was dug up from the basement of a cloister on

' Adam’s Peak !

2 See pp. 108, 112~4.

® See p. 245, note °,

192 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (GEYLON). [Vou. XX

concealed from the Portuguese to the king of Pegu, who received

it with the greatest festivities that can be imagined, of which

with the divine favour we shall give a fuller account further on

in the Highth Decade! ; and that king sent him a fine ship

laden with provisions and other things as a present with the

ship and all that was in it: and so they assured the viceroy

that that king would give for that tooth a great treasure.

Dre. VII., Br. 1x., CHAP. iii

Of how the viceroy Dom Constantino went against the fortress

where the king was, and found wt abandoned, and sent

some captains in pursuit of the king : and of the extremity

in which they placed him, until they came to join baitle.

The viceroy Dom Constantino, seeing himself master of the

city, and learning from spies that the king had betaken

himself to a fortress a league and a half from there, determined

to go and attack him, but first he arranged various matters.

And among these was to send to the neighbouring villages

royal safeguards and to issue proclamations, to the effect that

the natives might bring him the provisions they had, for

which he would pay them very well; and that the inhabitants

of the city should come and live in their houses, and he would

do them all the favours and give them all the liberties they

desired : upon which they began to come in, and the villagers

to bring fowls, chickens, butter, figs?, and many other things

in great abundance. And because rice was wanting, he

immediately dispatched a vessel with letters to Joao Fernan-

dez Correa*, captain of Negapatad, in which he begged him to

help him with all the rice he could; and he gave orders to

collect all the vessels that there were in the country and on that

coast, which were a very great number, and sent them to Sad

Thome to embark therein the inhabitants of that town‘, to

whom he once more wrote very flattering letters, n which he

begged and prayed them to come over to that kingdom, where

they would livefull-fed, rich, and free from the alarms that they

suffered every day there; and he would divide amongst all of

1 See VIII. xii.—xili. (pp. 243-53).

2 That is, plantains, which the Portuguese called “figs of. India”

(see Hob.-Job. s.v. “‘ Plantain”’).

3 See supra, p. 96.

4 See supra, pp. 180, 184.

No. 60.—1908.] coUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 193

them the lands and villages, those that he wished to grant to

them being very prosperous and abundant. ~

_ These things and others having been disposed of, the

viceroy arranged to go in person against that king, and to

make an end of destroying him once for all for the greater

security of those territories : because he was so bad and cruel,

that at the gate of his palace our people found a very huge

block on which every day he ordered many of his vassals

to be beheaded ; and to do this it was not necessary to have

many trials or proofs of crimes, since there sufficed for it a

very little story, and even a suspicion, imagination, or dream.

After having got ready everything that he needed for the expedi-

tion, he left some captains of vessels in guard of the city, and

_ of the bishop of Cochim, who remained there with the deputy

provincial of St. Francis and some friars of his order, whe with

that zeal that they always had for the things of our religion

and increase of our holy Catholic faith began to convert some

natives and to baptize with great love and charity. The

viceroy went marching towards the fortress in the same order

in which he entered the city, Luis de Mello da Sylva leading the

van, and in the middle all the baggage and artillery, with

which the fortress was to be assailed ; and on arriving in

sight of it, there came to him the spies that he had sent out, —

who told him that in that hour the king had departed from

there, as he did not dare to await him, and that the fortress

was abandoned.

Upon this good news the viceroy Dom Constantino entered

the fortress amid great rejoicings and salvos of harquebusery,

‘and ordered the banner with the arms of Portugal to be hoisted

on the battlements, taking possession of it peacefully, as his

father the duke Dom Gemez had formerly done of the famous

city of Azamor in Africa. That day he lodged in the fortress,

and on the next he ordered through a general council that the

king should be pursued, since he was fleeing in disorder, until

they had him in their hands, and that for this purpose there

should go four captains, Luis de Mella da Sylva, Martim

Afonso de Miranda, Goncalo Falca6, and Ferna6é de Sousa de

Castellobranco. And because there began to be doubts and

differences amongst them regarding the command and rule, -

_ the viceroy delivered to them three dice, and told them that

each day they were to cast lots, and he that cast most was to

tule that day : on which they were appeased, and that first day

Luis de Mello da Sylva led the van and had the rule without

Jot, since all consented to this.

Thus they went marching, guided by some spies, who from

_ pure malice led them away from the road that the king had

taken, and by one turning after another made them lose three

0) 36-08

194 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

days, until they reached a river! that divides the territories

of Jafanapatad from the kingdom of Trinquinimalle?, which

would be an eight leagues’ march from the fortress®. There

they got tidings that the king had crossed to the other side,

which they likewise immediately did*, and on the other side

they found some forty headless men, who seemed to be

Chingallas® killed that day, by which it appears that the king

was near, and it was not known what that could be ; but as he

was cruel and wicked, it was presumed that he had entertained

some suspicion of them, and for this cause had ordered that

carnage to be wrought amongst them. And on the other side

of the river they came upon a broad road, along which they

marched until they met with narrow ones, which they found

obstructed with large trees that the enemy kept on cutting

down in one place and another in order to hinder our people,

and through these they passed with great.trouble. And as

soon as it was night, they pitched their camp in the spot that

seemed to them best, where they passed the night with great

vigilance. In this manner they marched for five days, meeting

on that road with many villages, where they bought cows,

milk, fowls, and other things.

At the end of these days at the hour of dinner they came in

sight of the king’s arrayal, which was at the top of some fields,

with a large and dense jungle behind it ; and so suddenly did

they come upon him, that he had only time to get upon an

elephant and set off with all his people after him®, leaving in

3 This is the salt lake dividing the Jaffna peninsula from the main-

land. Inthe map of Petrus Plancius it is shown as a river running west

and north-west, and is described as “‘ Rio de Don Constantino o des

Barataron,”’ ‘‘ river of Dom Constantino [where]they routed him’”’ (sic !

—of course the king of Jaffna is meant).

2 Cf. supra, p. 37; C. A. 8. Jl. xi. 529; C. Lit. Reg. iii. 327, iv. 7.

The map of Petrus Plancius does not make the “ Reino de Triquilemale ”’

reach to the “river ’”’ aforesaid.

’ The distance from Jafina town to Elephant Pass by the present

road is about 33 miles, so that Couto’s estimate is about right.

4 These were probably the first Europeans to set foot in the Vanni.

& At this period there was probably a larger Sinhalese population in

the Vanni than is the case at present (c/. Lewis’s Manual of the Vanni

Districts, chap. vii.). .

6 In the map of Petrus Plancius a bare-legged king with a spear in

his hand is shown riding on a bare-backed elephant. If this is meant

for the king of Jaffna, the cartographer is far out, having located him

south-west of Jaffna; moreover, he seems to be making for Mannar.

Just north of him is shown a road reaching almost across Ceylon, which

is described as ‘‘ Camino id est via regia.”

No. 60.—1908.] coUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 195

the place where they were the pots with the food on the fire.

Our captains, who were full of the desire to encounter him,

as soon as they saw the camp, thinking that the king would

wait for them, advanced to attack him in form of battle ; and

on reaching that place they found all that they had for dining,

and the rice still hot, which our people appreciated much.

And as the sun was at its height, they lay down there and

rested from the fatigue of the march ; and taking counsel as

to what they should do, they resolved that they would fortify

themselves very strongly there and remain, and would send

word to the viceroy of all that had occurred, and that what he

should determine should be done, because there they were

safe, and in the villages that were near were cows and other

things with which they could sustain themselves until the

viceroy sent them supplies. And thus they did, dispatching

the message forthwith in haste, which as soon as the viceroy

received, he immediately sent by all the sailors cf the armada

much rice, munitions, and other things, and wrote them to

remain there until they got his reply, which they did. :

That king, seeing his kingdom lost and himself pursued

by our people so far that they had driven him out of his

territories, thought it the wisest course to send and beg peace

of the viceroy, and offer him what he asked for, before losing

everything, and he therefore at once dispatched his ambassa-

dors, whom the viceroy heard; and having come to terms,

they concluded peace with the following conditions and

articles :—That the king should remain in his kingdom as

before, and should after his manner swear vassalage to the

king of Portugal, with certain tribute of which we can find no

record; and that he should deliver up to him at once all the

treasure that he took from Tribuli Pandar, and his daughter-

in-law the wife of the king of Cota1; and that in pledge of

fulfilling this he should cede the hereditary prince. The terms

having been agreed to and signed, he at once ceded the prince,

whom the viceroy sent to the fleet safely guarded. Whilst

this was in treaty, which was more than a fortnight, our

captains who had gone in pursuit of the king suffered such

hunger and want, through the rice that was sent to them being

finished, and the villages depopulated from fear, that it was

necessary for the captains to disperse the soldiers by bands

to go to the villages to seek some things to eat ; and both from

hunger and fatigue the greater part of them fell sick; and those

that remained in the city did not escape these troubles, nor

those .of the company of the viceroy, who in this emergency

arranged as best he could, and ordered all the invalids to be

1 See supra, p. 176.

196 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON), [Vou. XX.

brought into the fortress, where many died, and the rest con-

valesced very slowly, owing to their lacking remediest.

The viceroy, having obtained possession of the prince,

proceeded to the river at the extremity of the territories, and

sent to recall the captains that were on the other side, and

there he waited more than a fortnight, during which there

were delivered to him the things that by the treaty of peace

that king had promised him, which might amount to some

eighty thousand cruzados; and he also handed over some

olas in which were entered descriptions of the places in

Cota in which the treasures of Tribuli Pandar had been buried.

At this time there came to see the viceroy Joao Fernandez

Correa, captain of Negapatad, who when he had there received

the viceroy’s letters had immediately sent him many vessels

1The physician Dimas Bosque, who, as I have mentioned above

(p. 183, note *), accompanied this expedition, refers to this outbreak

of sickness amongst the Portuguese in Jaffna, and the means adopted

to cure it. The passage is so interesting that I give it almost in full.

In Garcia da Orta’s fifty-eighth Cologuio Dimas says :—‘‘ When the

viceroy Dom Constantino was in Jafanapatam, what with the con-

tinuous labours of the war, and the much wet to which the men were

constantly exposed, and the lack of provisions, much people fell sick of

fluxes, the cure of all of whom passed through my hands, there being no ©

other physician in the armada. And as the medicimes that had been

taken from here [Goa] had already been used up in the island of Manar,

with the sick on two ships from the kingdom [see infra, p. 202, note 1],

who arrived there in such bad condition that in the space of forty days

I cured some three hundred men ; and afterwards not having where-

with to relieve the fluxes, which were causing such trouble to the army,

I found it necessary and was forced to experiment with what I had

heard from the people of the coustry of these quinces ; and with them

I cured many persons, ordering to make jellies, and plasters for the

stomach and belly. I also ordered to make marmalade, which did not

taste bad, but on the contrary had a very pleasant acid flavour; I

ordered the sick to eat them roasted with sugar ; and I likewise ordered

to make, during the time that these fluxes lasted, clysters from the

decoction of the shells, and they had an effect not very different from

the balausties and styptic things that we use here ; in such wise that,

with these quinces as we call them, the lack of other medicines was

remedied. One thing I cannot omit to tell you, which happened to me

with these quinces. Augustinho Nunez, son of Lionardo Nunez, chief

physician of these realms, had many of his soldiers sick ; and I ordered

a black of his to roast two quinces, to give to an invalid soldier;”’ (they

burst in the fire, and burnt the black severely). These quinces (mar-

melos) were, of course, the bael or beli-gedi, much used by the natives

in cases of dysentery. While with this expedition Dimas Bosque also

made dissections of dugongs (see G, da Orta ii. 385-6).

No. 60.—1908.] coUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 197

laden with rice, with which the armada was provided ; and after

that he set out with some vessels in order to take part in that

expedition, whom the viceroy receiv d very cordially, and

bestowed upon him honours and favours.

At about the same time there arrived three of the most

respected and oldest inhabi‘ants of the town of Sad Thome

with the reply to the letters that the viceroy had written to

them regarding the transference to the kingdom of Jafana-

patao, by whom they all sent him great excuses for not doing

what he had sent to ask them to do: because when they

finally set about to embark, it was very hard for all to leave

their houses, oarts', lands, and gardens, which had belonged

_ to their ancestors, and which they had cultivated for so many

years since; and that moreover it was not proper that

that country should be depopulated where was the body of the

blessed apostle Saint Thomas, which every day resplended

with new miracles, with which they lived contented and

consoled? : begging his pardon humbly for this. And as the

viceroy had already been informed of everything by letters

from Fernad Gomez Cordovil, he would neither see nor speak

to these men, and at the end of many days he gave them an

ill dispatch.®

Dec. VII., Br. 1x., CHAP. iv.

Of the rising that took place against our people in Jafanapatao :

and of the siege that they iaid to the fortress : and of how the

wiceroy escaped from the conspiracy, and retired by sea to

the armada : and of the succour that he sent to the fortress,

the captain of which was Dom Antonio de Noronha: and

of what happened to him on the expedition.

‘Things being in this state, and the viceroy waiting for that

king to complete the delivery to him of the treasures of

Tribuli (because, from the information that he had, he hoped

to get more than three hundred thousand cruzados), the

natives of the whole of that kingdom hatched a general con-

Spiracy against our people; and neither the cause nor the

author of it was ever known, but it was on this wise. All

being quite unsuspicious, of a sudden on the same day and at

the same time they attacked the places where our people were,

and all those that they found were put to the sword, without

anyone’s heing spared. The bishop Dom Jorge Temudo,

1 Coconut gardens (see Hob.-Job. s.v.).

a The first reason was the real one; the second a mere excuse to try

_ and pacify the viceroy, who saw through it.

* For their sad fate see next chapter.

198 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

who was in the city, miraculously escaped falling into their

hands, and with great trouble and risk to his person escaped

to the vessels, several of our people however being killed there,

and in the neighbouring villages all that they found (being for

the most part Christians of the country, servants of Portuguese

and compradores!). Those that attacked the fortress and the

villages thereabouts found the deputy provincial of St. Francis

and some of his fellow friars, who were engaged in making

Christians, and all were put to the sword, suffering a glorious

martyrdom for the faith of Christ our Lord : for so zealou:

was the bishop in this work of conversion, that he would

not allow his catechumens to be meddled with; and if anyone

caused them any annoyance or injury, he flew into a great rage

and fulminated, saying that they were not to meddle with his

angelets : the which they took in such ill part, that they strove

hard to get him into their power”.

After these conspirators had attacked every place and done

the evils that we have mentioned, they all united, and pro-

ceeded to lay siege to the fortress, where Fernao de Sousa de

Castellobranco already was, whom the viceroy Dom Con-

stantino had sent as captain of it, but who was ill, and began.

to make many assaults on it. Those that remained to attack

the place where the viceroy Dom Constantino was* were so cun-

ning as to send into his camp some blacks who a few days before

had taken on the guise of domestics ; and as they knew that

the viceroy Dom Constantino was devoted to the chase,

through his having on several days gone on it around there,

on the day of the general conspiracy they led him to believe

that in a jungle near there were some deer, in order to bring

him to that place, where they intended to fall upon him from

an ambush ; and as the viceroy was much interested in this,

he went with a few persons to look for the deer, in which he

occupied the greater part of the day, and returned towards

evening, without any disaster’s happening to him ; and after

the general conspiracy was known of, it was surmised that the

viceroy escaped in that expedition that he made, either

because of their not daring to set upon him through fear, or

because the spies had mistaken the day. But the most

probable is, that our Lord God blinded them, and delivered

the viceroy: for if they had attacked him, all would have

been lost, and not one of our people would have escaped, of

as many as were in that kingdom, just.as the three inhabitants

of Saé Thome did not escape, of whom we have related above

1 Buyers or brokers (see Hob.-Job. s.v.).

2 One of the causes of the insurrection is thus easily seen.

3 At Elephant Pass (see previous chapter, p. 196).

No. 60.—1908.] courTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 199

that the viceroy Dom Constantino gave them an ill dispatch :

for that same day they left him, and on the road were murdered.

with all their servants.

Of all this the viceroy was quite unaware, when on the morning

of the following day he learnt the truth and certainty of the

calamity that had occurred ; and fearing other treacheries,

he dispatched the captains of the companies to go along the

river, by a road deviating from the ordinary one, and he

embarked in some manchuas!, which he had there always for

service, so that communication with the armada might be

quicker for him, because at that part the land went curving

inland, and formed a bay, whereby the sea was for him a less

distance than by land.

And after reaching the city, when he learnt of what had

happened, and how the fortress was besieged and in great

_. straits, he immediately dispatched Dom Antonio de Noronha

Catarras with four hundred men divided into companies, the

captains of which were Joad Fernandez Correa, captain of

Negapatao, and Andre de Villalobos, to go and succour the

fortress, giving them orders to withdraw all that was in it

and abandon it, because it was resolved in council that since

the inhabitants of Sa6 Thome did not wish to come and

occupy that city, they should not saddle themselves with a

thing that might afterwards give trouble to the state.

And to withdraw all that was in the fortress Dom Antonio

de Noronha took all the sailors, servants, and slaves of the

armada (because there were in the fortress more than two

_ hundred sick, who could not retire on foot). And whilst Dom

Antonio is on the march, we shall give an account of the

events that took place in the fortress during this time.

lt having been besieged by all the insurgents, they deter-

mined to take it by storm, because they well knew that the

viceroy was sure to send help to it ; and before they did so,

they wished to make certain of this business, wherefore they

prepared very long ladders of areca trees ; and whilst they

were making them, some of them by night came to speech with

our people, and told them that the viceroy was dead and all

that were with him, that therefore they must not expect help,

and that if they surrendered they would spare their lives, but

if not they must know that they would all be impaled. They

answered them from above that they lied like dogs and curs as

they were, that they had already received news of the viceroy

_ (which was not the case, nor did they know how things went

there), and that they were the ones who would have to pay for

that impudence very soon. And because these who spoke

1 Large cargo boats (see Hob.-Job. 8.v.).

200 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

with our people were those that were on the work of the ladders

which were being made at a little distance where the arrayal

was, Fernad de Sousa one night got ready sixty men camisated

so as to recognize each other, who in the daybreak watch

sallied forth in dead silence; and falling upon them of a

sudden, they cut them down at their will, with such quickness

that they tasted death before they perceived our people, and they

took from them the ladders, with which they returned safely.

Dom Antonio de Noronha, who was going to succour them, ~

went marching, Joao Fernandez Correa leading the van, and

all along the road they kept fighting with the enemy, who

rushed upon them from ambushes ; and he kept such order,

that he did not allow a single soldier to fall out until they came _

in sight of the fortress (which was on the day following their

daylight victory of the ladders). The enemy seeing the succour

took themselves off. That day and night Dom Antonio de

Noronha spent in arranging for the abandonment of the fortress

in connection with the things that had to be carried away,

which were many, in respect of the manner in which the

servants that there were should divide them.

On the morning of the following day he intrusted the sick to _

the sailors that he had selected for that purpose, and dragged

out all the artillery there was, excepting only one large iron

piece, which it was not possible to take away, which he

ordered to be loaded with powder to the mouth, and fire set

to it ; and as it did not burst, he ordered it to be thrown into a

deep well, so that the enemy should not make use of it. And

amongst the things that Dom Antonio de Noronha found in

the fortress was an imperial dais, that was used by those

kings at their most solemn feasts, which had many steps,

all carved and inlaid with ivory, and of such costly and curious —

workmanship, that the viceroy had: ordered it to be guarded

very carefully, in order to convey it to the king Dom Sebastiao

for the day when he should take the sceptre?, it being an imperial

seat, and of much majesty, and as such he commended it much

to Dom Antonio de Noronha, who strove all he could to carry

it away entire; but it was not possible, on account of its

being a vecy large structure. So, in order to bring away some

part of it as a specimen of its grandeur, he ordered the top to be

taken off (which was the most costly part), and intrusted it to

persons of confidence to carry.

These things having been divided amongst the servants,

Dom Antonio de Noronha began to march in this order :—

Fernaé de Sousa de Castellobranco in the vanguard with his

' Dom Sebastiado was at this time only six years of age, as stated above

(p. 180, note ).

No. 60.—1908.| coUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 201

company, and Dom Antonio de Noronha in the rearguard,

and in the middle the baggage and the sick, and further back

Joao Fernandez Correa, captain of Negapataod, who had with

him Ayres Falca6, and on the outside the chief justice Henrique

Jaques with a number of slaves to aid those that got tired.

Thus they went marching, and the enemy behind yapping

and discharging many fire-bombs and musket shots, and

great flights of arrows, our people not slacking their pace,

although some soldiers wanted to get at them.

And having crossed a beautiful meadow, through which the

enemy continued to pursue them, at the end of it, where some

embankments were being made, thirty or forty soldiers remained

on the other side hidden by them : and as the enemy saw the

companies pass on in the order that they observed, they went

alter them, not fearing the embankments; and on arriving at

these and beginning to pass them, the liers in ambush rushed

out upon them so suddenly that without their being able

to turn they killed more than fifty of them; and Ayres

Falca6, who went behind almost limping, on seeing our people

remaining, hastening to the fray attacked them, and succeeded

in putting them to the rout, and thenceforth they appeared

no more. ‘The viceroy received Dom Antonio de Noronho

and all the rest very warmly, and forthwith set about to

embark, ordering to be put on the prince of Jafanapatado, who

was a hostage, certain handsome fetters lined with crimson

velvet, in order to hold him more securely, and gave him in

: custody of the captain of a vessel.

Drc.. VII., Br. 1x., CHAP. v.

Bees of how the viceroy Dom Constantino erected a fortress

2 mn the island of Manar, and left for Cochim.

The viceroy being just about to embark, being no longer able

to do anything there, the country being disturbed, they saw

from the land two very fine ships coming with all their sails

set, one in front of the other, and then they saw them both

at once strike sail and anchor, without knowing what ships

they were. And before we treat of these ships (which were

from the kingdom) we shall give an account of the armada that

the king sent to India this year of 1560, and of the things

for which he ordered provision to be made!. ......

** ok x * * Xe 2

: 1 The fleet took out the first archbishop of Goa and the first inquisi-

_ tors for India (see infra, p. 212, note *, p. 213, note *).

202 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

The two ships Castello and Drago likewise experienced much

trouble, and not till the end of November did they come in

sight of the land on the inner side of Cape Comorim ; and as it

appeared to the pilot to be that of Panane towards Cochim, he

went steering southwards in sight of land, the galleon Drago

going in advance sounding ; and as_ he was already almost

on the shoals of Manar, she ran into five fathoms, whereupon

she at once struck her sails, and anchored almost at the edge

of the shoal; and the ship Castello, which was following,

seeing that the Drago had lowered her yards, did the same

with the same haste, and cast anchor, and miraculously

escaped grounding on the shoals. These were the ships that

our people saw from the land; and the viceroy Dom Con- |

stantino dispatched in great haste some light vessels, which

towed them out; and setting sail they went to Cochim!, it

being already December, and the veador da fazenda Belchior

Serrao at once took in hand their repair and the cargo that

they had to take.

And because the captain-major Dom Jorge de Sousa carried

much goods, and the time was very short, he resolved to

remain in India with his ship?, and went to Goa in it, after the —

arrival of the viceroy at Cochim; who after he had no more

to do in Jafanapata6o crossed over to the island of Manar,

which was near to that coast, where he disembarked, and

observed its situation ; and he resolved with the fidalgos of

his council to erect a fortress there®, and to transfer to

it the captain of the Fishery Coast with all the inhabit-

ants of Punicale. And he immediately ordered the work

to be taken in hand, and sent word to Manoel Rodriguez

Coutinho, captain of the Fishery Coast, to come with all the

inhabitants of Punicale, so that that naique should offer

them no more insults, besides those that we described a little

1 Jt is not easy to reconcile Couto’s account of the movements of these

two vessels with the statement of Dimas Bosque quoted above (p. 196,

note +) that the ships arrived at the island of Mannar and stayed there

at least forty days, while their sick were being cured. We can only

suppose that when the viceroy and those with him saw the ships they

were on their way from Mannar to Cochin after their stay at that island.

It is, however, curious that Dimas, one of the two physicians with the

expedition, should have been away in Mannar instead of attending to

the sick soldiers in Jaffna.

2 The Castello.

3 Though the Portuguese had probably made calls at Mannar on

many occasions ere this, they had as yet no permanent settlement in

the island.

No. 60.—1908.] couUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 203

ago!; and then he ordered the work to be pushed on; and on

receiving the message of the viceroy Dom Constantino, Manoel

Rodriguez Coutinho, with all the inhabitants of Punicale,

crossed over to that place with much satisfaction and joy’.

And after the viceroy had given regulations for the new

fortress?, in which were left monks of St. Francis and of the

Company of Jesus, who established their houses there, and |

have reaped much fruit for Christianity*, leaving everything

very well settled, he left for Cochim to write to the kingdom,

and dispatched Balthesar Guedes de Sousa as captain of the

fortress of Columbo, and Ceila6, where was Dom Jorge de

Meneses Baroche, whom he recalled, and by him he sent to the

1 The reference is to VII. vi. xi., in which Couto relates *“‘ how

‘Bisminaique, lord of all the Fishery Coast, came with a great force

against the fortress of Punicalle, the captain of which was Manoel

_ Rodrigues Coutinho: and of how he defeated him, and captured that

fortress ’’ (which, as Couto explains, was only a mud-waill enclosure).

The Portuguese were allowed to go to Tuticorin on promise of a ransom,

a Jesuit father being left as hostage. In VI. x. ix. we are told of a pre-

vious attack (in 1553) on the “ fortress’ by a Turk, when the same

nayak took advantage to make the Portuguese prisoners, releasing

them on ransom. Manoel Rodrigues Coutinho was captain then also.

There it is said :—‘‘ This town of Ponicale stands on a point of land,

which was cut at one part and formed an island (because it was quite

surrounded by water).’’ In the map of Ceylon and the Coromandel

coast in D. Lopes’s Hist. dos Port. no Malabar the place is shown just

below Caile (Kayal), about half way between Tuticorin and Manapad.

Regarding its situation and history see Caldwell’s History of Tinnevelly

(1881) 37, 42, 72.

2 The inhabitants of Punnaikkayal were paravars, converts of Xavier

and his companions ; and the natives of Mannar had also been converted

to Romanism by the same means (see C. A. 8. Jl. xi. 507). The

** satisfaction and joy ’’ do not seem to have endured ; for the anony-

mous author of Primor e Honra says (91) :—‘“* The viceroy D. Constan-

tino seeing this ordered to build the fortress of Manar, where he ordered

to reside the captain of the Fishery, and transferred thither the

Christians that they might be secure from the tyrannies, assaults, and

robberies of the heathens ; but on account of the land’s being dry and

unhealthy most of them returned to the Fishery Coast and to the same

Ponicale, where, as Virapanayaque was a better man than his father

Bizaminaique, and as the fathers of the Company had there a house

with a superior of that coast and the succour of Manar was near, the

place was once more populated by married Portuguese with their wives

and children as before.”’

8 Faria y Sousa, in connection with the events here recorded, gives

a plan of Mannar ; but at what date this was drawn, does not appear.

* Cf. Bald. xliv. (Eng. trans.).

204 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

king of Cota his grandmother and other relatives that the

king of Jafanapatao had delivered up to him, and the prince

he ordered to be taken to Goa, in charge of Pero Lopez Rebello!.

And after making provision for everything that was necessary,

he set sail for Cochim, where he arrived in a few days; and

there we shall leave him for a little, because it is necessary

for us to continue with the events that took place during this

time in Ceila6, in order that we may “ollow the order of

history.

Dec. VII., BK. tx., CHAP. vi.

Of the events that took place at this tume in Ceilad: and of the

wart at Dom Jorge Baroche waged against Madune : and

of the encounters that they had, and combats that took place :

and of some honourable feats that happened therein to

some of our people.

The events of this year, being so many, do not allow us to

continue with them in order ; and those that took place at the

beginning of this summer? we cannot dispose of in any other

place than this, because so they will fall in with us better.

Madune did not cease to continue at war with his brother the

king of Cota, towards whom he bore a deadly hatred, and

sought to deprive him of the kingdom (as we have several

times said®), in which our people always favoured him of Cota.

And now Afonso Pereira de Lacerda, captain of Columbo,

was continually in the field to prevent Madune from entering

his territories, having many encounters with his captains, in ~

which there was loss on both sides (of which we do not make

mention, because they were so frequent, that it would be an

endless business to relate them). Suffice it thatthe encounter

with the enemy was always in order that he might not come

and lay siege to that city of Cota, in which the king was with

some Portuguese, and all by dint of assaults by day and by

night, in which our people suffered many hardships : because

as the enemy were in their own territories, and had all supplies

1 This is the last we hear of the prince in Couto’s pages.

2 By “‘ the beginning of this summer,”’ it is to be presumed, is meant

September 1559; but, as I said above (p. 178, note '), Couto seems to

have omitted some years, or run the events of several together.

* So many times, that here Couto repeats the formula almost verba-

tim, without even altering ‘“‘ brother”? to “ grand-nephew.” (He

makes the same error in VII. x. xiv. and xix., pp. 214, 222).

No. 60.—1908.| coOUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 205

at home, they recruited themselves every time they wished ;

and if they lost ten men, they reinforced with a hundred

in their place, which our people could not do, since their

supplies came to them from India by the monsoons and with

trouble ; and if some were killed or wounded, there were no

others to put in their place, but on the contrary, those that

remained supplied that want in such manner that they

experienced the greatest straits and risks imaginable, ever

carrying on the war, lest all should be lost. And in one

encounter that Afonso Pereira de Lacerda had before the

arrival of Dom Jorge Baroche, he was completely routed, and

lost several soldiers!, wherefore it was necessary for him to

send to beg for help from Manar, whence there came to his

assistance Jorge de Mello the Fist, captain of that fortress?,

with some soldiers, among whom were Joad d’ Abreu the Devil,

and three brothers, Diogo, Andre, and Christavao Juzarte?,

sons of Joao Juzarte Ticad, and Dom Manuel de Crasto, Gaspar

Pereira the Long*, who was afterwards appointed to the

captaincy of Chaul, which he did not care to accept, Fernad

Perez Dandrade, and other fidalgos and knights, who dis-

tinguished themselves greatly in this war, and did things

worthy of eternal remembrance.

Things were in this state when in October past® there

arrived at that island Dom Jorge Baroche, whom the viceroy

Dom Constantino had appointed to that captaincy, as has

been mentioned above®, who brought many supplies, munitions

and provisions, and nearly two hundred soldiers, among

whom were also many fidalgos and knights, whose names we

cannot learn. And having taken command of the fortress of

Columbo, he immediately proceeded with all the troops he

1The Rdjdvaliya (86) records the invasion and subjection of the

Matara district (in 1558?) by Manampéri mudaliydr with a Sinhalese

and Portuguese army, which, however, was subsequently totally defeated

with great loss at Denépitiya by Mayadunné’s forces under the command

of Vikramasinha mudali, Manampériand many others being killed. The

version in Valentyn (Ceylon 81-2) has it that they were taken prisoners

to Sitavaka.

2 There seems to be a double error here. In the first place, there

was no fortress at Mannar before December 1560 (see p. 202, note *) ;

and in the second place, this Jorge de Mello was not captain of that

fortress until some years later (see infra, VII. x. xv., p. 219, note ?, and

VIII. iii., p. 233).

* The first of these we have met with before, in VII. m1. v. (p. 177).

* We shall meet with this man again, in VII. x. xv. (p. 219).

® This must mean October 1559.

® See p. 179.

206 JOURNAL, R'A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XX.

had to Cota, where was the king, with whom he discussed the

matters of the war. And learning that Madune was in the

tranqueira of Mapitigad! on the Calane river, he proceeded,

with all his forces and those of the king, to station himself on

the opposite bank, and continued the war, making assaults on

the enemy, in which he caused them much loss, and not

without some on our side, because there were also some

wounded.

Thus this war continued, being so troublesome, dangerous,

and toilsome, and above all Dom Jorge so indefatigable

and so impatient with the soldiers, that they began to desert

him a few at a time and return to Cota. This fidalgo was a

very good knight, as we have several times said, but so hasty ©

and choleric, that he was held by all as very ill to brook ; and

besides this he was so vain, that he highly commended some

soldiers who addressed him as “ your lordship,” and said

that the courtesy looked very well. In connection with this

there is told a good story of a soldier named Antonio Nicolas,

a good horseman, who happened to be in his time in these Ceilao

wars : the viceroy Dom Constantino being in Cochim this

summer that is coming in due time, after the return from —

Ja‘anapataod (of which we shall presently give an account

further on?), this Antonio Nicolas went to his galley to ask

some favour of him, and it happened to be at the time that

Dom Jorge Baroche was with him ; and the soldier in talking

to the viceroy on various matters, addressed him always as

““merce’’?; and referring to Dom Jorge as a witness to his

services, he said to the viceroy: “Here is his lordship,”

pointing to Dom Jorge, ‘‘ who knows this very well, and saw

me fight’ : which highly amused the viceroy, because he already

knew about his acts of vanity and his nature. During the

war he uttered many very witty quips, some of which we have

related in the Sixth Decade’, and we must now not omit one

that was very neat ; it was as follows :—When he was sailing

as captain of a galley, going after certain paraos, it being the

breakfast hour, a soldier asked the steward for an onion ;

and Dom Jorge hearing him replied with much anger: “ What

is this, soldier ? Do you ask for luxuries on my galley? There

1 Mapitigama, on the right bank of the Kelani river, south-east of

Malvana (cf. supra, p. 99, note *).

2 That is, of the events of the ‘“‘ summer ”’ in which the return from

Jaffna took place. The incident here recorded occurred probably in

February 1561.

° Vossa mercé is the ordinary polite term in Portuguese addressed to

persons of all classes.

* See VI. v. vi. and vii.

No. 60.—1908.] cOUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 207

is nothing in it but powder andshot’’!?. But with all this, this

fidalgo was one of the best captains and knights, and a servant

of the king, that went out to India.

But to resume the thread of our history. Dom Jorge

Baroche, seeing that the soldiers were deserting him little by

little, left Jorge de Mello the Fist in his place, and went to

Cota to make the men return; and whilst he was detained

there Jorge de Mello thought he would make an assault on the

enemy ; and getting ready, he set out one morning in perfect

silence, and fell upon the entrenchments of Raju, the bastard

son of Madune, and by force of arms entered them and caused

great havoc among the enemy, killing the chief modihares

that were there, and capturing many arms and other spoils,

with which he retired quite safely. This news reached Dom

Jorge Baroche ; and filled with envy at such a victory, he

mustered all the soldiers he could, and set out in great haste

for the camp; and finding the soldiers in good spirits, and

flushed. with their success, he at once crossed over to the other

side of the river in the foists, and at daybreak next day attacked

the tranquetras, which Raju had already restored very well? ;

and. with that frenzy and desire that possessed him to gain

some honour he speedily effected an entrance to them, and

with the sword caused such destruction among the enemy,

that in a brief space he killed more than two hundred of them,

among whom were the chief modiliares and araches, and laid

_the whole of the tranqueira level with the ground, and destroyed

it. And with such a good success, which cost him no more

than a few wounded, Dom Jorge Baroche returned so elated

and vainglorious, that he forthwith determined to attack the

tranquetra of Mapitigao, in which was the whole force of Madune,

before the blood dried on the swords of his soldiers, because

he was informed that the enemy were much dispirited and

terrified by those two blows ; since it was recognized that if he

gained that tranqueira and fortified himself therein, he would

become master of the roads to Ceitavaca, in which Madune

resided, and by only being therein he would hold him besieged,

and would be able to wage against him all the war he chose

to. For this purpose he ordered to be made two wooden

castles on the top of some boats that ply those rivers, which

are called padds*, and in them placed some soldiers with many

1 Whiteway (301 n.) tells this story, but puts rather more vigorous

language into Dom Jorge’s mouth.

2 One of the three destroyed by D. Jorge de Castro in 1550 (see

supra, VI. vill. vii., pp. 137-8): which one this was, does not appear.

8 Pada-boats (Sinh. pddawal) seem to be confused with lighters

(Sinh. padaw). We shall meet with them again in X. VII. xii. (p. 282).

208 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

pots of powder, fire-bombs, and other contrivances and

materials, to go by the river and invest the tranqueira, and he

with all the army crossed over from the other side, leaving

orders for the foists to tow the castles until they were alongside

of the tranqueira. And the signal having been given at the

hour of attack, the foists began to row up the river with the

castles ; and when they were already near the tranqueira, they

fired upon them with a camello', which struck the foist that

was in front inthe prow, and the ball went tearing its way

through the middle of it as far as the poop, killing

more than twenty sailors whom it took in line who were

hauling at certain roqueiras, and knocked them all to pieces.

Upon this the vessels stopped, and Dom Jorge ordered to

signal to them to turn about, which he also did, because he

knew that all that were in the castles were certain to have been

terrified by that mishap?.

1A kind of cannon.

2 Petereros or stone-guns.

3 The events recorded in this chapter and the next are described

differently and with some detail in the Rajdvaliya (86-8), but the

Sinhalese chronicler has reversed the order of the engagements. He

begins with the curious statement (86) that “‘ king Mayadunné died

after he had reigned 70 [!] years,” and continues:—‘ On hearing of

king Mayddunné’s death, king Dharmapala came out with the army of

Kotté and the Portuguese force, and halted at the place called Ma-

édanda. The next day they marched to the village Wéragoda and

halted there.” Valentyn (who, as I have said before, had a much

correcter version of the Rdjdvaliya) says (Ceylon 82):—“* Hereupon the

Portuguese sent a famous captain, who encamped at the small pass of

Naclagam [Pass Nakolagama adjoins Wéragoda], and from there slowly ~

pushed onwards, conquering all that opposed him. This happened at

a time when the king of Majadune, now grown very old, had

already given over the kingdom of Sita-vaca to his son Raja Singa, and

had placed him on the throne of Majadune.”” As a fact, we find from

both the Portuguese and the Sinhalese histories that Mayadunné now

falls into the background, Raja Sinha exercising authority and leading

the troops. (Cf. the statement of Cesare Federici quoted infra, p. 242,

note *.) I shall return to the subject of Mayadunné’s death when

dealing with X. vit. xiii. (see p. 272, note?). The affair described in the

concluding part of the above chapter is evidently the same as that

recorded on p. 88 of the Rajdvaliya, where the employment of boats

is mentioned (see the original), though the object for their use is stated

differently. The incident of the firing of the gun (or two guns) at the

foist (called a kattala) and the killing of several sailors (kaldsis—see

Hob.-Job. s.v. “‘ Classy ’’) is also related. According to this account, the

result was far worse for the Portuguese than Couto states. Valentyn

does not record this affair.

No. 60.—1908.| courTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 209

Dec. VII., Br. rx., CHAP. vil.

Of another assault that Dom Jorge made on the enemy, in which

he was totally defeated: and of some honourable feats

that happened therein to some of our people.

Dom Jorge remained there some days waiting for a favour-

able opportunity, until he was notified that Raju was in a

meadow near the tranqueira! with three or four thousand men.

And desiring to meet him in battle, he ordered his men to get

ready one day in the daybreak watch, and an hour before dawn

he fell of a sudden upon his encampments, and in such wise

were they attacked by our people, that before they were aware

of them more then a hundred felt the edge of their swords and

were left lying there, and the rest at this surprise vacated the

encampments; and Raju with as many as he could collect

went retreating across the meadow, with Dom Jorge Baroche

following in pursuit, in which our harquebusery knocked.over

another quantity of them, until they had driven them out of

the meadow and penned them inside a hollow, where they made

themselves secure. Dom Jorge Baroche arrived there, and

seeing the place in which Raju thought to fortify himself

determined to take it.-and so complete the victory. But there

came to him a soldier named Pero Jorge, and said to him that he

should be content with the favour that God had shown him,

and should retire, because already ammunition was wanting,

and there was nothing with which to load the firelocks, and

that he did not wish that there should befall them a disaster.

But Dom Jorge Baroche, being puffed up with that victory,

answered him very angrily that they might load the firelocks

with sand, or they might be able to win the victory with the

sword ; and seeking to attack the pass, he saw that his soldiers

had begun to retire (because in truth they had no more powder

or bullets) ; and being unable to do anything else, he followed

them, getting them into order, because he saw that they were

already in disarray. Raju, who was a sagacious leader, and.

well versed in engagements, understanding the situation in

which our people were, rushed with his troops after them,

and attacked them with such force and speed, that he threw

them into confusion; and Dom Jorge Baroche, with the

fidalgos and knights that followed him, was forced to turn

upon the enemy many times, lest they should be entirely cut

up. And in this strait he arrived at a pass that lay at the end

1 Where the respective forces were, it is not easy to tell ; but judging

by what the Rdjdvaliya says (88), it would seem that they were some-

where in the vicinity of Raggahawatta, wherever that was (see my

note in C. A. S. Jl. xviii. 271-2).

P 36--08

210 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XX.

of the meadow, which he found impeded with large trees, which

the enemy had cut down and thrown across there in order to

embarrass them. Here Dom Jorge was detained in giving

orders for clearing the road, which could not be done so quickly

but that there came up the war elephants that Madune had

already sent in aid of his son, and one of them approached

Dom Jorge to lift him up in its trunk ; but a soldier named

Pedralvarez Freire, a native of Lamego, seeing the elephant

over Dom Jorge, went at it, with some foot-soldiers that

it carried!, saying to them: “ Here, lads;”’ and raising his

harquebus to his face, he discharged it in that of the elephant,

and made it turn back with the pain of the wound upon its own

people, trampling on some of them, and Dom Jorge had time

to escape. Then came other elephants (it was these that put

our men to the rout) ; and one of them attacking the ensign

of Dom Jorge’s company, he reversed the staff on which he

carried the banner, and thrust it into its forehead, where it

broke off; but not even thus did he escape; for as it was

possessed with that fury, it threw its trunk round him, and in

its rage flung him down and tore him in pieces. Another

elephant came to another soldier, called Gregoris Botelho,

a veteran soldier in India, and born there, who seeing it upon

him turned upon it with great courage and thrust a halberd

into its forehead with such force, that with the pain of the

wound he made it desist, whereby he had time to get to the

other side of the embankment.

Here in this passage were killed many of our people, who

fought very bravely, first taking a great revenge for the death

they had to suffer. And yet this strait in this pass was more

bearable and less perilous ; but as the enemy were so many,

several araches with their companies made a détowr, and went

to other passes to block the road to our people: and thus they

found themselves surrounded in that passage ; whereupon Dom

Jorge quite gave himself up for lost ; but it pleased God that

this was already at the end of the meadow, and to give courage

and presence of mind to a soldier, whose name we cannot ascer-

tain, who, seeing the peril in which all our people were, ran toa

base that our people had left there, and put fire to it ; and the

ball was so well directed, that it entered into the midst of the

enemy, and killed a few of them: which being seen by the

rest, thinking that this was an ambush that had been laid for

them there, they halted ; whereupon Dom Jorge (who had not

lost courage) rallied his men anew, and got time to reach the

vessels, which were at hand, in which he embarked, and

* Or “that he had”; I am not sure of the meaning.

No. 60.—1908.] CcOUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 211

crossed over to the other side, having had more than sixty killed

in that passage of the meadow, among whom were some fidalgos,

of whom the only name we remember is that of Joa6é de Mello,

son of Tristao de Mello. Dom Jorge proceeded to his tran-

quetras, so mortified at that loss and disaster, that he threw

himself on the ground, storming and cursing his luck}.

Thenceforward he remained in that place, continuing the

war and the defence of the passes, so that Raji might not

enter the limits of the kingdom of Cota, having several

encounters with the enemy, in which there were aways some

wounded on both sides.

Dec VII, BR. 1x., Crap. x.

ers | ihe viceroy ......: dispatched? some captains

with troops for Ceilao, because there had already come away

from there Dom Jorge de Meneses Baroche, who had left that

captaincy in charge of Balthesar Guedez de Sousa?, who con-

tinued carrying on the war against Raju, as we shall relate

more fully further ont. ......

Dec. VII., Bk. 1x., CHAP. xvii.

Oj how the king of Pegu sent to offer a sum of cold to the viceroy

Dom Constantino for the ape’s tooth that he brought away

from Jafanapataé : and of what the divines resolved regard-

ing this: and of how it was burnt: ......

Martim Afonso de Mello® was in the kingdom of Pegu with

a ship of his doing a trade when the viceroy Dom Constantino

1 There cannot be any doubt, I think, that the engagement de-

scribed in this chapter by Couto is the one recounted so picturesquely

by the writer of the Rdjdvaliya (87-8), which, he says, took place ‘‘on

the field of Mulleriyawa.’’ In this account also the elephants are

mentioned as playing a prominent part. The loss ascribed to the

Portuguese by the Sinhalese historian is, however, manifestly greatly

exaggerated. Valentyn (Ceylon 82) records the affair briefly, and adds,

that their defeat so embittered the Portuguese against Raja Sinha, that

they ‘‘ began to devastate all the lands about Colombo and Cotta, and

to capture all the ports and villages belonging to Ceitavaca, and to

depopulate the seaside villages.”’

* Apparently in February 1561. 3 See supra, p. 203.

* See infra, VII. x. xiv. (p. 219). ° I cannot identify this man.

Pp 2

212 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). Vou. XX.

returned from Jafanapatao ; and that king!, learning that he

had carried off that tooth which all that heathenry held in

such reverence, sent to summon Martim Afonso, and begged

him that as he was going to India he would get the viceroy to

give him that tooth, and he would give him all that he might

ask for it. And men who were acquainted with Pegu, and

knew the great veneration in which they there held that relic

of the devil, asserted that he would give for it three or four

hundred thousand cruzados. And by the advice of Martim

Afonso he appointed some ambassadors to go in his company ~

to the viceroy about that business, and gave them powers

to settle with him whatever he might wish, and he would fulfil

all that they agreed to.

-Martim Afonso having arrived at Goa this past April?, the ©

viceroy ordered the ambassadors to be well received and

entertained, and afterwards heard them regarding that business

on which their king had sent them, and they presented their

credentials, begging him on behalf of that king for that tooth ;

and said that, besides giving him for it all that he might wish,

he would remaia in perpetual friendship with the state, and

would take upon himself the obligation of furnishing the

fortress of Malaca with provisions at all times that it had need -

of them, with many other compliments and promises. The

viceroy told them that he would reply to them soon. And on

discussing these matters with some old captains and fidalgos,

they were all of opinion that he ought to accept such a large offer

as that which they had made him, because by this means he

would help the state, which was in debt and in want ; and so

much did they say about this, that they considered him as

good as persuaded.

As soon as these things came to the ears of the archbishop

Dom Gaspar? he at once hurried to the viceroy and told him

that that tooth could not be ransomed for all the treasure in

the world, because it was contrary to the honour of God our

Lord, and would give occasion to those heathen to idolatrize

it, and to give to that little bone what was due to God alone.

And regarding this he gave him many admonitions, and even

preached about it from the pulpit in the presence of the viceroy

and the whole court ; and as Dom Constantino was a very

1 Bureng Naung (see Phayre’s History of Burma 117-8). The

Burmese annals appear to be silent on the subject of the mission to

Ceylon for the tooth relic.

2 April 1561.

* D. Gaspar de Leado Pereira, first archbishop of Goa, who arrived

in India at the end of 1560 (see supra, p. 201, note !, and cf. p. 179,

note °).

No. 60.—1908.| couTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. ONS

devout Catholic, and God-fearing, and obedient to the prelates,

he did not care to go forward with that business, or to do

anything without a general council. Wherefore he assembled

the archbishop, prelates, and divines of the religious orders,

captains and old fidalgos, and revenue officers, and before

them all explained the case, and the large sum of money that

they had promised him for that tooth ; and represented the

great need in which the state was, which could all be remedied

with that ransom. And the matter having been debated

amongst all those divines, who had already well studied it,

they resolved that that tooth could not be given up, because

it would give occasion to great idolatries, and insults to God

our Lord ; and that that was a sin that could not be com-

mitted, even at the risk of the state and the whole world.

The principal divines that were present were the archbishop,

the inquisitors'!, the father Frei Antonio Pegado, vicar-

general of St. Dominick, Frei Manoel da Serra of the same

order, prior of Goa, the father deputy provincial of St. Francis

and another divine of the same convent, the father Antonio

de Coadros? of the Company of Jesus, provincial of India, the

father Francisco Rodriguez? the Cripplekin‘, of the same

Company, and others.

This having been agreed to, and a contract having been

drawn up, which all signed (a copy of which is in our possession

in the Torre do Tombo®), the viceroy ordered the treasurer to

bring the tooth, and delivered it to the archbishop, whe

there in the presence of all threw it into a mortar, and with his

own hand pounded it and reduced it to fragments, and cast

them into a brasier, which he ordered to be brought for that

purpose, and commanded the ashes and cinders to be thrown

into the midst of the river in the sight of all, who witnessed it

_ from the verandas and windows that looked on to the sea. For

this there was much murmuring against the viceroy, some

saying, that for the heathen to idolatrize there were not

lacking to them other idols, and that of any piece of bone they

could make another tooth in memory of that one, which they

would hold in the same reverence ; and that such a large amount

of gold as they would have given him would have been very good

for the expenses of the state, which was greatly in need ; and

1 Tn VII. tx. v. Couto gives their names as Aleixo Dias Falcaéo and

Francisco Marques Botelho.

—* Regarding him see Miss. dos Jes. 132.

® See Miss. dos Jes. 135.

+O Manquinho.

® At Goa. This document no longer exists (see Gerson da Cunha’s

Hist. of the Tooth Relic 44, note ft).

214 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Von. XX.

so we were told that in Portugal there was much astonishment

at some persons’ consenting to that deed. But by an emblem

or design, which we shall give here, which they had executed

there! with reference to this affair (made, as it appears to me,

by the fathers of the Company), they approved of what he

did, and recorded his great Christianity and zeal for the honour

of God; and the emblem was as follows. They made an

escutcheon, and on it they painted the viceroy and the arch-

bishop at a council table, and around them all the prelates of

the religious houses and the divines that were there present,

and in the midst of all a large burning brasier, and some

heathens with purses in their hands filled with money,

which they were holding out to him, and five letters, like the

first of the name of Dom Constantino, like these, and im- —

mediately below them these five words :—

Cr Ce Care

Constantinus ceeli cupidine cremavit crumenas.

The true signification of which is, setting aside the construc-

tion: “‘ Constantino, with aims in. heaven, rejected the

treasures) Of earths 2a 24. 4. =

*k *K * *B +s 6 *

. Dec. VII., Br. x., CHAP. xiv.

Of the war that Madune ordered to be undertaken against our

fortress of Columbo, and that of Cota, in which was the

king Peria Pandar : and of the actions that took place.

We have many times spoken of how greatly Madune Pandar

desired to capture the kingdom of Cota and seize the king

his brother, in order thus with greater safety to become master

of the whole island. Wherefore he never desisted from the

war, and continually sent his armies, the captain-general

4 In Portugal.

* The translation is certainly free, and the Latin misstates the fact,

since it was the tooth that was cremated, and not the money-bags

(crumenas). This episode has been referred to by many writers, some

praising and others blaming the viceroy (ef. Gerson da Cunha, op. cit.

45-6). Modern writers have doubted the genuineness of the tooth

burnt (see Pyr. ii. 145, note).

No. 60.—1908.] couTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 215

of which was his son Raju Pandar, now against Columbo,

now against the fortress of Cota, where was the king

Peria Pandar!. The captain of Columbo was _ Baltesar

Guedez de Sousa?, who had with him his brother Gongalo

Guedez, both very good captains, with some others that had

come from Goa, such as Nuno Pereira de Lacerda, Simao de

Mello Soarez, Gaspar Goterrez de Vasconcellos, Antonio

Chainho de Crasto, Andre d’Afonseca, Antonio d’Afonseca,

Diogo Fernandez Pirilhao, and others, whom the captain

Baltesar Guedez de Sousa had appointed to various posts.

Raju after having delivered many assaults, now on Ccta,

now on Columbo, determined to besiege Columbo and en-

deavour to take it, and so he laid siege to it with more than

thirty thousand men around the fortress?, and attacked it at

all parts in great force, many times risking his whole power in

order to get the town into his hands ; but it was always defended

against him very well by our people, with many deaths on

each side, and our people many times gave themselves up for

lost ; and in this siege they did so many things and performed

such great deeds of chivalry, that I know not how to parti-

cularize them ; and the assaults were so many, that it is

impossible to make or give a detailed account of them. I shall

only say one thing, that of each day of this siege could be

1 This is the first occasion on which Couto employs this title, one

used by Dharmapala alone, and explained in a document printed in

Col. de Trat. i. 225 as meaning ‘‘ emperor.” It appears to represent

Sinh. parabandara or Tam. periya pandar. (See also supra, p. 155,

note 1.)

* See supra, VII. 1x. x. (p. 211), where we read of his succeeding D.

Jorge de Menezes, in February 1561, apparently.

3 This seems to have been in 1563. It will be noticed that Couto

gives no details of the occurrences of 1561 and 1562. In VII. x. ix. he

mentions, among those who accompanied the viceroy (the count de

Redondo) in his huge fleet from Goa to Cochin in December 1562, “Dom

Theodosio ambassador from Ceilao,’’ but he nowhere tells us when

this ambassador was sent to Goa, or with what object. This is evidently _

the person referred to by Garcia da Orta in his forty-second Coloquio

as having given him information regarding the “‘ snake-wood’”’ in

Ceylon. He was named, doubtless, after the duke of Braganga, .

the elder brother of Dom Constantino, during whose viceroyalty he

was probably baptized. The Rdajdvaliya entirely passes over these two

years, and says very little regarding the next threo, as we shall see

further on. Respecting the sieges of Columbo and Cota described by

Couto, the Sinhalese historian is absolutely silent. The Hist. Sera}.

(ili. 539) recounts briefly these sieges, which, it says, were five in

number.

216. JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XX.

made a history of itself, because the actions at every moment

were well worthy of note ; and I should not fail to describe

the principal ones, if I knew them in real truth ; but I only

knew, in short, that the disgust they gave me was greater.

than the pleasure and eagerness that I have to describe this

affair, which was one of the most memorable and notable in

the world’s history!. In fine Raju continued to carry on this

siege with very great importunity and urgency, until, wearied

and disgusted with seeing that things were not turning out as

he desired, he retired to Ceitavaca, our people thinking that

it was in order not to return to the attack. But as Raju and

his father entered upon this business with hate and envy, he

did no more than get fresh supplies of men, munitions, and

provisions, and then took the road to Cota in order to conclude

that business, which he considered determined and concluded,

thinking that our people had suffered so in the past siege, and

were so disheartened, that they were not in a condition to be

able to go to the help of that king,—in which they deceived

themselves : for as soon as Baltesar Guedez de Sousa heard

that he was moving on Cota, he set out from Columbo with as

many men as he could muster, and threw himself into Cota,

leaving his brother Goncalo Guedez in Columbo with what

men seemed necessary to enable him to defend himself against -

any attack, should such occur.

The city of Cota? is of a circular form, and is situated as

it were in an island, entirely surrounded by a fair-sized river®,

which can only be crossed by boat. It will be some two

thousand paces in circumference, and has no access to the

outer world except by a passage like a man’s neck, which

would be some fifty paces in width. This defile our people

had fortified with a vallation of thick walls at each end, and —

two walls besides that ran across this defile, one outside, and

the other nearer in, and this passage was called Prea Cota?.

There is also over the river a bridge, which they call the pass

1This is a very cryptic statement, and I am unable to explain the

cause of Couto’s “ disgust.”

Cf. the description in V. 1. vi. supra (p. 75). Unfortunately no plan

of Kotté as it was in Portuguese—or even in Dutch—times has come

down to us: so that it is difficult to locate the places mentioned by

Couto in connection with this siege.

° Of. the description of the first founding of the city by Alakesvara,

in C. A. 8. Jl. xviii. 285.

* Pita Koétté. (The Portuguese frequently represented the cerebral ¢

and d in Indian and Ceylonese names by an r. We shall meet with

- Other instances in Couto.)

No. 60.—1908.] couTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. Pay)

of Ambola', which goes towards Columbo, which our people

make use of, and from Cota to Columbo will be a league and a

half. There is another pass, which they call that of the

Mosquito?, and two others?, in which our people had made

their tranqueiras, and provided them with everything. ‘The

manner in which Goncalo Guedez and the king provided this

and the captains whom they placed in these passes I do not

know, nor do I find any records*; I only know that in Prea

Cota, which was the most.dangerous pass, was a captain with

forty men, and in all the other passes each had its captain and

thirty men. And in Prea Cota were the father Frei Simao de

Nazaré, Frei Lucas, and three other fathers of St. Francis®,

all monks of great and well-known goodness. The king

remained apart with the captain Baltesar Guedez de Sousa

to go and help whenever needed.

As soon as Raju came in sight of Cota he surrounded it with

his whole army, which he had greatly increased, and attacked

it many times with great determination, chiefly at Prea Cota,

with the elephants, which at a place to which he came where

the river was shallower went to the attack boldly ; but our

people wounded them and burnt them with fire-lances, where-

by they.made them turn round ; the bulk of the enemy hasten-

ing hither, thinking that the elephants had made an entrance

for them, whereupon there ensued a very severe battle of great

risk and peril, in which many were killed on both sides, where

the king and the captain Baltesar Guedez de Sousa and other

knights that accompanied them did such marvels, that they

seemed like wild elephants. And the friars were those that did

most, because they fought spiritually with prayers, and by

persuading the men to defend themselves and to ask pardon of

God for their sins, they being ever the first in all the risks and

1 In the next chapter this is called “the pass of the ambolad,” which

seems to be the correct reading, for in VIII. iii. (p. 226) we are told

that the ambolaé (ambalam) was midway between Columbo and

Cotta: it was, therefore, probably situated at the spot where the

present Kotté road meets the North and South Base Line and several

other roads.

* I cannot identify this pass. It is mentioned again in VIII. iii. (p.

224).

* The names of all the passes are given in VIII. iii. (p. 224).

* Apparently Couto obtained his information regarding this siege

from participants in it, as he did in the case of the next and final siege

of 1564-5 (see VIII. iii., p. 236).

5 From a document printed in Arch. Port.-Or. 111. 734, it appears

that in this year (1563) Dharmapala dotated the Franciscans in Ceylon

with the rents of the pagodas within his dominions.

218 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

dangers'. In this carnage that day passed, and others fol-

lowing, without their allowing our people to take a moment’s

rest, because neither by day nor by night did they take their

hands from their arms, eating very little, and sleeping less.

And the most wonderful thing, on which I should like to spend

many quires of paper, is, that the greater part, or almost all,

of these people of ours were soldiers from Antre Douro e

Minho, from Beira, and from Tras os Montes?, unknown men,

without usurped titles, but brought up poor and rustically,

badly clad, and worse laced. But certainly of them it could be

said, aS was once said of Cesar, that one should beware of that

ill girt youth. So of these our Portuguese, in whom the fault

of blood concealed the great valour of the spirit, it could be

said : ““ Beware of those tatterdemallions, and of those rusty

swords, for there go other Cesars.”” And so you would see one of

these set face to face against many foes, and cutting them down

with such valour and spirit that it would affright you and

cause you the greatest astonishment, and standing up to a wild

elephant that would make a whole army fall back, and making

it turn round, as if he were another beast wilder and more

ferocious than it. And these of whom I speak are those

that in India accomplished most of the dangerous feats

that were undertaken there ; and those that in this island of

Ceila6 maintained this and other sieges, of which many

writings could be made, if time or neglect had not buried the

names, and with them the deeds.

1The Historia Serafica (iii. 539) says:—‘‘In these straits the

Franciscan friars were always seen in the greatest perils. On one

occasion, the Portuguese having sallied forth to repel the onset of the

enemy, over whom they gained the victory, they left dead on the field

for the confession of the faith two very earnest monks, Fr. Luis do

Amaral speared, and Fr. Martinho da Guarda, the second of the name,

who was dragged along after an elephant. The Malavares, who at

this time were cruising along the coast in succour of Madune, captured

a friar Leygo, who was coming as sacristan of our convent in Columbo,

and having carried him to Negumbo accorded him a most cruel death,

In another encounter of the Portuguese with the troops of Raju in the

meadows of Calané, the former beginning to break their ranks by reason

of the impetus that pressed upon them, the father Fr. Joio Calvo took

a crucifix in his hands, and on the part of his Lord commanded the

elephants to proceed no further with their havoc. A fact to be won-

dered at! The brutes remained immovable at the impulses of the

divine virtue, and the heathens so dumbfoundered at the novelty, that

our men had the opportunity of retiring from their fury.”

> The northernmost parts of Portugal, inhabited by the least warlike

of the population.

No. 60.—1908.] couTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 219

Dec. VII., BK. x., CHAP. xv.

Of the great strait to which Raju brought our people, and of

how Diogo de Mello, captain of Manar, came to the rescue :

and of other reliefs that joined them.

Thus Raju continued to carry on the siege with greater

forces and with more bloodthirstiness each day, seeking by

every means to enter the city, both by water with boats and

jangadas' and by Prea Cota. And many times our people

gave themselves up for lost ; but God our Lord, whose eyes

were upon them and upon that island, gave courage to our

people, so that they always drove the enemy back with great

destruction to them, and with no little loss on our side. The

king with some of his men was always to be found in the most

dangerous places, like one who had most at stake on the issue,

since his kingdom was at stake. The enemy captured another

road to the pass of the ambolao, by which there came to them

from Cota some provisions and messages, and thus only with

difficulty and great risk could our people send messages to one

another. The news of this siege, and of our people’s being in

great peril, reached Manar at the beginning of August {1563},

on hearing which, Diogo de Mello Coutinho, captain of that

fortress”, immediately hired some vessels, in which he set out

to their help, himself in one, and in the others Pero Luzarte

Tigao and Gaspar Pereira the Long?, who was afterwards

appointed to the fortress of Chaul, but did not wish to go to

assume that command.

These vessels having set out full of men, munitions, and

provisions, as it was not the season for getting to Columbo by

going along the coast, they went to the opposite coast of

Tutocori, in order from there to cross over with the wind,

which was then a monsoon one. Meanwhile Raju kept on

pressing the siege closer, because he saw that the winter was

drawing to a close, and that soon many reliefs could come ;

and so he determined to get possession of Cota, and with that

1 Rafts (see swpra, p. 75, note %).

* There seems to be an error here. In VII. 1x. vi. we were told that

in 1559 (?) the captain of Manar was Jorge de Mello the Fist (o Punho),

and in VIII. iii. we read of his still occupying that post in 1565. On the

other hand, in VII. 1x. v. we were informed that, by command of the

viceroy, Manoel Rodrigues Coutinho went from the Fishery Coast to

Manar in 1561, apparently to take command of the newly-built fortress

of Manar. (Cf. p. 205, note 7.) Of Diogo de Mello Coutinho we have

read in connection with Ceylon in VI. 1x. xvi. and xix. and VI x. vii.,

and we shall hear of him as captain of Columbo in VIII. xxxii.

3 See supra, p. 205.

220 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX.

object attacked it at all the passes with great fury, finding in

our people the usual resistance. Those of our people that

could fight would be about four hundred, who seemed to be

made not of flesh but of brass, because neither did the bombard

shots frighten or affect them, nor did the elephants make them ~

move from their posts. Thus Raju continued, until one day

he put his whole strength into the combat, and placed the

largest body of it at Prea Cota, which was attacked by the

troops of the atapatat, who are those of the king’s guard,

picked and brave soldiers (like the Janissaries) ; and before the

guard went the war elephants, who with their customary

trumpetings placed their foreheads against the tranqueiras, to

the help of which hastened the king, and the captain with the

messengers that accompanied him, and in front of all the

venerable father Frei Stmas de Nazaret, with five or six friars,

who were always foremost in the greatest fury of battle,

encouraging the men, and holding aloft to them Christ crucified,

in whose name and faith they all fought, calling many times on

the name of Jesus, who always succoured them with his help,

increasing their courage and strength : for if this were not so,

all would be lost. At last, such force did they cause the.

elephants to exert, that they burst through the first wall of

Prea Cota, where our people continued to fight with much

valour ; and so with that onrush Prea Cota was entered, and

three brothers of St. Francis and more than twenty Portuguese

were killed. The king and the captain, seeing this position

invaded and their cause apparently lost, hastened to the

rescue with all the rest of the troops that they had, sending in

advance some men with fire-lances and the musketry ; and

shouting “‘Sao Tiago! ”; and the father Frei Simao de

Nazaret in front, calling on Christ to succour and aid them,

it pleased this Lord for his great mercy (as he is accustomed

to do in similar needs) to succour them in such fashion, that

they drove out the elephants much burnt, and did the like to

the enemy, more than four hundred of whom were killed and

scorched in that action. Finally the havoc was such, that

Raju on his side had to retire as good as routed, he having

thought that with that action he would finish the business.

The captain Baltesar Guedez de Sousa, who that day played

the part of the brave soldier, was wounded with two wounds,

Tn X. 1x. v. (p. 301) the word is more correctly spelt atapato, and is

explained as “‘ captain of the guards”’ (of the king). Bocarro (cap. xci.)

has atapata (feminine collective noun), and explains it as Couto does

here; while Ribeiro (I1.i.) has atapdta as a masculine noun, and explains

it as “captain of the bodyguard ”’ (of the king). The word atapattuwa

has now come to mean the staff of peons or messengers under a diséva.

No. 60.—1908.| couTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 221

but they did not cause him to leave the conflict, rather he

showed therein all the more the purity of his blood; and

likewise did the fidalgos and distinguished knights, whose

names I have not discovered to glorify them as they deserve.

The king and the captain without taking any rest rebuilt and

fortified Prea Cota on the inner side very strongly, and wished

to send a message to India, to let the viceroy know the state

in which that fortress was, that he might succour it, which

he! considered doubtful because all the roads were occupied,

and it was not possible to go by them. But a friar of St.

Francis, who saw that need and the risk and peril in which

all were, talking to a pacha, who knew those jungles very well,

save him an account of his determination, which was to get

to Columbo through the jungles, and said that with all the risk

to his person he would have him very well paid: the pacha

offered his services to bring him to Columbo in perfect safety.

And the father giving the captain and the king an account

of the plan, they thanked him much for that service that he

wished to render to God and also to that people; and

intrusting him to the pacha, whom they paid well, in the third

watch of the night they went out by the pass of the ambolao,

and hid themselves in some new and different jungles, through

which they journeyed with much trouble and danger. And it

pieased our Lord, who always favours such deeds, that in two

hours they reached Columbo, which the father entered, and

gave an account of the past trouble and of the peril in which

all were, giving the letters to the alcazde mor, in which he ordered

him immediately to give a vessel to go over to Tutocori,

which they soon got for him, it being a small fone, in which he

embarked, and went across to Tutocori; and reaching land, he

saw the armada of Diogo de Mello Coutinho, which had arrived

the day before, and there was now with him Antonio da Costa

Travassos, who had come from Cochim as captain-major of

six rowing vessels with many and good troops, and there they

added also some seven or eight vessels of provisions. And

learning the great need in which Cota was, they at once set

sail for Columbo as the weather was good ; and next day they

entered that bay with that great succour, of which the news

quickly reached Raju. As soon as our people landed, they

arranged to go to the relief of Cota, and mustered more than

four hundred men, whom they put in order to set out. But

as soon as Raju heard of it he broke up his army, and retired

to Ceitavaca, taking back more than two thousand men less

1 The captain, apparently.

2 See supra, p. 106, note ?,

222 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

than he had brought, whom he had lost in that expedition.

And with this our people were disburdened, and fortified

themselves anew, and provided Cota with food and men;

and Diogo de Mello, when he saw that he was not needed there,

returned in his foist by himself to Manar, leaving in Columbo ©

all the rest of the succour that had gone with him.

Drc. VII., Bk. x., CHAP. xix.

As the summer! was drawing to a close, the governor Joao

de Mendoca began hurrying on the dispatching of the captains

that had to go out, who were ...... and also Pero de Taide

Inferno? to the captaincy of Ceilao, and gave him some

vessels, men, and munitions, because Madune continued to

carry on war against his brother the king of Cota?.

*e * %% % % *k %*

1 The hot season of 1563-4.

2 Previously captain of Sao Thomé. I do not know how he came

to have such an unpleasant nickname.

>This statement is doubly inaccurate: the king of Kotté was

Mayadunné’s grand-nephew, not his brother (see supra, p. 204, note *),

and Maydadunné was not at this time carrying on war, but preparing

for another campaign (see infra, p. 224, note *).

No. 60.—1908.] couTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON.

COUTO.

DECADE VIII. (Summary.)

1564-1571 a.p.

Portuguese Governors of India.—D. Antaéo de Noronha,

viceroy, September 1564 to September 1568; D. Luis de

Ataide, viceroy, September 1568 to September 1571.

Sinhalese Rulers in Ceylon.—Dharmapala alias Dom Joao

Perea Pandar, 1551-97 (Kotté and Columbo) ; Mayadunné,

1534-81(?), (Sitavaka) ; ——-——, alias Dom Joao, 155 2-6 ?

(Kandy).

Tamil King in Jaffna.Sangili.

Portuguese Captains-Major of Ceylon.—Pedro de Ataide

Inferno, 1564-5; Diogo de Mello, 1565-8; [D. Fernando de

Monroy, 1568-70? ]; Diogo de Mello Coutinho, 1570-2.

The principal events recorded in this summary are the

great (and final) siege of Cotta by Mayadunné’s army under

Raja Sinha in 1564-5, its relief, and subsequent abandon-

ment by the Portuguese, Dharmapala and his “court ”’

removing to Columbo, where the puppet king was fated to live

for the next thirty-two years. The only other important

matters chronicled by Couto are the two embassies from the

king of Pegu (in 1565 and 1566) to Dharmapala, the first to

obtain in marriage a fictitious daughter of the latter’s, and

the second to purchase from this “Christian” king the

genuine (?) tooth-relic. The pompous receptions accorded

to these two in Pegu are narrated with much circumstance on

the authority of an eye-witness.

Dmnes Vill CHAP) jini:

In which the great siege of Cotta 1s continued.

The tyrant Raju did not rest from the idea of making an

end of Cotta, or of Columbo: for whichever of them he

captured, the other would soon be given up to him, and he

224 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX.

would get the king Dom Joao’ into his hands, so as to become

master of the whole of that island ; and thus setting his wits

to work and laying his plans, he determined to do by wiles

what he could not by force: and with this object he collected

a large army with much artillery and munitions, and spread

the report that he was going to attack Cotta, in order, if our

people in Columbo were put off their guard, to take it un-

awares, and get possession of it; and so with that design he

appeared before Cotta on the 5th of October?, and encamped

with his whole army in the same place that he occupied on the

other occasion, that Columbe might be nearer to him. At the

time that he appeared before that fortress Pedro de Atayde?

was in it, having come there to see the king, leaving in his

stead as captain of Columbo Dom Diogo de Atayde. Pedro

de Atayde seeing the enemy and finding himself unprepared,

and without enough provisions for the siege that he expected,

prepared in the best way he could to receive him, and fortified

himself wherever it seemed necessary, and dispatched a

message through the jungle to Dom Diogo de Atayde to

provide him with victuals whenever he could, because they

would be sure to need them; and calling a muster of the.

troops that he had, he found three hundred soldiers including

old men and invalids, and none of the king’s troops, they

having all deserted to the enemy through knavery that Raju

had practised for this purpose; and he divided the posts of

greatest danger amongst the fidalgos and captains that were

there, after the following manner+:—Gaspar Pereira de

Lacerda at the entrance to Cotta with thirty men ; Antonio

Cardoso Suyero in a pass in front of an islet that the river

formed there, called the Islet of Challenges because to it the

soldiers challenged one another ; Manoel Louren¢o in a pass

that they called the Pass of Mosquitag ; Joaé de Mello de

Atayde in the Pass of Andre Fernandez; Ayres Ferreira,

nephew of Pedro Ferreira de Sadpayo, in the Pass of the

Pachés; Henrique Muniz Barretto at the wall of Prea®

1 This is the first occasion on which Couto refers to Dharmapala by

his baptismal name. (Cf. supra, p. 172, note *, p. 215, note +.)

2 1564, as we find from the date given further on. As the relief of

Cotta mentioned at the end of VII. x. xv. supra (pp. 221-2) took place

apparently in August 1563, Raja Sinha seems to have given the

Portuguese a year’s respite while he was maturing his new plans.

3 See supra, VII. x. xix. (p. 222).

4 Of. supra, VII. x. xiv. (p. 217).

5 The printed editions have, by a misreading, primeira (first), the

blunder being repeated throughout the chapter.

No. 60.—1908.] couUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 225

Cotta, where was stationed as captain Francisco Gomez

Leyta6o!; Joad Correa de Britto? in the Pass of the Mainotos?.

With the captain remained some fidalgos and knights to go

with him and the king to help wherever most needed : these

were one Dom Fraiicisco de Noronha, of whom they could tell

me nothing more ; Rodrigo Furtado, brother of the governor

Andre Furtado’; a certain de Atayde Lerma; Francisce de

Macedo, who still lives today® in Cochim, a friar of the third

order of St. Francis, a highly respected man, who in this siege

performed great deeds of valour: and Gaspar® Goncalvez,

master captain of the inhames’, very well known; and others

regarding whom I have no information.

_ Raju continued carrying on the siege with all his strength,

and preventing any provisions from reaching our people, who

were already in great want. Raju’s field-marshal, who in

their language was called Bicarnasinga®, on several occasions

when Dom Diogo de Atayde sent provisions to Cotta always

attacked his soldiers, who defeated him, at-which he was so

annoyed, that he sent to challenge Dom Diogo to meet him at

the ambolam®, which is half-way on the road from Columbo

1 In X. vit. xiv. (p. 276) we shall meet with this man again, in connec-

tion with Raja Sinha’s final siege of Columbo in 1587-8. - (See also p. 256.)

2 Afterwards captain of Columbo, 1583-90 (see infra, p. 261).

3 Washermen (see Hob.-Job. s.v., and infra, p. 331). The manuscript

has, incorrectly, moinaias.

4 André Furtado de Mendoea (see infra, p. 393), who governed India

for only three months and eight days, May—September 1609.

5 That is, in 1615, when Couto wrote this summary of his Eighth

Decade. In XII. 1. xiv. (p. 427) he mentions this man as taking part in

the war in Ceylon in 1597-8. When he exchanged the soldier’s casque

for the friar’s cowl I do not know. He it was, Couto tells us further

on (p. 236), that furnished him with an account of this siege.

6 Wurther on (p. 237) he is called Hstevado, I cannot say which name

is right.

7 1 cannot explain this. The only meaning that the dictionaries

give for inhame is ‘‘ yam” (which is derived from the Portuguese

word): but that is clearly out of place here. I suspect some error.

Perhaps it is an attempt to represent Sinh. yamannu, which Clough’s

Dictionary explains as ‘‘ iron manufacturers in the days of Kandyan

kings;” or inama, ‘‘ a general name for any low caste,” may be meant.

®* In the manuscript ‘‘ Bicar Narsinga.”” This is Vikramasinha mudali,

so often mentioned in the Rddvaliya 82 ff. We shall meet with him

again in X. Vil. xili. (p. 273). The Portuguese seem to have mistaken

the name for a title, for Bocarro (cap. cxiv.) speaks of Antonio Barreto’s

having become “‘ bicanasinga, which is captain-general of the king of

Candia.”

See supra, p. 217, note }.

Q 36-08

226 JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

to Cotta: which Dom Diogo accepted, and appointed the

time for three days thence, of which he sent to inform Pedro

de Atayde Inferno, who on the day fixed sallied forth from

Cotta with one hundred and fifty men, and sent two pachas,

men of the jungle, to discover the enemy and ascertain what

force thev had, and return and inform him; and if they

did not find the Bicanarsinga, to go on to Columbo, and tell

Dom Diogo de Atayde to hasten with what provisions he could

bring, as he was waiting for him on the Outerinho das Pedras',

half a league from Cotta. These pachas proceeded to Columbo,

and told Dom Diogo that the Bicanarsinga had not appeared,

nor were there any troops on the road. On this news there

set off from Columbo without the captain’s orders a casado?

captain of twenty men, who was called Joao Rodrigues

Piercedfoot®, and took with him an arache named Francisco

de Almeyda with twenty-five lascarins, who carried some

provisions to leave in Cotta; and having marched as far

forward as a tree that they call carcapuleira’, they en-

countered the whole army of Raji, who was waiting for Dom

Diogo, and they fell upon him, and surrounded him, and

killed Pierced-foot with ten Portuguese, and the arache and

lascarins, and took from them their regimentals : wherefore

Dom Diogo and Pedro de Atayde always suspected that the

pachds had been bribed by Raju.

Pedro de Atayde received information where he was of

what had taken place, wherefore he returned to Cotta as it

were by force, since the captains that accompanied him made

him return, because he himself wished to go and attack Raja.

Things being in this state, as Raju had his eyes on Columbo,

a week after this had occurred he one night broke up his camp

as noiselessly as he could, and set out marching on Columbo,

thinking that he would take it unawares, of which Pedro de

Atayde was soon advised, and in great haste he dispatched

1 Literally “the Hillock of the Stones.’’ (The manuscript has outed-

rinhos.) From the distance given, it is evident that some eminence at

Borella or Welikada is meant.

2 See supra, p. 186, note 4

3 Pé furddo, literally ‘ bored foot.’’ He had probably in some fight

received a shot or thrust through one of his feet.

4 This is a hybrid word, -ecra being the common Portuguese termi-

nation in names of trees, while carcapuli represents Tamil korukkar-

puli, the goraka, Garcinia Cambogia (see Hob.-Job. s.v. ““ Corcopali ”’).

This goraka tree was evidently a conspicuous one ; but where it stood,

it is impossible to say. The manuscript has, erroneously, sarsapuleira,

the copyist having in his mind, apparently, the word sar¢aparitha.

No. 60.—1908.] coUTO: HISTORY OF CRYLON. 227

Nuno Fernandez de Atayde! and Pedro Luzarte, with forty

soldiers, to go by unfrequented paths and get into Columbo

Raju reached that fortress without being discovered, and at

once invested it, and assailed it all round with many

Jadders, which he had brought for that purpose, more than

two thousand Moors? climbing to the top of the enceinte ;

but Dom Diogo de Atayde, who was not off his guard,

hastened to the defence with Dom Martinho de Castelbranco

and other fidalgos and knights; and falling upor the enemy,

they killed many, and others were hurled down from

the walls ; but Raju hastened thither, and made them attack

again with great determination, putting all his strength

into it, going about himself in person and bringing up his

men, who strove with all valour all they could to regain the

walls, which our people defended with increased bravery ;

and such doughty deeds did they perform, that they obliged

Raju to retire, as he saw that day was breaking, leaving

around the walls more than five hundred Moors dead,

besides a large number of wounded whom he carried away

with him. Our people that were coming from Cotta in succour

reached that fortress at the time that Raju was already retiring,

and entered into it.

The enemy, finding himself met ak such opposition, and

obliged to withdraw from those walls with so much loss and

humiliation, became as if mad, and resolved to prosecute that

war by another and more rigorous method, which was, to kill

our people with hunger: and to this end he returned towards

Cotta, and beset the whole road from sea to sea, from Mapano®

as far as Matual, whereby our people were rendered. disheart-

ened of succour, nor could Nunc Fernandez de Atayde with the

others return from Columbo’. Raju went about like a madman,

inventing and seeking means by which he could finish that

business; and having many times held council, it was therein

resolved that though it might be with excessive trouble, the

most efficacious means to attain his end was to divert the

river that enclosed the city at various parts®, in order that, the

1 Afterwards captain of Manar and later of Columbo (see infra,

pp. 305, note >, 441).

2 The printed version omits “‘ Moors’ here and in every other place

where the word occurs in this chapter. (See infra, p. 232, note!.)

® See supra, p. 171, note ®.

4 The Rajdvaliya, which is, as I have said, strangely defective

regarding this period, says (89) :—‘* Raja Sinha cut off communication

with the districts belonging to Kotté and Colombo, and stopped traffic

by preventing man and beast from going out or coming in.”

® Cf. p. 216, supra.

Q 2

228 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON), [Vou., XX. |

passage being open to him, he might be able to enter it dryshod :

and to this end he ordered to collect a large number of pioneers,

whom he set to make a beginning with the work, a thing that

completed the hopelessness of our people. The soldiers that

were on that side, thirty in number, hearing the noise of the

work, fell upon the enemy, and killed a large number of the

pioneers, and captured from them a boat called a catapanel? ;

and Pedro de Atayde Inferno hastening to the help ordered

to be placed in it fifty firelock soldiers, with whom embarked

the father Frey Simao de Nasaret, a monk of St. Francis,

to animate and console them, who came to the place where the

enemy had begun to work and dig a trench, and with their

firelocks killed a large number of Moors, and filled in that

part again. ne

Here occurred a most evident miracle, and this was, that

while our people were engaged in this work there enveloped

them a mist so dense, that it entirely hid them from the enemy,

the latter remaining so plainly visible to our people, that these

made the greatest havoc among them, killing with firelock

~shots three hundred of them, who were straightway left there,

besides many that retired wounded. This lasted until midday,

when the filling in of that place was finished, and our people

retired without having received any loss, not even a slight

‘wound. This cost Raju so dear, that never more did he

care to prosecute that business?, and remained thus in that

position, preventing the passage of provisions to our pecple,

who being in entire lack of them, the captain ordered two of —

the king’s elephants to be killed?, with which they kept off

hunger for some days, and they did the same with a horse, and

after this our people fell upon the dogs and cats of the city, and

there escaped them not a single one, nor even other unclean

vermin of the country, so that they consumed everything.

1The manuscript has catapanol. Baldeus (Ceylon xxii.) has

‘katapanelen (plur.), which a marginal note explains as “‘open boats”

(the English translator substitutes “ ferry-boats’’). On p. 308 infra

we have the plural form catapunes, which shows that the word is Tamil

kattu-punar = tied-boat, and that catapanel (better catapunel) is an

artificial singular formed from the plural on the model of Portuguese

/ nouns.

* He might have renewed the attempt, however, had not the Portu-

guese abandoned Cotta the following year. We shall find him using

the most elaborate means for draining the Columbo lake during the

siege of 1587-8 (see infra, pp. 299-300).

® During the siege of Columbo by the Dutch in 1655-6, Ribeiro

tells us, of fifteen elephants that were in the city at the time all but one —

were eaten (see C, A. S. Jl. xii. 94).

No. 60.—1908.] couTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. | 229:

Those of our people that were in the bastion of the land pass,

seeing themselves in extreme need, sent some servants into

the jungle to cut wood and gather some herbs to eat: these

learnt that there were many of the enemy with several elephants.

concealed in the thicket near a tree that stinks like human

ordure, and so remedial for the palsy, that in a short space

of time it has great effects when bruised and plastered on the

injured parts: and in my own house this was tried many a

time; and although there are also of these trees in the

districts adjacent to Goa yet that of Ceilam has more virtue!

Of these troops the servants informed the captain, who.

sallied forth from Cotta with eighty soldiers?, and went and

took up his position in the old ditch, which had only one

single passage, very narrow, and on both sides was very

marshy, whereby the position was a very strong one, and

safe against all the forces that might come. Thence he sent

Balthesar Pesanha with thirty soldiers to go through the

jungle to discover the enemy ; and at a firelock shot’s distance

he came upon the whole of Raju’s force, which was lying in

ambush, with the object of capturing our bastion that lay on

that side, because of its being the most important of the whole

of Cotta. Our people who were in the midst of that multitude

of foes retreated towards the captain, the enemy following hard

after them, harassing them with their harquebusery, and

reached the captain with one soldier missing, named Antonio

Martins, a native of Arronchez, a very good horseman ; and

when they got back to the ditch they were already so ‘hard

pressed by the enemy that these had almost entered together

with them. On seeing this, our soldiers, without the captain’s

order, sallied forth upon them with an amazing fury, and

falling upon the enemy they caused great havoc among them ;

and although: those that sallied forth upon them were not

more than eight, they went driving them before them like

sheep as far as the main body of the army, whence they returned

in very good order; but not so scatheless but that all were

* From Couto’s description, one would suppose that the tree meant

was Celtis connamomea (called by the Sinhalese gurenda, from the dis-

gusting odour of its wood when fresh), were it not that this tree does -

not, apparently, grow under 2,000 feet in Ceylon, nor is it found on

the west of India (see Trimen’s Handbook of the Flora of Ceylon iv.

81). On the other hand, Clerodendron inerme (the wal-gurenda of the

Sinhalese), which is very common on the sea-shore in Ceylon and India,

_ is not a tree but a shrub (see Trimen, op. cit. iii. 359-60).

_? Through a strange misinterpretation of Couto’s words, Faria y

Sousa states that Pedro de Ataide’s object was to capture the elephants

—apparently for food !

230 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX,

wounded, one of their comrades named Diogo de Mesquita being

killed ; the others were named Gaspar Fernandez de Aguiar,

Pedro de Sousa, Antonio Lourengo, Pedro Fernandez', Antonio

Dias, Pedro Pirez the Room? (he being of that nationality),

and Cosmo Goncalvez. Pedro de Atayde remained there until

Raju should retire to his arrayal, which was at four in the

evening.

This occurred two or three days before Christmas, at a time

when already in Cotta there were not even jurgle herbs, which

they had not been able to go out and seek: wherefore the

captain dispatched two soldiers, Antonio da Silva and Joao

Fernandez the Beardless, with a message to Dom Diogo de

Atayde of the extreme misery they were in, who got through ©

the jungles to Columbo ; and Dom Dioge on learning the state

in which they were, dispatched a pachd with a message to

Pedro de Atayde that he would send along the sea-coast by the

outer side scme boats of rice as far as the king’s palm-grove?,

which will be some three leagues from Columbo, whither he

was to take care to send and get it. And forthwith he

dispatched the same soldiers with a boat, and two fones with

ten candis of rice, and in the morning of Christmas eve the |

captain received Dom Diogo’s message, and the same day in

the morning watch he dispatched Francisco Gomez Leyta6

with a hundred soldiers and some lascarins familiar with the

country to go and get that provision: which he did with

great risk and trouble, and at once returned with the rice,

arriving in the daybreak watch at half a league from Cotta,

where he found the captain with all the people of the city, who

were waiting for him, and with great joy they entered the

city ; but the captain, who thought he had obtained a supply

of rice, found that he had got very little, since the soldiers had

left it hidden in the jungle, to go and seek it later, at which

the captain was so angry, that he drew his sword, and went

at Francisco Gomez Leyta6 to kill him ; and he would have

done it, if the father Frey Simao de Nasaret had not interposed

himself : and through that prompt action the soldiers delivered

up the rice that they had hidden. With this poor provision

they managed for some days with great frugality ; and when

1 The printed version and Faria y Sousa have “ Ribeiro.”

* Turk (see supra, p. 26, note '). It is strange to find one of the

most hated of the enemies of the Portuguese fighting on their side.

* Bandérawatta on the road to Negombo is situated at about the

distance mentioned by. Couto; but it seems much more probable that

the “‘king’s garden ”’ lay to the south of Columbo, as that would be much

more accessible from Cota: it must, therefore, have been somewhere

near Ratmalana.

No. 60.—1908.] couTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 231

it was finished, as the people were many, they began again to

suffer torments of hunger, for which reason several soldiers

determined to desert to Raju, because hunger and cold, says

the old adage, will bring you into the house of your enemy.

This was at the end of January 1565', when our peopie

found themselves in the extremity of want ; and one Francisco

de Macedo? passing along a street met another soldier named

Luis Carvalho, of the household of the Conde do Prado, who

was going along deep in thought; and coming up to him

Macedo asked him what he was thinking of as he went along.

Carvalho, turning very pale, looked at him and replied, that it

was either God or the devil that was speakingin him. Macedo

responded, that he might confide in him, as he well knew

the thoughts that he had. Carvalho answered, that already

he had determined to confess everything to him: and he

then told "im how a soldier born in India, named Ferna6é

Caldeira, was going about trying to get some soldiers to desert

to Raju: and that already there were forty who had resolved

one night to desert through the pass of Antonio Cardoso

Sueyro, by which they would have to wade, and that they

were to carry off a brass camelete? that was in the pass ;

and that he had resolved to go with them ; because Raju had

ordered to be thrown into that pass and others olas, according

to which he would receive anyone that chose to come over to

him, and would treat him very kindly ; and that those who

wished to proceed to the fortress of Manar he would allow

to go freely and would provide them with necessaries: and

these wiles this tyrant always made use of, and by their

means got the whole of the king’s people to desert to his

army.

Francisco de Macedo, who was a very good man, took Luis

Carvalho, and carried him off with him, and on the way

dissuaded him from that purpose, giving him many reasons

why so honourable a man should not undertake an action so

abominable and diabolical : because, if he were to go forward

with his purpose, that fortress would straightway be lost,

and for such a great evil he would have to give a full account

to God* ; because heaven would not fail to chastise rigorously

1 In the manuscript the year is written on the margin.

2 See supra, p. 225, note ®, Evidently what follows is taken almost

verbatim from this man’s narrative, furnished to Couto, as stated further

on (p. 236).

8 A kind of cannon.

* The printed edition omits all that follows of Macedo’s arguments:

it is a pity Couto did not do likewise, as the matter is scarcely of his-

torical value.

232 JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). = [Von XX.

whoever should permit that in the churches where were

celebrated the highest mysteries of our redemption the devil

should erect altars to the perfidious Mafoma!, in which his

sectaries should sacrifice and should commit the nefand abuses

of his depraved law: and with these and similar reasons,

dictated by a truly Christian and loyal courage, he went on

dissuading him, reminding him by the way of the temporal

obligations of honour and fealty—what it was to sell and

betray Christians, professors of his law, to barbarous Moors,

who with rigorous torments would make them follow the

deceptions of the Alcoran, and would cruelly tear to pieces

those that despised their diabolical rites; and the infamy that

in time to come would rest upon the Portuguese nation in the

parts of the East, it being said among the infidels that there

was a Portuguese who for a scanty portion of rice betrayed. his

countrymen and friends, with whom he had crossed such vast

seas and sailed to climes so remote”; that he should trust in

God, because he never entirely forsook whoever knew and

confessed his most holy name: and with one discourse and

another he brought him to where was the father Frey Simao

de Nasaret, and before him gave him an account of the .

affair, and of the determination of those desperados, the

which the father heard with very great grief in his heart,

and taking Luis Carvalho by the hand, he embraced him

many times, and consoled and encouraged him in the

present adversity, assuring him of relief with a speediness

as great as was the need in which God knew that fcrtress

was: and so many things did he say to him, God moving

his tongue, that, with the warnings and admonitions that

Francisco de Macedo had given him, Carvalho yielded,

confessing his sin, originated by the general strait in which he

was; and leaving Francisco de Macedo with the captain of

his bastion, Manoel Lourengo, he went with Luis Carvalho to

the captain, and related to him the whole affair, and what had

been planned amongst those soldiers.

- »Pedro de Atayde cast his eyes to heaven, and gave great

thanks to God our Lord for the mercy he had shown them in

discovering to them that affair, which, hadit not become known

in that way, could not have failed to cause the loss of that

fortress : and embracing Luis Carvalho many times, he spoke

‘Muhammad. All the references to ‘‘ Moors” as forming Raja

Sinha’s army, like these to the Muhammadan religion, display an

ignorance, which must be credited to Macedo, and not to Couto, who

certainly knew better. :

2 This clause is an echo of two lines in the first verse of the Lusiad.

No. 60.—1908.] couTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 933

to him words of much honour, paying him great compliments,

and then he sent to summon Fernao Caldeira, the ringleader of

the conspiracy ; and going aside with him, he warned him of

the plan that he had arranged, and regarding this he gave him

a short discourse, in it reminding him of the duty he had of

offering and giving his life in defence of the Catholic faith,

since he was an old Christian, nurtured and sustained with the

milk of the Catholic Church, duty to which was the greatest of

all; and that it was usual in tyrants to make great promises in

order to carry out their intents, and that after attaining their

aims they punished and killed the very ones who had betrayed

strongholds to them; that he would badly keep his word to

men of a different law who had no knowledge of God nor

professed truth ; that he trusted in his good blood that the

worm of conscience must have caused him great repugnance

to carrying out such an exorbitant act of desperation ; that

God was great towards the tiniest little worms of the earth,

how much more towards one who had suffered so many

troubles to confess his most holy name ; and he repeated to

him almost the same words that the father Frey Simao de

Nazareth had spoken to Carvalho : and so many things did he

say to him of this nature, that Caldeira threw himself at his

feet with great demonstrations of repentance ; and the captain

raising him up embraced him, and consoled him, promising him

on his word, that if he escaped thence he would strive to make

him honoured: and they continued such friends, that the

captain always endeavoured to keep him near to himself :

and in order not to cause a stir about that affair. he did not

choose to speak further to the other soldiers of Caldeira’s

faction, but rather made as though he knew nothing of it. And

because there was no money in the fortress, he called the

captain of the inhames, who was a friend of all the soldiers,

and gave him a silver sword of his, and a dagger, and

sword-belts, that he might melt it into larins, there being

there craftsmen of that calling, and give the greater part

to Fernao Caldeira, and divide the rest amongst the other

soldiers ; but nevertheless he ordered strict watch and ward

to be kept in the passes, secretly, so that they should

not think that he continued to suspect them, so as not to

create in them distrust, nor was there amongst them any

further disturbance.

Jorge de Mello the Fist, who was in Manar as captain!,

learning of the strait in which those of Cotta were, persuaded

the king of Candea, who was already a Christian, and was also

1 Cf. supra, p. 205, note”, and p. 219, note *.

234 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

called Dom Joao like him of Cotta!, to send troops to enter

the territories of Raju and put them to fire and sword, in order

thus to oblige him to hasten to their help and relieve the

fortress, which was in the last strait with the rigour of the siege.

It was easy to persuade the king of Candea to this resolution,

because he was a mortal enemy of Raju’s: and at once

with all speed he dispatched his field captain-general, who

was called Dom Afonso?, with five thousand men, and with

him went Belchior de Sousa with thirty men, whom the

viceroy Dom Afonso had sent to that king, as if for his

bodyguard.

These captains entered Raju’s territories, and proceeded

putting them to fire and sword?, until they reached the city

1 Cf. supra, p. 133, note ?; infra, p. 242, note*. The Hist. Seraf.,

curiously enough, does not mention the Christian name of this king.

After describing the unsuccessful attempts to convert Jayavira, it

adds :—‘* We had better luck with his son King Mhestana [sic, for

mahdsthana = royal highness], who succeeded him on the throne, because

without those numerous promises and continual changes we baptized

and received him into the flock of Christ. _He continued so firm in our

sacred law, that on the most wicked Raju’s robbing him of his crown

he had not the power to divert him from the faith, but the rather,

closely united to it, he died in the arms of our friars.” (Regarding his

loss of the kingdom and death see infra, p. 258.)

2 Who this man was, 1am unable tosay. His baptism as a Christian

evidently took place during the viceroyalty of D. Affonso de Noronha

(1550-4), after whom he was named; and the Portuguese bodyguard

here mentioned probably accompanied him from Goa, whither the

Christian king of Kandy had doubtless sent him on a mission to the

said viceroy. :

3 In Primor e Honra i. vi. there is a passage that seems to refer to

this period. The writer has been speaking of the miserable condition of

certain Portuguese soldiers who had deserted to Raja Sinha and been

compelled by him to become heathen, and continues :—* But in order

to show by actual example, in the case of those of whom we speak, the

evil state to which they will come, it must be mentioned that while

many of them were going about in the company of Raju there was war

between him and the king of Candea; Raju as the more powerful

entered his territories, and pitched his arrayal near the city of Ange-

gama [? Ambagamuwa], metropolis of the kingdom. With the king

of Candea also went Portuguese by command and consent of the vice-_

roys and governors, both because of his being a Christian as also in

order that Raji (who is our friend [amigo : but must be an error for

imigo, enemy]) should not make himself master of the whole island by

capturing this kingdom of Candea which is in the heart of it. The

arrayals having come together from one side and the other came to join

in battle, in which there died many men, and Raju came off the worse.

No. 60.—1908.] couTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 235

of Chilao, which is very large, and totally destroyed it'. These

tidings reached Raju, who was much enraged at them, and

determined to press on that affair and finish it with all the risk

that he might run, and he commanded to prepare his troops

and elephants and engines, in order to make the last assault

on the Prea Cotta side: and the day before Raju sent a letter

to the captain, in which he begged and counselled him to

deliver up to him the city of Cotta; and he with the king’s

baggage and artillery might pass freely to Columbo: and

that he should not insist on their all dying of hunger, because

he well knew the state in which he was through lack of pro-

visions ; regarding which he had already written to him

twice or thrice before, but this was with more liberality in the

offers. The captain replied to Raju, that as long as he heard

his drums beat, and these had skins and the shoes soles

for them to eat, they must sustain themselves inside the walls

of that fortress, as the king of Portugal had commanded

them ; however, after these were finished, and necessity

constrained them, that he would take care to go to his arrayal

to seek for provisions for his soldiers; and that he reminded

him that it was not well for him to have such guests in his

house.

Thus our people remained at the last extreme of life, without

having anything to eat, until the 11th of February [1565], which

was a Sunday ; when at three o’clock in the afternoon there

came a Chingala woman to the bastion of Prea Cotta and

called out to open to her, because she must speak with the

captain ; who ordered her to be brought in, and having been .

and as defeated left the field and retired to his territories. And as the

infidels consider us valiant, and, as they say, we cost them little to feed.

they always put us in the forefront, and so Raju did to the renegades

that went in his company, of whom the greater part died in the battle ;

those of Candea gave sepulture to their people; those of the enemy

remained on the field. And as the island of Seilad is full of many

reptiles and wild beasts and vultures and other birds that devour human

flesh, all these fell upon the dead bodies, and in a very few days there

remained of the people of the country only the bones ; but not a thing

touched the accursed and excommunicated bodies of the renegade Portu-

guese soldiers, and so they. remained entire, since neither wild beasts,

nor birds, nor reptiles cared to eat them, nor the earth itself to receive

them, at which even the heathens were amazed, going with their noses

_ stopped because of the great stench.”

1 This is the first mention by Couto of the “‘ city ” of Chilaw. The

* city ” must’ have been rebuilt soon after the demolition here spoken

of, for in X. x. xvi. infra (p. 377) we shall hear of its being again

destroyed by Manoel de Sousa Coutinho in 1588,

236: JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX.

brought before him, she told him to prepare himself, because

that night Raju was going to make the final assault on all

parts of Prea Cotta, and that into it he would put all the re-

mainder of his strength. Ali there considered that this woman

was the guardian angel of that fortress, who came to warn

them of that assault, for without doubt Raju would have

succeeded in his aims if in it he had taken the soldiers unawares

and exhausted by the weakness of hunger. So says Francisco

de Macedo in the account that he sent me of this siege ; but

the captain of the wmhames told me on many occasions that

that woman was or had been the concubine of a soldier of ours,

of whom she was fond ; and seeing the risk in which the fortress

was, came to warn him, with the aim of seeing if she could

save him, should any disaster befall that fortress, and that

this soldier brought her to convey the warning to the captain.

In fine, however it was, she seemed directed by heaven to

come and give that warning to the captain, who at once

dispatched to Columbo Antonio da Silva, who had already

been there several times, by whom he sent word to Dom

Diogo de Atayde, that as soon as he heard bombard shots

that night he should move from there with all his men, and

go and fall on the rear of the enemy, who would be fully

occupied with the assault that they intended to deliver on

Prea Cotta, the which post he immediately ordered to be

provided with many munitions and the arms doubled ; and

he in person with those that accompanied him, and the king

with them, took up their position in one of the bastions of

Prea Cotta, where most might be feared.

Antonio da Silva reached Columbo whilst it was still day,

and found already there in that fort Jorge de Mello, captain

of Manar, who with one hundred soldiers had arrived the day

before in order to succour our people; and hearing the

message, at once they all took the field, in order to set out

at night; and Dom Diogo ordered to discharge a camelete,

which was the signal that Pedro de Atayde had ordered, to

know if Antonio da Silva had arrived there, the which

was heard well in Cotta, whereby Pedro de Atayde was in

some measure relieved, because he had a sure sign that he

would be succoured, although he had no information that to

this end Jcrge de Mello had arrived at Columbo.

At the beginning of the daylight watch next day Raju

attacked the city all round, and he in person with the greatest

force attacked Prea Cotta, having in front of him the elephants,

in order that with their for eheads they might ram the bastions,

which were of wood; but they encountered so many deadly :

weapons, and in the few and debilitated men who defended

them met with such doughty deeds, that they were astounded

No. 60.—1908.] CcoUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 237

at what they saw and experienced. The greatest force, which

attacked the city all round, crossed the river at six points on

very thick mats of bamboos! : but on the other side they found

our men so ready, alert, and skilful, that in spite of them they

drove them back with many killed, because they aimed their

harquebuses as they pleased and in perfect safety. Neverthe-

less, as they attempted to disembark at so many places, the

Moors gained entrance to a pass, some of our men being killed ;

and the news spreading, the captain hastened to help, and the

king with some of his messengers, and finding the enemy inside

the pass, they fell upon them, and they engaged hand to hand

in a very fierce battle, in which Pedro de Atayde kept ever in

front of all, performing so many deeds of valour with his arm,

that with much reason and most just cause we may say that

he alone effected with his own hands more than all ; and whilst

‘going about in the full force of the fight, his sword became

unhilted and flew from his hand, leaving in the latter only the

hilt and guard, he having many dead Moors in front of him ;

and springing to a soldier, he took from his hands a halberd,

with which he rushed into the midst of the enemy, performing

such prodigies, that he once more drove them out of the pass.

And although he with his own hands did much, those that

accompanied him did not a little ; but rather such doughty

deeds, that of each one could be formed lengthy chapters ;

and I do not specify their names, because all that I can say

of one I could say of all, since I know of nothing in which any-

one excelled the others.

There was no less stress and strait in the other passes ;

but our men, ragged and famished, and most of them

of unknown names, in their defence performed such deeds

of valour and caused such havoc amongst the enemy,

that it was a marvellous thing. In one pass, in which

the stress was greater, was the king, who had hastened

thither to help, and did it like a very worthy knight; and

he that did most there was Esteva0d? Goncalvez, master

captain of the inhames, in that on the approach of the rafts for

the Moors to put troops on land he sprang into the river and

immersed himself knee-deep, and there did feats like a lion, the

king watching him and poe amazed at the prowesses that

1 This seems to be the most probable reading. The manuscript has

“esteirdes .... de bardas”’ (mats of bark or of briars), the 1673 printed

version has ‘“‘cestoens .... de badeis’”’ (baskets of bandels !), while the

edition of 1786 has “‘ esteirdes de bambus,” which, I think, is most likely

correct.

2 He is called “Gaspar” above (p. 225). Both the manuscript and

the printed version of 1673 have this inconsistency.

238 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Von. XX,

he wrought, which were such that he was sufficient, with the

musketry, to make the enemy retire with great loss, so that the

river in that and other parts was full of dead bodies and dyed

with the blood of the enemies. The captain of the inhames,

seeing the Moors retired, came up on land transformed into a

rustic by being coated with mud, and covered with blood ;

and the king seeing him ran to him, and embraced him many

times, exaggerating with hyperbolic encomiums the lofty

prowesses that he had seen him perform; and divesting

himself of a crimson robe that he wore all fastened with gold

buttons, clothed him with it. This pass is called that of the ~

pachas, in which were some twenty men, and we may say that

four soldiers alone defended it against three thousand Moors

who attacked it: these were, the captain of the inhames, who

surpassed all, Ignacio de Gamboa Falcao, Pedro Pirez the

Room, and another whose name they could not tell me, but who

did not deserve, for his valorous courage, to remain in oblivion ;

and each of them performed such prowesses in defence of the

pass, that Manlius did not perform greater in defence of the

Capitol, which was a different kind of fortress.

In all the passes there was hard work ; and although in all

resounded clamours and cries, and shouts for help were heard,

no one moved from his place, which he kept, because the

captain had so ordered them.

Whilst this conflict was in progress the two captains Dom

Diogo de Atayde and Jorge de Mello with all the troops from

Columbo reached Cotta at the place where Raju’s arrayal

was ; and finding it deserted, theyset fire to it, and halted

there, because they did not know where the enemy was, it

being very dark. Our men in Prea Cotta were in great stress,

because at the time that the captain came to the help of the

pass that had been forced, Raju was attacking with his whole

force, striving all he could to gain an entrance ; but it was very

well defended against him by fifty soldiers who were in that

part, who besides the defence performed the loftiest prowesses

and wrought such havoc among the enemy, that had they not

been aided by the divine arm, they could not by human

agency have escaped that fury and unequal strength: and the

enemies themselves said afterwards, that they saw a most

beautiful woman, who, arriving at that moment with a blue ©

mantle, extended it over our men, and sheltered them from those

clouds of arrows and bullets that rained upon them : and that

the same woman caught inthe air the enemies’ darts and hurled

them back upon themselves : and that they likewise saw an

old man clad in red, who with a staff that he bore caused great

havoc among the Chingalas ; and they affirmed that the sight

of that lady and of the venerable old man caused them all

No. 60.—1908.] couTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 239

such great terror, that forthwith they fell into a panic of their

own accord: and we may piously believe that this old man

was the blessed and chaste Saint Joseph, who in that crisis

had accompanied his most holy spouse the most holy Virgin

Mary our Lady.

Raju, seeing the discomfiture of his forces, and that daylight

was already breaking, removed from where he was, and

commanded to give a signal to the captains that were in the

other passes, who forthwith retired and went retreating in

disorder by different roads; and Raju, without taking

that to his arrayal, went retreating towards Ceitavaca :

and without doubt if Dom Diogo de Atayde and Jorge de

Mello had gone harassing him in the rear, they would have

succeeded in utterly routing him ; but they, when they learnt

of his flight, fearing that he had gone against Columbo, which

was left to itself, without communicating with Pedro de

Atayde set off in great haste to the help of their city. The

captain Pedro de Atayde, when he saw himself relieved,

threw out spies in order to get information regarding the

enemy, who had already crossed over the river Calané, and

went the round of all the posts, and found that not a soldier

had been killed in all that combat except one named Francisco

Fernandez Gameiro: upon which he went out to the field, and

saw that notable havoc that had been wrought among the

enemy, and found that the number of the dead exceeded two

thousand, besides a larger quantity that were wounded, of

whom many died ; and seeing that in the fortress there was

only enough to eat for that day, he ordered the soldiers to

collect the dead bodies, in order to salt them in slices, so that,

if the enemy returned, they might avail themselves of that

provender : and so in a short space of time they set aside and

- reserved four hundred of the fattest!; and a mulatto called

Fernao Nunez then and there opened one and took out the

liver, which he roasted and ate. The father Frey Simao de

Nasareth, seeing those corpses being collected, hastened with

great alacrity and requested the captain not to collect the dead,

because it was a thing prohibited to Christians to eat human

flesh : to which Pedro de Atayde replied that in the extreme

need in which they were everything was permitted ; and whilst

they were thus debating, there came to the captain a Christian

Caffre, who had come from Rajt’s arrayal, and told him how

he had been routed, and had had a large number of men killed,

and that he had left him already in Seitavaca, upon which the

captain desisted from the carrion business that he had ordered

to be commenced, and commanded to set fire to all those corpses:

' Faria y Sousa wrongly says that the bodies were actually salted.

240 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). —«[VoL. XX.

Two hours later there arrived from Columbo some provisions,

and after them Dom Diogo de Atayde and Jorge de Mello with

all the others that they could muster, whom they went out to

receive with as much joy and gladness as those of men who

thought they had that hour been resuscitated ; and in the

midst of so much joy there was not wanting envy on the

part of those of Columbo at seeing those men so debilitated and

weak who had all done such lofty deeds : and thus ragged and

disfigured, they remained such gentlemen, that the Romans

might envy them at the time of their greatest prosperity as

defenders and conquerors of their empire.

Pedro de Atayde presently went to Columbo to recruit, and

left in Cotta Francisco de Miranda Henriquez with some of

the soldiers that had come from Columbo, because those of

Cotta also went with Pedro de Atayde to renew their strength.

This siege lasted four months; and the last forty days were

days of cruel hunger, in which they ate nothing but herbs, and

even those failed some days, for which reason one may count

this siege as one of the most celebrated in the whole world.

Dec. VIII., CHar. vii.

Of the abandonment of the city of Cotta for Columbo.

The viceroy, seeing the great trouble to the state that the

siege of Cotta gave, and would give if Raju should return

against it, resolved with those of his council that it should be

abandoned, and that the king should transfer himself to

Columbo: for the execution of which he sent! Diogo de Mello?

to remain as captain in that fortress*, who took the following

1 In March or April 1565, apparently.

2 Which Diogo de Mello, is not stated. In VII. x. xv. supra (p. 219)

we read of Diogo de Mello Coutinho as captain of Manar in 1563 (but

see note 2 there), and in VIII. xxxii. infra (p. 254) we shall hear of his

being sent to Ceylon as captain of Columbo in 1570.

3'This is somewhat puzzling. As we have seen above (p. 224),

the captain of Columbo at the time of the great siege of Cota in 1564-5

was Pedro de Ataide Inferno, of whom we last read as returning to

Columbo in February 1565, after the raising of the siege. Couto does

not mention this man again (as far as I can find); but from Primor e

Honra 92 it appears that he went from Ceylon to become captain of

Negapatam (when, isnot stated). If he was superseded in the command

of Columbo by Diogo de Mello Coutinho, the latter must in his turn

have been relieved by some other captain, or this was some other Diogo

de Mello (cf. preceding note).

No. 60.—1908.] couTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 241

vessels': he himself in a galliot, Manuel Luzarte Ticad, Fernad

Vas Pinto, Antonio Froes, Fernad Trinchao, Antonio da Costa

-Travassos, who had come from Columbo”. This armada having

arrived? at that fortress, Diogo de Mello immediately put the

business into execution*, and went to fetch the king, and with-

drew the friars and demolished the temple that they had there ;

and left the whole deserted, and transferred all those things to

Columbo, where lodgings were prepared for the king>, whom

ours of Portugal commanded to be very well treated, and

ordered that of all the money that was owing to him he should

be given every year two thousand xerafins for his maintenance®,

because he was disinherited and without lands from which he

might obtain sustenance, and only possessed some villages in the

districts about Columbo’: and from that time forward the

captains of that fortress, and some others that came to its

succour, continued to extort from that poor king even what

was due to him, for one would ask him for two thousand

eruzados as a favour, another for one thousand, and another

for five hundred, and thus little by little they went on consum-

ing him, all of which the viceroys paid: which becoming

1 Only one vessel is described. * See supra, VII. x. xv., p. 222.

3 Perhaps in April 1565.

4 No time could be lost, as the burst of the south-west monsoon was

at hand.

5 The Rajdvaliya (73 of Sinh. ed.) says :—‘‘ King Dharmapala

retired to Kolamba by night. King Raja Sinha having laid waste

the city of Kétté returned to Hitavaka. From that day the Portuguese

and king Dharmapéla resided in Kolontota.’’ (Then occurs a big

hiatus in this historical narrative, the events of fifteen years, 1566-80,

being entirely unrecorded—a deplorable and unaccountable fact.)

Valentyn, whose version of the Rdjdvaliya ends here, says (Ceylon

82):—‘* The empire of Cotta, as the emperor was driven from there by

Raja Singa Rajoe, lasted only 10 years, and he found himself obliged

to flee from there with the Portuguese, and to abandon everything.”’

Valentyn adds :—“ It is asserted that thus it is found in a certain old

writing, and there also noted that this occurred on 15th March, anno

1514 (although later).”’ The year, of course, is absurdly incorrect ;

and I doubt if the exodus from Cotta took place earlier than April. With

this shameful abandonment by the Portuguese of Cotta its history ended,

and now scarcely a vestige remains of the buildings that once adorned

it (see paper on ‘‘ Alakéswara: his Lifeand Times,’ by Mr. E. W. Perera,

nC. A. S. Jl. xviii. 281 ff., and cf. C, A. S. Jl. x. 152, 170).

° CH. supra, p. 167, note 1. This pension is referred to in several

of the royal letters to the viceroys printed in Arch. Port.-Or. iii. (see 42,

180-1, 254).

’ These villages and districts are named in an alvara of 13 February

1601, printed in Arch. Port.-Or. vi. 737.

R 36-08

242 JOURNAL, R.A.S! (CEYLON). (Vor. Kx

known to the king Dem Sebastiad, he commanded that the

money that had been given in those parts should be collected

again, and that never again must the king make grants of

money that was owing to him!: the which I believe did not

take effect?.

After Diogo de Mello had left, the viceroy immediately sent

off some foists belonging to private persons with these provi-

sions ?: ten thousand xerafins in money, three hundred candis

of wheat, eight hundred of rice, two hundred quintals of

biscuit, many munitions, cotton cloths, and cther things of

that sort. ......

Desc. VIII., CHap. x.

- Of the provision that was made this year for Ceylam.

In this September of 1565 the viceroy Dom Antao de

Noronha sent a galleon to Ceilad, it being again at war‘, in

1 Of. supra, p. 166, note °.

2 This is proved by references to the subject in the royal letters

cited in note ®, p. 241; and that the extortion went on until Dharmapala’s

death is evident from what we read in a royal letter of 10 March

1598, printed in Arch. Port.-Or. iii. 857.

3 It is not said to what place these were sent, but we may presume

it was to Ceylon.

4 This shows that Raja Sinha had again taken the field, emboldened, |

doubtless, by the Portuguese confession of weakness in their abandon-

ment of Cota. Owing to the irreparable loss of Couto’s original

Highth and Ninth Decades, and the unaccountable hiatus in the Rdajd-

valiya mentioned above, we are left without any details of the events in

Ceylon for the next sixteen years, with the exception of the curious

episode related in chapters xii.—-xii. below. It was during this

period that the Venetian merchant traveller Cesare Federici visited

Ceylon ; but in what year he was in Columbo is not clear from his

narrative. As the English translation of Federici’s book by Hiekocke

(published 1588) is full of gross blunders (not to mention misprints),

which Hakluyt, in his somewhat amended version (Principal Navigations

ii. 225-6), has failed to correct, I here give an accurate translation of that

portion of the traveller’s narrative that deals with historical events in

Ceylon at this period: —“ Seilam is a large island, and in my judgment

a good deal bigger than Cyprus. On the side that looks towards India

on the west is the city of Colombo, a fortress of the Portuguese, but

outside its walls is in the hands of the enemies ; only towards the sea

has it the port free [the Eng. trans. has ‘ but without’ wales (sic) or

enimies (!): it hath towards the sea his (sic) free port’]. The lawful

king of this island is in Colombo, having been made a Christian and

deprived of the kingdom, sustained by the king of Portugal. The

No. 60.—1908.] couToO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 243

which went as captain FKernad Rodrigues de Carvalho!, who

carried two hundred candis of wheat, four hundred of rice,

and many munitions ; for in this manner the viceroys were

wont at that time to provide the fortresses of India.

2 * * ok . * x

ee ee ee

Dec. VIII., Cuap. xii.

The king of Pegu sends to ask of the king of Ceylao a

daughter im marriage.

Though I should spend a long time in describing the super-

stitions of these barbarous heathen Pegis and Bramas?,

heathen king to whom the kingdom belonged, called Madoni, having

two sons, the prince named Barbinas [see infra, p. 273, note 1],

and the second named Ragiu, was by the astuteness of the younger

son deprived of the kingdom, because the latter, having made the

whole soldiery favourable to himself, in despite of his father and of the

‘prince his brother, usurped to himself the kingdom, and is a great

warrior. At first this island had three kings:—Ragiu with his father

and his brother Barbinas ; the king of Cotta with his conquests; the

king of Candia in a part of the island that is called the kingdom

of Candia, who had considerable power and was a great friend of the

Portuguese, and it was said that he lived secretly as a Christian ; there

was [also] the king of Gianifanpatan. For the last thirteen years

Ragiu has impatronized himself of the whole island, and has made

himself agreattyrant ...... I was desirous of seeing how the cinnamon

is peeled from the tree that produces it, and all the more because when

I was in the island it was the season, as it was peeled in the month of

April: wherefore, although the Portuguese were at war with the king

of the island, and therefore I ran great danger in going out of the city,

yet nevertheless I wished to satisfy this wish of mine, and having

gone out with a guide, I went into a wood three miles distant from the

city, in which were a good many trees of cinnamon, ...... ” As we

do not know when the writer was in Ceylon, we cannot tell exactly

what are the “‘ thirteen years ”’ of Raja Sinha’s dominancy of which he

speaks. (See supra, p. 208, note *, regarding Mayadunné’s abdication

in favour of his son Raja Sinha, circa 1558-9.)

1JIn Arch. Port.-Or. v: is a royal letter of 19 February 1561,

granting to this man the posts of captain and factor of the ships going

from India to Ceylon for cinnamon for three successive voyages.

2 The word “ these ” here is puzzling, as Couto has not spoken of the

Peguans or Burmese since he told us (p. 212) of the mission from the

king of Pegu in 1560-1 to D. Constantino de Bragang¢a with the object

of ransoming the tooth-relic captured at Jaffna. The “ superstitions ”’

of the Peguans he had treated of in V. v. ix. and V. VI. 1. (see extract

from the latter, swpra, p. 108).

244 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX.

I could never succeed in telling the smallest part of their .

delusions: and for that reason, when I treat of any, it is only

in passing, as I shall now do here. On the birth of this Brama

king! the astrologers made great astrological observations

and constructions of diagrams to learn his good or bad fortune,

and the things good or evil that were to befall him during his

life. Among the absurdities that they wrote down as having

noted on this subject was that he was to marry a daughter of

the king of Ceilao, that there were to be such and such marks,

and that the lineaments of her body were to be of certain

measurements, which they thereupon recorded ; and the

Brama king of Pegt, wishing to give fulfilment to the

absurdities which they called prophecies, sent ambassadors

to the king Dom Joao of Columbo, in that he alone by blood

and legitimacy was the rightful emperor of the whole island,

to ask him for a daughter to wife, and sent him a ship laden with

provisions, as there were none in Ceila6?, and many trinkets

.and rich jewels. These ambassadors reached Columbo at the

same time that the king left Cotta for that city?, whom the

king received with much honour and entertainment; and

learning for what purpose they had come, he dissembled over

the business, not denying that he had no daughter, as in fact

he had not, nor has had?*, in which his astrologers had already

ed and deceived themselves ; but as he had brought up in his

household a daughter of his grand chamberlain’s, who was

likewise of royal blood, whom Francisco Barreto when gover-

nor made a Christian and gave him his name®, by whom on

account of his parts and kinship the king was very much

led, and we may assert that he ordered everything.

_ Of this maiden the king was very fond, and called her

daughter, and honoured her as such; and after the ambassa-

dors of the Brama had presented to him their commission he

always placed her with him at table, and called her daughter,

and under this name he wished to give her to the Brama as his

wife; but he feared that the captain of Columbo® would prevent

1 See supra, p. 212. note 1. The curious episodes related in this and

the following chapter do not appear to be recorded in the native

annals of Burma. Couto refers to them in VII. 1x. ii. (pp. 191-2).

Phayre (Hist. of Burma 117) erroneously ascribes these events to the

years 1574-6.

* Cf. supra, pp. 242, 243. The lack of provisions was confined to

Columbo and its vicinity, and was due to the blockade set up by

Mayadunné.

3 About April 1565 (see p. 241, note 5).

4 Dharmapala was childless (cf. supra, p. 100, and infra, p. 414).

5 As stated in VII. 11. iv. (see p. 172, note *). § Diogo de Mello.

No. 60.—1908.] couTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 245

his doing it, and that the fathers of Saint Francis would do

the same, although she was still a heathen: because as they

had that sheep within doors, and any day might make her a

Christian, as they intended and each day hoped, it was certain

that they would hinder her from making the journey. All

these matters he discussed with his grand chamberlain, who

was sagacious and a man of great contrivance and had the

king entirely under his thumb!; who seeing that the king was

dispossessed of Cotta and poor, and that by this marriage

would be opened up a way to great trade with the Brama, and

that the maiden his daughter would be the latter’s wife, told

the king that he would arrange for her to be taken away

without its being known in Columbo.

But much further even did his industry go : in that from the

tine of a stag he made a tooth just like that which Dom

Constantino carried off of the white ape*, and enchased it in

gold, and made a charola?, very costly with many precious

stones, in which he placed it; and the grand chamberlain"

conversing one day with the Brama’s ambassadors and the

talupoes that had accompanied them (who were their bishops

and monks®), who came to make offerings to the footprint of

Adam, which all adore and venerate®, gave them in great

1 Cf. swpra, p. 156, note }.

* So inthe manuscript. In the printed edition the word “ white ”’

is wanting ; nor does Couto in VII. 1x. ii. mention the colour of the ape.

Faria y Sousa, however, in his account of Dom Constantino’s' *‘ great

renunciation,’ asserts (Asia Port. II. 11. xvi.) that the tooth was that of a

white ape, and compares the sacredness of the white elephant in Siam.

8 According to Vieyra’s Port. Dict. this word is synonymous with

andor, litter (regarding which see Hob.-Job.). In XII. v. iv. Couto,

describing the grandeur of the king of Pegu, says :—‘‘ And when this

king wished to go out he went in a charola overlaid with gold, with

many precious stones, and was borne on the shoulders of thirty-six

chief men,” &c. It is in this sense that Couto uses the word here and

elsewhere. But charola in Portuguese also meant a niche in which

images were placed (see Fr. Dom. Vieira’s Grande Dicc. Port. s.v.):

and it is in the latter sense that Teixeira uses the word in describing a

Hindu temple at Barcelor in Kanara (see Teix. 211, where note 2 is

incorrect), Ralph Fitch (162) describes the Peguan monarch’s litter,

and adds: “‘ This coach in their language is called Serrion.” I suspect

that in charola two words, one of Latin and one of Eastern origin, have

been confused.

“The printed edition here inserts ‘‘ who was still a heathen.” He

was probably a Christian only ‘“‘ from the teeth outwards.”

® See Hob.-Job. s.v. ‘‘ Talapoin.”

mC]. supra, V..vi. ii., p. 110.

246 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

secrecy an account of that business, and of how the king Dom

Joad had the real tooth of the ape, or of their Quidr!; and

the one that Dom Constantino carried off was a false one and

an imitation: inasmuch as by the ingenuity of the king it

was made to the end that he should be left with the genuine

one, which he esteemed more than all the riches of the Kast,

but as the king had become a Christian at the instance of the

Portuguese, he had kept the tooth in his house in the greatest

secrecy, with all the suitableness that was possible to him.

The ambassadors and talupdes on hearing that were very glad,

and with great insistancy begged the king’s chamberlain to

show it to them, the which he promised them under great

assurances, cautions, and promises that no one should learn

from them that secret, nor the king have knowledge of what

he had revealed to them, the which ceremonies and precau-

tions stimulated all the more the curiosity of the ambassadors

to importune him; and after some days of much intreaty,

during which he kept on expressing fears to them, one night

he allowed himself to be conquered by their intreaties, and

took them with great caution to his house, where with great

preparations and feigned reverences he showed them the tooth

in the charola in which it was on an altar much adorned with

lights and perfumes, and on seeing it they prostrated them-

selves on the ground, and adored it many times with great

ceremonies and superstitious rites, in which they spent the

greater part of the night, and afterwards conversed with the

grand chamberlain regarding the tooth, begging him to send

it to the Brama with his daughter, in order that the pleasure

and festivities of the wedding might be more, and they

pledged their word to him that the Brama should send him

a million of gold, and every year a ship laden with rice and

provisions, as they had promised : all of which was settled in

great secrecy, so that only the king and his chamberlain

knew of it.

As soon as the weather was fit for this maiden to embark ?,

the grand chamberlain carried it out with such secrecy, that

neither Diogo de Mello, captain of Columbo, nor the fathers

' This should be Quidi, as it is spelt in V. vi. i. (below spelt Quiay).

Valentyn, in the list of Javanese words at the end of the last part of his

great work, has “‘kijay, een heer.’’ It is, in fact, the Talaing kyatk =

Buddha, lord, master. (Cf. Ovington’s Voyage to Suratt, &c., 566, 576.)

Ralph Fitch (168) spells the word kiack, and wrongly explains it as

their [the Peguans’] holy place or temple.”” Tennent’s footnote in his

Ceylon ii. 217 is both inaccurate in statement and erroneous in surmise.

* At the close of the south-west monsoon, doubtless. .

No. 60.—1908.] couTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 247

had the remotest idea of it! : and there went with the ambas-

sadors the king of Ceila6’s, who was Andre Bayao modeliar? ;

and sailing with good weather, they made landfall at another

port below Cosmi*®, where they disembarked, and informed

the Brama of all that had happened, and of the arrival of the

queen, which was a great.joy to the king and all the grandees ;

and immediately the king dispatched all the aimes* (who are

the dukes and grandees) to accompany her, and sent her

jewels and very costly stuffs ; and all this people, which was

without number ,went down the river in many boats,which they

call legées®, which are like galleys, all gilded and awninged,

and with silk flags of richly ordered colours; and that in which

the queen was to embark had the awning and cabin all overlaid

with gold, and was equipped with beautiful and richly attired

women, who rowed better and more in stroke than the galley-

slaves of Europe, and of these women the king had many

in separate wards, and it is certain that they married one

another, and lived in houses two and two like married couples :

and I have spoken with several Portuguese who were captives

in Siad, and chiefly with one Antonio Toscano*®, who was my

neighbour and who still has sons in Goa, who said that they

went many a time to see these wards of the marineresses, and

that it was true that they were married to one another. In

this galley that I have been describing the king commanded

‘Tt is certainly strange that none of the Portuguese in Columbo

should have got wind of the affair.

2 What this man’s Sinhalese name was, |1donot know. In VI. 11. vi.

Couto mentions a brave soldier of the same name, and in the account

of the siege of Columbo in 1587-8 we read of a Sebastiéo and a

Jeronymo Bayao, who may have been sons of the mudaliyar’s. As

Manoel de Sousa Coutinho’s father was lord of Bayaéo, we may assume

that captain to have been sponsor to the mudaliyar at his baptism.

* In manuscript erroneously “ Cosri.’”” On this port see Hob.-Job.

s.v. “* Cosmin,”

* In the next chapter we have the form ximis, and in XII. v. iii.

Couto gives the singular as zemim. Ralph Fitch (161) has ‘‘ his noble-

men which they call Shemines.’’ The word is Talaing thamin. E. B.

Michell’s Siamese-English Dictionary has ‘‘ cha’meun, a superior class

of king’s pages having the same rank as a phra.”’

° In printed edition of 1786 lagoas. In V. v. ix. Couto describes the

boats as like galleys, with two tiers of oars, and says that they were

called chalavegoes. KE. B. Michell’s Siamese-English Dictionary has

~ cha'laum, a small sea vessel ” (cf. Hob.-J ob..s.v. “* Chelingo ”’).

* Couto mentions this man again in XII. v. v., whence it appears

that in 1594 Toscano was again in Pegu, when he and other Portuguese

were made prisoners by the Burmese king,

248 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XX.

to embark the wife of the banhd! of the old city, as her lady

of the bedchamber and governess, and other very beautiful

ladies.

This structure having arrived, the principal lady of the

bedchamber went to visit the queen and do reverence to her,

and began to execute her office: and as she was a very old

woman, and of great respect and authority, the queen began

to treat her as a mother. Some days having passed, during

which the grand lady of the bedchamber had charge of her

and they were on terms of great friendship, she said one day

in speaking to her, that the Brama king had been informed

by his astrologers that he was to marry a princess of Ceilao

who would have certain measurements of the legs, arms, and

head, as was all set forth in those books, which the lady of the

bedchamber showed her: that therefore she must give her

leave, since of it was of great importance, that she should take

those measurements upon her: that that was the principal

cause for which the king had sent her, because he trusted her

alone with her person. The princess listened to her very

gravely, and with great haughtiness replied, that her body

should be touched by no other person besides the king her

husband : that they would go to Pegu, and that there he could

take what measurements he wished. The lady of the bed-

chamber could not persuade her to do anything else ; but she

at once informed the king of what had taken place, who had

advice of what occurred by couriers daily ; and on hearing

this message that the lady ot the bedchamber sent him of

what had taken place with the queen he rejoiced greatly at it,

and made great pleasantries over it, and commanded that they

should immediately journey to Pegi, which she did: and on

the way she was accompanied by all the chief men of the cities

and towns by which they passed, with many signs of rejoicing,

dances, and music, and also with many costly girts and presents,

until she arrived at the city of Pegu, where she disembarked

with the greatest majesty, pomp, and splendour that can be

imagined. The son and heir of the king went to receive her

at her disembarkation, and in all the streets through which she

passed she found novel forms of arches, theatricals, costly

objects, and various figures which the natives of the kingdoms

subject to the Bramé had made in her honour. The king

came out to receive her at the gate of the palace in which she

was to reside, which was furnished in the most suitable style

with every article for the bedchamber, drawing-room, and

wardrobe, and everything else necessary to the wife of such

a wealthy and powerful monarch, and afterwards he set apart |

‘In XII. v. ii. Couto says that this word means “‘ governor.”

No. 60.—1908.] courTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. YAY

large revenues for the expenses of her household. These first

days he spent with her, commanding to bring her to his house,

and had her sworn as queen with great ceremonial ; but as he

had in his household many princesses, daughters of kings his

vassals, as concubines, and other very beautiful ladies all

within doors, interred more than in a convent, and she came

to know that he consorted with them, she began to be filled

with jealousy and to display anger and bitterness towards

him, a thing that no one had ever shown towards him, nor did

he understand what it was, and he greatly enjoyed it, and

had hearty laughs and jests. Ofall these things the eunuchs

that waited on the queen informed Antonio Toscano, with

whom they were on terms of friendship, who told me all this

and other things, which I cmit so as not to appear prolix.

_ But as in those parts there is nothing that is not known, the

Brama king came to learn that that maiden was not the

daughter of the king of Ceilao, but of his chamberlain, because

it seems that Andre Baya6d, who had gone thither with her

as ambassador, came to let his tongue run too fast (as they say)

when conversing with some xvmes! of Pegu, who told it to the

king, who made little of this matter, because of his now being

fond of her, and also because the talupdes and ambassadors who

went to ask for the queen had given him an account of the

ape’s tooth and of the veneration in which that king held it,

and of how it had been agreed with him that he should give it

up: which the Brama highly esteemed, because that tooth,

which they considered as that of their idol Quiay, he esteems

above everything in life: and it has pleased God that thus we

have set in esteem a tooth of Saint Apollonia’s ; but I shall not

say much as to its being this saint’s, but a nail with which

Christ was nailed, or a thorn that pierced his sacred head, or

the iron of the lance that rent his sacred breast, all of which

were captive in the power of the Turks for many years, without

the Christian kings’ sending to redeem them, as this Brama

king did to the feigned tocth of the devil, or of the stag:

because he forthwith dispatched the same ambassadors and

talupoes back again to ask for that tooth, and for it sent that

king the greatest riches, with promises of others still greater.

These ambassadors arrived at Columbo?, and treated of the

business in secret with that king, who delivered to them

the tooth in its charola with great ceremonies and precautions,

and with it they embarked in great haste in the same ship that:

they had brought for that purpose.

1 The printed edition has ‘‘ Chinas ”’ (Chinese).

* In the early part of 1566, probably.

250 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

Dec. VIIL., CHarp. xiii.

Of the grandeur with which this tooth was received in Pegu.

The ambassadors took only a few days to reach Cosmy,

the port of Pegu, where at once the news spread of the arrival

of the tooth of their idol Quiay, and all the talupoes and people

that dwelt there came flocking to worship it with great venera-

tion; and for its disembarkation they made innumerable

jangadas on boats with coverings erected above, much carved

and adorned ; and the boat in which the accursed tooth was to

disembark was all plated with gold and silver and other very

costly curiosities : word was immediately sent to Pegu to the

Brama, who forthwith in great haste sent all the grandees of his_

court to receive it, and began preparing the place where it was

to be deposited, in which the Brama displayed all his power

and wealth. The tooth was brought up the river, which was

srowded with costly boats, and that part of the boat in which —

was the charola incircled with so many lights, that they hid the

light of day.

The Brama, when he had everything ready, embarked in his

boats overlaid with gold and adorned with brocades, and went.

to meet it two days’ journey ; and when he came in sight of the

boats in which the tooth was coming, he went into the room

of his galley, and washed and purified himself with many

scented waters, and attired himself in the richest clothes that

he had ; and as soon as he reached the jangada in which the

tooth was being brought, from the prow where he entered as

far as the poop where the tooth was he went all the way

on his knees with great manifestations of devotion ; and on

reaching the altar upon which stood the charola, he took the

casket in which the tooth was in his hands, and placed it many

times on his head, and offered the most solemn prayers, with

wonderful formalities, and then returned it to its place and

accompanied it as far as the city, the whole of that river

exhaling the sweetest scents, which all those boats carried ;

and at the disembarkation of the tooth the most honoured

talupoes and ximis of all the kingdoms rushed into the sea, and

the principal ones took the charola upon their shoulders.

and went marching towards the palace with such a concourse

of people, that it would have been impossible to penetrate

it ; and the principal lords stripped off their rich and costly

garments, and went spreading them out on the ground, so

that those who bore that abominable relic might pass over it.

The Portuguese that were present were dumbfoundered at

seeing that brutish folly and display ; and Antonio Toscano,

who as I have said above was one of them, told me things of

the display and grandeur with which it was received, which I

No. 60.—1908.] couro: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 251

know not how to describe, and confess that words and style

fail me therefor: in fine, all that the emperors and kings in the

world all combined could do in a most solemn festival, in

which all wished to ostentate the greatest majesty and power,

this barbarian by himself did. The tooth having been dis-

embarked was placed in the middle of the parade ground of

the palace, where had been erected for it a very gorgeous

tabernacle, to which both the king and all the grandees went.

to offer their richest gifts, which were immediately written

down by officials who were deputed for that purpose.

There it remained for two months, until it was transferred

to a varella' that had just been finished making in the place

where he conquered and routed the Ximido Sata6?, who

rose against him and usurped the kingdom, in gratitude for

that great victory®. And to make an end with these things, as

they are all closely connected, I shall deal with those that

took place between the king of Candea and this Brama with

respect to the king Dom Joao of Ceilao, although they took

place in the coming year; but as they fall in here, I do not

care to leave them until later.

These matters, which the king Dom Joao carried out in

such secrecy with the Brama, both that of the marriage of that

maiden under the name of his daughter and that of the ape’s

tooth, soon came to the ears of the king of Candea*, who

learning how matters stood, and of the great riches that the

Brama king had sent him fer the tooth that he pretended to be

the ape’s, being filled with envy of all this, as he was a near

relative of the king Dom Joa6’s and married to his sister®

(though there were not wanting some who said that she was

his daughter®), dispatched ambassadors to the Brama, who

* Pagoda (see Hob.-Job. s.v.).

2 The printed edition of 1673 has temido Sataé (‘‘ dreaded Satan” !),

while the manuscript has the still funnier error timido santao (“ timid

hypocrite,” or “timid santon”!). The conquest of this Ximi de

Satao (thamin of Sittang) is recorded by Couto in VII. 11. v. ; but it was

Xemindo (Thaminhtoa) who was defeated by Thaminsoadwut, the

latter in his turn being defeated by Bureng-Naung, the king of whom

we are now reading (see Phayre’s Hist. of Burma 102 et seq.).

* ‘Tennent’s version of the foregoing is as follows (Ceylon ii. 220) :—

“ Here it remained two months, till the vihare (varela) which they set

about erecting could be constructed, and on which such expenditure

was lavished as to cause an insurrection in the kingdom ” !

* See supra, p. 234, notes | and °®, and p. 242, note *.

° I cannot verify this statement (cf. infra, p. 261, note 3).

* The manuscript has ‘‘ que naé hera filha » which, with

the unfilled blank, does not make sense.

252 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX.

received them with honour ; and when he gave them audience

they informed him on the part of their king that that maiden

whom the king Dom Joao had sent to him under the name of

his daughter was not so, because she was the daughter of his

grand chamberlain ; and that the tooth which he had sent him

with so much ceremony was made from the tine of a stag ;

that he much desired to be connected with him by marriage,

and that therefore he offered him to wife a daughter of his,

not a pretended but a real one; and that he would likewise

have him know that he had the real tooth of Quiay, because

neither was that which Dom Constantino carried off from

Jafanapatao the real one, but that which he had, as he would

prove by documents and olas!. The Brama being informed

of the case, having turned it over in his mind, and seeing that

he had already sworn that maiden as queen, and had received

the tooth with that display, and collocated it in a varella to

itself, dissembled over the business, so as not to confess that he

had. been deceived, because it is as bad for kings to be deceived

as for us to deceive them : and so he replied to the ambassa-

dors that he highly esteemed the relationship that the king

of Candea wished to enter into with him, and likewise the

ape’s tooth; that he would do him a favour if he would send him

everything, and that to bring it he would give them a very

beautiful ship with very costly things for the king: and he

commanded to prepare two ships, which he ordered to be

laden with rice and costly stuffs, both for the king of Ceilao —

and for the king of Candea, for each one his own; and in that

of the king Dom Joao he commanded to embark all the

Portuguese that he had as captives there, among whom

was Antonio Toscano, who related these things to me many

times.

These ships having reached Ceila6?, that which came to

anchor in the port of Candea® before she was discharged had

her cables cut and was run ashore, where all was lost, and the

ambassadors were drowned ; and it was surmised that it was

by order of the king Dom Joao of Ceila6, they being deadly

enemies?: and if such were the case, it must have been a plan

ee sae —— ——- — _ a ae

‘The Kandyan monarch may have been right regarding the dalada

(see, however, Mahdv. 321 and 327); but he seems to have been a

curious Christian.

2 In the early part of 1567, probably.

3 By the “‘ port of Candea’”’ is, I think, to be understood some roadstead

near Batecalou, which was the part whence intercourse with Kandy

took place from outside (cj. swpra, p. 127). :

* Who are meant by “ they ”’ is not quite clear. _

No. 60.—1908.] COUTO : HISTORY OF CEYLON. 253

of the grand chamberlain’s, since the king had not cunning

for anything : whereby these matters remained without having

any further result?.

Dec. VIII., Car. xvu.

2 of st ets * x «

In September of this year 1567 the viceroy sent Lisuarte

de Araga6 de Sousa, who had been granted the Ceila6 voyages’,

as captain of a galleon with many supplies of money, who left

on the 26th of September, and returned on the 16th of March

1568.

Dec. VIILI., Cap. xxiii.

* * * a K * *

2 ee And he [the viceroy] nominated Dom Fernando de

Monrroy, a Castilian fidalgo, who was about to go as captain of

Ceilas?, to go with this succour’, ..... :

Dec. VIII., CHap. xxx.

* “ * x * ** x

Beet. '. and he [the viceroy®| gave orders to Andre da

Fonseca® that from the revenue of the customs he should buy

‘in Malaca a thousand candts of rice, as it was very cheap there,

* Cesare Federici, who seems to have been in Pegu from 1567 to 1569,

says nothing of the events recorded in the above two chapters: cer-

tainly a strange omission, if they actually took place. Linschoten,

who, asI have said, is the earliest writer that records the capture of the

tooth-relic by the Portuguese, adds to his inaccuracies by stating that it

was a banian who produced the counterfeit tooth, and that the latter

was bought for a large sum by the king of Vijayanagar! (Linsch. i.

294),

* Cf. supra, p. 243, note }.

3 Cf. supra, p. 240, note 3, and infra, VIII. xxxii. (p. 254). I cannot

find that Dom Fernando ever became captain of Columbo.

* Of provisions for Malacca, in April 1568.

* D. Luiz de Ataide, who arrived in India 10 September 1568.

* Who was going to Malacca as vedor da fazenda.

254 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). fVon. XX.

and send it to CeilaG, divided amongst the ships that had

to leave in January, or that he should buy a junk for that

purposes...

% * of *K 7k * *f

Dec. VIII., CHap. xxxii.

# f ok *k oo *k ok

..-... At the same time! Diogo de Mello Coutinho went to

take over the captaincy of Columbo and Ceila6?. ......

* % * K *

* The end of August 1570.

2 Cf. supra, p. 240, note 7, and p. 253, note?. From a royal letter of

10 March 1598, printed in Arch. Port.-Or. iii., it would seem that during

the captaincy. of Diogo de Mello (1570-2) Dharmapala had poison given

to him (by whom is not said) ; and fear of a repetition of this led him

thereafter to bear in silence the insults and outrages of successive

captains of Columbo

No. 60.—1908.] couto: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 255

COUTO.

DECADE IX. (Unfinished summary.)

1571-1575 a.p.

Portuguese Governors of India.—D. Antonio de Noronha,

‘viceroy, September 1571 to December 1573; Antonio

Moniz Barreto, governor, December 1573 to September

1576; D. Diogo de Menezes, governor, September 1576 to

August 1578; D. Luis de Ataide, viceroy, August 1578 to

March 1581.

Sinhalese Rulers in Ceylon.—Dharmapila alias Dom Joao

Perea Pandar, 1551-97 (Columbo); Mayadunné, 1534-81(?)

(Sitavaka) ; —————? (Kandy).

Tamil King in Jaffna.—Sangili.

Portuguese Captains-Major of Ceylon.—D. Antonio de

Noronha, 1572-5(?); Fernao de Albuquerque, 1575-8(?);

Manuel de Sousa Coutinho, 1578(?%)-83.

Dec. IX., CHap. xi.

Kk K *k Kk Kk ak ae

This armada having left, the viceroy! immediately dispatched

another to Ceila6, of which he elected as captain of that

fortress Dom Antonio de Noronha, who left on the Ist of May?

with a galley, in which he went, and four foists, captain

Fernaé Dias de Oliveyra, Jeronimo Monteiro, and Antonio

Machado, all of whom arrived in safety, and Dom Antonio

took possession of that captaincy*®. Of these armadas above-

‘mentioned I do not describe the successes, because there was

nothing noteworthy that we can mention.

t Also named D, Antonio de Noronha.

LS PAS

* In supersession of Diogo de Mello Coutinho (see supra, VIII.

XXX1l., p. 254).

256 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Von. XX.

Dec. [X., CHAP. xiii.

* * ok * of * 7%

,..... Having left Goa, the galliots could not double the

point of Gale, and put in to Ceila6, where they wintered?,..... :

* +k *K *K * *

And in like manner he [the viceroy] provided the fortresses

of Canara with some captains and soldiers, and that of Columbo

in Ceila6 with two ships, in which went Francisco Gomez

Leyta6’, field-captain’, and Jeronimo Monteiro® ; and with

this the winter set in.

x x * x x x x

SUPPLEMENT TO Dec. IX.

The foregoing are the only references to Ceylon in Couto’s

unfinished summary of his Ninth Decade, and, unfortunately,

it is impossible to obtain from other sources details of the

events that occurred in the island during the years 1573-81°. |

In X. rx. v. infra (p. 303) Couto speaks of a Portuguese who

had been taken prisoner by the Sinhalese “eleven years before ”’

1587, 2.e., in 1576 ; but whether in an engagement with Raja

Sinha’s troops, I cannot say.

——

1 In May 1573.

2 Cesare Federici had a similar experience about this time in a ship

bound from Cochin to S&0 Thomé, which, being unable to round the

south of Ceylon, had to “ winter ” at Mannar.

' 3 See supra, p. 225.

4 In X. vil. xiv. (p. 276) we shall find him still occupying this position

in 1586.

5 Cf. supra, IX. xi. (p. 255).

6 From a document printed in Col. de Trat. i. 225 ff. it seems that

in 1573 Dharmapala was married in Columbo to Dona Margarida,

daughter of the king of Kandy, receiving as dowry with her a renewed

subjection of the Kandyan kingdom (see infra, pp. 258 and 261).

Faria y Sousa (Asza Port. II. 11. xviii.) complains of being unable

to describe as fully as he wished the events of this period, owing to the

unwillingness of those who had manuscripts to allow him the use of

them. The only item of information he gives regarding Ceylon is an

account (in II. 11. xix.) of the attempted conversion of the ‘‘ em-

peror of Ceylon” by the father ‘‘ Fray Juan de Villa de Conde” in 1579,

and the subsequent baptism of “ Don Juan Parea Pandar, king of

Cota,’’—events which, as we have seen (supra, p. 172, note *), really

took place some twenty years before.

No. 60.—1908.] couTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 257

Again in X. X. xvi. (p. 376) we read of a Portuguese force from

Columbo in February 1588 landing north of Chilao and

marching on Maripo, which was put to fire and sword as a

punishment for the bad treatment shown by its inhabitants to

the people of an armada under the command of Diogo Lopes

Coutinho, that was wrecked there while going in succour

to Ceylon in the time of Count D. Luiz de-Ataide, 2.e.,

between 31 August 1578 and 10 March 1581. Of this

event I have no details: but it is probable that the armada

was going to the relief of Columbo, which was_ besieged

by Raja Sinha for a vear and a half (1579-80) with thirty

thousand soldiers, half of whom were harquebusiers, and

thirteen or fourteen thousand pioneers!. In his Tenth Decade

Couto makes several references? to this siege, which supply

us with a few items of information regarding it ; and he also

tells us that the captain of Columbo at that time was Manoel

de .Sousa Coutinho, whose appointment to that post? he

doubtless recorded in his lost Ninth Decade. The fortress was

relieved by Mathias de Albuquerque, who, after going to the

help of Malacca with a force of four hundred men, returned to

Ceylon in the later part of 1580, and together with the captain

of Columbo made an onslaught on Raja Sinha’s troops and

utterly defeated them+.

1 These details I take from a manuscript in the public library at

Evora, Vida de Mathias de Albuquerque (pte. 1., cap. ix.), to which,

apparently, Faria y Sousa had access (see Asia Port. I., Advertencias,

§ 8); but, strangely enough, while quoting from a later portion (see

p- 393, note 2, p. 394, note 2), he passes over this part.

* See infra, pp. 293, 297, 299, 335, 354. In VII. 1. iv., as we have

seen, Couto makes an anticipatory reference to this siege.

* IT cannot find when Manoel de Sousa took over the post, nor whom

he succeeded. We have seen above that in May 1572 D. Antonio de

Noronha became captain of Columbo ; but how long he occupied that

position there is nothing to show. However, as the epitaph of Fernao

de Albuquerque (printed in A. C. Teixeira de Aragi&o’s Descripgao

Geral e Historia das Moedas,.&c. iii. 203-4) says that he was

*“ captain of Seildo in the era of 1578,” I think we may coaciude that

he heid the post for the three years 1575-8. Unhappily, the royal

letters to the viceroys and governors of India, from which we migh

have obtained so much valuable information, have, so far as concerns

those written before Philip of Spain seized the throne of Portugal in

1580, almost entirely disappeared.

4 These facts I gain from the Vida de Mat. de Alb., u.s. Baldzeus

(Ceylon ii.) refers to a siege of Columbo, which may be this one; but

he speaks of a proposed mutiny by the Portuguese soldiers, to which

I find no other reference. Perhaps this refers to a later occasion (see

infra, p. 394).

S 36-08

258 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX.

On the 12th of August 1580 Dharmapala, alias Dom Jodo

Pereapandar, by a formal deed of gift donated the whole of his

realms to the cardinal king Dom Henriquet and his successors?

—a veritable damnosa haereditas, as events showed.

The condition of affairs in the Kandyan kingdom at this

time also calls for notice. We have seen above that in 1573

the king of Kandy had dotated his son-in-law Dharmapala

with the suzerainty of his realm, thus virtually ceding that

dominion to the king of Portugal. That Raja Sinha should

acquiesce in such a transaction could not be expected: and

therefore, smarting under the renewed failure to capture —

Columbo and his arch-enemy Dharmapala after an eighteen

months’ siege, he turned his attention to the ruler of the hill-

country’, and marched against Kandy with a large force?.

This was apparently in 1580°. The two armies met at Balané ;

and the Kandyan monarch, being defeated, retired on his

capital®. Being pursued thither by Raja Sinha, he fled,

accompanied by his family and personal attendants, and

passing through Dumbara took his way in the direction of —

Jafina, and settled down at Katupana in the midst of the

northern jungles’. From here his son and son-in-law proceeded

to the Vanni, apparently with the object of enlisting the

help of the Vanniyans in an attempt to regain the Kandyan

kingdom. Both, however, died there. Finding himself

1 This old dotard was already dead (31 January 1580) when the

deed was executed.

2 See Orient. 1ii. 28-31, 111-3, 131-3, 193-4. In a letter to the

viceroy, dated 10 March 1584, King Philip mentions having received

this document with a letter from Dharmapala written in 1581 and one

from Manoel de Sousa. He also asks for a deed from Dharmapala

formally disinheriting his relatives, and that the people of Ceylon elect

him (Philip) as their king.

31 am uncertain as to who the king was that was reigning in Kandy

at this time. It may have been the Christian king Dom Jodo referred

to by Couto in VIII. iii. and xiii. above ; but I cannot find any definite

statement in the various authorities. (See footnote,! on p. 259.)

* A document printed in Col. de Trat. i. (226) says that Dharmapéla’s

wife Dona Margarida wished that Raja Sinha should have to wife Dona

Catharina, granddaughter of the Kandyan king; and that the failure

of this proposal originated the war.

* The same document cited in the previous note says that Raja

Sinha had possession of the Kandyan kingdont for twelve years: there-

fore, since he died in 1592, the conquest must have taken place in 1580.

® So says the Rdjavaliya (89), which, after a hiatus of fifteen years

(see supra, p. 241, note >), here once more takes up the thread of events.

* Rajavaliya 89. I cannot locate Katupana.

No. 60.—1908.] courTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 259

threatened by the king of Jaffna, the Kandyan monarch wrote

for help to Dharmapala!, who with a force of Sinhalese and.

Portuguese sailed for Mannar, marched on Jaffna, defeated? the

Tamil king, and returned with the exiled king and his family

and retinue to Mannar, where they were accorded suitable

lodging®. Here we must leave them for the present.

”

1The Rajdvaliya (89) has “his brother-in-lJaw Dharmapala,”

which, if correct, would prov> that the Kandyan king was D. Joao

(see supra, p. 251).

* The Rajdvaliya (89) says “‘ killed ’’: but I doubt the correctness of

this.

* When these later events took place, I have no means of ascertaining,

the Rajavaliya being the sole authority for them. All that the

document cited above (Col. de Trat. i. 226) says is, that ‘“‘the said king

of Candea embarked [szc !| for the fortress of Manar with all his royal

family.”

Ss 2

260 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON), [Vou. XX.

COUTO.

DECADE xX.

1581-1588 A.D.

Portuguese Governors of India.—Fernao Telles de Menezes,

governor, March to September 1581; D. Francisco Mas-

carenhas, Count of Villa da Orta, viceroy, September 1581

to November 1584; D. Duarte de Menezes, Count of Tarouca,

viceroy, November 1584 to May 1588.

Sinhalese Rulers in Ceylon.—Dharmapala alias Dom Joao

Perea Pandar, 1551-97 (Columbo) ; Raja Sinha I., 1581 (?2)-

92 (Sitavaka).

Tamil King in Jaffna.—Sangill.

Portuguese Captains-Major of Ceylon.—Manoel de Sousa

Coutinho, 1578(%)-83 ; Joao Correa de Brito, 1583-90.

In this Decade Couto relates with much detail the orgy of

cruelties indulged in by Raja Sinha after the death of his father

Mayadunné and his consequent accession to the throne (in

1581 2); and then gives a very minute account of Raja Sinha’s

expedition against Columbo and the great siege of 1587-8,

the city being ultimately relieved and Raja Sinha totally

routed.

Dec. X., BK. 1., CHAP. vii.

Of the great patrimony that King Philipre inherited in the whole

of this Hast with all the realms of Portugal : and of the state

in which the affairs of India were at this time.

** * xk 2 x * 7

Re aN The celebrated island of Seilao, where is the

fortress of Columbo, with the. kingdoms of Jafanapatao!

(which is vassal?) and Cota and Candea, of which the kings

* The manuscript, like the printed edition, has “ Janapata6.”’

* See supra, VII. 1x. iii. (p. 195). Since the hurried and ignominious

departure from Jaffna of the Portuguese under the viceroy D.

Constantino de Braganga in 1560 Couto‘has told us nothing regarding

that kingdom. That the “ vassalage’’ of the king was more than

nominal may well be doubted. (But see infra, p. 61, note 2.)

rae pe een meee =

No. 60.—1908.] coUuTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. © 261

of Portugal are rightful lords by the affiliations and donations

that the king Dom Joaé ot Cota and Dom Philippe of Candea

made of them to them!; with the island and fortress of

Manar, with all the fishery of seed-pearl, which yields a

wood sum?: :.....

ee when the king Dom Philippe was sworn as king

in these states?, there was ...... as captain ...... of

Columbo in Ceilaé6 Manoel de Sousa Coutinho*; ..... ;

Dec. X., BK. 1., CHAP. 1x.

x * * x x * x

Disc ca-e in this armada®> there embarked many fidalgos and

captains, and of those that we remember are the following :

...... Joao Correa de Brito® with that [the reversion of the

captaincy of the fortress] of Columbo in Ceila6d’;...... Joao

Correa de Brito with that of Columbo®.

Drc. X., BK. u., CHAP. 1.

2 * x * x x *

And leaving these matters, let us turn to the viceroy Dom

Francisco Mascarenhas, who as soon as he took charge of the

state began to fulfil his duties ; and one of the first that he

carried out was to dispatch a ship to Ceilam, on account

1 See supra, p. 256, note ®, and p. 258, and infra, p. «90.

* Mannar had superseded Kilakarai as the residence of the captain

ot the pearl fishery, the captain of Mannar fort holding the two offices

(see infra, p. 269, and cf. Teix. 178). According to the ‘‘ tractate of

the Portugall Indies’? by ‘‘Don Duart de Meneses the Vice-roy”’

(1854), printed in Purchas (ix. 164), ‘«* The rent of the Fortresse Manar,

is worth 133460. Fanoes, which are 4003800. Reys, the which his

Majestic hath in the said Iland, and in other Ports neighbouring

there-about, and of tribute which the King of Jasanapatan, and other

Lords do pay, which is 25021. 7s. 6d. sterling.”

8 On 3 September 1581, as described by Couto in X. 1. iv.

4 See supra, p. 257.

be Which left Lisbon 11 April 1581 for India, carrying the first

viceroy appointed by Philip II., viz., D. Francisco Mascarenhas.

§ See supra, p. 225.

_' We shall find that he did not take up this post until two years after

his arrival in India (see infra, p. 263). Meanwhile he held the office of

vedor da fazenda at Ormuz.

* Both the printed edition and the manuscript have this repetition.

only the latter has in the second place ‘* Colimbo.”’

262 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Von. XX.

of that fortress’s being very disorganized and lacking in every-

thing through the late siege!, in which he sent money and

provisions”, ......

Dic. X., BK. ou., CHAP. ix.

* ok * * * * *

The viceroy having got rid of the affairs of Damao, on

account of which all others were delayed®, at once set about

to dispatch those that had to go out and succour Ceilad,

news having reached him afresh that Raju was in a state of

unrest, and it was suspected that he wished to try his hand

again on the fortress of Columbo*; and because Antonio de

Sousa Godinho® was ready to go to Pegu on matters of

importance, he forthwith dispatched him with an order that

he should ask Mathias de Albuquerque, captain-major of

Malabar®, for two more captains, Dom Jeronimo

Dazevedo’ and Afonso Ferreira da Silva’, to go with him

where there was that need ; and that on arriving at Columbo,

if it should be necessary to stay there, he was to do so ; and

that if affairs were quiet he should proceed to Pegu to fulfil his

mission.

Antonio de Sousa having left Goa sath three ships, the

captains of which, besides himself, were Antonio de Faria and

Joa0 de Faria, on arriving at Malabar delivered the letters that

he carried to Mathias de Albuquerque, who gave him the two

captains that he asked for, and went pursuing his course; and

before reaching Cochim he encountered a pardo of Malavares,

1 See supra, p. 257.

2 'The ship left Goa at the end of September or beginning of October

1581, probably.

* Daman was besieged by the Mogul’s forces.

‘Tf, as is probable, Raja Sinha had learnt of Dharmapdla’s dotation

of the kings of Portugal with territories of which he (Raja Sinha) was

in actual possession, it is no wonder that he should seek to get hold of

and punish his complaisant relative.

5 The manuscript omits “ Godinho.”’

® Afterwards (1591-7) viceroy of India.

’ Here appears on the scene the man who afterwards, as general of

Ceylon, earned for himself eternal infamy by his cruelties to the Sipha-

lese. The first mention of him by Couto is in the eighth chapter of the

first book of this Decade ; but it is probable that in the lost Ninth

Decade there were earlier references. His brother, D. Manoel de

Azevedo, is named in X 1. i.

® We shall meet with this man again in X. x. vi. (See p. 334).

No. 60.—1908.] CcoUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 263

which had captured a pangale' of Christians, to. which

they had been giving chase at night ; and they pressed them

so closely, that in order to escape they were obliged to release

the pangale, which Antonio de Sousa? came up to and took in

tow, and brought it to Cochim. The ships in his company,

which did not see him turn about, went following the stern-light

all night until the morning without having sight of him’,

when they turned about for Cochim, where they found Antonio

de Sousa; and after taking in water and other things they

resumed their voyage; and passing Cape Comorim, they

experienced already threatenings of the winter, and some of the

pilots were of opinion that it was already late to attempt that

gulf ; but Afonso Ferreira da Silva, as one experienced in

those parts and an old soldier, said, that at least they could

cross over to Ceilad, and go to succour the fortress of

the king, though it might be with difficulty: and with this

resolve they all set sail against the opinion of the pilots, and

so went crossing over with very big seas, and the same day

the mast broke in the ship of Joao de Faria, whom Antonio

de Sousa ordered to go along the coast to the fortress of

Manar, and there provide himself with another mast, and to

go and wait for him at San Thome, which he did ; the rest of

the ships went crossing over in very stormy weather, and

_ arrived at Columbo, where they were heartily welcomed, and

Raju as soon as he had news of this succour did not budge,

and dispersed the troops that he had mustered, of which Joa6

Correa de Brito was soon advised, and he dispensed with the

services of Antonio de Sousa ; and the latter, leaving there the

ships of Dom Jeronimo de Azevedo and Antonio de Faria,

set out along the coast as far as Manar, and from there crossed

the shoals, and went on his voyage.

*% Es * % *% %* *

Dic. X., Bk. Iv., CHAP. v.

* * * “x x * *

ae The ships* having arrived and been welcomed for

the news of the king’s health, the count® immediately dis-

patched Joa6 Correa de Brito to go and take over the captaincy

+ A small boat (see Hob.-Job. s.vv. ‘‘ Pangara, Pangaia ’’).

2 The printed edition has “‘ da Costa.”

° By the omission of a letter (se being put instead of sem) the printed

edition has reversed the sense of this clause.

* Of the fleet of 1583.

® The viceroy, D. Francisco Mascarenhas, Conde de Villa da Orta.

264. JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (VoL. XX.

of Columbo, and Ceila6é!, of which he had the reversion?, and

he went embarked on the supply galleon®, the captain of

which was Antonio de Brito of the severed arm*. ......

*k ok * * *K * *

Dec. X., BK. Iv., CHAP. xi.

Of what happened to D. Jeronimo Mascarenhas on the whole

voyage until he returned to India : and of what befell him

in Ceilad: and of the assaults that Joao Correa de Brito

ordered to be made wpon the territories of Raju.

* * Eo *k * oe *

We have related above® how Joao Correa de Brito went to

enter into the captaincy of Columbo, with the reversion of ©

which he came provided from the kingdom in company with

the count Dom Francisco. Having arrived at that fortress’,

1 The captaincy was extended to the whole of Ceylon, to which

King Philip laid claim.

2 See supra, X. I. ix. (p. 261).

3 Couto does not say when this sailed ; ‘nih it must have been at the

end of September or beginning of October 1583.

* We shall come across this man again in X. X. vill. and ix. infra

(pp. 343, 349).

> The manuscript has “ Raya.”

® See supra, X. Iv. v.

* Probably in October 1583. He succeeded Manoel de Sousa

Coutinho (see supra, X. I. vii., p. 261); and on 4 November both these

captains were present at a ratification by Dharmapala of his donation

of the kingdom of Ceylon to the kings of Portugal (see Orient. iii. 131-3,

193-4). Manoel de Sousa left Ceylon in November or December

probably ; and in X. tv. xiii. Couto mentions him as being at Cochim

with his wife and household. So highly did the viceroy appreciate

Manoel de Sousa’s services as captain of Columbo, that by the ships of

1584 he wrote to the king that on account of Raja Sinha’s activity he

thought it would be better that Manoel de Sousa Coutinho, with the

experience he had of Columbo, should continue there as captain ; but

as Joa&o Correa de Brito had insisted on his right to the post he had given

it to him. On 25 February 1585 King Philip wrote to the new

viceroy on this subject, telling him in all such cases to do what was best

for the royal service. Meanwhile, Manoel de Sousa had left India (in

January 1585), by the fleet that carried the retired viceroy, in order to

represent his services to the king (see Couto X. vi. ili.) ; and in Febru-

ary 1586, Couto tells us (X. vit. vi.), by the Bom Jesus or Caranja,

there embarked for India ‘‘ Manoel de Sousa Coutinho full of honours

and rewards, because he carried the captaincy of Malaca, and a voyage

to Japad, and the captaincy of Bagaim, the reversion of which had —

si a ia

No. 60.—1908.] couTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 265

he proceeded to carry on the war against Raju with much

vigour ; and having received information that there had put

in to the port of Belegas! three pardos of Malavares filled with

many prizes that they had made that summer on the coast

of Negapatam, he dispatched Ambrosio Leita6? as captain-

major of four ships with orders to go and capture them in the

same river’. ‘These ships having set out*, a few days after-

wards there arrived D. Jeronimo Mascarenhas? with his armada

at the port of Columbo, and Joao Correa de Brito begged him

for some more ships to go and join Ambrosio Leita6, so that the

pardos might not escape him. D. Jeronimo left him Pedro

Homem Pereira® in his galley, and the galliot of Joao Rodri-

gues de Carvalho, and he himself departed for Goa. Joao

Correa, in addition to these vessels, ordered others to be hired

on land, although small ones, and ordered to embark in them

the araches Manoel Pereira and Domingos Fernandes with two

hundred lascarins, and gave instructions to Pedro Homem

Pereira to enter the river of Balagas’ and capture the pardos

and burn the town.

These ships having arrived at the point of Balangale®, they

encountered Ambrosio Leitad ; and all uniting, they went and

anchored at the mouth of the river where the pardos were, and

there they arranged that all the Portuguese should disembark

at one place and the araches at another, in order to divert the

enemy and to render their disembarkation easier : and so they

been given to him some years before on the marriage of a daughter,

and the habit of Christ with a good salary ; and as was known after-

wards he came in the second succession to the government of India,

to which he soon succeeded by the death of the viceroy Dom Duarte,

as we shall tell in.its place, a thing that has happened but a few times

in India.” Manoel de Sousa arrived in India in September 1586 ;

but whether he took up the captaincy of Ba¢aim does not appear

(cj. fra, pp. 353, 354). His succession to the government of India

Couto recorded in his Eleventh Decade, which is lost.

* The printed edition has “‘ Baligdo.”? The usual formis “ Beligéo.”’

* We shall meet with this man again later on (see pp. 269, 367, 384).

* The Polwatté-oya, which disembogues into Weligama bay, or the

bay itself, which the Portuguese considered the mouth of the river.

* Apparently in January 1584 (see next note).

° From Malacca, whence he had sailed probably at the beginning of

January 1584.

* This man was afterwards (1591-4) captain of Columbo (see infra,

p. 394, note °),

’ Sic in manuscript and printed edition.

* The manuscript has “ Balagate’! (see Hob.-Job. s.v. “‘ Bala-

ghaut ”). Evidently Paragala point near Mirissa is meant.

266 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XX.

went to get ashore, and at the place where the Portuguese set

foot on land they found a large body of men, who had hastened

to prevent their disembarkation, with whom they engaged

in a very fine and hazardous battle, because the enemy were

many more and fought for the defence of their houses and

goods. The araches with their lascarins disembarked at

another part ; and finding no defence, they went and reached

a bridge that the enemy would have to pass if they went

fleeing from our people, the which was on the side towards

the pagode of Tanavaré ; and in order that none might escape

they destroyed it ; and turning aside into some palm-groves,

they burst forth upon the rear of the enemy, who were closely |

engaged in battle with our people, and rushing upon them

with great fury and outcry they killed and laid low many,

and all the rest, as they were taken by surprise, they discom-

fited and put to flight. Our people went following them on one

side and the araches on the other until they drove them into

the town!, both forces causing great havoc amongst them ;

and in order not to have disorder, which always happens in

these cases, the captains commanded to set fire to the houses,

which were covered with straw and palm-leaves, which caught

alight so furiously, that in a short time all was reduced to dust

and ashes*, because there were burnt many shops filled with

cloth, opium, oils, butters, cinnamon, and other things that

greatly augmented the fierceness of the fire, all of which was

for loading for Meca, Achem, Masulipatad?, Pegu, and other —

places, this river being a great staple for allt. Having done

this, they set fire to the ships that they found both on land

and on sea, which were twenty-five small ones and a galleon

that had belonged to Portuguese®, which had gone ashore on

that coast, and which was already fitted to go to Meca; only

the pardos of the Malavares escaped, through being three leagues

up the river at a part to which our people could not get*.

1 Apparently Weligama.

2 The town must have been rebuilt soon, for in X. x. xv. (p. 371) weread

of its again being burnt four years later by Thomé de Sousa de Arronches.

3 The manuscript has “* Mazaruputa6.”’

4 Weligama was a considerable trading port long before the Portu-

guese came to the Hast, its bay affording safe and quiet anchorage to

vessels except during the south-west monsoon (see Mahdv. Ixxv. 46).

5 The manuscript has “had gone from Portugal.” I cannot say

which is the correct reading, as I have found no information regarding

the wreck of this galleon.

6 Perhaps at Denepitiya (see infra, p. 371). According to the

Rajavaliya (86), a combat took place there in circa 1558 between the

Portuguese-K6tté forces and those of Mayddunné (see supra, p. 205,

note +),

No. 60.—1908.] couTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 267

There died of the enemy more than two hundred, and about

a hundred Malavares. With this victory our people returned

to Columbo, and Raju was so annoyed atit that he was like to

die of vexation'. Pedro Homem Pereira and Joa6 Rodrigues

de Carvalho immediately set sail for Goa, where they arrived

almost at the same time as Dom Jeronimo Mascarenhas.

Drc. X., BK. v., CHAP. 1x.

x x ok x x x x

By the ships? that arrived at the bar of Goa the count Dom

Francisco learnt that there had left the kingdom as viceroy

Dom Duarte de Meneses, of whom they gave no news. And

as he might be delayed, or might make landfall at Cochim, he

did not like to neglect fulfilling his obligation and. supplying

the fortress of Ceilad, on which Raji made continual war’,

and likewise the coasts of the north and south! with the usual

fleets : wherefore he ordered to make haste with the galleon

1 The Rajavaliya (90) tells us that after Raja Sinha had become the

sole ruler over the whole of Ceylon (except the kingdom of Jaffna)

“the Portuguese lived in Colombo [Kolontota] with king Dharmapala.

Raja Sinha cut off all communication with Colombo, so that no man

could take there any article of merchandise. The Portuguese, how-

ever, were in the habit of going from Colombo [Kolontota] in boats

[padaw], and making inroads into the villages on the coast: thus

attacking from day to day different places, they making captives.

Be it known that the number of men who fell on both sides on such

occasions was so great that 5,000 leaves would not suffice to make a

full record thereof.” In the above statement are included the raids

described infra, X. X. Xiv.-xvi.

2 The Bom Jesus alias Caranja, and the Boa Viagem, which reached.

Goa towards the end of September 1584.

8 After the raising of the siege of Columbo in 1580, Raja Sinha, as we

have seen (supra, p. 258), turned his attention to the conquest of

the Kandyan kingdom ; and having accomplished that, he was free to

prepare for another attempt on Columbo. It was not until April

1586, as we shall see, that his preparations for this expedition were

completed, and he set his army in motion. But, doubtless, he had

meanwhile kept the Portuguese in a state of continual disquiet with

raids and forays. In a letter of 25 February 1585 to the new vice-

roy, King Philip expresses his uneasiness at Raja Sinha’s growing power

and the cost in blood and treasure that his repeated attacks on Columbo

were causing the state, urging Dom Duarte to adopt all possible

measures for the destruction of this formidable enemy.

* Of Western India.

268 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

that was to carry the supplies to that fortress, the captain of

which was Gaspar Barbosa, and dispatched it at the beginning

of October with many munitions, and gave eight thousand

parddos in money for the pay of the soldiers and the salaries

of that fortress!: ......

* * * a * * %

Dic. X., BRK) Vv.) CHAP. x:

O} how the galleon that was going to Ceilad was lost, and the

people and money were saved, and other matters.

The galleon that was going to Ceilad having left Goa? went

making her voyage until she had doubled Cape Comorim, and

from Tutocori went crossing over to Ceilao with fair weather ; —

and being already in sight of that coast, there came down

upon her a tempestuous wind, which the natives there call

cacham, which is a north wind?, and which is there always a

cross wind ; and it is so dangerous, that rarely does the ship

escape that it catches at sea, the which tempest was very

severe, and caught the galleon when already so near the land,

that she was forced to anchor, as she had nowhither to run;

and they rode upon the cable for several days, in great strait?

and with much risk and trouble, because the storm went on

increasing more every time, and the galleon with the force of

1 From the same royal letter cited in note °, p. 267, it appears that

the inhabitants of Columbo had written to the viceroy complaining of the

conduct of the captains (no particular one named) of that fortress in

(1) coining money, and (2) meddling in the affairs of the chamber (as to

which body see infra, p. 414, note 1). As regards (1), King Philip

expressed his opinion that in a place like Columbo, with such a small

number of persons capable of governing to choose from, it would be

inconvenient to exempt the chamber from the jurisdiction of the

captain ; and in respect to (2), the king stated, on the authority of

the late viceroy, that the coins used in Columbo were larins and fanams,

on which the captains made a large profit, and he instructed Dom

Duarte to inquire into the matter and do what was right.

2 At the beginning of October 1584 (see supra, X. V. ix.).

3 Couto seems to have here made a curious error, which he repeats im

X. x. viii. (p. 346). Asa fact, cacham = Tam. kaccdn, “ south-west

wind’; though Couto’s account that follows shows that this could not

have been the direction of the wind that caught the galleon. (On vara

and cachdo see Reb. de Cey.i.; Rib. Fat. Hist. 111. viii.)

' The printed edition has “‘ very close in.”’

No. 60.—1908.] CoUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 269

the gusts of wind kept breaking her cables in various places.

which the mechanics as often repaired as best they could,

without resting day or night, and thereupon the galleon began

to drift, dragging her cables, in such fashion that they found

themselves one day fifteen leagues further up, where they

anchored towards Manar, and so close to the land, that they

were waiting for the moment when they would have to run

her aground there. The captain Gaspar Barbosa seeing himself

in this peril commanded to take great care of the boat in order

to save themselves in it, because all along the coast he saw the

enemies anchoring, hoping every moment to get that prize into

their hands. The captain of CeilaO was soon notified of the

trouble in which the galleon was, and dispatched in great haste

a light tone with letters to Ambrosio Leitad', who was in

Manar in command of an armada of three ships, both to assist the

pearl fishery and to receive and guard the ships that were to

come from the opposite coast with provisions for the fortress

of Columbo, ordering him to leave everything and at once go

to the help of that galleon. This tone reached Manar very

quickly, and at that message Ambrosio Leitad weighed anchor

and went to succour the galleon, which with the storm had got

so close inshore, that it was necessary to cut her masts to see

if thereby she could any longer ride on her cable, because the

yards and the shrouds caught the wind much : but neither did

this avail, because the galleon still kept drifting towards land,

all the cables being now chafed and frayed. The captain

_ Gaspar Barbosa seeing that he was lost and without retrieve,

and that he could not avoid running aground, put into the boat

the money that he was carrying, and fitted it with many oars

and necessary things, and by the advice of all ordered many

holes to be bored in the galleon so that she might fill with

water and founder, in order that she might not go ashore and

the enemy get that artillery into their hands and have the

benefit of the timber and nails: the which was done in great

haste when they were already close in shore, and he with the

Portuguese got into the boat, and waited until the ship settled

down. At this time there reached them one of the ships of

Ambrosio Leitao’s company, the captain of which was one

Diogo Gonsalves”, which being very light had got in advance,

and coming to the boat took in the captain with several

1 See supra, p. 265.

2 Perhaps the same mentioned in X. 1x. iv. and X. x. vii. infra. The

manuscript here, instead of “Gonsalves,” has ‘‘Frz’’? = Fernandez.

Below, the printed edition calls him twice “‘ Domingos Gonsalves ”’

while the manuscript in the first case has “‘ Diogo Lopes,’’ and in the

second. “ Diogo Gonsalves.”’

270 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX,

Portuguese, and all the money, which was eighteen thousand

parddos of the king’s ; and without waiting for Ambrosio Leitad

he set sail for Columbo, and the boat with the rest of the people

for Manar, the ship being now wholly under water ; and when

this foist was making for the port of Columbo she caught sight of

three ships that she thought came out from the fortress, which

were those of the Malavares, which up till then had remained

in safety at Brijao’, and the same against which Pedro Homem

Pereira” had gone, as we have related above®. Diogo Gonsalves,

although not knowing who they were, turned out of their way,

and sailed away again from land, and as night soon came on —

he passed by them, and got in to Columbo, where he learnt that

the ships were those of robbers, and they all gave thanks

to God for permitting them to turn aside from them so that

there escaped from them that provision so necessary for that

fortress, which was already in such a state for want of them —

that the soldiers had deserted the bastions on account of

having nothing to eat, nor anything with which to cover

themselves, and with this money all was remedied, and quiet

was restored; and Joao Correa de Brito, captain of that

fortress, at once sent money to the opposite coast to procure

food, which afterwards came there. Ambrosio Leitad soon

arrived on the following day after Diogo Gonsalves, and

brought a large cafila* of provisions, having passed the pardos

without sighting them, because that same night they returned

to the opposite coast : thus the country was provided and the —

fortress relieved from the fear in which it was.

Drc. X., BK. vit., CHAP. xiii.

Of how Raju murdered his father Madune? : and of the new

city that he built on the river Calane® : and of the siege that

he began to lay to the fortress of Columbo.

Raju having retired from the siege that he laid to Columbo,

Manoel de Sousa Coutinho being captain, as was related in

1 This should evidently be “‘ Beligao ”’ (see p. 266).

2 So in the manuscript. The printed edition has, through some

unaccountable blunder, “‘ Pedro Clemente de Aguiar.”

3 See supra, X. Iv. xii. (p. 265).

4 Convoy (see Hob.-Job. s.v.).

6 The printed edition has “ Madunch”’; while the manuscript has

the extraordinary form ‘‘ Muduchan.”’

§ In printed edition “ Canale.”

No. 60.—1908.] courTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 271

the Ninth Decade!, considering himself greatly affronted by not

capturing that fortress, as he was of an arrogant and ambi-

tious disposition, determined to murder his father? and take

possession of that kingdom, in order as king, and with the

force that he could command, to return against that fortress

and rid himself of the affront: and not wishing to go to

a distance® on crossing the river Calane he began to found a

new city, two leagues and a half from our fortress, which he

finished in a short time, and gave it the name of Biagaé!;

and although, as captain-general of his father, he had full

command, without three legitimate brothers that he had,

and one of them the heir apparent’, interfering with him

in anything, nevertheless it was a great hindrance to his

tyranny to have his father living: wherefore he deter-

mined to murder him in order to usurp the kingdom and

get his brothers into his hands so as to make an end of

them all; and concerting with some persons whom he

could trust in that place, and through whom that busi-

ness could be carried out, as they were in his father’s house,

he got them to give him poison, of which in a few days he

1 Couto here, it will be seen, reverts to the siege of 1579-80, to take

up the thread of his narrative from that point, ignoring the incidents

connected with Ceylon related by him in the first half of this Decade,

though they occurred subsequent to that date. It is strange that he

says nothing of Raja Sinha’s conquest of Kandy in 1580 (see supra,

p- 258).

2 The reasons here given for this determination seem very improb-

able, considering that for twenty years or more Raja Sinha had been

king de facto, if not de jure (see supra, p. 208, note *). Cesare Federici

(see supra, p. 242, note *) has it, that Raja Sigha had ousted his father

against his will.

* What is meant is that Raja Sinha wished to have a place nearer

to Columbo than Sitavaka for his base of operations.

4 This is certainly Biyagama in Adikari pattu, Siyané kéralé west,

north of the Kelani river and immediately opposite to Kaduvela.

It is now a village of some 1,400 inhabitants. The Rdjdavaliya is

_ strangely silent regarding the building of this “new city” by Raja

Sinha. The distance from Columbo fort given by Couto (say ten miles)

is correct.

* This appears to be inaccurate. According to the Rajdvaliya

(82), of Mayadunné’s four children, the eldest, Rajjuru Bandara,

died at the age of twenty, the third was a daughter who married

Vidiye Raja, andthe fourth was Raja Sinha himself: so that there

remained only the second, Timbiripola Adahasin, to dispute the

s0vranty.

272 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XX.

died' at the age of eighty years’, the divine justice permitting

that he who was the murderer of his father? should die by

the hand of his own son; and that just as he murdered his

brothers, in order to take the kingdom from them‘, another

should murder his sons in order to take from him his.

That insolent and arrogant Madune, who had given so much

trouble to the Portuguese®, being dead, Raju forthwith raised

his camp and went to Ceitavaca and took possession of the

palace and treasure of his father ; and getting his brothers into

his hands he murdered them, among whom was the heir to

the kingdom named Pale Pandar®, who was commonly called

1See supra, p. 177. The Mahdvansa (xcii. 4) says that Raja Sinha

‘<slew his father with his own hand.” Linsch. (i. 78) records the

event in the curious statement that “not long since a simple barber

murthered their [the Sinhalese] chief king,” adding that the name of

this “‘ barber ”’ was “‘ Raju.” The diarist of Spilbergen’s voyage, while

repudiating the idea that Raja Sinha was “a barber’s son, as some

write,’ asserts (see Cey. Lit. Reg. vi. 332) that he was a bastard by a

danceress, and also lays to his charge the murder of his father and

‘* three brothers the lawful heirs.”’ It must be remembered that Couto

was in India at the time referred to; and Linschoten a few years later;

and all three writers reflect what was evidently the common opinion,

which the Mahdvansa substantiates. Therefore | cannot accept the

arguments to the contrary brought forward by W. F. Gunawardhana

Mudaliyar, in his paper on “ Raja Sinha I.” in the C. A. S. Jl. xvi.

382 ff., based as they are on the silence of such late writers as Ribeiro

and Baldzus and the anticipatory statement of the Rdjdvaliya quoted

by me supra, p. 208, note °.

2 Couto is the only writer that records May4dunné’s age at the time

of his death ; and if this “round number” be accepted as approxi-

mately correct, it would place Mayadunné’s birth in circa 1501. This,

I think, is a little too early ; and perhaps the “ seventy years ”’ of the

Rajavaliya (86) were in reality the extent of his life, and not of his

reign, as erroneously stated. (Mudaliyar W. F. Gunawardhana

accepts the Rdjdvaliya statement, which would make Mayadunné’s

reign begin in 1511! He also, by an ingenious calculation, evolves

ninety-one as the age at which the old king died, “ an honoured parent

and a powerful prince.”’) That Mayddunné died in 1581 is now generally

accepted.

3 See supra, V. 1. v. (p. 72); Rajdvaliya 76.

4There appears to be no ground for this charge. (Cf. supra,

V. I. Vis pp. 72-3.)

® See supra, V. 1. vi. et cet. seg., and cf. p. 177.

8 “ Pale ’’ apparently represents the second component of the name

“ Timbiripola.”” The latest mention of this prince by the Rdajdvaliya

is in connection with an engagement between Maya4dunné’s troops and

the Portuguese and Dharmapala’s forces, in 1556 apparently (p. 85).

No. 60.—1908.] COUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 273

Beardlet!, who was a great friend of the Portuguese?; and

when they were dead he proclaimed himself king, and began

to act the part of all tyrants, that is, to kill all whom he might

fear?, and among them a son of Tribuli Pandar’s who was

half brother to the king of Cota*, to whom moreover the

kingdom belonged. And after having ridded himself of all the

pretenders he wished also to secure himself from the grandees :

and all that might cause him the least anxiety he commanded

to be put to death before him by his swordsmen, among whom

was also Bicramasinga’, upper modeliar and his field-

marshal, who had instructed him in the military art, and from

whom he had received very great services for the space of thirty

years, by whose industry he had attained to the supremacy

that he now held®, satiating his cruelty with that bloody

spectacle.

And because there now remained none to fear except

Necherami’, the former wife of his father, and mother of the

sons whom he had killed’, a very dignified and highly honoured

lady, it being amongst them held as a baseness to kill a woman,

he commanded her to be brought before him, and had her

stripped until she was left in only a poor cloth, and then banished

her to a mountain very far from there. This afflicted woman,

going from the palace in that miserable state, having been

so lately queen and lady, seeing herself now as if she were a

malefactor, in garments so base and vile, complaining of her

fortune, and of the cruelty that a son of her husband’s, whom

she had brought up as her own, had exercised towards her,

and placing her hands on her face to wipe away the tears that

ran down it, happened to touch her ears with them, and

finding still some earrings of gold and precious stones that the

1'Tn original Barbinhas = “‘little beards.’’ Cesare Federici mentions

this man by this nickname, and speaks of him as Raja Sinha’s only

brother (see supra, p. 242, note *, and cf. p. 145, note ”).

2 This fact alone would account for his murder by Raja Sinha.

* Cf. infra, X. vitt. xii. (pp. 281, 283-5).

4This was probably Vijayapdla Adahasin, Vidiye Raja’s son by

his second wife, a daughter of Mayddunné’s (see supra, p. 164, note 2).

_ *he printed edition has “‘ Biera Matiga”’; the manuscript has

“ Bicra Masiga.”’ :

®See supra, p. 225, note ®. Couto is here anticipating: for it

| was not until some ten years later that Vikramasinha Mudali was

| poisoned by Raja Sinha’s orders (see infra, p. 394, note S):

* Nachchiré Hami ? Her name is not given by any other writer.

* This and the passages below imply that she was not his own

| Mother: there is nothing in the Rdjdvaliya to confirm this

| implication.

T 36-08

274 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX.

tyrant appears not to have seen, in great haste pulled them off,

and sent them to him by one of the ministers that was escorting

her, telling him that there she sent him these paltry objects,

which apparently he had left her through not seeing them ;

that he might satiate his ambition as much as he could ; that

moreover instead of that she would have sent him her life,

if it were not tainted in her with little courage, where women

like her ought to show it better ; but that all the time of the

life that remained to her she would spend in weeping for the

death of the old king! her husband and lord, and in begging

justice of God on such a cruel and abominable tyrant, who

treated in such a manner a weak woman who had brought him

up as a son, and to whom he was such through his father ;

and casting her eyes on the ground she went traversing that city,

in which for so many years she had been so venerated a lady,

in order to see nothing therein. Having been put in the place

of banishment, she survived only a short time, because in the

end she died of sheer grief. |

Raju seeing himself safe began to make preparations for the

siege that he had determined on against the fortress of Columbo,

with the determination of either dying in the attack or expel-

ling the Portuguese from it. Of all this Joaé Correa de Brito,

captain of that fortress, was soon advised, and of how Raju

had determined on the close of the summer to let loose all his

fury with the strength of Ceilao upon those weak walls : and

as that fortress was lacking in everything he advised the

viceroy in great haste, and dispatched one Tristac Dabreu

da Silva with letters to him, in which he begged him to succour

him speedily. This man embarked in a tone, and crossed over

to the opposite coast of the Fishery, and along it proceeded

to Cochim, where he found a vessel for Goa, into which he got,

and reached that city at the beginning of April?; and the

viceroy, seeing the letters, and the straits in which the fortress

was, and how urgent it was for him to send it help, as he was

of great courage and spirit, unmindful of how many troubles

there were in other parts, and of the needs of the state, at once

ordered a ship to be loaded with food and munitions, which he

hired from one Domingos Daguiar, because she was at the bar

ready to sail, in which he embarked Simao Botelho with forty

soldiers ; and as it might be that she could not get over to

Ceila6*, he ordered to be got ready two rowing vessels with

1 The printed edition mserts “‘ Madunch.”’

2 1586. The murders recorded by Couto appear to have occupied

Raja Sinha several years. ;

3 In case the south-west monsoon set in.

No. 60.—1908.] couTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 275

munitions and much money for the soldiers’ pay and provisions

for that fortress, and dispatched them in the company of that

ship, and in one there went as captain the same Tristad

Dabreu, and in the other Pedro da Costa, and so they went

pursuing their voyage, to whom we shall presently return.

Dec. X., BK. vit., CHAP. xiv.

Of the events that took place in Ceila6d until the arrival of this

provision : and of the great victory that our people won over

the forces of Raju on the day of the Invention} of the Cross :

and of a dreadful fate that befell a nephew of Raji’s.

_ After Joa6 Correa de Brito, captain of Ceilas, had dispatched

Tristad Dabreu with the message to the viceroy, to ask for

succour, fearing that it might be delayed, and being positively

assured that Raju would lay siege to him that winter, in order

not to risk a disaster through want of food, he sent? to Cochim

some persons on an errand with his credit, that they might

obtain money on terms, some of his own that was there not

being enough, and that they might go to the Fishery Coast

and buy all the food they could, and return with it as quickly

as possible. ‘These men made such haste, that in a few days

they came to Cochim, and collected a sum of money ; and

going back to the Fishery Coast, they left provisions that they

had brought and vessels freighted to convey them, and

they themselves made haste and came to Manar, whence in

_ two tones they set out on the way to Ceilad; and having

already come in sight of the fortress*, they found themselves

in the midst of many ships of Raji’s which he had sent out to

intercept the provisions that he knew were expected. One of

the tones, which was in advance, was so hard pressed by the

ships, and so close under their beaks, that it thought itself

lost; but a man whose name we do not know, who was of

_ courage and resource, ordered the sailors to slacken the

* The printed edition here and further on (p. 277) has “‘ Exaltacaéo ”—

an extraordinary error, since the day of the Exaltation of the Cross is 14

September, whereas, as appears, the actual day on which the victory

took place was Holy Rood Day, or the day of the Invention of the Cross,

that is, 3 May. In both places the manuscript has “‘ enuencgad.”

Faria y Sousa (Asia Port. III. 1. iii.) has simply “el dia de la Cruz de

Mayo”; but Stevens (who was a Catholic) expands this to “‘ the day

of the Invention of the Holy Cross in May.”’

.* In March 1586, apparently.

* Perhaps in April 1586.

T 2

276 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [V ou.) XOX.

rowing until the moment when he should give them the

signal to ply their oars ; and to go, as if exhausted, to meet —

the enemy, which they did. The enemy seeing that tone

coming thus thought that it was going to surrender to

them, and ceased rowing for it to come up; but when it was

alongside of them, they having stopped, as soon as it reached

their beaks its oars were plied; and as it was light and swift

it passed them allso quickly, that before they could turn it was

already a good distance away from them, and so escaped mira-

culously, and proceeded to gain the fortress, and the captain,

learning of the danger in which the other tone was, sent to its

succour several foists that were in the bay filled with many men.

Fernao Soares, who was in the other tone, and who was of great |

experience on that coast, as soon as he saw the ships of Raja,

and that they went spreading out over the sea in order to

inclose him, firing many bombard shots at him to stop him, put

all his strength and hope in the rowing, and tried all he could

to get to windward of them, and by dint of great trouble did so,

and went fleeing from them as fast as he could. Ourarmada,

which had gone out to succour him, soon caught sight of the

enemy ; and seeing that on seeing them they also tried to get ©

to windward. of them, fearing that they would cut them off

from the harbour bar, they turned about for it, the fone mean-

while getting the opportunity of retiring at its pleasure, and

so was welcomed in the fortress as that which carried the

greater part of the money with which provision had to be

made that winter, from which the captain began to make

some payments to the soldiers, and to prepare for the siege

that he expected.

And as Raju’s troops had already begun to arrive, he sent

out against them several modeliares, who always brought him

some heads of the enemies; and being informed that Paliconda!,

chief arache of Raji, was advancing with many men making

attacks, he sent the modeliares Diogo da Silva?, Manoel Pereira’,

Pedro Afonso, and others in company with Francisco Gomes

Leitad*, field captain, with some Portuguese to see if they

1 In manuscript “‘ Paly Conde.” No person with a name like this is

mentioned in the Rdjdvaliya. Some form like “ Pallékanda”’ seems

intended.

2 It appears from X. x.i. (p. 306) that this man wasaMoor. He may

possibly be the “‘ Pida Silla’”’ of the Rdjdvaliya 95, the corresponding

passage in Upham’s translation (315) having “ Juda Silva.” We shall

hear a good deal of him during the siege.

3 We have met with this man before (see supra, p. 265). He is there

described as an 4rachchi (as also infra, p. 296).

4 See supra, pp. 225, 256.

No. 60.—1908.] COUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 277

could engage with him; and in the direction of Viras! he sent

other lascorins with their araches to lie in ambush, and from

there to make any onset on the enemy. This was at the end

of April; and when the 3rd of May came, the day of the

Invention? of the Cross of Christ, after the sermon, in which

the father related great marvels regarding it, our people met

Paliconda, who had two thousand six hundred picked men ;

and attacking one another, they waged a very severe battle,

in which those on our side did great wonders, and soon killed

Paliconda and other araches and many of his men. The rest

seeing that havoc and their captain dead began to retreat,

leaving six hundred stretched on the field around and some

_ prisoners, with whom our people retired; and as the day

was one full of God’s mercies, another body of the enemy ©

came to fall into the hands of those that were in Veras lying

in ambush; who rushing upon them made a great slaughter,

and having totally defeated the enemy, they returned with

some heads in token of victory, and entered the fortress

simultaneously with Francisco Gomes Leitao and the others

who also came laden with prizes. This victory was so welcome

to all, that for many days the children went about the streets

singing praises to the cross of Christ ; and because this victory

took place ona day so notable, it was ordered to have thereon

every year a solemn procession. <A few days later arrived the

provision that the viceroy D. Duarte had sent, whereby all

were relieved of the anxiety in which they were from lack of food.

Raju felt the loss of his men greatly, and it made him

hasten all the more the preparations for the siege that he

intended to lay, because he hoped to take a great revenge.

And as at this same time there befell a nephew of his a dreadful

fate, which must not be be leit unrecorded®, it seemed to us

well to give an account of it, the which was aiter this manner.

To one of the brothers that this tyrant murdered* there was

_leftason called Reigad Pandar®, who betook himself to a village

1 Lower down this is spelt “‘ Veras.’’ I do not know what place is

meant, unless it be Vérahera in Salpiti Kéralé.

4 In printed edition “ Exaltation.”’ (See p. 275, note 1.)

3 Literally, “ left in the ink-horn.”’

4 See supra, p. 272.

5 As has been stated above (p. 271, note *), the only brother that

Raja Sinha had surviving in 1581, so far as is known, was Timbiripola

Adahasin; and this Rayigam Bandara must, therefore, have been his

son: but the Rdjdvaliya is absolutely silent regarding any such person,

nor is he mentioned elsewhere. Further on (p. 284) Couto records

the murder by Raja Sinha of another of his relatives having the same

name.

278 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX.

greatly offended at the death of his father and not a little

afraid of the cruelty of his uncle. With this prince Joa6

Correa de Brito corresponded secretly, and urged him strongly

to take revenge for the death of his father, offering him to this

end all aid and favour, and on this he laid great stress ; and said

that although whilst he was there he could not bring about the

death of Raju, at least he might raise such hatreds amongst

them as should disquiet them. Hither Raju came to obtain

some information of this affair, or because his cruelty would

not suffer him to leave alive that poor prince, desiring to

extinguish everything that proceeded from the blood of the

ancient kings, he sent with dissimulation to summon him,

as if it were on business: but as he feared his uncle that -

summons did not seem to him genuine, and dissembling over

his going he feigned himself ill, and so showed himself in bed

to him who came to summon him. This the tyrant took as

an excuse for disobedience, wherefore he dispatched some

modeliares with many soldiers to bring him to him, because his

brutality would not suffer that they should kill him there,

as he wished with his own eyes to see that innocent blood

poured out to slake his thirst. These men having reached.

that village surrounded his house, and sent word to him to get

ready to go to Ceitavaca to have an interview with his uncle ;

and there were not wanting in the company some who told

him why. The message having been delivered, he put off the

modeliares by telling them that he was going to get ready ;

and retiring to a chamber, he summoned his wives and children

and the rest of his household, and said to them!: ‘‘ You see

well the condition to which this cruel man has reduced all the

princes of Ceilad, and that of all none remains but myself,

wherefore he cannot desist until he has imbrued his hands in

this innocent blood, because he didnot even spare his own son? :

what can be expected from him? I am of opinion that we

do not give him the pleasure of seeing with his eyes that

which he so desires; and that since we are all such near

relatives, children and wives of this luckless Reigao Pandar,

you agree to follow me in this, and do as I do;”’ and taking

a cup of deadliest poison, he placed it to his mouth

and drank a big draught, and so went giving it to

all that were there, who one by one fell down, and in a

brief space of time all had yielded their lives into the hands

1 This imaginary speech, which Couto puts into the mouth of the

hapless prince, Faria y Sousa (Asza. Port. III. 1. iii.) expands to Bey

ten times the length! —

2 IT cannot explain this statement, since there is no record that Raja

Sinha had a son.

No. 60.—1908.] couUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 279

of the deadly poison. The servants seeing that pitiful spec-

tacle made a lamentation over those bodies enough to awake

the compassion even of insensate things. The modeliares who

had come to fetch him, hearing the weeping, entered in, and

found that sacrifice, which astonished them in such manner

that they remained as if stupefied, and then went with those

tidings to Raju, at which he was not grieved.

This prince had many times been in readiness to come to

our fortress, and regarding this Joao Correa had several olas

of his, and this case gave him an opportunity to sound Raju

as to conditions of peace, because the viceroy had strongly

recommended this to him, and in treating of this business he

sent for the purpose one Antonio Guerreiro!, a casado in

Columbo, and one Duarte Ribeiro with leave from Raji to

treat with him, and by them he sent him a present of things

that he thought he would value. These men had an interview

with him, and concluded a truce”, and not for a limited time,

but with the condition that before Raji broke it he should

inform the captain thereof, who however well understood that

he did it with ill-will, and it was all dissimulation in order

during that time of truce to provide himself with many things,

which were also necessary for our people, because during those

days Joa6 Correa ordered to be brought into the fortress wood,

straw, rushes, and other things for covering and repairing the

houses for the winter season, and to strengthen the fortress as

best he could for the siege that he expected, of which he

_advised the viceroy anew®: and the truce continued until it was

broken, as will be told further on.

—— ee

Dec. X., BK. vitt., CHAP. ix.

* * * * * xe *

Having sent forth the fleets that we mentioned above, the

viceroy immediately dispatched* a galliass for Ceilao, in

_ which he ordered to be embarked eight thousand parddos in

money, five hundred candis of rice, one hundred of wheat’,

1 We shall hear more of this man in connection with the defence of

Columbo. He was one of those present at the execution, in August

1580, of Dharmapala’s deed of gift (see the documents cited supra,

p. 258, note ?).

* This truce was concluded in 1585 (see infra, p. 280, note ”).

* In July or August (?) 1586 (see infra, p. 280).

* In September 1586, probably.

*So in the manuscript. The printed edition, in place of ‘one

hundred of ” (cento de), has ‘‘ rye” (centeio), an obvious error.

280 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

powder, lead, matches!, and other necessary things, and

ordered Thomé de Sousa de Arronches?, who had come from

Ceila6 in the past April®, to embark in order to return and

serve in the post of captain-major of that coast*: and all

these provisions the viceroy sent, because by® the letters that

he received from Ceilaé in August®, in which they informed

him of all that had passed with Raju, and of the truce that

had been made, which it was understood he had conceded in

dissimulation in order the more at his ease to provide himself

with the things that he required for the siege that he hoped

to lay to that fortress, and that the truce would last only as

long as he wished, although at present he was ill, and it was

surmised this was from poison that his people had given him’.

This galleon got to Columbo in a few days®, whereby that

fortress was relieved and provided. ......

% %% ** * oe *% *

1TI here follow the printed edition, which has murrées, where the

manuscript reads municoes (munitions), a tautology.

2 It is evident, from the abrupt way in which this man is here men- |

tioned, that Couto must have spoken of him in his lost Ninth (and

perhaps Highth) Decade. When he first came to Ceylon, and in what

capacity, I do not know; but we shall find that from this date for

many years afterwards he remained in the island to afflict the natives

with his brutalities. His name will ever be associated with the infamy

of the destruction of the famous temple at Dondra, as related further

on (p. 375). From a royal alvardé of 7 March 1595, summarized in

Arch. Port.-Or. v. 1411 (No. 1015), it would seem that he came to India

as a soldier in about 1575 (see infra, p. 428, note *).

3 Couto does not record his departure from Ceylon, which must have

taken place at or about the same time as that of Tristao de Abreu (see

supra, p. 274).

* He held this post until 1595, when he was appointed captain of

Columbo (see infra, p. 406).

5 Apparently an error for “‘ because of.” As it stands, the sentence

is incomplete. /

® See supra, p. 279. How these letters were sent, is not said:

* This truce and the (alleged) poisoning of Raja Sinha must have

occurred in 1585 (and not in 1586, as Couto leads us to suppose), since

they are mentioned in a royal letter of 10 January 1587 (in Arch.

Port.-Or. iii. 72) as-having been reported in a letter of the viceroy’s

received by ships that left India in January 1586. From that letter

it appears that Raja Sigha wished to send ambassadors to the viceroy,

but the captain of Columbo would not consent, the reason for which

refusal the king desired to know.

* In September or October 1586, apparently.

No. 60.—1908.] couTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 281

Drc. X., BK. vitl., CHAP. xii.

Of the pretexts that Raji used to break the peace: and of

some Chingalas that fled to our fortress: and of the great

cruelties that Raju committed upon his people : and of the

mode in which Joaé Correa de Brito fortified himself.

With the truce that Raju made deceitfully with the captain

of Columbo, he went on providing himself with many things

for the great siege that he had determined to lay to that

fortress ; and as he was a tyrant, and had committed so great

a cruelty as that which he used towards his old father, he did

_ not fail to secure himself from the great men of the kingdom ;

it being the natural condition of tyrants ever to sleep un-

easily: and so not only in consequegce of secret reports,

but even on the strength of dreams and imaginings, this

tyrant ordered the murder of all those that came into his mind

-in whom he might find some obstacle, wherefore many were

dispersed over the island, fleeing from his fury!. Among these

were certain leading fidalgos, who betook themselves to our

fortress, whom Joao Correa received and heartily welcomed? :

this became known to Raju; and displeased at this, he sent

to ask them of the captain, now with politeness, then with

threats and blusterings, without Joao Correa de Brito’s yielding

to him in anything, by which he considered himself afironted,

and went on making more haste with the materials for the

' siege, of which he had collected a great quantity, and was daily

expecting a ship that he had sent to the Achem to get powder,

engineers, and bombardiers, for which he had sent much

money’.

Of everything that he did Joao Correa was soon informed :

and considering the siege as determined upon, he went on

repairing and fortifying as best he could, so that he should

not take him unawares when he appeared with all his power

1 This appears to be merely a restatement of the facts recorded in

X. VIl. xiii. supra.

2 Among these was “the son of Kidanpalageyi Hiddé Nayide of

éwagama,’ who obtained from Dharmapala “the title of Vijaya-

sékara Mudali,”’ and took an active part in the fighting (see Rdjdv. 93).

Others will be mentioned further on.

“The Achem ”’ is the king of Achin, who, with the king of Johor,

was at this time besieging Malacca (see Linsch. ii. 193-4). This is the

first occasion on which we hear of communications between the rulers

of Ceylon and Achin. In 1603 the king of Achin sent. an ambassador

to the king of Kandy (see Cey. Lit. Reg. vi. 342, note ; Orient. iii. 74, -

89 et seq.), and we read of similar embassies in later years.

282 ' JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (VoL. XX.

around the walls of that fortress!. And because the bastion

of Sad Joa6é was not more than a fathom above the ground

from the foundations, and from it to the sea-shore a distance

of one hundred and twenty paces was all level?, he ordered at

once to wall in this part, which was the most dangerous of

all: and such speed was made, that in a fortnight they brought

the bastion to a defensible height, for it reached to five fathoms,

and they carried on the wall as far as the sea-shore, all in the

fortress working at this, the monks taking no repose by day

or night. All this fortification from the embrasures upwards

was made of very thick mud-walls, with their battlements,

and many spikes*, and he provided the whole of it with good

artillery, because that bastion on one side guards the bay, and

on the other very largely commands the campaign’. This

having been done, the captain ordered the bastion to be

enclosed by a ditch, which formed a continuation of the old

one, and ended in the sea, and outside the walls he ordered to

be placed many beams with planks nailed on them, and all

along certain small boats that are called padas® lying across,

which were to serve as parapets for our people, so that from

there they might prevent the elephants’ coming and seizing

the beams with their trunks. And the bastion of Sao

1 CH. supra, p. 154, note *. As we have seen, the walls erected in

1551 had withstood the assaults of Mayddunné and Raja Sinha in

1563 and 1580-1; but built, as they were, of mud (tazpa), or more

probably of cabook, they must have suffered from the effects of the

heavy monsoon rains, and consequently needed repairing. In several

of his letters at this period King Philip impressed upon the viceroy the

importance of fortifying Ceylon adequately, though, at the same time,

he grudged the expense involved in the war with Raja Sinha (see

Arch. Port.-Or. iii. passim).

2 This is the first mention by Couto of any of the bastions of the

fortress of Columbo (for the full list see infra, pp. 293-7); and, owing

to the unfortunate defectiveness of his Highth and Ninth Decades, we

are ignorant of the date of their erection. (Bastions were invented by

Italian engineers about the middle of the sixteenth century.) As

regards the bastion of S. Jodo (the name of which still survives in St.

John’s street), see C. A. S. Jl. xii. 77, 78, 81, &c.

3I am doubtful if this is the correct technical ae of the

original conteiras, which appears to mean here iron spikes fixed into

the walls for the purpose of additional defence.

4 Compare what Saar says in the passage referred to in note? supra.

Couto, it will be noticed, uses.the present tense: and in fact things

remained pretty much the same until after the Dutch obtained posses-

sion of Columbo in 1656.

° See supra, p. 207, note °.

No. 60.—1908.] couTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 283

Thomé!, which was much damnified, they restored inside with a

very thick wall, and at high-water mark was erected a wooden

sentry-box?, in order that under cover of the bastion of Sad

Joad it might defend the sea-shore. The bastion of Santo

EKstevao Joao Correa had already strongly fortified, because

it was the most important of all, and by it are commanded the

field of Sad Thomé?, the Quarry*, the Plain®, the island of

Antonio de Mendoca‘, and the Calapate’, and in one direction

it flankers two bastions, and in the other four’. Before this

the captain had made a ditch with its entrenchments and

fences of thick stakes from the bend of the lake by the foot of

_the Quarry hill to the sea, with two gates, one towards the

Quarry and the Cota side, the guarding of which he incharged

to Dom Antonio modeliar, and the other towards the side of

Matual, in which he placed Diogo da Silva modelliar®, and

divided between these two all the araches to keep watch over

-the tranqueiras outside, and those inside he intrusted to

_ Portuguese, as we shall relate in due course?®.

Raji continued to carry on both his preparations and his

eruelties, since there did not pass a day that he did not order

someone of the grandees to be put to death : and he had already

1 By an oversight the copyist of the manuscript has omitted all after

*“ bastion ”? down to the word ‘bastion ’’ before “‘ Santo Esteva6.”’

This bastion of 8. Thomé, which is again mentioned on p. 294 infra,

disappeared at a later date (see the lists in C. A. S. Jl. xii. 80).

2 In original guarita. The word occurs frequently further on. It

seems to indicate a kind of watch-tower.

8 So called from the church standing there, the precursor of the

present St. Thomas’s Church.

4 See supra, p. 114, note®. It is evident that the places named by

_ Couto occur in order from left to right, looking eastward. I cannot

help thinking that the Quarry (Pedretra) was identical with Boralugoda,

now called Wolvendaal Hill (see Rdajav. 91).

* Called “‘ the plain of Boralugoda ” in the Rdjdvaliya (91).

® Possibly represented by the present ‘* Dhobies’ Island’; but this

part of Columbo has been so altered by the filling in of a branch of the

lake that it is difficult to identify the positions named.

* This name is suspiciously like ‘‘ Kollupitiya,’’ but the identity is

doubtful, as some spot much nearer to the Fort seems to be indicated.

(But see infra, p. 381, note 2.)

® Namely, on the left, S. Jodo and S. Thomé; and on the right, S.

Sebastiaéo, Santo Antonio, Madre de Deos, and 8. Goncalo (see infra,

pp. 293-5).

® By an oversight, the printed edition omits the words from ° ‘and

the other ” to “‘ modelliar,’’ which the manuscript gives.

? See infra, pp. 294-6.

284. ' JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

made such a slaughter amongst them, that there were few of

whom he could be in fear; and thus he was so hated by all, that

they longed for his death: and because neither by poison nor

by arms could they cause it, on account of the great care that

he took of himself, they introduced into his dwellings such

fetishes!, and of such power, that the tyrant began to dry up

and grow lean without knowing the cause, and so came to fall

helpless upon his bed. The ringleaders in this conspiracy were

two of his relatives, Reigad Pandar’ and Curale Petra Pandar’,

and his chief sangatar, that is, chief priest, like the archbishop

amongst us +: but the devil who wove all these tissues of lies

himself revealed it, whereby the relatives were forthwith put

to death, and the priest stoned and cut in pieces. This made

him resolve to distrust all the nobles, and he went on putting

them to death under various excuses, whether they were

guilty or not, so that there remained not a single person of

the caste of the ancient noble Chingalas>. The fetishes did not

cease to operate, but rather went on increasing every day,

and at last he came to suspect what it was: wherefore he

commanded to dismantle all his dwellings in the part that

he used, in order to see if he could find the fetishes; but

nothing was discovered for all they searched, and in spite of

many tortures that he inflicted on persons in order to see if

they would confess anything. And being of that spirit, he

did not cease his cruelty, because the devil stirred him up

therein in such fashion that the tyrant gave his vassals to

understand that all that he did was by order of the gods, and

that his idols had counselled him ; and in order to make them

believe it he invented this method®. He took certain persons,

instructed as to what they were to do, and in great secrecy

placed them in a house where he had the idols, and then com-

manded to summon all those whom he desired to put to death,

in the presence of others whom he wished to remain as witnesses,

so as to exercise authority over all, and then performed certain

ceremonies before the pagodes, and asked them for the names

of the persons that had bewitched him, and those whom he

had hidden inside replied, as if they were the idols, ‘‘So-and-so,

1 In original fectigos, from which the English word is derived. Huni-

yam charms are doubtless meant (see C. A. S. Jl. 1865-6, pp. 68-78,

1881-2, pp. 116-24).

2 See supra, p. 277, note °.

3 This apparently represents Kerawalapitiyé Bandara, but I can find

no record of such a person.

* See supra, p. 68, note }.

5 This is not correct, as we shall see later.

*Compare what follows with a similar statement on p. 292 infra.

No. 60.--1908.] courTro: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 285

So-and-so, So-and-so”’: and thus were named several of those

that were present, whom Raju then and there commanded to

be impaled, and among them were certain priests', a very

abominable thing amongst them and in their law. At other

times he took boys of eight or nine years and instructed them

very well, and pretended that the souls of those that he had

commanded to be put to death had passed into them, and that

they informed him of everything, the which boys the king

commanded tc be summoned in public, and in the name of the

dead they said: “Sire, So-and-so and So-and-so ordered

fetishes against you to be interred in such-and-such a place ”’

_and as those that were named were always present, they were

then and there put to death, and in these cruelities he spent

the whole summer’.

And because he knew that Joad Correa was fortifying

himself, he sent several times to ask him why he distrusted

- his friendship, and wasted on those works the king’s money and

his own: that he need not go on with the work, as he was

his friend ; and at other times he sent to propose to him that

he should put to death the king D. Joa6?, who was in the

fortress, and he would give him asum of money. To all these

things Joad Correa always replied to him in a very polite

manner, using also caution and pretences, as he likewise did ;

and because it was the time for the arrival of the ship that he

expected from the Achem, he sent Thomé de Sousa de Arronches

with the ships that were in the fortress to go and lie in wait for

her, of which Raju was presently informed, and he sent to beg

him not to send out the armada: and as he understood him,

he replied that he was sending it to lie in wait for some Mala-

vares, who he was informed had left for that coast ; and for the

greater pretence he sent to beg him for letters for the giving of

water and’ wood in all his ports to the ships of the armada,

which he sent him with great offers, because he was hoping

forthe ship. Thomé de Sousa cruised about that coast looking

out for her until some vessels arrived which brought the news

that she had been lost on the coast of Achem without anything

being saved from her, which Raja felt extremely ; but in spite

— 1 Cf. Bald. Ceylon iii. ; Rep. on Kég. Dist. 50, 63.

* The hot season of 1586-7, apparently.

8 Cf. supra, p. 254, note *. From a royal letter printed in Arch.

Port.-Or. iii. (119), it would gets that about this time Dharmapala

was desirous of marrying a “‘ woman native of the same island.” I

infer from this that Dona Margarida, daughter of the king of Kandy

(see supra, p. 256, note °), was dead; and that Dharmapéla married

again is certain, since after his death we find his widow referred to as

“ Dona Izabel.”

286 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XX.

of his lacking all that he had expected by her, he determined

to declare war and break the peace ; but he wished first to see

if he could capture the ships that formed the armada, to which

end he sent word to all the ports at which it called that they

were not to supply it with water or wood, and that they were

to arm some ships, in order to see if they could take them

unawares in some river: the which Thomé de Sousa ‘soon

discovered, because in some ports they presently began to

refuse him what he asked for, and he sent to take in water and

wood by means of almadias', because he well knew the habits

and nature of Raju. And the latter, wishing to declare himself

once for all, sent some lascarins after the manner of robbers

to fall upon the poor wretches and people in the service of the

fortress that were in the jungle making cinnamon?, the which

Joao Correa learnt of, but dissembled in order to see if Raju

would send and inform him before breaking the truce, as had

been agreed to between them.

Just at this juncture? there fled to our fortress eight panicaes?,

fidalgos, all relatives, because Raju had sent to a village®

where they lived to summon them; and as all now feared

these summonings, they fled one night, and as they could not.

get to Columbo except by the great tranqueira®, they reached

it in the dead of night like household servants, and finding the

guards asleep killed them all, and got to the other side. The

captain of the tranqueira hastening at the uproar, and learning

what had happened, feared that Raju would order him to be

A Light. boats (see Hob.-Job. s.v.).

2 This is the first occasion on which Couto mentions the peeling of

cinnamon. (Cf. supra, p. 242, note *.) From a royal letter of 7

March 1589, printed in Arch. Port.-Or. iil. (217-8), it seems that the

captain of Columbo was peeling cinnamon for his own profit, and the

king getting nothing, though this lack is naively ascribed to the failure

ot “‘ Raju” to pay the customary tribute. According to ‘‘ Don Duart

de Meneses the Vice-roy, his tractate of the Portugall Indies,” &c.

(1584), printed by Purchas (ix. 164), ‘‘ Seylan the Madune [sc], doth

pay every yeare for tribute to his Majestie, 300. Bares of Cynamon,

containing 300. weight the Bare, which is 90000. weight, at the

rate of ten Pardaos the Bare, which is 9(0000. Reys, and it is 562 J.

10 s. sterling.’’

*The printed edition has confusao, where the manuscript reads

conjuncao.

4 This is the plural of panical, regarding which word see supra, p. 69,

note }.

5 The printed edition has “‘ some villages,’’ which may be the correct

reading.

6 The tranqueira grande was at Kaduvela, and is often mentioned

in later times as the scene of engagements between the Sinhalese and

the Portuguese or Dutch (see infra, p. 397, note?; M. Lit. Reg. iv.

174; C.A.S. Jl. xii. 103, where “ great stockade ” is a translation of

tranquetira grande).

No. 60.—1908.] courTro: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 287

put to death for that neglect, and desiring to save himself,

took his wife and children, and straightway fled to our fortress

in such haste, his wife being pregnant and taken with the

pains of labour, that he arrived at it simultaneously with

the eight panicaes, whom Joao Correa received with mucl.

honour, and ordered that they be supplied with provisions

every month’. These tidings having reached Raju, he was

like to die of vexation, and used every means with all those

of the fortress to get them into his hands; but he was left

with his grievance, and with his intention declared, and the

truce broken. Joa6 Correa at once? informed the viceroy of

everything, and assured him that the siege would not be

long delayed, begging him to succour him.

Dro. X., BK. vimt., CHAP. xvii.

* * * * *% 2K *

Meee ss there could not be a more miserable state than this?,

having two such great responsibilities as Malaca and Ceilao,

for during these same days* there had arrived the letters from

Joa6 Correa de Brito, in which he begged the viceroy to succour

him with men, money, and munitions’, because there would

be without doubt in the winter a severe siege®, which gave

the viceroy much anxious thought ; but as he was of great

11¢ is possible that this incident is identical with the one related in

the Rajdvaliya (93) as follows :—* Before that, two strong-bodied

targe-bearers from the Maha Atapattu department at Sitavaka, who

were brothers, having deserted, went to Colombo fighting their way

through the Kadudevola post, and presented themselves before king

Dharmapala. The elder of these targe-men was honoured with the

title of Panikki Mudali.”” Here, however, only two brothers are

spoken of (against Couto’s eight men, all relatives), who are said to

have fought their way through the kadavata (though I am doubtful of

the correctness of the translation). We shail read later on of these

eight men being given a position to guard in the defence of Columbo

(see infra, p. 294).

2 In March 1587 ?

* Couto has been describing how, to remedy the lack of war material,

&c., the viceroy got the aldermen of Goa to go round the city borrowing

from the inhabitants in order to raise the necessary funds.

* April 1587, probably.

® The printed edition has ‘“‘ provisions.”

® See supra, X. vil. xii., at end.

)

288 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX.

spirit and courage, he was afraid of nothing, the rather

with great rapidity in the whirl of the pressure in which ©

he was with the affairs of Malaca' he negotiated a ship,

which ke ordered to be loaded with what food, munitions, and

money could be spared, and wrote to the captain that he must

make the best of it, because at present he could do no more,

but that when he had dispatched the fleet for Malaca he

would provide him better; ......

* 2 # * x se *

Drc. X., BK. rx., CHAP iv.

Of the great preparations that Raju made for attacking Columbo :

and how the captain Joaé Correa fortified himself.

Raju having declared himself for war, and having now

collected all the necessary materials, summoned all his troops,

and placed the whole mass of his army in the city of Biaga6?

in order at once to set out on the march. Of this Joaé Correa

received information; and because the reply from Goa tarried,

and he feared to find himself in a great strait, he dispatched®

two men with letters of credit, one to go to Manar and bring

all the rice he could, and the other, who was the modeliar

Diogo da Silva, to Negapatas. These men made such haste,

that when the little ship of Domingos de Aguiar, which the

viceroy sent with provisions (as has been related above’),

arrived®, there was already in the fortress so much rice®, that

the whole winter it sold at seven zarafins the candil, the price

in Cochim being twelve, and in Coula6 fourteen ; and with the

1 See supra, p. 281, note °.

2 See supra, p. 271, note *. The manuscript has “* Biajan.”

3 In April 1587 ?

4 See supra, p. 274.

5 Couto does not tell us when this ship did arrive at Columbo, un-

less it were in May 1586 (see p. 277 supra): but, if that be the case, the

statement that follows is unintelligible, since the two men here spoken

of seem to have gone for rice a year later. There seems to be great

confusion in the order of events recorded by Couto in these chapters

relating to the siege of Columbo, which I am unable to rectify.

6 The printed edition omits this word.

No. 60.—-1908.| CcoUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 289

money that the viceroy sent in the ship' a general quarter’s

pay was made, whereby the fortress was very well provided,

excepting with men, of whom it had few. And with all these

anxieties the captain did not fail to go on fortifying where it

seemed to him most needed: and because the fortification

that, as we have said’, he had made from the bastion of Saé

Joao to the sea-shore appeared to him weak, he ordered to build

a thick mud-wall two fathoms in height on the inner side, with a

wooden couraca® on the sea-shore. and between it and the

bastion he made a watch-tower with its balconies for those

that might fight from it, and at this work even the monks of

St. Francis laboured, who were always the foremost in all

times of need.

Raju forthwith took the field, and mustered all his troops

and his weapons and munitions of war, and found the follow-

_ing*: fighting men fifty thousand; pioneers and servants

sixty thousand ; elephants, both for fighting and for service,

two thousand two hundred ; pieces of bronze artillery, between

large and small, one hundred and fifty ; oxen of burden forty

thousand ; axes ten thousand ; alavangas three thousand ;

billhooks twenty thousand ; pickaxes® (which in India are

called codelis*) two thousand ; mattocks six thousand ; many

1The money was sent by Tristao de Abreu'and Pedro da Costa, who

left Goa in rowing boats after the departure of Siméo Botelho, and

whose arrival at Columbo in May 1586 Couto records supra, p. 277.

The reference here, however, may be to the ship mentioned in

| X. vol. xvii. (p. 288) ; and it is possible that in the passage referred

to in note *® on p. 288 Couto has confused this ship with that of

Domingos de Aguiar.

* See supra, p. 282.

° A breast-work (lit., a cuirass).

_* The numbers given by Couto must, of course, be taken as approxi-

mate, founded, doubtless, chiefly on the statements of escapees and

fugitives. The Rajdvaliya gives no estimate of Raja Sinha’s forces :

it simply says (90) :—** After this Raja Sinha issued pay to his troops ;

and being determined to expel the Portuguese of Colombo set out. with

& numerous army of elephants, a large force on the right and left wings,

and shield-bearers of Kottan Dévalé.”’

° The manuscript omits this word.

* The manuscript has “‘ codeas.”” The Sanskrit word kudddla (spade

or hoe) is found in the different Aryan dialects of India under various

forms (see C. A. S. JI. vii. 24), and in Tamil and Malaydlam as kéddli

(which is probably the form Couto had in his mind). In Sinhalese,

through loss of the initial consonant, the word has become udalu,

udella. I have translated the Portuguese picées by “‘ pickaxes”’; but

the implements may have been mamoties.

a 36-08

290 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

arms of all kinds in superabundance ; four hundred black-

smiths to make arrow-heads and other ironwork ; a thousand

carpenters ; four hundred bombardiers, Jaos', Cafres, and of

other nationalities, the greater part of whom were Portuguese? ;

much timber large and small, of which he made two cars in the

manner of castles, each on nine wheels as high as a man;

canes for mats*® without number ; a great quantity of sulphur,

saltpetre, and gunpowder, much lead, and balls of every kind ;

and in certain ports of the island he ordered to be equipped*

sixty-five foists and catwres> and four hundred small boats

for service, and all the other things that seemed to him neces-

sary for the siege that he hoped to lay, from which he was deter-

mined not to stay his hand until he had captured the fortress.

And before he moved with all this force he wished to make

some sacrifices to his idols, and placate them, in order that

they might give him victory over the Portuguese: and for

this purpose he went to a pagode, and gave them gifts and

offered great offerings, and sent to consult them through

their priests and sorcerers, in order to know from them if he

was to gain the victory in that expedition®; and as the thing

that the devil most thirsts for is human blood, he replied that

if they wished to enter Columbo and obtain victory over the

whites they must give him the blood of innocents to drink and

to bathe in. Upon this reply he commanded to gather five

hundred male and female children up to the age of ten years, and

ordered them to be beheaded in front of the idols, and collected

the blood in large cauldrons, and presented it to them, and their

priests sprinkled them all with that blood. This spectacle was

the most inhuman’ and cruel that ever was witnessed, because

1 Javanese or Malays.

2 A curious statement to make without comment. A large propor-

tion of the Portuguese troops in Ceylon consisting of men who had been

sent there as a punishment for a term of years,—generally three (see

Pyr. ii. 143, and Arch. Port.-Or. iii. passem),—it is no wonder that

many of these banished men should have deserted to the enemy and

become renegades (c/. infra, pp. 429, 433). The anonymous author of

Primor e Honra (1. vi.) draws a harrowing picture of the miseries

these men had to endure as a reward for renouncing their faith (see

supra, p. 234, note *).

3In original esteiras (cf. supra, p. 237, note 1). The “ canes ”’ were

either rattans or bamboos; the purpose to which the “ mats’’ were

to be put is explained further on (see p. 351).

4 The printed edition omits this word.

5 Light rowing boats (see supra, p. 148, note °).

6 The manuscript omits the last three words.

’ The manuscript omits this word.

ne,

No. 60.—1908.| coUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 291

it was carried out before the eyes of the fathers and mothers of

those innocents, or martyrs of thedevil, whose tears mingled

with the warm blood of their children were also offered in sacri-

fice. This abominable superstition having been fulfilled, wish-

ing to animate all his people for that expedition, he put into

their heads that the idols had promised him that they would

throw water on the bombards of the Portuguese, so that they

should not take fire or do them harm, and that they had assured

him of capturing Columbo on that occasion, and of putting into

his hands the king Dom Joaé who was therein!; and with

that he ordered proclamation to be made throughout the

_ whole army that he gave that city to all the soldiers to sack,

and that he wanted nothing from it but the church plate and

the artillery’. And in order that he might be held by his

people as a saint, and that they might believe all that he said,

he devised diabolical inventions, and hid persons behind the

-idols*?, who gave the answers that he wished, and in which

they had been instructed : and with this, which those ignorant

people did not understand, they held him for a saint, and

worshipped him ; and so far did his folly go, that he com-

manded many golden images to be made in his name, and

ordered them to be distributed throughout all the kingdoms,

and to be placed amongst the idols, that adoration should be

offered to them even as to these?.

Having done this, he began to set his troops in array, and

to divide them according to their method, giving the vanguard

1Poor Dharmapala’s lot was anything but an enviable one: with

Raja Sinha outside seeking his life, and the captain of Columbo

and other Portuguese officers bullying and defrauding him, he was

truly “between the devil and the deep sea.” ‘The summary of a

royal letter of 5 February 1588 (which letter is unfortunately illegible

through decay), printed in Arch. Port.-Or. iii. (127), shows that at

this time Dom Joao was complaining to King Philip of the treatment

accorded to him by Joao Correa de Brito and Thomé de Sousa de

Arronches. It is surprising that he survived his ill-usage so many

years.

4 The manuscript omits “‘ and the artillery,’ which, in fact, reads

rather like an interpolation, since artillery does not come within the

purview of soldiers in a sack, but would naturally become the property

of the conquering monarch. The wish for the church plate (if really

expressed by Raja Sinha) was partly due to his hatred of Christianity

as practised by the Portuguese.

* Cf. supra, pp. 284-5.

* This may or may not be true: I have no confirmation of the

statement. Of course the Sinhalese kings claimed divine honours

(ef. C. A. S. Jl. xviii. 209, and note ***),

wT, 2

292 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). LV ob. XUX.

to Vijacon mudelia’ and Gajanaica arache*, and at once began

to march, and that day*® he encamped in Maleriava*; and on

the following he arrived at Calane®, where he remained two

days, and thence he proceeded to pitch his tent in the meadow®

of Matugore’, where he remained six days, during which he

made a bridge over a river arm at Nacolaga6®, over which the

whole army passed®, and went on until he came in sight of the

fortress on the 4th of June, and pitched the arrayal in the

place that he selected’®, and from the fortress they saluted

him with several pieces of artillery, whereby some of his men

were laid low, which he took as an evil augury, and the devil

showed him that he was a liar, and that he could fulfil nothing

of what he had promised him, that the artillery would not take

fire. Having pitched the arrayal, he at once surrounded it with

a spacious ditch, and inside he fortified it with tranqueiras

1 This man is referred to further on (see p. 381), but the Rajdvaliya

mentions no mudali of that name, assigning the place of honour in the

army to Vikramasinha Mudali (see infra, note 1).

2 This arachchi, who evidently had charge of the war elephants, is

not named in the Rdajdvaliya. sis .

3 The date is not given, but from what follows it must have been

about the 20th of May 1587.

4 Mulleriyawa (meaning probably Ambatalé), about 4 miles from

Biyagama vidé Kaduwela (cf. supra, p. 171, note °).

5 Between 3 and 4 miles from Ambatalé. At this period the town of

Kelaniya was on the left (south) bank of the river.

® The Port. varzea means a level cultivated field ; but Couto in all

cases used the word in reference to marshy land (cf. infra, p. 300,

note 4).

“On p. 383 infra we have the spelling “ Matacore.” The place

meant is not, [ think, Matakkuliya, but Dematagoda, the first syllable

having dropped out owing to confusion with the Portuguese preposi-

tion de—a not infrequent error (cf. infra, p. 431, note *, and C. A. S.

Jl. x. 287). Compare the statement of the Rdjdvaliya (91) that “Raja

Sigha fixed his headquarters at Dematagodawatta.”

’ There is evidently some confusion here: Dematagoda was where

Raja Sinha ultemately pitched his camp, and was at some distance from

Nakolagama, which lay due north of it, on the south bank of the Kelani

river. The “river arm” (esteiro) over which the bridge was thrown

was doubtless one of the streams that enters the Kelani at Pass Nakola-

gam ; but its exact position I am doubtful of. From what is said on

p- 383 infra it must have been at some distance from the river.

® The manuscript omits the words from “ river arm ”’ to “‘ passed.”’

The Rdjdvaliya (91) says that Raja Sinha “sent Vikramasiha

Mudali in advance, and starting from Sitawaka [? Biyagama] halted on

this side of Weraluwetota ;...... Raja Sinha fixed his headquarters at

Dematagodawatta.”’ I cannot locate Weraluwetota.

No. 60.—1908.| coUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 293

of two faces lined with mats, all of which was executed

with great speed by means of the large matérial that he carried ;

and because during the siege in the time of Manoel de Sousa

they caused him much damage on the side where the lake was

by means of the castles' and foists that were put on it, he

determined to drain it dry, both in order that they might not

do him further harm from it, and that he might from that

side attempt an entrance to the fortress, the walls there being

weaker, and in order that his forces might be thrown against

it all round, because this lake encircles more than half the city.

_ which made it the stronger : and to this work he put his hand

first of all.

Joao Correa was already so well prepared and fortified, that

he did not worry himself about the power that he had, and had

already destroyed all the gardens that were on the outside,

and the wood, which was much, he had brought in, whereby

‘the campaign lay more exposed to view; and because the

island of Antonio de Mendoga?’, which is outside the walls, and

which during the siege in the time of Manoel de Sousa gave

much trouble in its maintenance through the number of troops

that were occupied therein, and from the risk that they always

ran to avoid the injuries that they had received there, and in

order.not to have men outside the fortress, with the approval

of all he abandoned it, and ordered to cut down all the palm-

trees, which would be six hundred, and brought them in for

the platforms of the fortifications, and the leaves for covering

the watch-towers and barracks. On the inland side the city

had a circuit of one hundred and ninety-two fathoms®, with

many bastions and watch-towers, and there were not more

than three hundred Portuguese, old and young, among whom

were a hundred useless ones, and of native lascarins and

servants of the Portuguese there would be about seven

hundred—a very small force for the defence of so great an

enclosure : and with it the captain did the best he could, and

divided it up and provided the posts after this manner‘ :—

In the bastion of Sad Joa6, which was the most important,

he placed Thomé de Sousa de Arronches ; and in the couraca

1 These were doubtless similar to those made by D. Jorge Menezes

Baroche as described in VII. 1x. vi. (p. 207) supra.

* See supra, p. 283.

3 Equivalent to about 425 yards. According to Ribeiro (see C. A. 8.

Jl. xii. 76), the cireumvallation of the whole city occupied 1,300 paces

(about 1,100 yards).

* Cf. supra, pp. 282-3. Here we get a complete list of the bastions

and watch-towers in the whole circuit of the fortress, beginning at the

north-east angle, proceeding southward, then along the lake westward

— 294 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

overlooking the sea Diogo Gonsalves, an old man and ex-

periencéd in war'; in the watch-tower midway Diogo da

Silva mudeliar, who had also to guard the new mud-wall? ;

Joao Gracia in the bastion of Sad Thomé; Estevaod Gomes

in that of Santo Estevao ; on the stretch of wall from this

bastion to the watch-tower of Sancta Anna he placed Miguel

Vas with a Portuguese and the eight Chingalas? that ran away

from Raju to the fortress ; in the bastion of Sa6 Sebastia6*

was stationed Luis Correa da Silva ; and on the stretch of wall

that runs from it to Santo Antonio he placed Dom Joao de

Austria, mudeliar of Candea®, who afterwards rose and seized

and south-westward, then by the sea northward, and finally along the

bay eastward and north-eastward to the point of departure. If we

only had as detailed a description of the various buildings inside the

fort, we could form a very good idea of what Columbo was like at that

period: unfortunately none such has come down to us; and as the

earliest plan of the city that I know of, that of Pedro Barretto de Res-

sende (1646), has no accompanying description, we can but guess at the

situation of many of the buildings mentioned by Ribeiro and other

writers. It will be noticed that most of the persons named as appointed

to guard the walls and bastions were natives of Ceylon.

1 He is mentioned in VII. v. vi. as captain of the vessels guarding

Goa in 1558. In X. x. vii. (p. 339) infra we shall hear of him in connec-

tion with a remarkable incident.

2 See supra, p. 282.

3 The eight panicals (see supra, p. 286).

4 This bastion looked towards the district still known as St. Sebastian

from a church that stood there in Portugyese times (see plan of Columbo

in Baldzus’s Ceylon).

5 This casual mention of the man who afterwards became the con-

queror and successor of the redoubtable “Raji ’’ and the bitter foe of

the Portuguese seems to indicate that in some other part of his history

Couto had given details showing how he came to be in Columbo at this

time. We should have looked for these in the course of this Decade ;

but, as they do not appear therein, we can only conclude that Couto

postponed them until he came to describe the events of 1588-92.

Fortunately the Rdjévaliya here comes to our aid, and tells us (90) of the

treacherous murder, by command of Raja Sinha, of Virasundara Bandara,

who had raised an insurrection in the Kandyan territory, and of the

consequent flight to Columbo of his son Konappu Bandara accompanied

by Salappu Batidéra, both of whom were welcomed by the Portuguese,

and having married the daughters of Tammitardla were baptized as

Christians, Konappu receiving the high-sounding name of Don John of

Austria, in memory of the hero of Lepanto (see C. Lit. Reg. vi. 383;

M. Lit. Reg. iv. 166). When this ceremony took place, I have failed

to discover. Twice subsequently in this Decade (pp. 321, 350) the

mudaliyar is mentioned.

No. 60.—1908.] coUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 295

that kingdom, as we shall relate in due course'. In the

bastion of Santo Antonio was stationed Luis da Costa, and in

that of Madre de Deos* Hstevao Correa, both married in the

country ; on the stretch of wall that runs to Sad Gonsalo were

placed Tanavira® arache and Mattheus* Gonsalves arache®

with their lascarins, whilst to Pero ® Toscano fell the bastion

of Sao Gonsalo’, and to Chinapuli® and SebastiaO Bayao® the

stretch of wall that goes from it to Sad Miguel, and in this

bastion was stationed Domingos Marques ; and on the stretch

that goes from it to the bastion of Conceicad the captain

placed some dorias‘® with their pachas'', who are a people base

in blood but brave in warfare. In the bastion of Nossa

Senhora da Conceica6!? he placed Antonio Pereira and another

man married in the country ; and Pedro Afonso arache on the

stretch that runs from it to the watch-tower of Sad Paulo and

1 This promise Couto fulfilled in his Eleventh Decade (cf. infra, XII.

I.vi., p. 410), which, unhappily, has disappeared beyond hope of

recovery.

2 This bastion derived its name from a church that stood near it

inside the fortress (see C. A. 8. Jl. xii. 78, and plan of Columbo in Le

Grand’s trans. of Ribeiro). ay

3 Both the manuscript and the printed edition have “ Tavira”’ ; but

in X. X. ii. infra the name is correctly spelt in two places (pp. 310, 312).

*TIn X. x. i., where this man is twice mentioned (pp. 310, 312) in

conjunction with Tanavira, he is called ‘* Manoel.”

5 The manuscript has “ Mochoria,” and the printed edition

“ Mocheria,” which may represent “ Modeliar”’ or ‘* Mohotiar ”’ ;

but, as he is afterwards described as an arache, I have substituted

this word.

6 The printed edition has ‘‘ Prospero,” whilst the manuscript reads

“pois Pero’”’: that the latter is the correct reading is proved by the

mention of the man subsequently (p. 307), where the two versions agree

in naming him “ Pe(d)ro.”’

* This bastion and that of S. Miguel overlooked the lake. We are

now beginning to go westward.

8A Tamil, judging by his name (? Chinnappuli = “little tiger ’’).

Or perhaps Singappuliya is intended.

* The manuscript has the contracted form ‘“ Bastiad.”” Perhaps a

son of André Baydio Mudaliyaér, mentioned on p. 247 supra as

Dharmapala’s ambassador to the king of Siam in 1565. We shall

hear of other members of this family, whose Sinhalese name I do not

know.

0 Sinhalese durayd, headman of the jaggery, &c., caste. In Valen-

tyn (Ceylon 5) “ dureas.”’

_ 4 See supra, p. 106, note ?; p. 230.

2 This is probably the same bastion that Saar erroneously calls

“ Capoccin ” (see C, A. S. Jl. xii. 79).

296 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XX.

the conduits'; and Gurapo? arache in the stretch that goes

thence to the bastion of Sad Paulo, and in this bastion was

stationed Thomé Pires. From there to the bastion of Sao

Hieronymo® was stationed Sinia* arache with his pachas ;

and in the bastion Estevao Dias, and from it to the watch-

tower of Sancta Catherina Giria® arache, and in the

watch-tower Antonio Tinoco, and in that of Sad Martinho

Afonso da Silva, and from there to the watch-tower at the

angle’ Salvador Mendes’, and in the watch-tower Silvestre

Manco’ with some native troops. In the bastion of

Santiago’, which guards the gate and plain of Mapano”,

was stationed Antonio Guerreiro!!; and from it to the sea,

comprising three curtains of mud-wall with two watch-towers, —

Manoel Pereira arache’. All the rest of the fortress lay upon

the iron-bound coast as far as the point of Sao Lourenco™,

where the boisterousness of the waves at that part, which was

all rocks, caused great earth-shocks, whereby all there was

' Portuguese canos. Iam not certain of the exact meaning here.

but there seems to be some connection with the “ brook that traverses

the city in the midst ”’ (from the lake to the sea), according to Ribeiro |

(see C. A. 8. Jl. xii. 77, and compare the maps of Columbo in Baldeus’s

Ceylon and Le Grand’s trans. of Ribeiro). See infra, p. 300.

2 In printed edition “ Gurapu.”? Perhaps Kurupu is intended. In

Bocarro exi. we read of a ‘* Corupo Modiliar,’”’ who is also referred to

by Baldzeus (Ceylon xi. and xiv.).

5 Called by Saar “ the great bastion of Hieronymus’”’ (see C. A. S. JI.

IO)

*T am not sure what name this represents. The manuscript has

** Sinja.”’

5 The printed edition has “‘ Geria.”’ Perhaps Kiriya is intended.

6 Probably the angle as shown in Ressende’s plan, where the wall

took a sudden turn southward, and then again westward. ;

’ The printed edition has “‘Martins.”’ I cannot tell which is correct.

8 The printed edition has ‘‘ Mango,’ which means “‘ meek, mild,”’

while manco means “‘ lame, maimed,’ and seems more likely to be

correct. I may mention, however, that throughout the manuscript

the cedilla is omitted.

®See C. A. S. Jl. xii. 79 and 80. (The bastion of “8S. Jacob”

mentioned in the footnote on the latter page is, of course, that of

Santiago.)

10 See supra, p.171,note ®. Of Mapano (better Mapané), the modern

Galle Face, we shall hear more in later chapters.

11 See supra, p. 279, note 1.

12 See supra, p. 276, where he is called a modeliar.

'8 So called from the parish church standing there, probably the

oldest in Columbo, erected before 1536, during the time of the first

Catholie vicar (see C. A. 8. J]. xviii. 365).

No. 60.—1908.| couTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 297

stronger than all the rest!. From the point of Sao Lourengo

to the point of the jail’, which is the bay where the ships

lie?, was stationed Manoel Gomes Rapouso; and from the jail

to'the old couraca’, which is that of the bastion of Sao Jorge’,

and from it tothe new watch-tower®, all of which was protected

from the waves, he incharged to Diogo Gonsalves.

Thus with the paucity of men that there was the city was

provided all round as best could be, the captain remaining

apart with fifty soldiers under his command to go and help

_ in all cases of need : and in order to obviate these he appointed

three counter-rounds to make the round of the city continually,

and to advise him of all that took place, and of what was

needed ; and because the lake was the most important thing

for the defence of the city, and from it most damage could be

caused to the enemy, the captain ordered to be put upon it a

galliot, of which he appointed as captain Manoel Pinto, a very

‘noble man and a worthy knight, with some companions, and

a foist besides, of which the captain was Antonio Coresma,

and a baloon’, in which he placed Antonio Mialheiro. (These

vessels with their falcons and bases did such damage to the

enemy in the war of the time of Manoel de Sousa, that Raju,

exasperated by it, determined to drain the lake dry®.)

And as there remained nothing to be done, he dispatched

Belchior Nogueira and Gonsalo Fernandes, each in his tone,

one to go to Goa to ask for succour, and the other to go giving

information from Manar to Cochim of the strait in which that

fortress was, in order that they might succour it. They set

out on the 12th of July ; and the day that they went out from

Columbo there pursued them some vessels of Rajt’s six leagues

Nef, C. A|S. Jl. xu. 76.

_ * The jail is shown in Ressende’s plan and in that given by Le Grand

in his translation of Ribeiro. It stood on the point where the brook

that traversed the city debouched into the sea, on the west side of the

stream,

3 The “ inner harbour ” of pre-breakwater days.

“a handsome

** bastion

4 Perhaps the same as that described by Ribeiro as

couraca in front of the college of the Company,” and Saar’s

Allegresse ’’ (see C. A. 8. Jl. xii. 77, 78).

’ Probably Ribeiro’s ‘‘ bastion of the customhouse,’’ and Saar’s

_ “small bastion by name S. Vincenz”’ (see C. A. 8. Jl. xii. 77, 78). By

a careless error the printed edition has “‘ Sant-Iago.”’

® See supra, p. 283.

’ A kind of rowing vessel (see Hob.-Job. s.v.). In Ceylon this word

is still current in the form “‘ ballam ”’ (from Tamil va//am).

* See supra, p. 293.

298 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XX.

to sea, when they left them behind, and in two days crossed

over to the other coast, and Nogueira took his way by landto —

Goa, and the other went giving word at all those ports of the

strait in which Columbo was, upon which several persons

began to negotiate with the object of succouring it}.

Duc. X.,, BK rx. “CHAP. vj:

Of the manner in which Raju fortified himself, and began to

drain the lake: and of some assaults that our people made

wpon him, in which they always did him harm.

Although Raji was already at a camello* shot from our

fortress, knowing that for the business of the lake, which was

the first that he wished to begin, it was necessary for him to be

nearer in order to be able to do it more safely, he commanded

to be excavated under the earth very broad ways with their

defences by which his people could get to the work with less

risk ; and besides this he ordered to cut down the jungle that

reached from the ditch to the village of the pachas on the

island that had been abandoned (and it must be understood

that in all cases where ‘‘ the island’ is mentioned it is this

of Antonio de Mendonga?) ; and behind the Quarry hill* were

made some tranqueiras towards Nacolagoao®, which went

' The result of these men’s mission Couto tells us in X. x. 1. and iv.

unfra (pp. 305, 323-4, 327-8).

2 A kind of cannon.

3 See supra, p. 283, note ®, and p. 293.

4 See supra, p. 283, note !.

>The Rdjdvaliya says (91) :—‘‘ Vikramasinha Mudali pitched his

camp, having erected a stockade, at Lower Boralugoda. Senarat

Mudali encamped on the plain of Boralugoda.” ‘To this statement the

compiler of the Rdjdvaliya or some later writer adds the comment :—

‘Note that Adirippu Palliya stands on Boralugoda hill; and that in

Lower Boralugoda lies Santumpitiya.”’ Although the name Adirippu

Palliya (in Tamil Asaruppallt) now denotes the Wolvendaal Church, it

has really been transferred to it from the Portuguese church that stood

there previously and was called Nossa Senhora de Guadalupe (after the

famous church at Guadalupe in Spain), the Sinhalese and Tamil names

being evidently corruptions of the last word. (The footnote on this

subject in the C. A. S. Jl. xii. 79 is incorrect.) Santumpitiya still sur-

vives in Gentoopitty street (an odd perversion, santum probably repre-

senting Port. santao, “‘ religious mendicant’”’; while gentoo is Port.

gentio, “ heathen ’’).

No. 60.—1908.| coUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 299

running eastwards down the valley, and came out on the

other side in front of the bastion of Santo Esteva6!, where

was built a fine? bulwark for greater defence, whereby all

that part was shut in; and in the same way they proceeded

with another tranqueira on that part of the rising ground

that descends to the strait? that divides the island from the

mainland, and they even brought it lower down, and carried

it back to join the one above. And because this tranqueira

was very near to the fortress, whilst work was being carried

on at it the captain sent some lascarins of the country to

attack it, who entered it, and with many pots of powder set

fire to those that were in it, and captured one alive, with

whom they returned, and with much wood that was intended

for the tranquewra ; and on most of the days they made these

assaults on them, from which the lascarins always returned

with their swords dyed and with some captives.

’ Raju as soon as he was fortified below near the island

forthwith took in hand to drain the lake by means of the ditch

that he had made during the other siege, the excavation of

which he ordered to be continued until it should enter the

lake, and upon this work he put all the artisans that he had

brought ; and before reaching the water they came upon a

layer of rock so hard that there were no pickaxes that would

penetrate it: which Raju having seen commanded to bring

plenty of sour milk, which they call dain*, and much vinegar,

all of which was thrown on the top of it, and he then com-

manded to put fire on it, by which means the layer of rock

was softened in such fashion that it was very easily ex-

eavated and cut. From this can be seen how great a captain

was Raju, since he was not lacking in that device, which

is recorded of Hannibal in opening the roads over the Alps

with vinegar and fire when he crossed into Italy. At this

work the enemy continued with such activity that in less

than twenty days they had carried the ditch to the lake,

by means of -which they began to drain it, emptying it into

1 It is difficult to make out from this description what direction the

iranqueiras took. There seems to be some confusion, which I cannot

resolve. The bastion of 8. Estevéo stood probably somewhere near the

present Kayman’s Gate.

* Fermosa. The printed edition has *‘ famosa.”

° Hstreito. The printed edition omits this essential word.

4“ They ” cannot mean the Sivhalese, who call sour milk di. The

form given by Couto seems to represent Hindi dah?, with the Portuguese

nasal added. (According to Fallon’s Hind.-Eng. Dict., however, the

rustic Hindustani is dahin.)

SU), JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Von. XX.

the marshes!: and this went on to such an extent that soon

the foists felt it, because the usual water began to fail them,

wherefore they retired to the shelter of the bastions of Sao

Gonsalo and Sad Miguel, where there was more water?. And

such dispatch did the enemy give to this work that sufficient

depth to float the galliot was entirely wanting: wherefore

the captain ordered her to be stranded in the shelter of

those bastions, and her captain with his soldiers took up his

position at the conduits? to guard that passage, which was

a very important one*, the foist and the baloon remaining on

the lake, there being still enough water for them to proceed

below® the island, and so they continued until the water was

all drained off. }

During the whole of this time, which would be a month,

there did not fail to be great and wonderful plays of bombard-

shots and many assaults, in which the enemy were always

wounded, principally one night when Diogo da Silva modeliar

with his lascarins made an attack upon a tranqueira that

was over against the lake, the which he entered valorously,

and killed the greater part of the enemy, putting the rest

to flight, whereby he had time to set fire to it, so that

the whole was consumed. Raji was already afirighted

at these assaults: because when and where he least

expected he found our people with an astonishing deter-

mination in his entrenchments and tranqueiras, cutting,

throwing down, burning, and laying low everything ; and

what was worse, making the oracles of his idols lying ones,

since never did the bombards from the fortress take fire

better or do so much harm to the army as now. With

the loss of this tranqueira that Diogo da Silva burnt Raji.

was disgusted; but presently he commanded to set to

work with another very strong one in front of all those

that he had made, which he carried as far as the edge of the .

= Ee

1 So I translate varzeas (see supra, p. 292, note °), the meadows in

this case being doubtless the swampy lands (Dutch polders) on the

eastern outskirts of Columbo, The “ ditch”? may possibly have been

the precursor of the canal that runs from St. Sebastian to Urugoda-

watta.

2 See supra, p. 295, note”.

3 See supra, p. 296, note 1.

* The manuscript omits this clause.

° The manuscript reads “ pass over the bank” (passarem o banco).

which may possibly be the right reading, as we read towards the end

of the chapter of the foists’ being dragged by the enemy over a “ ridge of

sand ”’ into deep water. | .

No. 60.

1908.| CouUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 301

strait! that surrounds the island, and began to have it filled in

with a view to entering it, and in both parts of the strait! Raja

ordered to be made two tranqueiras for the purpose of pre-

venting the sallies that our people made by the gates of the

bastions of Sad Sebastiao and Sancto Antonio: and. this

work also our people attacked, and killed many of their

men. And although we have said that the captain abandoned

the island, yet it was not so entirely that he did not leave

there some lascarins to guard it, who as soon as the enemy

crossed the strait! withdrew to the fortress, and the captain

commanded those two gateways” to be closed up with stone

and lime, that he might not have to look after them, and

in order not to occupy in guarding them men that he had

not got, and left only the gates of Sad Sebastiad? and Saé

Joao and that of Mapano And as the enemy had not made

a-display of all his power, he wished to do so one day, which

-was the 19th of July, and came out on the plain of Mapano

with all the elephants in line in front, and the troops in this

order : in the van his atapato, that is, captain of the guards’,

with six thousand picked men, three thousand matchlock

men, one thousand targe-bearers, and two thousand lancers®,

who are his bodyguard, like the Janissaries of the Turk, and

at one part of the plain Canahara®, captain-general, with

five thousand men, and Raji in person with the remainder

of the army extended over the Quarry, in such sort that as far

as the eyes reached, in all parts, plains and hills were covered

with men of arms, which glittered, elephants and many other

things that threatened death to anyone that did not fear

1 In the manuscript estrecto (cf. swpra, p. 299, note *). The printed

edition reads esteiro, which means an inlet, sea, or river branch or

arm (cf. swpra, p. 292, note §&).

2 The printed edition has “ parts.”

’ There must be some error here, since we have just been told that

this gate was closed up.

4 See supra, p. 220, note }.

> The manuscript has calsetros, a word having no meaning that I can

find.

$I think there can be no doubt that this word (in the manuscript

spelt “‘ Chanaara ’’) represents the name of Senarat Mudali (see Rdjdv.

91), though how it came to assume this extraordinary form is not

obvious. Probably the initial letter should be €, this having been

substituted for an S ; and the final t has somehow dropped out. (King

Senarat, who succeeded Dom Joaéo alias Vimala Dharma Surya, is

called by the Portuguese writers “‘ Enarat,’’ which represents the alter-

native form “‘ Henarat.’’) After ““ Canahara ” the printed edition has

the words “‘ que he” (which is); but these are not in the manuscript.

302 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [LV Ol. XX,

it as little as the Portuguese that beheld that, they not

being two hundred who had to defend themselves against

that infernal force, which by such threats wished to male

itself feared.

And in order to give them to understand how little they

esteemed it, there sallied forth against them some captains

of companies, namely, Antonio Pereira and Antonio Guer-

reiro with their soldiers, and with them the other! Chingala

fidalgos of whom we have spoken above?, who wished to

demonstrate to the Portuguese their faith and love by parti-

cipating on occasions when they could be of service to them,

in order in part to repay them for the honours that they had

accorded them on their reception: all these fell upon Raji’s ~

vanguard, and engaged them in a considerable fight, in which

our people cut them down right well, and the eight Chingalas

became so intermingled with the enemy in the desire that

they had to avenge themselves of Raju, that our people

thought that it was treachery, and that they were returning

to their own folk: but they, giving no heed to us, went on

laying many low; and thus, supported by our men, pressed

the vanguard so hard, that they made them fall back upon

the body of the atapata, which followed after. The captain

Joao Correa was outside in order to come to the help of

his men if it were necessary ; and seeing that beginning of

victory, he gave the signal to retire, which they did in

safety ; and during this confusion a Portuguese, who had

been a captive there eleven years*, took the opportunity

to escape to us, whom the captain warmly welcomed,

because he gave him information on many very important

matters.

Raji was not very well satisfied with this show that he

had made, as it cost him very dear, and he ordered the work

of fortification to be continued, and they proceeded with a

tranqgueira through the middle of the island; and along the

other part, which terminates at the bastion of Sad Sebastiao,

he went on extending another stronger one. By this time

the lake was drained, and the foists were stranded alongside

of the bastions, the which Raju was desirous of capturing,

1 Both the manuscript and the printed edition have “ outros’’; but

I suspect that this is an error for owto or otto (eight), which occurs lower

down.

2 See supra, p. 286.

3 He must, therefore, have been captured in 1576: but as we have

no record of this period of Ceylon history, I cannot say in what engage-

ment he was made a prisoner. He is probably the Miguel Ferreira

Baracho spoken of in X. x. vii. (p. 339) infra.

No. 60.—1908.| couTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 303

and for that purpose he sent out a body of men in the morning

watch ; and in order that they might not be noticed they

drove in front some buffaloes (because these were continually

accustomed to go about in the lake), and in the midst of these

they arrived and threw some grapnels that they carried

with thick hawsers on to the foist of Coresma, which was

alongside of the bastion of Sa6 Miguel, and began to haul at it

im such silence that some soldiers who were on watch in the

same foist did not notice it, only some lurches that the foist

gave ; and seeing it to be enemies, they left their beds and

retired along the wall. Those on the bastion hearing the

“noise passed the word, upon which the captain hastened

thither with the troops that he led; and asking what it was,

they answered, buffaloes that were wandering about in the

water; and having ordered them to look carefully, they

managed to perceive the foist, which was now nearer to

-the island than to the bastion, where it had been; and

having told the captain the truth of the matter, he ordered

a postern-gate that was there to be opened, and sent

out some men in the direction of Calapete!; and these

dashing into the water fell upon the enemy, who had their

erapnels on the foist, and had with them a very severe?

fight, in which in the end they made them let go of the foist

with many killed, and drove them back as far as the

tranqueiras on the island, with much valour and honour.

Those that distinguished themselves in this affair were

Antonio Colacgo, Fernad Alvares, Diogo Galvad, Antonio

Dias, a native of Ceilao, Jorge Rodrigues? the -Amouco',

and others ; and with the precipitancy of their going killing

the enemy they had not time to cut the hawsers, and returned

leaving them hanging on the foist. The enemy took the

alarm, and all those of Raji’s guard came hurrying up*®, and

on their return they found themselves cut off on the Calapete

side ; and seeing themselves in that peril they attacked a

squadron of the enemy that was nearest, and fell upon them

with such fury that it was a marvel, there ensuing between

them all a very severe battle. Here came to their help the

+ - —

See supra, p. 283, note ”.

* The manuscript has aspera, while the printed edition has crespa

(brisk).

* The manuscript has Gonsalves. I do not know which is right, as,

though the man is mentioned again (see p. 332), it is only by his nick-

name.

-* See Hob.-Job. s.v. ‘° A Muck.”’

* The printed edition has ‘‘ were frightened.”’

304 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

father Pero Dias, a cleric, a scholarly man', with some

companions that he brought, who got into a baloon with

some fire-darts and six matchlocks, and they reached the.

foist, which the enemy were carrying off, and let fly at them

in such manner that he set them on fire and burnt them

at his will, and made them relinquish the foist ; but because

many came to their help, he returned, having caused great

havoc among the enemy; and as the hawsers from the

foist had in the other direction been attached to capstans

and to many elephants, which hauled on other cables, she

was carried away by force, and they made her ride over the

top of a ridge of sand, and on the other side she slid into

deep water, in which she floated, and so she remained in

their power with a falcon and a base and the arms of the

soldiers that had been on watch in her. Antonio Colaco,

who was on the Calapete side surrounded by Raju’s guard,

fought with his soldiers like famished lions, causing such

havoc among the enemy, that with the death of many he

got rid of them, and returned with all his men wounded.

The captain Joad Correa, who was ready to hasten where-

ever it was necessary, seeing that in that quarter the chief

force of the army was occupied, in great haste sent out

the lascarins and pachds, and ordered, them to attack the

arrayal from the other quarter: who did this in such fashion

that they killed many, and captured an elephant with which

they returned to the fortress, and with several heads in their

hands, so that, although the enemy had carried off the foist,

and the captain considered it a disgrace, for the present

it was tit for tat. In this state things remained for some

days, during which there were continual assaults, from which

our people returned in safety, and with their swords dyed in

blood.

Dec. X., BRK. X., CHAP. i.

Of what happened in Ceilao after the lake was drained : and

of the first succour that arrived from outside : and of several

assaults that our people made on the enemy: and of the

preparations that were made in anticrpation of the first attack

that Raju determined to make upon the fortress.

We left the fortress of Columbo with the lake drained,

which was what the enemy aimed at, in order to make the

assault on that fortress at all parts, it appearing to him that

* The printed edition has “a good scholar.”’ How this father came

to be in Ceylon, Couto tells us in X. x. ili, (p. 313).

No. 305

it could not escape him, it being very weak at the part that

had been surrounded by the lake (which had made it strong) ;

and after that they continued making slight assaults here

and there, which being of no importance we pass over. And

as the reply tarried to the request for succours that he had

sent both to the viceroy and to Cochim!, and the draining of the

lake placed that fortress in need of more men for the defence

of that part, the captain-major in great haste dispatched’

Antonio Correa Travacos’, magistrate of that fortress, with

letters to the viceroy, to represent to him the strait in which

they were, who crossed over in a tone to the opposite coast,

and took his way by land; and because Gonsalo Fernandes

and Belchior Nogueira, who had gone with the first message,

gave it at Manar to Joao de Mello*, captain of that fortress®,

he forthwith fitted out a galliot, in which he ordered to

embark his nephew Fernao de Mello with forty soldiers and

“many munitions, who with great trouble and risk reached

Columbo on the eve of St. James the apostle®.

This succour was welcomed, as was natural, it being the

first’; and the captain, in order to entertain them well, placed

them in a part where the lake was quite dry, because of its

being the most hazardous and dangerous, and in honour of the

feast of St. James the apostle, and to welcome the new guests ;

eee

! See supra, p. 297.

2 In July 1587: therefore shortly after the departure of the previous

messengers, mentioned below.

3 Note the Antonio da Costa 'Travassos mentioned supra. p. 221.

I do not know when he took up the post of magistrate of Columbo.

4 Joao de Mello de Sampayo (see swpra, p. 83, note 1).

® From a royal letter of 12 January 1591, printed in Arch. Port.-

Or. iii. (253), it seems that Joao de Mello had neglected to spend on the

fortification of Mannar a sum of money that the inhabitants had contri-

buted for that purpose—a work which the king had ordered in several

previous letters, in one of them (10 January 1587) saying that he had

been informed that Raja Sinha’s vessels had many times molested it.

li also appears that Joao de Mello had been succeeded in the post by

Nuno Fernandes de Ataide (cf. supra, p. 227, note). As Couto

mentions in V. 1. vii. (p. 83), Jodo de Mello was lost at sea in the Bom

Jesus on his voyage home in 1592 in company with the late governor of

India, Manoel de Sousa Coutinho. Part of the inscribed stone that

covered his wife’s tomb in Mannar has recently been discovered and

rescued from base usage by Mr. J. P. Lewis, C.C.8. (see C. A. 8.

Jl. xviii: 355-8). :

6 24 July 1587.

? That is, the first since the dispatch of the three messengers men-

tioned above.

36-08

306 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYION). [VoL. XX.

and in order to show the enemy that they feared them little,

next day, which was that of the apostle, he sent to attack

the enemies’ tranqgueiras Manoel Mexia and Pero arache with

some lascarins, who in the daybreak watch went and hid

themselves behind some clumps of briars that were in front

of the island of Antonio de Mendoga, the captain remaining

in the bastion of Madre de Deus to come and help in any-

thing that might take place: and these sallying forth from

the fortress at daybreak rushed with great impetus upon the

tranqueira that was in that part, and speedily put to flight

those that were in it, remaining in possession of the tranqueira,

which! in a very short space of time they entirely dismantled,

because they carried with them for that purpose many

hatchets;' and with the greater part of the timber they

returned in perfect safety.

Diogo da Silva modeliar was in ambush at the Quarry

hill with his Jascarins, without making any move all this

time; and at the cries from the tranqueira many of the

enemy hastened to the succour, and arrived just at the time

that our people had retired, wherefore they deployed along

the foot of the Quarry hill until they came to place themselves

in our entrenchments. Diogo da Silva modeliar, who was

now at their rear, rushing out of the ambuscade with loud

cries, fell upon the enemy so suddenly, that they first knew

of his presence by the corpses that they saw ; and they soon

killed many, and cut off the heads of four, elevating one

upon a spear, because it was the head of a well-known modelzar

of theirs. With this sudden onslaught the enemy were put

to the rout, and our people returned in safety.

These two affairs took place in sight of Raji, who stormed

with passion, and told his people to go and bring him the

head of that Moor, for so he called Diogo da Silva?, who

was soon recognized, and was much feared by all. His

people seeing him so enraged, a body of them, more from

shame than willingly, descended to the plain with firelock

shots and flights of arrows after our people who were retiring ;

and as they were in the open, and the day was now clear,

the artillery of the fortress made very fair play amongst

them, whereby many were left stretched there. In order

to detain them longer, Joao Correa, whilst the artillery was

being reloaded, ordered a company’ of soldiers to go out

by the gate of Sao Joao to engage them from a distance and

1 The printed edition omits the words “‘speedily ...... which.”’

2 See supra, p. 276, note 2.

§ The manuscript has copia (large number) instead of companhia.

No. 60.—1908.] couTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 307

hold them in play; but nevertheless the affair came to a

hand-to-hand conflict, and there ensued a very stiff battle,

in which our people wrought great havoc among the enemy.

And the matter went in such fashion that Raju beat the

retreat, and contended with his men, and insulted them,

and put them to shame, telling them that the Moor did

more than all of them together: and so great was his passion,

that he commanded to issue*proclamations throughout the

whole army that on the person who in that war brought

him the head of the Moor Diogo da Silva he would confer

honours and favours above all bestowed on those who in that

expedition performed famous feats. And in order to com-

‘pensate himself for that loss, he commanded to make the

first' assault very soon with all his forces, thinking that by

it he would conclude that business; and he ordered to be

- prepared for that purpose the things necessary, and dividing

amongst his modelares and araches the posts and bastions

that each one had to attack, so that they should not embarrass

one another, whereupon they all got ready with whatever

seemed to them necessary for that purpose, and he also

served out to the army munitions of war and materials

prepared for the assault.

The captain Joao Correa was soon informed by spies of

all that was being arranged, and of how they had determined

to attack by night: wherefore he at once ordered to get

ready everything necessary for the defence, and to provide

_ the posts and bastions with powder and munitions and other

military requisites, so that all might have everything at hand

ab that time ; and because that part near the lake that was

drained, at which he had placed Fernaod de Mello, was weak,

he distributed amongst the most necessitous parts the soldiers

on duty on-the counter-rounds, and charged upon them the

guard and defence of that part. The captains of the bastions

ordered many pointed stakes to be prepared, and planted

them around the walls, and hung out a fine array of flags.

Domingos Marques, captain of the bastion of Sao Miguel,

as soon as it was night placed around it many cressets, and

Pero Toscano did the same on his bastion of Sad Gonsalo,

who, on account of its being very low, watched with all his

soldiers outside, going out and entering by the embrasures,

in order, when the assault should take place, to prevent

them from coming to it with ladders; and the same pre-

_parations were made all round the fortress, everyone getting

ready in advance whatever was necessary, since Raju

1 The manuscript omits “ the first.”

308 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

went spinning out the time in order to be able to have every-

thing very well done. And the best and most important

preparations that the captain ordered for the defence of

that city were masses, orisons, litanies, and other prayers,

in order to propitiate the most high God and the glorious

Virgin his mother'.

Dec. X., BK. x., CHAP. il.

Of the very great and pertinacious assault that Raji made upon

our fortress : and of what happened therein’.

Raju selected for making the first assault the day most

suitable for the Portuguese that could be, which was that

of Our Lady of the Snows, which falls on the 4th of August,

on which she was accustomed to satisfy the whole world with

her favours and gifts, and on which all Christians are so devout.

And the watch before daybreak having passed, Raju began to

march out of his encampments in the following order :—In

front he sent many elephants of war divided into three bodies

and in charge of three modeliares, which were to attack the

bastions of Sad Miguel, Sad Gonsalo?, and Sad Francisco 4 ;

behind the elephants the spearmen, and then the targe-bearers,

and behind these the bowmen, and behind all the whole of

the musketry ; and on the lake, in parts that still contained

water, he placed many catapunes®, which are small boats, moored

one to another, forming a large jangada® laden with men.

In this order Raju began to move by the point of the

island towards the lake, he himself remaining at the point,

and commanded the captains to attack the bastions that were

allotted to them : which each did in such silence, that if our

p2ople had not kept such a strict watch it may well be that

they had not noticed them except in the bastion, the night

being very dark ; for those that were watching saw a sort of

black mass like a very dark and thick cloud, which came

1 This last sentence, like many similar ones in this and other Decades,

is probably an interpolation by Couto’s priestly brother-in-law, Fr.

Adeodato da Trinidade.

2 The printed edition makes this last word refer to the fortress, but

the manuscript, with more probability, refers it to the assault.

3 The manuscript puts this bastion last.

4 Both the manuscript and the printed edition, here and further on,

have this name, which must, however, be an error, since in the list of

bastions given on pp. 293-7 supra no such name appears. Madre de

Deos is probably intended, the Franciscan convent being apparently

adjacent thereto (see infra, p. 408, note 2).

5 See supra, p. 228, note *.

® See supra, p. 75, note °.

No. 60.—1908.| couTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 309

before their sight, and in the midst of it they began to perceive

the matches in such number that it looked like some great

flight of those little insects that shine at night ; and beating to

arms they all stood with theirs in their hands, and Joao

Correa de Brito hastened and made the round of all the

bastions, and posts, and found all already on the alert and full

of spirit in expectation of the enemy. Having reached the

bastions they began the assault with that confused multitude,

according to the custom of all the Moors and heathens of

this East, which is not to fight in regular squadrons and

distinct ranks, nor to the sound of concerted drums and

fifes, but with that barbarous multitude, who can move

better to the sound of certain confused beats of certain melan-

choly and sad kettledrums that they use: so these with

_ that barbarous determination arrived at the three bastions of

Sao Miguel, Sao Gonsalo, and Sad Francisco, against which

they straightway set up many ladders, by which they began

to climb, and below more than two thousand quarrymen,

who had been brought for that purpose, set to work to under-

mine and breach the wall with great noise.

Our men, as soon as they perceived the enemy at the foot

of the bastions, discharged upon them the storm of artillery

and harquebusery, whereby many remained on the field

without parts of their bodies, and others flew through the air in

pieces ; and to those that were attempting the ascent they

soon showed by the blows that they gave them and by the

things that they hurled upon them that that city was not to

cost them as cheap as they thought. Pero Toscano, captain

of the bastion of Santiago', who was accustomed to watch

outside, received that barbarous encounter with much valour

and spirit, causing great havoc among the enemy, because

they went unexpectant of finding any impediment outside,

nor indeed thinking that those that were inside could await

their onrush : but just as they deceived themselves in their

Opinion, so they paid well for their arrogance, because the

boldest that came near soon felt in their flesh how different

was the purpose of our men.

The battle being joined, there presently began throughout

the city a great hubbub of women, children, and other useless

persons, who went about the streets begging for mercy: and

thus all that was heard inside and outside was cries, vocifera-

tions, and the clashing of arms, by all which was created a

confusion. The captain accompanied by the monks went the

round of all the bastions, stopping a little in each one, seeing

and providing all that was necessery, and encouraging all, and

* This should be Sad Gonsalo (see swpra, pp. 295, 307, and infra, p. 310).

310 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von oe.

praising them with words of gratitude, which in their case

was little needed', because all could lend courage and spirit.

And on arriving at the bastion of Sa6 Gonsalo he commanded

to shout to Pero Toscano, who was fighting outside, to come

in, which he did in very good order through the embrasures ;

and some entering by them, and others fighting without

retiring, and in the embrasures he left two valiant soldiers,

each with his half-pike, and others with fire-lances and

some matchlocks, and he with the rest of the soldiers went

up on to the bastion, where he put himself on the defensive,

fighting with much valour, because it was attacked by the

greatest body of troops and the largest force of elephants,

which on arriving at the wall strove to reach with their trunks.

the edges of the mud-walls in order to pull them down ;

but our men so annoyed them that they made them turn

back with loud trumpetings and roars.

At that part which the elephants were trying to reach

were the araches Manoel Gonsalves and Tanavira, who had a

very difficult task, on account of the walls’ being very low

there, a part well-known.to the enemy, and which they

purposely came to, and they pressed the attack so fiercely

there that the lascarins, being unable to endure that impetus,

abandoned the whole and fled, leaving alone the two araches,

who performed marvellous feats of arms. At the time that

the lascarins fled from the post there came to it the father

Pero Dias, cleric ; and finding them in that terror animated

and emboldened them, and made them go up, saying that

the captain was just coming with succour, and he remained

with them in that part, where the araches performed very

great deeds of valour, and he helped them and animated them,

making the lJascarins fight, and from there dispatched a

message to the captain of the peril in which that part was,

who veturned to it, and finding the lascarins so discouraged,

he put himself amongst them, and began to fight very

courageously, emboldening all, and making much of the

deeds of the two araches, who had done marvellous things,

whereby all gained fresh courage, and began to renew their

strokes, hurling upon the enemy many pots of powder, with

which they set many on fire and made the elephants stop.

The rumour of the peril in which that part was reached

there; and Pero Francisco, captain of one of the rounds,

ascending to the platforms distributed his soldiers and

lascarins at the loopholes in the wall, whence with their

matchlocks they caused great destruction among the enemy,

— ~

. ° . cé

1 By an oversight, the manuscript omits the words from and

encouraging’ to ‘* needed.”’

No. 60.—1908.] courTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 311

whereby many soldiers gaining fresh courage were now not

content to fight under shelter, but astride on the walls they

east upon the enemy many deadly missiles both of iron and

fire, with which they burfit a great part of the stonemasons

who were undermining the wall, and made them get away

in spite of themselves. But as the multitude of the enemy

was so great, and for all the large number that they killed

the loss was imperceptible amongst them, nor did their

captains have much concern over it, but hastened to that

part, and doubled the number both of those fighting and of

those that had to destroy the walls, the which they recom-

menced to do, and the others to climb up in order to get

over the wall, upon which the havoc and cries began anew :

and as the captain had now !eft, having gone off to view the

other parts, all would have been lost, although the araches

and the father Pero Dias and other soldiers and knights

did temerarious deeds, if some had not come to help, who

hastened at the report that flew about of the strait in which

that part was, and began to participate in its defence with

great valour and energy, all of them employing their weapons

and hands to such purpose to the enemy’s hurt, who were

climbing up the ladders, that no one missed a stroke or threw

a pot of powder in vain. And the captain Joao Correa once

more hastened to that part, because they had given him the

alarm, and presenting himself in front of all, and naming

himself by his name, in order to encourage our men as well

as to dishearten the enemy, he began to fight very resolutely,

because the affair was very hazardous, and the enemy had

thrown on the top of the wall much fire in order to drive our

men away. But as in these dangers what least concerns the

Portuguese lovers of honour is the kind of death that may

be most cruel, there forced their way to the front Fernao

Dalvares, Pero Gonsalves Cananor, and other valorous

soldiers, and in the midst of those flames with their arms in

their hands did everything that can be imagined to prevent

the entrance of the enemy, upon which they had put forth

all their strength. The captain here performed his office very

well, for he fought continuously, and took part in the greatest

dangers, and at the same time provided for things that seemed

to him necessary.

At the bastion of Sad Gonsalo a similar assault was ex-

perienced, because all around it was encircled by ladders

full of enemies, and the embrasures of which those in that

quarter made use were attacked with much determination ;

and upon those that were below for its defence fell the brunt

of the attacks, because the arrows and the fire that entered

by them was enough to set fire to the whole city, and so they

be JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XX.

made our men retire within, burnt and almost blinded by the

smoke, because the worst danger in which they found

themselves was its density, under cover of which the enemy

were determined to enter the embrasures: but those inside

even with those impediments defended them against them

valorously, and they succeeded in cutting the spears of our

men, who after having many times dipped these in the coarse

blood of the enemy took to their swords, and caused amongst

them another new destruction, and with them proved

the strength of their valorous and valiant arms, which was

afterwards seen in the terrible gashes of those that were there,

the combat ending in those that lay stretched at the foot

of the embrasures. :

Those that were climbing up the ladders strove all they

could to get to the top, without heeding those that fell down

from close beside them cut to pieces, but the rather the

number of those that ascended increasing, they threw on the

top so much fire that the bastion became a mass of flame ;

and our men drawing off a little! outside, a soldier, Gaspar

Dias by name, who that day had done great things, seeing

the fire, and that in the bastion was a quantity of powder,

which they had there in case of necessity, seeing that if the

fire reached it there would be an end of everything”, deter-

mined: either to die or to deliver all from that peril, and so

seized a bed-cover and some mats, and with all these threw

himself upon the flame, whereby he smothered it and got it

under, and with the same readiness darted upon a jar of

water that stood there, and poured the whole of it upon the

fire, and entirely extinguished it, whereby those of the bastion

were freer to defend themselves, returning to their posts,

in which they did wonders. Of much value and help to our

men were the many cressets that the captain of that bastion

had ordered to set alight all over it, which continued to burn

as long as the combat lasted, and the soldiers saw very well

where it was necessary to go to help: and this was a most

important work, because for very shame the lascarins were

forced to stay at the sides, where they fought, which maybe

they would not have done had it been dark, and they could

have slunk away without being seen, on,account of the great

strait in which they many times found themselves.

The enemy went on with their perseverance, striving to

enter both this bastion and also at the sides by the wall that

joined on to it, at which were the araches Manoel Gonsalves

and Tanavira; and although they saw how well our people

1 The manuscript has passo (step) for pouco.

* The manuscript has “ all would be burnt up.”

No. 60.—1908.] couTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 313

defended themselves, and the havoc that was caused amongst

their own, they did not desist from the attempt, but rather

each time persevered the more, using every expedient to

enter it, making the elephants by force of blows come up to

the mud-walls with their trunks raised in order to lay hold

of them: but our men with many! fire-lances made them

retire, discharging amongst them a large quantity of harque-

busery and pots of powder, which was what our people made

use of most, with which they set fire to the stonemasons who

came to undermine the walls; and as the elephants were

very big, and were seen very well by our people in the bright

light, they did not miss one shot, and so worried them that

they knew not how to act: because their cornacas!, who are

those that manage them, giving them blows and abusing them

by the title of cowards, and our people worrying them and

hurting them if they came near, they gave such loud trumpet-

ings, that even with the city all round occupied in its defence,

with cries in all parts, and with the clatter and clash of arms,

and the bombard-shots, all of which made a confusion of sounds,

yet they did not fail to cause terror to everyone.

And at the stretch of wall that runs from the bastion of Sao

Gonsalo to that of Sad Miguel were fighting Chinapoli and

SebastiaO Bayao, captains of certain companies, who vigor-

ously defended that quarter, in whose company fought the

Moors, natives of Ceilao, of whom there would be some forty

villages, with as much courage and willingness as the Portu-

-guese themselves, calling out to the enemy who came near

that they would make with their spears ladders for them to

ascend by. These Moors, natives of Columbo, are a sort of

mixties of some that our people found there when that fortress

was founded, who were allowed to remain there? , and always

served with much loyalty, upon which they greatly pride them-

selves, they being the only ones in India in whom we never

found deceit.

Further on at the bastion of Sad Miguel fought Antonio

Dias da Lomba and Antonio Lourengo, captains of the round,

with the men under their orders, both of them knights in

whom the captain had much confidence. Fernao de Mello,

who was the first that arrived in relief?, leaving the soldiers

in his quarter, with some that he picked ant, went round visit-

ing the parts where there was most danger, assisting them

and helping them in every way ; and coming to ume ESOL of

—-. poe

1 See Hob.-Job. s.v. “ Re

2 Tt is curious that neither Barros nor any of the other Portuguese

historians mentions this fact.

* See supra, p. 305, note ’.

314 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

Sad Miguel, having been told that it was in straits, and seeing

the energy with which Domingos Marques, who was its

captain, was fighting, asked him if he had need of anyone or

of anything, and he replied no. He then passed on by the

stretch of wall to the bastion of Conceica6, the*captain of |

which was Antonio Pereira, whom he found%very well!

supplied with munitions, his soldiers fighting inf marvellous

order with much courage and energy. Considering him safe,

he went on to the bastion of Sad Pedro?, of which Thomé

Pires was captain, which he found well fortified, and with him

all his comrades full of courage, fighting very vigorously, being

hard beset by the enemy, it being less than a hundred paces

to the opposite bank, and the lake being there quite dry,

at which part it was attacked very determinedly, the enemy

being many times repulsed with much loss: wherefore seeing

that he had nothing to do there he went round the other parts,

at which he always offered and tendered his services in all the

troubles that he found there.

At the bastion of Madre de Deus, in which was Estevao

Correa, the enemy received the very greatest damage:

because being over against the part by which the enemy had

to go out to battle, the artillery being levelled upon it, on

their making their appearance it gave them such a warm

welcome, that before they knew that they were seen they felt

the fury of their cannon-balls, by which many were torn to

pieces, and in the assault that they made on it were greatly

undeceived, since they so prevented their ascent at the cost of

others, that they now attempted it with less confidence.

And although at all parts the extremity was great, yet at

the bastion of Sad Miguel it was very great, because on it were

concentrated the chief forces of the enemy, with many ele-

phants, many pots of powder and other appliances, striving to

mount on the top: but being prevented from doing this with

great courage, which the captain Domingos Marques showed in

all these troubles and dangers, aided by the master gunner of

the fortress, named Pero Gonsalves, @ man famous at his

business, which he carried out with great ease and fortitude,

making many and very accurate shots, which caused great

carnage among the enemy ; and at the greatest height of the

danger, the enemy being in the act of boarding, he ran to the

wall, defending it valorously, leaning with half his body out

of the embrasures in order to wound and kill those that were

1 The printed edition has soberbamente (proudly), an error, apparently,

for sobreabundantemente. The manuscript has bem.

* Sic, for Sad Paulo? (See supra, p. 296, and infra, p. 332.)

No. 60.—1908.| couro: HISTORY OF CEYLON. old

climbing up, hurling upon them many pots of powder, which

he did many times with such dexterity that the enemy could

never wound him, desirous as they were of avenging themselves

on him for the injury they had received ; and the elephants

tried to throw their trunks upon the pieces of artillery in order

to drag them down ; but with fire-lances they likewise were

repulsed. Antonio Dias da Lomba, who was fighting on the

flank of this bastion, and who had charge of the powder and the

pots, seeing the attack that was taking place on the bastion,

and that the soldiers after their spears had broken off in the

breasts of the enemies hastened to look for pots of powder,

leaving their posts vacant, whereby the bastion ran risk,

hastened with great promptitude, bringing baskets of them,

making them stay in their places, and he on his part did

_ nothing else but run to all of them and supply them with these,

because this was not intrusted to anyone else, for fear that

through panic there might happen to him some disaster,

whereby the bastion might take fire, which would cause a

total destruction, and in this manner he provided them all

very well, and munitions were not lacking to those that asked

for them.

This stress lasted at all parts nearly an hour, during

which they lost many men and the confidence with which

they had arrived, because each time they found our people

more desperate : wherefore they were forced to retire some

twenty paces away; and as they were many, and became

more densely packed, our harquebusery caused amongst

them such havoc that it was dreadful. Raji, who was on the

point of the island, on their bringing him word that his men

had withdrawn discomfited, when he hoped that it was for

him to go and enter the city, was like to die of passion ; and

although they told him of the great havoc that had been

wrought among his people, with much anger he commanded

his captains to return with all the rest of the force and attack

the positions, giving the signal to all with five strokes

that he ordered to be made on the kettledrums, which

is what is done when it is intended to risk the whole force.

The modeliares rushed upon the bastions with such noise, fury,

and confusion, that that barbarous uproar might have put

fear into anyone that had not already lost it, like our men,

who were at their posts to defend them as promptly as if

they were quite free from trouble. Those of the king’s guard

and others that were very venturesome, who had come in

fresh; arriving at the walls and bastions set up a great number

of ladders, by which they began to ascend, naming themselves,

as if Our people knew them, not understanding that the braver

and more renowned they were, with all the more pleasure and

316 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX.

willingness would they defend their positions and act on the

offensive against them ; because now the spirit of every one

of them was contented only with greater dangers.

Where they attacked most and contended with most vigour

was at the bastion of Sad Gonsalo, the first that attempted

to enter it being those of the king’s guard, who came armed

with breastplates, coats of mail, headpieces and morrions,

and with many two-handed swords, with which they cleft

many spears of those on the bastion, who first with these

threw down many of their men, thrust through and through.

The stonemasons returned to their work, and went under-

mining the wall, and the elephants with their trunks groped

on the top of the positions, striving to get at the artillery in

order to pull it down : but as it was loaded with its cartridges,

being discharged amongst them it caused great destruction,

and the elephants with the pain of the wounds and the rever-

beration of the artillery wheeled back, and trampled upon

a great number of their men, upon whom there showered from

all parts so many things thrown by our people to hurt them,

that the whole plain below was strewn with mutilated corpses,

which formed a great impediment to the living. Some of the

most noted Chingalas, who wished to gain great honours in

the presence of Raji, tried hard to plant some banners that

they bore on the summit of the bastion of Sad Gonsalo, which

our men prevented so much to their cost that in a confused

heap with these they went whirling down below cut to pieces ;

but as here was the greatest strength of Raju’s force, and

most picked and fiercest, our men found themselves in very

great straits.

At that time came the captain, and seeing that bastion in

so great danger remained there, and sent to summon Thome

de Sousa de Arronches, who, although until now we have not

spoken of him, it is not that he was idle, but rather equally

with the captain he went about continually providing and

reinforcing the most necessitous parts, there having been

committed to him all that part from his bastion! as far

as that of Madre de Deus, because the captain wished to

discharge upon him part of the responsibilities that he took

upon himself ; and as long as the combat lasted, and in fact

the whole siege, he fulfilled the office not only of captain but

also of valiant soldier, and of very expert bombardier, himself

aiming the bombards and discharging them, and arranging

many important things in the defence of that fortress. And

having been given the message of the captain he incharged

18. Joao.

No. 60.—1908.] coUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 317

the bastion to the modeliar Diogo da Silva, and taking some

companions with him went and took his place in the bastion

of Sad Gonsalo, where the confusion was very great, and there

in a position in front performed deeds of great merit and of

much harm to the enemy.

The captain seeing him there hastened to the other parts

in order to see everything with his own eyes, and came to the

bastion of Sad Miguel, which was also surrounded by a fresh

body of enemies, who with great emulation strove as to who

should be the first to reach the top. This assault was very

rigorous, and during it there took place many things, which

cannot be particularized, since to any one of our men a special

chapter might be devoted’: because he that did least did all

that could be expected from a valorous soul and of a tireless

spirit: and thus all did so much, that with the death of the

greater part of the enemy they made them retire, there having

been as much more time in which they fought as there had

been in the first assault.

Raju, who every moment had warning of what was passing,

on learning that such troops had been once more routed with

much greater loss than at first, became like mad, and

commanded that all should perish or they should capture

Columbo for him, and once more gave the signal for battle, at

which they all returned the third time with as much fear of Raji

as of our people, and so they made onset! on all sides with such

shouts and alarms like men that were going to offer themselves

to death, which they soon found from such a variety of causes

that before half-an-hour they retired at a signal that Raji

commanded to make, on account of their telling him that all

wasatanend. Just at this time the morning dawned, which

_ was for our people as great a joy as comes to those that in

some storm thought themselves lost in the darkness of night,

when the day breaks upon them clear and serene.

The enemy having retired, there still went after them an

endless number of balls, which all along cut them up; and so

in the whole of Raji’s arrayal there was a general lamentation

for so great a loss, the sorrow and sadness on one side equalling,

though with a different sentiment, the joy and gladness on

the other, because in our fortress all that day there were very

great festivities, which were noticed in the arrayal, and which

made their sorrow all the greater, since thus do things go in

the world, that the same things that give pleasure to some

cause the loss of it to others: but that in which our people

showed the greatest joy and transport for the victory was in

*'The printed edition by an oversight omits the words “‘all .... onset.”

318 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XX.

the many thanks and praises that they gave to the most

high God and to his mother the Virgin of the Snows, on whose

day they had received such a signal mercy, those that could

offering to her gifts and pilgrimages. The captain hastened

to inspect the wounded, whom he ordered to be tended with

great care. }

Dec. X., BK. x., CHAP. iu.

Of the loss that there was on the side of the enemy : and of some

succours that came from without : and of how the captain

repaired the bastions and posts.

The captain was very desirous of knowing what was taking

place in Rajt’s camp since this combat and the number of

dead, wherefore he sent out his spies, who brought him the

head of a lascarim, and a cornaca alive, who was unable to

give information about anything. At the same conjuncture

there fled to the fortress three Chinamen who had been cap-

tives, who were wrecked in a ship, in which the father Pero

Dias was also coming, which ran ashore, and the father and

some others saved themselves in the boat, and the rest were

made captives on land!. These likewise were unable to

give the information that the captain desired ; but after-

wards there came other spies, who were able to give full

particulars, and affirmed that Raja had lost four hundred

men, the very pick of the army, among whom were many

araches and the modelhares of Tanavaca? and Cornagale?®,

and more than two thousand wounded ; they had also had

two elephants killed and six wounded.

1 Couto gives no date for this wreck, and I can find no other reference

to it. Presumably the ship was coming from China to India, and was

wrecked on the south or west coast of Ceylon. In what capacity the

three Chinamen (homens Chinas) were coming, does not appear.

* See supra, p. 34, note °. The manuscript has “‘ Tanacaua.”’

3 The printed edition has “ o da Cornaria do Gale,’ and the manu-

script the same, except that the third word reads “ Carnaria.”’ This

means literally ‘“‘ him of the Cornaria of the Gale,’’ which is sheer non-

sense. I have therefore ventured to substitute ‘‘of Cornagale.”’

though an objection to this is the fact that nowhere else does Couto

mention Kurunégala by name (unless ‘“ Urunguré”’ in VII. 111. v. be

meant for this). ‘*‘ Cornaria’’ may, however, be a copyist’s error for

“Comarca ”’ = district, in which case the translation would be:

“and him [the modeliar] of the district of Gale.”

No. 60.—1908.] couTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 319

Raju, incensed at the result, determined to place the city

in such straits and to weary our people in such fashion as to

reduce them to desperation, and at once in great haste com-

manded the tranqueiras to be carried on to quite close to

the walls of the city; and at their angles he caused to be

erected some wooden bastions so high that they reached to

the artillery of the bastions that looked towards that side,

and proceeded with some fillings in the place occupied by the

lake?, and commanded to make a summoning of men through-

out the whole island, and to bring more material, as he was

determined to get close up to the walls, in order that they

might be able from their entrenchments to pass to them.

The captain, who was not neglectful of the matters of his

duty, ordered the bastions and other most necessary parts

to be repaired ; and on that of Sad Miguel, it being lower,

and the enemy having their eye upon it, he ordered to make

a wooden story with the beams of thick palm-trees, and

ordered the embrasures to be filled in and stopped up?, be-

cause they were occupied by soldiers of whom he had need

above ; and around the story that he erected he made plat-

forms and parapets for our men to fight more under cover ;

and in the story he placed some falcons and bases in order to

play upon the island that had been abandoned, on which

the enemy went on fortifying themselves, so that they might

hinder them in that work ; and as the bastion of Sad Gonsalo

was also very low, he raised the parapets, and filled it up in

such manner that now it was more defensible ; and from the

bastion of Sancto Estevad as far as the watch-tower of Manoel

Borges’ he ordered to be dug on the outer side a ditch three

spans in width and two fathoms in depth, so that the ele-

phants could not come near to the wall, which was of mud.

And because word of the succours that he had sent to ask

for tarried, he again dispatched? one Bertolameu Rodrigues

with letters to the viceroy, in which he gave him news of the

combat, and sent him a plan of it, with the whole army of

the enemy, and the mode of his fortifications’, so that thereby

he might see the need in which Columbo was. This man

‘I am not sure of the exact meaning here.

* The printed edition omits ‘‘ and stopped up.”

* In the list of bastions and watch-towers given on p. 293-7 supra,

this watch-tower is not mentioned ; and I am uncertain regarding its

position (see infra, p. 338, note 4).

* On-15 August 1587, as is stated further on.

* This plan, were it still extant (which is not probable), would be of

_ the utmost value in elucidating Couto’s somewhat obscure and confused

account of the siege.

320 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). Vou. XX.

crossed over to Manar in a tone, and thence to the coast of

Negapatao, and took his way by land to Goa, and now we

shall leave him', to continue with Gonsalo Fernandes, who

had left before him. The latter, after he had given word

at Manar of the siege, and had left Fernad de Mello pledged -

to go in succour?, crossed over to Negapatao, where he spread

the news of the strait in which Columbo was, upon which

one Diogo Fernandes Pessoa, a nobleman and worthy knight,

bought a galliot and paid twenty-four soldiers ; and filling

the ship with provisions and munitions, all with his own

money, quickly set out in succour; and one Antonio de Aguiar

de Vasconcellos, envious of him, since matters of this nature

greatly arouse friends of honour, took a calemute®, and nego-

ciated fifteen soldiers, with whom he set out soon after the

other, and even overtook him on the Fishery Coast. And

both putting out to sea to cross over to Columbo, there struck

them a storm so severe, that they were like to have been lost,

whereby Antonio* Fernandes Pessoa was driven to Manar,

the ship being heavier; but the calemute of Aguiar went

running on; and the soldiers many times requesting him

to run to land, which he did not wish to do, telling them that |

he had not set out in succour for the fortress of the king to

be stopped from reaching it by any inconvenience: that he

would get there or die in the attempt; and that they could

not wish for a more glorious death or a more honoured life ;

and so he went passing through that tempest awash and

submerged many times, without being put in fear by the

danger in which he saw himself so many times; and God

favouring such noble thoughts, he reached Columbo on the

same day that Bertolameu Rodrigues left, which was the

15th of August, the day of the glorious assumption of our

Lady the Virgin. The captain and all the people hastened

to the shore to welcome this succour: because it is very

natural in all sieges for them to think that in everything that

comes to them from without comes their salvation; and

Antonio de Aguiar disembarking, the captain took him and

stationed him on a.stretch of wall that abuts on the bastion of

Sad Sebastias, it being a very perilous and hazardous place,

the which he began to govern and to garrison and fortify

very well.

1 His arrival at Goa is recorded by Couto in chap. x. infra (p. 353).

2 See supra, p. 305 }

’ What kind of vessel this was, I do not know. The word occurs

again in X. X. viil. (p. 344) anfra; see also Boe. 101.

4 Both the manuscript and the printed edition read thus, though

above they have “ Diogo,”’ as also in chapter xi. (p. 357) infra.

No. 60.—1908.] couTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 321

Of this succour, and of the departure of Bertolameu Rodri-

gues, Raji was soon informed; and as our people in the

meantime were negligent, he determined to keep them in play

with figments, and to make a show of not continuing the siege :

so he commanded to shout to those on the bastion of Sad

Sebastiad to tell the captain on behalf of Raju to send him

there Jeronymo ! Bayao, or some other person of respectability,

because he wished to discuss with him matters of importance to

him the captain. The latter having received the message, and

at once understanding his designs, ordered those on the bastion

to tell him to do that for which he came, and to go forward with

his works, and that if he wanted any help in them he would give

it to him ; and that it would be good to-fortify himself well, as

he would be with him there very speedily: and so the matter

stood, without any more being said. This was the same day

on which Aguiar arrived, and on the next Raju ordered his

troops out upon the field, and from our fortress there sallied

forth against them some who engaged them; and although they

had a skirmish that lasted a good while, yet it was not sangui-

nary: and after this manner there were others almost every day.

Raju went carrying on his tranquetras until he had placed

himself thirty paces from the bastion of Sad Sebastiad, com-

manding the works to be carried still further forward ;

against which the captain ordered to go out the modeliar of

Candea Dom Joa6é de Austria, captain of the native troops’,

and. the arache Pedro? Afonso with his lascarins, and some

Portuguese with them, in order to go and dismantle that work,

so that it might not be carried forward. This company

sallied forth from the fortress in the daylight watch, and fell

upon the work in dead silence, the Portuguese going in front,

who attacked the tranqueiras ; and throwing into it many pots

of powder, they entered after them, and had with those that

guarded it, who were many picked men, a great battle ; and

whilst it lasted the lascarins occupied themselves in demolish-

ing the tranqueira by force, as they had been ordered, and

others in carrying the wood to the fortress, the Portuguese

Maintaining the battle inside the bastion; and they fought so

stubbornly that with the death of many they drove them all

out; and having demolished the tranqueira entirely, our

people retired in perfect safety, having lost only one, although

some returned wounded, but all the rest laden with arms and

spoils of the enemy, of whom thirty were killed.

‘The manuscript has in error “‘ Joao.” Of. pp. 358, 363 infra.

* In the previous passage where he is mentioned (p. 294) we are not

told of his holding this command.

* The manuscript has “‘ Dom ”’ for “ Pedro.”’

iy. 36-08

322 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vor ».O.E

There signalized himself in this assault a soldier, Joseph

Fernandes by name, who with a fire-lance was the foremost

that entered the tranqueira and made a way for the rest ; and

after the lance was exhausted he attacked the enemy with his

arms, because he was very strong ; and when he got hold of one

he threw him behind to his comrades, who killed him, and

thus he did to many. And whilst about this he received eight

wounds, one of them mortal; and having retired from there,

after getting outside he missed his hat and a handkerchief

with nine budgrooks! tied up in it, which appears to have been

his whole capital, which he had left in the tranqueira, and

wished to return to seek it; but could not because he was

streaming with blood all over. This was a deed from which

he should have been given for each budgrook many cruzados ;

but he was left without these and without the budgrooks ;

and if he lived afterwards (which we do not know”), perad-

venture he may have died of hunger, and his name would

never have been known; but it must be placed in this

writing, and also all the rest of this nature, albeit the

favours of time should deny them the reward of their merits.

And peradventure that by the neglect of some, if a small

deed of this sort had been performed by some relative or

connection, it would have been necessary to extol it with

signal favours, which at last have an eternal limit with life ;

but these who are thus forgotten and despised by the world,

in which such famous deeds have become blotted out for lack

of favours, these shall never be so in my writing, without being

given the limited reward, but a fame without end, and which

will endure as long as the world shall be.

And returning to our subject, Raji was exceedingly in-

censed at this success, and did not fail to seek for every method

and stratagem in order to obtain his revenge, and to see if he

could not get the fortress into his hands, and commanded at

once to excavate a mine from his tranqueira to the bastion of

Sao Sebastia6, of the depth of a fathom; and in carrying it

forward they came upon two ponds of water that were on

each side, wherefore he brought it out above the ground

twenty paces from the bastion, where he built another tran-

quewra of wood very strong and with fillings, the structure of

which was below the mines, on account of the artillery, that

it should do no harm to his fortress.

1 A coin of low value (see Hob.-Job. s.v.).

2 A curious statement, after informing us that he was mortally

wounded! — .

* The description is nob very intelligible. We shall return to this

mine in chap. vil. wnfra (p. 336).

No. 60.—1908.] coutTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 323

Drc. X., BK. x., CHAP. iv.

Of how the city of Cochim sent an armada in succour to Ceilad :

and of how Raju took in hand to atiack the fortress by sea

and by land ; and of what took place besides.

So much haste did Belchior Nogueira make, who left for

Goa with word of the siege', that in a few days he arrived?

at the city of Cochim, and gave the letters that he bore from

Joao Correa to Dom Estevad de Meneses, captain of that

fortress, and others to the aldermen, in which he begged

them to succour him, because he was in the last extremity,

and that this might be as speedily as possible, as the enemy

had come with the whole power of the island of Ceila6 against

that fortress, in which there were not three hundred men’.

Seeing this necessity, the captain met in chamber with the

aldermen and principal inhabitants, who discussed this

matter: and as that city was accustomed, with great zeal

for the service of the king, to help in similar needs, without

Sparing expenses or risks to their persons, it was at once

resolved to negotiate six ships filled with men and munitions,

the expenses of which were to be met from the sum of one

per cent which was set aside for the works and fortification

of that city?, as it could be spent on nothing better or of more

importance. And forthwith they commenced to set the

ships afloat and to pay the soldiers ; and as there had arrived

at that port during that time Nuno Alvares Datouguia in a

galliot that came from Coulaé, where it wintered by command

of the viceroy, they intrusted to him this expedition, which

he accepted with much pleasure, and immediately began to

embark, and in five days sailed® across the bar with six ships,

in which he carried one hundred and eighty hired soldiers,

and the ships armed for three months with many munitions :

besides Nuno Alvares Datouguia there went Adria6 Nunes

1 See supra, pp. 297-8, 305.

2 Soon after the middle of July 1587.

® See supra, p. 293. The manuscript here has “thirty ’”’ instead

of “ three hundred.”’

* The one per cent. was levied on the customs. Goa had a similar

levy; and it appears from correspondence between the king and the

Goa chamber, printed in Arch. Port.-Or. i., that about this time the

latter body laid claim to the Cochin levy, to be employed in the fortifi-

eation of Goa, the arming of vessels, &c. The ground of this claim

seems to have been, that ships with goods for Goa, being often monsoon-

bound, put in to Cochin and there discharged cargo, on which this duty

was levied.

* Karly in August, apparently.

¥ 2

324 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL XX.

de Mancelos, Simao Leitao, Pero Rodrigues, and Antonio

Coelho who had concluded his service as captain of Coulad ;

and running along the coast they doubled Cape Comorim,

and made Tuticorim in order to cross over to Columbo ; and

so we shall leave them until we return to them!.

Raja sezing that the summer had begun, which was the

time for the succours from without to begin to arrive, wished,

before they came, to try his hand once more and attack the

fortress by sea and by land, in order that the small force that

it had might be divided and the different parts and bastions

become weakened : and to this end he commanded his armada

to be got ready and set afloat, and ordered several modeliares

with their men to embark therein, and gave them instructions.

as to what they had to do. All being ready, and the army

prepared, on the 20th of August towards evening they

unfurled in Rajt’s camp two flags, one white and the other red?,

and at once began confusedly to beat all the kettledrums

and blow all the trumpets; and all these signals and each

by itself signified that the coming night would be a sad and

perilous one for the besieged, and that all the rest of the

force was about to deal with them. The captain spent that.

evening in going the round of all the bastions and posts, and

in providing them with many munitions and arms, reminding

all the captains of their duties, setting before them the havoc

that so little before they had caused among those enemies ;

and that this time they must make them despair entirely

of that siege ; and being advised of the armada that had been

prepared, and that Raji had determined to attack him by

sea, he ordered Domingos de Aguiar? to embark in his little

ship with some soldiers, and did the same to Diogo de Mello

da Cunha and Joad Fernandes the Beardless in two foists

that were at the bar, with the men that he thought necessary,

and sufficient sailors, providing them with munitions; in

such manner that nothing remained to be done for them,

there taking part with him in all these things all the monks

of the city, who, as we have said, praying and fighting were

present in the greatest dangers and needs, the prelates that

night taking upon themselves the responsibility of the posts:

The father Frei Duarte Chanoca, commissary of the Minorites

in those parts, tock under his charge the side towards Mapano

with a lay companion and some servants of the house with

1 See the end of this chapter.

* This statement is curious, since a red flag seems to have been used

to denote defeat, while a white flag signalized victory (see Oey on Keg.

Dist. 61; C. P. Gaz. 244).

3 See supra, p. 288.

No. 60.—1908.| couTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 325

their matchlocks and arms; the father Frei Luis da Con-

ceigad, guardian, and the father Frei Manoel de Jesus re-

mained free in order to hasten to all parts to assist in spiritual

and bodily needs. At the gate! of Sad Lourengo was the

father Francisco Vieira, vicar of the country?, with thirty-

two matchlocks that he mustered from friends and kinsmen ;

from the bastion of Sad Miguel to that of Sad Joad, which

was the most perilous part, the father Pero Dias went to and

fro with some companions and slaves.

All having been got ready, they let themselves remain in

such silence that throughout the whole city nothing was

heard but the bell of the watches; and-in the watch before

daylight, on the appearance of the moon, they heard a great

hubbub in the enemy’s quarters, and immediately were given

the five strokes on the kettledrums, the signal of attack,

whereupon there arose throughout the whole army loud

alarums and cries which they call coqusadas®, because the

most part of the heathens of India fight as much with the

tongue as with the hands*. The enemy’s armada, which was

quite ready, on hearing the signal began to put out from the

river; and at Matual, the Quarry, Mapano, and Capelete

appeared much people, and the armada came in great silence

to attack a small bay that there is on the iron-bound coast

at the back of Sao Francisco®, where are the magazines of

munitions®; for as we have said there was there no wall

save the rugged rocks and the waves that break upon them,

because their intention was to see if they could disembark

on the top of the rocks in order to set fire to the magazines.

1 Perhaps porta is an error for ponta (cf. supra, p. 296, and see

below). .

I do not know when he was appointed. As vicar of Columbo, it

was natural that he should take his station at the point where stood the

parish church of St. Lawrence, erected by the exertions of the first

vicar, Jodo Monteiro (see C. A. S. Jl. xviii. 365).

3 See Hob.-Job. s.vv. ‘‘ Cucuya, Cucuyada.”’

4 The manuscript has ‘“‘ arms ”’ (armas) in place of ‘‘ hands.”

> The plan of Columbo in Le Grand’s translation of Ribeiro shows

this church, but places it too far north. In Ressende’s plan it is shown

close to the shore at a point west by north of the present Gordon

Gardens. The shore makes a slight incurve there.

§ These are shown in Ressende’s plan as a large quadrilateral range

with a garden in the centre. It was still standing when Heydt saw it

in 1734, being then used by the Dutch as a workshop (see Allern. Geog.

und Topog. Schauplatz 143 ; and compare Daalmans, in C. A. §. Jl. x.

163). The site was probably that now occupied by the commissariat

stores.

326 JOURNAL, RAS. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

This was not done in such silence that it was not perceived

by the women who were watching at the windows that over-

looked that part, who gave such loud cries that they were

heard by the enemy: upon which they let themselves go,

running past the point of Sad Lourengo, firing off many

bombard shots, which was the signal that they had to make

on arriving at that part, for those of the army with the whole

force to attack the posts in order to draw them off from that

part. The signal having been heard, all the artillery was

discharged from their positions, which were very close to

“ours, after which they all attacked the fortress with many

cries!, setting up against it many ladders, by which climbing

up with great determination they succeeded in placing their

hands on the battlements of the bastion: but as our people

were alert to avenge themselves of that affront, most of those

that offered it paid for it with their lives, falling burnt and

cut to pieces upon others that were attempting the ascent,

whom they carried with them, so that at the foot of the

bastions and posts there was a salad? of living and dead

and wounded, one upon another, so that they could not be

distinguished, because upon all fell so many pots of powder

and fireworks, that it presented an infernal spectacle.

The fleet was now entering the bar, and the foists, which

were ready, went and got alongside of the ships in order to

assist each other ; and they welcomed the enemy with a salvo

of artillery so well laid out, that they made them lose the

pride with which they came, cutting them up with the

death of many; and nevertheless, as they were going at

full speed, they went running on past the part? of Sao Lou-

rengo, where was the vicar of the country, who with his harque-

busery fustigated* and scathed them right well; and as the

enemy were already within the bank®, and so near that all the

shots both from the ship and foists as well as from the land took

effect upon them much to their cost, they slowed down, and in

the midst of falcon and matchlock shots made for the land,

so that in itself it was a very hot battle ; and in all the posts,

where our men fought with much valour and vigour, they heard

the battle on the seaside, without knowing what it was.

1 In place of “‘ with many cries’ the manuscript has “ and.”

* As we should say, “a hotch-potch.”” Faria y Sousa, in his sum-

mary of Couto’s account, uses the word balsa, “‘ puddle.”

3 Here, again, parte may be a misreading for ponia.

4 For the fustigow of the printed edition the manuscript has festejou,

“ welcomed.” Either may be right.

’ This sandbank has now been dredged away ; but it will be found

marked in the older maps and charts of Columbo.

No. 60.—1908.] coutTo: HISTORY OF CRYLON. 327

The captain had provided for everything very methodically ;

and although he considered the part on the bay secure, never-

theless he had swift messengers who brought him full parti-

culars of what took place there.

The enemy passed over on the top of the dead and wounded

to attack the bastions and posts, striving to get up to them,

and from all sides raining upon our people deluges of bullets

and arrows, which they always overshot in order not to hurt

their own people, who were attempting an entrance of the

walls and bastions, which were not idle, because with their

artillery, which never ceased, they had caused a great de-

struction in the army. Very well did the master gunner

Pero Gonsalves fulfil his office this day, who, not staying

in any part, went the round of all the posts and levelled and

aimed the most necessary pieces, and stirred up the bom-

bardiers ; and being in the bastion of Sa6 Sebastiad aiming

a piece, a ball struck him on one arm and broke it to pieces, .

which was a great loss, owing to the permanent deficiency

that it made. — :

As the moon kept rising so it went on giving more light,

by means of which our people now could make out the whole

field, and fought more at their will, and with less anxiety

because they saw the enemy very well, who with all their

strength and spirit strove to enter the bastions, in which the

confusion was so great that Raji thought that his people

were already in possession of them. His armada, which was

fighting with ours in the bay, was so fustigated by the artillery,

that they could no longer endure it, being shattered, and

with so many killed that now the light of the moon revealed

them entirely, so that our people could bestow their shots

better, and making the signal to retire, they did so much cut

up and scathed. Those that were attacking the posts, on

hearing the signal from the armada to retire, did so likewise.

having been so ordered, and leaving the foot of the posts

and bastions strewn with dead bodies, which they could not.

carry off in the hurry. Of our people there were some

wounded, but not dangerously, only the gunner, who died

of the bombard shot. Raju continued raging at his people,

because he had been certain that in that way the city could

not escape him, laying the blame on the armada for going

out later than it had been ordered, and commanded to

go on with the fortification so as to reach and come close to

our walls. |

This attack having passed, presently, on the 23rd of August,

there arrived the armada of Nuno Alvares Datouguia, who

erossed that gulf with much trouble and personal risk, except

the ship of Adriaé Nunes, who not being able to endure

328 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

the high seas put in to Manar!. This succour was welcomed

by all, as being of greater strength and arriving at such a

good time. The captain gave to Nuno Alvares Datouguia

the place in which he was, which was the quarter of Sao

Gonsalo, and placed Pero Rodrigues with his men in the

bastion of Santo Estevao, and Antonio Coelho in that of

Sad Joad, in which was Thomé de Sousa de Arronches, cap-

tain-major of the sea in Ceila6, whom the captain ordered

to put the galley to sea, and provide his armada in order to

cruise in it, because with the succour from Cochim the city

was secure: which he did, providing the ships with captains

who were in the foists in the bay; and transferred himself

to the post of the alcaide mor, which was the quarter of

Mapano ; and the alcaide mor went to the factory, keeping

a galliot manned with people of his in order to embark in

it when necessary.

Drc. X., BK. x., CHAP. v.

Of some succours that came besides from without to the fortress.

of Columbo : and of the assaulis that our people made on the

tranqueiras of the enemy : and of how our fleet fought with

that of Raju.

The news of the siege of Columbo spread along the whole

coast of Negapata6é until it reached the city of Sad Thome,

upon which many men who were lovers of honour were eager

to go and succour it : and those that first offered themselves in

their ships were Fernad de Lima, knight of the order of

Christ, a very good soldier and a friend of Joao Correa de

Brito’s, Manoel Damaral, who had come there as captain

of a galliot of Bengala, Rodrigo Alvres, half-brother to Thomé

de Sousa de Arronches, with others and the best soldiers that

they could find ; and fair weather serving them, in a few days

they reached Columbo just at the beginning of September.

The captain received them with much honour, stationing

Ferna6 de Lima on the cavalier of the bastion of Sad Sebastiao,

_ and Manoel Damaral in another necessitous part, and Rodrigo

Alvres went to the position that had been his brother’s?.

' Where he remained until the end of October (see p. 349 infra).

Originally Thomé de Sousa had been allotted the bastion of 8. Joao

only, but afterwards Jodo Correa had incharged him with the stretch

of ramparts from there to the bastion of Madre de Deos (see supra,

pp. 293, 316). As we read at the end of the preceding chapter,

Thomé de Sousa had now resumed his substantive post of captain-

major at sea,

No. 60.—1908.1 CouTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 329

About this time, or a little before these arrived, some

volunteers offered themselves to Rajti to burn the watch-

towers that stood between the bastions of Madre de Deus

and Sad Gonsalo, they being lower than any, which was

the extent that was guarded by Manoel Mexia, who as he

was experienced in the country, and moreover had his

spies, learnt of the determination of the enemy ; and taking

some soldiers whom he selected for the business, and with

his Jascarins, having given the captain an account of what

had occurred and what he had determined to do, he went

out through the embrasures, and placed himself in ambush

to see if he could accomplish some worthy feat. This was

in the morning, when the enemy were coming in great

silence to attack that part, the whole army remaining

under arms in order to hasten thither on their giving them

the.signal that they were on the top of the watch-towers.

And in front came an arache, a very valiant man, who in

the past war of Manoel de Sousa Coutinho had brought

to Raji twenty-nine heads of lascarins of Columbo, a man

well known and greatly feared, and hated by all; and coming

upon the ambush of Mexia, he sprang out upon him with

a spear in his hands, and set upon him with such speed,

that he was only aware of him when he found himself run

right through. And at the same time that he thrust the

spear into him he seized him and lifted him up in his

arms, and came to the embrasure which was near,* and

through it handed him to the J/ascarins that were inside,

who looked at him, and one of them named Maroto':, to

whom he must have been very odious, recognizing him gave

him a slash over the heart that cut him completely open,

and three times took his blood in his hands and drank it to

satiate the thirst of hatred that he had towards him. And

our men who also were in Mexia’s company, likewise closing

with those that came with him, put several to the rout, and

the artillery of the watch-towers at the signal was discharged

upon them, and caused great destruction: in fine, the re-

mainder went retreating well shamed and scathed, and our

men victorious and content.

Raju was so annoyed at these things that he knew not how

to set himself to give council, seeking every means of injuring

our people, even to commanding to cast poison into the well

‘This name means “ rascal” in Portuguese, and may have been

bestowed upon this man as a nickname either from his character, or

possibly in punning allusion to the village from which he may have

come, Moratuwa.

330 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XX.

of Mapano!, from which all our people drank, over which close

watch was kept, so much so, that those who came with that

object, having been detected and given a good beating, left

the poison and retreated; and in order to dispirit our

people he gave every night signals for assaults, whereby

he made them remain all night with arms in their

hands ; several times sending some volunteers in tones,

in great silence, to cut the cables of the ship and to throw fire

on to the boats; but every contingency was so provided for,

that all his designs were frustrated. And some of his people

having offered to go and fight our armada, he ordered his to be

got ready, which consisted of ten ships quite filled with picked

men; and coming from the Matual side in the height of

midday”, and putting in to land, they made as if to disembark

with their banners, which they carried unfurled. Thomé de

Sousa de Arronches, captain-major of that coast, who was in

his galley, ordered the anchor to be weighed, and went to

attack them, there going also with him in a foist Francisco da

Silva, alcaide mor, and Simao Botelho in another, there hasten-

ing to the shore the captains of the ships of the company of

Nuno Alvres Datouguia with their men in order to embark in

theirs. Thomé de Sousa, who went out against the enemy,

discharged amongst them a bow-piece, and caught one in the

hind-castle,which completely shattered it with the rudder,

and killed some of the oarsmen: the captain-major of the

enemy set upon the galley and ran his prow right against it,

and endeavoured to get men aboard it, upon which there

ensued a fierce fight ; but nevertheless our people so mauled

them that they on their side had to cast off and retire. Thomé

de Sousa, on account of some sandbanks? that were in front of

him, cast anchor, and the foists went following him; and

getting in front of him they went athwart him in the channel

through which they had to pass, because now behind them

came the ships of Pero Rodrigues, Domingos Alvres, and Simao

Leita6, which were overhauling them rapidly and placing

them in the necessity of attempting the sandbank, which had

1 This is evidently the well shown in Ressende’s plan inside the fort

near the gate of Mapane (another is shown near the ordnance maga-

zines), and itis also given in the plan in Le Grand’s Ribeiro, but so badly

drawn, that it looks like a barrel. That Raja Sinha could poison a

well inside the fort does not appear probable ; and we may dismiss the

accusation (which is brought forward in every war) as groundless.

(See, however, infra, p. 347.)

2 Probably in the hope of catching the Portuguese enjoying a siesta.

3 See p. 326, note >.

No. 60.—1908.] coUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON, 301

side, because all their ships are of Patana build! and require

little depth. Some of our people assumed this to be a ruse of

the same Raju’s, because he thought from the courage of our

men that going after his people they would not allow them to

flee from them, and so, without being afraid of the sandbank,

they would follow them on to it, by which he was certain that

some ship would be lost, which he would greatly appreciate,

although his whole armada should perish: but our people

preferred rather to see them retreat disgraced and escape to

face Raju, who was watching them, than capture any of their

ships. Joao Correa de Brito, in order that this bold action

should not be without reward, whilst they were still going in

contusion on the sea, sent out the arache Pero Atonso with his

lascorins to go and dismantle a bridge that Rajti had made on

the road from Cota to Calapate?, which he did with great

_ brevity, coming back with some timber. All these things

Raju felt much, and they vexed him greatly: for when he

came against that fortress he did not think that our people

would have the boldness to appear outside its walls, far less

make assaults upon them so many times in their own tranquewras

with so much loss to his people.

- After this had taken place on the 7th of this month of

September, Raji commanded some araches with a thousand

men to be placed in ambush in Mapano in order to surprise our

_mainatos (who are those that wash the clothes?) and get some

booty from them ; and at daybreak our people, as they were

ever wont, went out to reconnoitre the field ; and whilst going

near the entrenchments and having almost fallen into the

ambush, a cow that was wandering on the plain took fright

and came running towards our men: a usual thing with them,

as soon as they’perceive people on the plain, being to flee to

the fortress ; and our men, understanding “that the cow per-

ceived people, halted. Those in the ambush thinking that

they were discovered, seeing our men so near, rushed out upon

1 In original (manuscript and printed edition) “de Patana.” The

meaning of this (though I am somewhat doubtful) may perhaps be found

in the following passage in Bowrey (229):—‘‘ A Patella. The boats

that come down from Pattana with saltpecter or Other goods built of

an Exceedinge Strength and are Very flatt and burthensome ”’ (see

also note on p. 225). A picture of ‘‘a patella” is given in plate xv.

2 As I cannot identify ‘“‘ Calapate,’’ I am unable to tell where this

bridge was ; but it could not have been far from the fort.

5 Cf. supra, p. 225, note °. Inthe plan of Columbo in Le Grand’s

Ribeiro the lake, which is depicted of a ridiculously diminutive size,

is described as “‘ tang des Lavandieres ”’ [sic], the Cinolaee being thus

turned into washerwomen !

3a2 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XX.

them with great fury: those in front on seeing them rallied to

the banner of the arache Manoel Pereira, who was the recon-

noitrer that day, and who was with some lascarins some two

hundred paces from the bastion; and seeing the enemy

coming dispersedly, he set on, crying “ Santiago !” and engaged.

them in a very stiff battle. This skirmish was seen from the

bastion by Antonio Guerreiro, captain of it, who went out to

him with his men, and having joined Manoel Pereira, they

had with the enemy a brave spear-play, in which moreover

they were assisted by Thomé Pires, captain of the bastion of

Sa6 Pedro!, who dashed out by the embrasures to aid them,

and arrived at the time when our people were in a great strait

on account of the numbers that reinforced the enemy ; and

falling on them with great courage, they caused great havoc ;

and. driving them from the field, they went on killing them

as far as close to Raji’s tranqueiras, where they again turned

upon our people with others that had reinforced them, and

there took place between them all a very hot battle, in which

the captain on horseback? hastened out to take part, and some

captains with their companies, ordering to beat the retreat,

which our people did in very good order, leaving the field.

strewn with dead bodies, and carrying off in token of victory

several heads, without having on our side more harm than two

lascarins slightly wounded.

The same day the captain sent the araches Manoel Pereira

and Pero Afonso, and the Amouco?, and Luiz Gomes the

Mulatto, and a native of India called the Moorkin, with the

men of their round to destroy the tranqueira that Raju had

made twenty paces from the bastion of Sad Sebastia6, as it

was not well to allow them a proximity so close, since he

- intended to go forward with another until he had got right up

to the bastion’, and ordered some captains with their men

to be ready in the field to help them. The araches having

gone out, taking some barrels of tar and plenty of powder to

throw into it, before they reached there were seen from the

direction of the island; and giving the signal with their

coquiadas and cries they went running from tranqueira to

tranqueira. But as the distance was one of only twenty paces

to where the tranquewra was, our men, coming to it with great

determination, placed on the outer side of it up against the

timbers the barrels of tar and much powder, to which they set

1 See supra, p. 314, note 2.

* 'This is the second time that Couto has mentioned the use of horses

in Ceylon (see supra, pp. 183, 188, 189, and cf. p. 53, note 4).

3 See supra, p. 303.

* The manuscript has ‘‘ fortress.”

No. 60.—1908.] couTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 330

fire on the windward side, which caught alight with such fury

and! fierceness, that immediately it began to blaze in all parts,

and so gained the mastery of it, that it was not possible for

those inside to quench it, who came out into the field and

engaged our people in a great fight. And as the enemy were

reinforced they retired, leaving thirty of them dead, and

without losing one ; but as luck would have it, while Fernao

de Lima was standing on the top of the cavalier of the bastion

of Sad Sebastiad watching the fight, there came’a random

bullet and struck him in the jaws, from which he straightway

fell dead, he having escaped so many times from very great

dangers in many excursions in which he took part, both on

sea and on land, in this and in other wars; and now behind

the walls and on the top of the highest bastion of all the bullet

came to hit him, not one of those that were on the field coming

wounded at the hands of the enemy : such are the judgments

of God, of whom we cannot ask a reason for these things. His

death was much felt, as he was a very worthy knight, and

the manner thereof did not fail to cause astonishment to all.

The tranquewa to which they set fire burnt four days, being

of very thick wood”; and of these and other assaults there

were many and very frequent, in which our people always got

the better, which we pass over on account of being very

trifling ; and so for a little we shall leave these things, as it is

necessary to continue with others.

Drc. X., BK. x., CHAP. vi.

Of how the viceroy sent Bernardim de Carvalho to

CEQ s coum.

After Belchior Nogueira had given in Cochim the news of the

siege of Columbo he left for Goa’, and gave the viceroy the

letters from Joao Correa de Brito, in which he related to him

the siege and gave him an account of the state in which those

things were. ‘The viceroy seeing that need at once proceeded

to the dockyard’, and commanded to launch a galley and six

ships, and paid men, and ordered munitions to be «mbarked,

and chose for this expedition Bernardim de Carvalho, and on

' The manuscript omits these two words.

* The printed edition has “‘ thick woodwork ”’ (madeiramento grosso)

in place of the “‘ very thick wood ” (madeira muito grossa) of the manu-

script.

* See supra, p. 323.

* In original ribetra, regarding which see Teix. Introd xiv., note 3.

334 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XX.

the 4th of September he set. sail!: the captains who accom-

panied him were Dom Bernardo Coutinho, Dom Luis Mas-

carenhas, Gaspar de Carvalho de Menezes, Vasco de Carvalho,

Afonso Ferreira da Silva, and the same Belchior Nogueira.

They carried in these ships 250 men; and without stopping

for anything they went pursuing their way, to whom we shall

presently return’.

The viceroy went making great haste with the galleon that

was to carry provisions to Ceilao?, and collecting food, muni-

tions, and money to send thither; and presently, on the 12th

of September, there anchored at the bar of Goa four ships of

the five that left the kingdom in March past, ......

The viceroy Dom Duarte, seeing wnat the king commanded

him on that matter*, considered it in council with the officers

of revenue ; and the business having been debated, incon-

veniences were pointed out in the way of interfering with the

mines just then, the principal being, the small capital that the

king then had, and the need in which the state was because of

the sieges of Ceilao and Malaca, by the succours of which it was

so indebted, that the viceroy was engaged in asking money of

the peoples of India, and other things that we leave for a

future occasion. And the chief ensign replied to the king on

that matter, that he would be very happy to order in due

season an alteration in the affairs of those fortresses, and that

the redemptions should be placed to the account of his revenue,

for which he was quite ready, because he held him for a king —

so Catholic, and of such justice, that he would not deny it to

him when he required it of him: and so those things remained

for the present without interfering with them, because the

viceroy had respect for the chief ensign, who was a fidalgo of

merits, and was in the middle of his time of service. And as

every day there came urgent messages from the siege of

Columbo, the viceroy, desiring to have a resolution on these

things, assembled the captains in council, and read the letters to

them, and set forth the needs and straits in which that fortress

1 Linschoten says (ii. 196-7) :—‘‘ At the same time the Fort called

Columbo, which the Portingales held in the island of Seylon, was be-

sieged by the king of Seylon, called Raiu, and in great danger to be lost:

which to deliver, there was an armie of fustes and gallies sent from Goa :

whereof was Generall Barnaldin de Carvalho.”’

* See infra, chap. vii., at beginning (p. 335).

* The annual galleon, which left for Ceylon in September or October

(cf. supra, X. iv. v., p. 264; X. v.ix., pp. 267-8).

* The profits from the mines of Sofala and Cuama, which the captain

of Mogambique appropriated (see Linsch. i. 30-3).

No. 60.—1908.] couTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 335

was, and asked for a decision on the manner in which it should

be relieved of the siege: and voting on this, after many

altercations on one side and another, they came to the conclu-

sion that the state had not, to help in that business, more capital

than Dom Paul ! had in Malaca, from whom they had no news;

that steps should be taken to defend the fortress, since the

men it had were enough for its safety, because with the arrival

of Bernardim de Carvalho there would be more than a

thousand Portuguese ; that a captain should be elected with

the power that the state at that time could give of itself, and

that he should go to Columbo, and that the viceroy should

write to Dom Paulo to go with all his fleet to that fortress, and .

that having united his force with that which had gone and with

that which was already there, it was sufficient to give battle

to the enemy and to drive him thence, as already they had

‘done in the past siege of Manoel de Sousa”. With this resolu-

tion the viceroy wrote to Dom Paulo to be as expeditious as

possible in reaching Columbo, and that there he would find

orders as to what he had to do, and dispatched the ships for

Malaca, where he ordered provision to be made in many

things.

DEC OX Bik x. CHAP. vin.

Of how Bernardim de Carvalho arrived at Columbo : and of the

other things that happened at the same time : and of the mines

that Raju ordered to be made, which were discovered, and our

people destroyed them.

Bernardim de Carvalho having set out from Goa* with his

armada all together, meeting with fair though boisterous

weather, made such haste, that in eleven days he reached

Columbo, which was on the 15th* of this month of September

of which we are treating. The sight of this armada was to the

enemy very dismaying, but to our people one of much joy and

rejoicing, they hastening to the shore to welcome the new

guests, who presently disembarked armed with many and

good arms. The captain Joad Correa took them to lodge

*D. Paulo de Lima Pereira, who had left Goa on 28 April 1587

with an armada for the relief of Malacca, which was besieged by the

Kings of Achin and Johor (see Linsch. ii. 197).

2 See supra, p. 257.

* See previous chapter, p. 334.

* 'The printed edition has in error “‘ | 1th.”’

336 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

them, just as they came, in quarters near the bastion of Madre

de Deus, in order from there at the command of their captain-

major to hasten to help in all the affairs of most necessity.

With this succour those of the fortress became more assured,

and the enemy more fearful, because they well knew that the

brave Portuguese would not suffer themselves’ to remain

hemmed in, but would burst forth to their hurt.

At this same time the captain was advised that Raji was

bringing forward the mine at the part that we have mentioned!,

which had its exit aboveground, because of the ponds of water,

right at the bastion of Sao Sebastia6, in order to come and

_ break in underneath it, the which had already come very near,

and with which it was necessary to deal: he therefore ordered

to place some stakes in the ditch at the part where the mine

would have to break through until they reached the water

which was near there, sothat as soon as the mine reached

these they would be discovered by them, in order by means of

the same ditch to deprive them of the filling and the earth

that was above it, which served them as earthworks with which

they intrenched themselves: and so, as they went forward

with the mine, they carried forward the earthworks, which

were great. But as the captain did not know the height to

which the mine reached, he ordered Antonio ........ 2 and

Antonio Dias, captains of his round, to get into the ditch with

the engineers and proceed digging below the mines, opening up

the earth ; and he ordered the araches Pero Afonso and Manoel

Pereira to go and burn a piece of bastion, of that which they

had burnt, which Raju had strengthened anew, who with their

lascarins went and attacked it with great determination, and

set fire to it, and made those in it take to flight, whereby our

men who were in the ditch had time to discover the mine,

which already penetrated below the ditch, and was coming

bit by bit to issue at the bastion ; and they found that the

height of it inside was that of a big man, and the breadth a

fathom and a half, shored up above with thick timber, and at

the sides with broad planking, to keep the mine from falling in,

because Raju did not aim at more than to convey his men

protected from our artillery until they reached the bastion or

the wall and undermined it, without their being able to

prevent it, or knowing what they intended ; and the earth

that ia dug ¢ out eee threw up above, which served them

1 See supra, p. 322.

2 In both the manuscript and the printed edition the surname is

wanting ; but that it should be “ Lourengo ”’ is evident from chap. ii.

(p. 313) supra, where the same two Antonios are mentioned together.

No. 60.—1908.] couTo: HISTORY OF OBYLON. 337

(as we have said) for intrenchments, under cover of which

they were approaching the bastion with other contrivances and

bulwarks of wood, which they went on constructing, as the

work went on increasing. Our men, who were already in the

mine, seeing the enemy coming to the work, contrary to the

orders that they bore showed themselves, and they had

pete a tolerable fight, in which they killed some of the enemy;

and as the latter were reinforced, they went out, leaving dead

a good soldier of ours named André de Queirés, whose head

the enemy cut off and carried to Raju, which was the first

present that they made him from that fort, from the beginning

of the siege until then. The enemy had already arrived at the

ditch with the mine, and were in possession of it, whereby the

captain feared much that they would undermine the bastion or

set fire to it, which he wished to prevent, though he might have

to run great risk : wherefore he sent the men of his round into

the ditch to attack the mine with many fire-lances and pots

of powder, and workmen to destroy it, and ordered to go out

into the field a body of troops and the araches with their

lascarins supported by our men, in order to assault the tran-

queira where the opening of the mine had been begun, all

remaining under arms to succour them should this be necessary.

Those that had to attack the mine from the direction of the

ditch an hour before sunset entered it with fire-lances, with

which they cleared a way, throwing on the enemy many pots

‘of powder, which burnt them, and thus they had a fine fight

inside which lasted a good while. Those that went to attack

in the other direction fell upon the enemy suddenly, and

killed several, and by this means the others had time to

throw into the mouth of the mine some pots of powder,

whereby the enemy who were fighting in this other part of

_ the ditch with our men, thinking that an entrance had been

made in the other direction, turned round to retreat, and our

men after them killing them at their pleasure ; and so great

was the slaughter, that the mine was filled with their corpses,

and thus the workmen had time to dismantle the mine and

_ carry off the timber from it. During this time there was pro-

ceeding throughout the field carried on on both sides a perilous

engagement of harquebusery, a fearful and horrible affair, be-

cause almost the whole force of the enemy was in action, and

the bastions did their duty, belching forth their thundering

discharge, which caused great destruction among the enemy.

And it being now an hour after dark, our men retired, having

made a terrible havoc.

Our men having returned advised the captain that at that

part where they found the ponds of water the mine divided@into

two, and that the other one took its way towards the quarters

Z 36-08

338 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (OBYLON). [Vou. XX.

of Antonio de Aguiar and the watch-tower of Manoel Borges! ;

and having been informed of this, desiring to frustrate the whole,

he ordered to make a ditch of seventeen spans from the bastion

of Sao Sebastiao to the watch-tower of Manoel Borges on the

mner side, and a tranqueira with filled barrels, so that if the

enemy should make a breach in the other, or should mine the

bastion, they should find another ditch, in order to impede the

elephants. Whilst proceeding with this work, there fled to

the fortress a /ascarim of his, who brought the news that in

the fight in the mines many of his men were killed, both in them

and in the camp, and most of them by firelock shots in the

head ; and that Raji had determined to attack with all the rest

and to make two assaults upon the fortress, and to get troops

into the city by the mines, and that already they were coming

beneath Sad Sebastiad. On this assurance the captain gave

orders to remove the artillery at once from it, and to take out

the filling, and to make in it some countermines in order to

discover where the mine came, the which was effected with very

great trouble, in which there took part all the captains and

fidalgos and other people of the fortress, and all the monks.

By this time the enemy had already so become masters of our.

ditch, that from ite earth- eaps, whenever a man appeared. on

the angles, platforms, and cavaliers on our side, he was straight-

way struck by the much harquebusery that they had, as they

did to a fidalgo called Dom Domingos, a natural son of Dom

Martinho de Castello- Branco, former captain of Ormus?, whom

he had in India by a widow woman’, and wounded others.

The captain kept a very strict watch in the countermines

because of the mines, and prepared for the assaults that Raju

intended to deliver. At this same time there arrived some of

our spies, who had gone out twenty-four days before to spy at

Ceitavaca’, to see if they could bring in a Portuguese who was

captive there, whom they brought: and this being a case of

much stratagem and invention, and one that Raju was much

annoyed at, we shall give an account of it.

1The “‘ quarters of Antonio de Aguiar’ were at a stretch of wall —

abutting on the bastion of 8. Sebastiad (see supra, p. 320); but of

the position of the “‘ watch-tower of Manoel Borges’ I am doubtful

(see supra, p. 319, and further on in this chapter).

2 When he held that post, [ cannot find. He is mentioned in VIII.

ili. (p. 227) swpra, as taking part in the defence of Cota in 1564-5.

8 The printed edition omits this bit of information regarding the

mother of D. Domingos.

* Instead of “ Coitavaca ” the printed edition has (apparently by a

misreading) “‘ e estava ”’ (and it was).

No. 60.—1908.| couTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 339

Some years before! there was lost on the coast of Ceilao a

champana belonging to one Diogo Gonsalves’, a Portuguese

man, who was carrying with him a young nephew, called

Custodio da Ronda’, who were immediately taken captive

and brought to Raji; and as for the Custodio da Ronda,

who was a youth, Raju commanded his ears to be bored’,

and that he be taught the customs of the Chingalas, and kept

him in his house in his service. And the youth growing up,

and becoming a favourite of Raji’s, received from him the

favour of ransoming his uncle, which he did contrary to his

religion and laws, who came to Columbo, where in all the past

sieges he served the king right well, doing great harm to Raju.

And because in this siege he had done many actions of a valiant

‘man to the hurt of his people, in order to be revenged on him, he

commanded the nephew Custodio da Ronda to be conveyed to

Adam’s Peak, and that he should be taught the work of a

husbandman, so that at no time should he be able to get out

thence, nor the uncle have hopes of seeing him. Of this youth

one Miguel Ferreira Baracho, who at the beginning of the siege

had escaped to us®, gave an account, upon which news the

uncle laboured to see if there were any means of getting him

thence : and conversing with some spies, men of much experi-

ence, and who knew the country very well, regarding this

matter, having made them his promises, the captain taking a

great interest therein, he gave them stratagems that they were

to use, namely, a forged letter in the name of Raji, which

commanded the men to whom Ronda had been intrusted that

as soon as they saw it they were to give him forthwith to the

person who presented it to them, copying the style and

1 This vague statement leaves us ignorant of the year when the event

occurred. :

2 See supra, p. 294, note *.

3 This sounds more like an appellative than a real name.

4 This was done to all renegade Portuguese. The anonymous

writer of Primor e Honra, in describing the condition of the Portuguese

deserters to Raja Sinha, says (1. vi.) :—* They bore their ears with very

large holes, because it is a custom of the country, the more respect-

able, the longer their ears ”’ (c/. on this Barb. and Cast. in C. Lit. Reg.

iv. 211, 190). Knox (Ast. Rel. 89-90) tells us that this custom fell

into desuetude in the reign of Raja Sinha IT., owing to that king’s not

complying with the fashion. The diarist of Spilbergen’s voyage seems

to have fallen into an error when he speaks of the Portuguese in Kandy

having their ears cut or clipped (see C. Lit. Reg. vi. 325, 334, where in

the first passage “ cut off ’’ should be “ cut open ”’ or “‘ slit ’’).

5 See supra, p. 302, note *. He is probably the ‘‘ Miguel Ferreira ”’

_ mentioned in chap. xv. below (cf. pp. 370, 371, with p. 375).

340 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

peculiarities of his mandates, which he could very well do, be-

cause this tyrant was so false and unjust, that he never passed

an alvard sealed with any seal of his, in order afterwards to have

an excuse for not observing any, when he wished ; and with

this letter Diogo Gonsalves gave him one signed by himself in

his own writing and on our paper to show to his nephew, that

he might know that they came by his order. These men hav-

ing set out arrived at Ceitavaca. where they learnt the news

that Raji had commanded the murder of seventeen Portuguese

whom he held captive, and whom he trusted more than the

Chingalas themselves, because the escape of Miguel Ferreira

Baracho to Columbo, as we have said, whom he trusted above

everyone, enraged him to such a degree that he wished to

avenge it on as many Portuguese as he held captive, command-

ing all of them to be put to death by blows, which to them is

the most ignominious death of all, as it is given only to traitors.

And knowing that the youth was on Adam’s Peak, they went

thither, and gave the letter of Raju to those that had charge

of him, who seeing in it that he commanded to at once deliver

up that man complied with it, giving them sixty armed lasca-

rins to accompany him. And coming on their journey, being

now near to Ceitavaca, the spies feigned that they had some-

what to say to Ronda in secret, telling the lascarins to with-

draw, requiring this of them on behalf of Raju, as they had a

matter of urgency to carry out with that man, which Raju had

ordered to be done before entering Ceitavaca. The Jascarins,

believing that he must have ordered them to kill him, as they

had done to the Portuguese a few days before, withdrew, and

the spies betook themselves with Ronda into the jungle ; he

believing (for till then he had known nothing, nor had they

discovered themselves to him) that it was to kill him, became

terror-stricken. The spies gave him an account of everything,

showing him the letter signed by his unele, telling him to

commend himself to the great God of the Christians, who

could do whatever he wished, that he would favour them

in that affair, and deliver them ‘all from the hands of

Raji; and betaking themselves into the jungle, which

they knew very well, they took .a very little frequented

road for Columbo, making great haste therein, concealing

themselves by day, and travelling by night, passing by three

tranqueiras (there being that number between Ceitavaca and —

Columbo!) with very great risk and danger. And by the

astuteness and management of the spies, at the end of twelve

days, in the third watch of the night, they reached Columbo, —

+ CH, supra, VI. vit. vii. (pp. 136-8).

No. 60.—-1908.] couTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 341

and. passing through Rajii’s army they came to the gate of the

city ; and having told the tidings to the guards, in the morning

they were brought in and taken to the captain, amid great

rejoicing by the uncle and acrowd of people who hastened to

see them. The uncle spoke with him, and safeguarded him in

such fashion that he came to himself; and like a man that

has awakened from a troubled dream, finding himself in a safe

place, he gave many thanks to God, and from him the captain

learnt many things ; but not that he revealed much, since he

had been away from Raju for some time back.

And to continue once more with the siege, Raju, seeing that

they had destroyed that mine of his, commanded to continue

with two other mouths, which came to strike between the

_ quarters of Antonio de Aguiar and the watch-tower of Manoel

Borges, of which the captain also was advised, without knowing

at what part they were going to break in, on account of which

there was prevalent in the city a general fear, and so public,

that the captain and fidalgos whom it did not infect had

more trouble in seeking to remove it than in defending the

fortress against Raju, showing themselves very cheerful and

light-hearted in this business: because the greater part seeing

the little store that they set on it thought that the danger was

not so great as they had conceived from the rumour that had

spread through the city. The captain made it all his care and

exerted all his abilities to discover the direction that those

mines must take, in order to see if he could remedy the evil

that was feared from them ; but he could arrive at nothing,

because on all sides they were entirely closed in, so that, not to

speak of going outside the gates, they could not aim from the

loopholes, but they were immediately struck by the enemy’s

_ harquebusery, a thing that had put them in great anxicty.

Thomé de Sousa de Arronches, upon whom during the whole

course of the time there devolved, as we have said, equal

obligations, as captain-major of the fleet under: his charge.

Was in no wise negligent, working, watching, counselling,

arranging many very important matters, going the round of

the posts and walls with much diligence. And going one day

along the wall that runs from the watch-tower of Manoel

Borges to the bastion of Sad Sebastiad, which was of mud, a

part that they feared for most, on arriving at a place in which

he descried an aperture!, he saw a hole, of those that remained

from the timbers of the mud-wall, which it would seem that

God had discovered to him for that purpose ; and putting his

* The word in the original is agulheiro, which means a peep-hole or

air-hole. It is difficult to follow Couto’s meaning here; but J think

| only one hole is meant, though two seem to be spoken of.

342 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Von. XX.

eyes thereto, he saw on the other side, which was the face of

the ditch that the captain had ordered to be brought thither,

the mine opening out of the earth at that part in order that

they might come out by it into the ditch ; and having assured

himself he brought the captain thither very dissemblingly, and

showed it to him. On seeing that, he ordered stonemasons

to be summoned, without saying what for, and ordered them to

cut by square an embrasure that should correspond with the

middle of the mouth of the' ditch, which was not cut right

through in order not to be seen, leaving a thickness on the

other side that, on striking it with the mouth of a camello

that they intended to place there, would break open, the

stone being worked there at once for the embrasure. The

hollow having been excavated with great speed, and a camello

placed therein loaded with its charge and ball and a cartouche

of stones very well prepared, on the following day in the morn-

tng the captain ordered to send out some araches with their

lascarins to provoke the enemy to come and attack them,

‘which they did; and when they saw our men outside they

covered the plains and filled the mines. Thomé de Sousa, who

was astride on the camello watching by the hole, ordered the

piece to be laid by the bombardiers ; and as soon as he saw the

enemy entangled and thought the ditch was full, had the

camello run out as it was : and first striking a blow on the

facing that had been left on the outer side', and taking aim

at the mouth of the mine, they set fire to it ; and as it was near

the cartouche and ball took it from end to end, and went making

all along it such shakings of the earth and such destruction,

until it was quite exhausted, leaving the mines full of dead

bodies. The enemy retired, and gave Raji word of the injury

that had been done. So, that we might not know how much we

had done to him, nor his people the great injury that they had

received, that they might not be discouraged, he commanded

the mine to be broken up, and all the earth to be thrown

over it that they had brought up for the entrenchments, in

order therewith to cover up the destruction and the multitude

of corpses that were therein, there being great rejoicing on

our side, and the enemy feeling it much, the affair increasing

their hate and desire to get a great satisfaction for it?.

1 The printed edition omits this clause.

2 The Rajdvaliya describes this event as follows :—“‘ Raja Sinha ....

had a mine made by the hill-men. The Portuguese, discovering it,

placed gunpowder in the mine and blew it up. Note that many hill-

men thus perished.”’ (The translation at p. 91 of Gunasékara’s edition

is not justified by the original.) There seems to be some confusion

here with the event described supra, X. x. v., pp. 332-3.

No. 60.—1908.] COUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 343

Dec. X., BK. x , CHAP. viii.

Of some more succours that left for Ceilad: and of how Philippe

de Carvalho went in succour ina provision ship : and of how

Thomé de Sousa de Arronches fought with Rajt;s armada,

and of what happened to tt.

Upon the arrival at Goa of the news of the jeopardy of the

fortress of Columbo, after Bernardim de Carvalho had left?,

some volunteers arranged to go insuccour : and the first that

left. was Antonio de Brito? in a galliot with soldier friends,

whom he sought out for that purpose, and Ne went pursuing

his journey, to whom we shall return later on®. The viceroy

caused haste to be made with a ship that he had freighted to

carry provisions to that fortress*, in which he ordered to be

embarked four hundred guandis of rice, one hundred of wheat,

five thousand five hundred parddos in money, many munitions,

balls, powder, fire-pots, and fire-lances, and all other warlike

stores, and the captaincy of this ship he gave to Felipe de

Carvalho de Vasconcelos, a fidalgo, who had been granted those

captaincies of voyages : and he accepted this one on account

of its being tothe service of the king to go in succour to that

fortress ; and the viceroy gave him fifty soldiers, and made

them set sail at the end of September ; and whilst he is on the

way? we shall treat of the things that during this time occurred

in Ceilao.

Raju, exasperated at the past successes, was seeking every

means of getting satisfaction and of injuring our people, even

to wishing to use poison and charms for that purpose : wherefore

he sent out some Chingalas, who were great sorcerers, like run-

aways, who came to Columbo, and represented themselves as

greatly exasperated with and fearful of Raji; and in some

questions that the captain put to them they so contradicted

themselves, that he considered them suspicious, and ordered

them to be put to the torture, in which they confessed the

truth, and were put to death and executed®: and in this

1 See supra, pp. 333-4.

"The manuscript adds “‘ do brago,”’ evidently for “‘do brago cortado,”

and apparently this is the same man that is mentioned in X. Iv. v.

(p. 264) supra, as captain of the provision galleon to Ceylon in 1583.

3 See infra, p. 349.

_ * See supra, p. 334.

® Couto returns to him in the next chapter (see p. 350).

®§ What these apparently tautological statements are intended to

convey, I do not know. Faria y Sousa, in his summary of Couto’s

narrative, says (Asia Port. Il. 1. vi. 12) that the enchanters were

strangled (ahogados,which Stevens in his translation renders ‘‘drowned’’).

344 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

torture to which they were put there occurred an astonish-

ing! incident which we shall relate, in order to show the

strength that the devil has put into words to deceive these

accursed ones ; and the affair was this. Whilst the officers

were putting one of them to the torture? there, in the

questionings one of them uttered certain words, which must

have been spoken by the mouth of the devil, because no person

understood them ; and upon his uttering them at once four

of those that were near by® began suddenly to vomit with

retchings and‘ death-like symptoms, the which lasted twenty-

four hours ; and when these were past they recovered their

senses.

Of this Raju was also informed, whereat he was extremely

annoyed, as he had been certain that the captain would not be

able to escape ; and these things were for him greater torments

and® tortures than those te which they put his people: and

in his rage he caused to be assembled in his ports all the

ships that he had, and commanded them to be armed and

furnished with the best artillery and men that he had, and

fitted out eighteen beaked ships, four calemutes®, and

eighteen large tones, and incharged this expedition to the

modeliares in whom he had most confidence, ordering them to

go and fight with the armada of the fortress, and endeavour to

capture the galley. This armada appeared in sight of the

fortress on the 4th of the month of October, the day of the

seraphic father St. Francis, and came forth from the direction

of Matual divided into three squadrons: on the right’ came

six ships and four calemutes, on the left the eighteen tones, and

in the middle® the captain-major with twelve ships, the best

and most fully fitted; and all that was seen in this armada was

men with whom all the ships were packed, with arms that

glittered in every part, instruments that resounded, and

1 The printed edition omits this word.

2 Faria y Sousa (uv.s.) has “ garotte ”’ (garrote).

3 By these Faria y Sousa understands the executioners : the reference

may, however, be to some of the prisoners.

* The printed edition omits these two words. It is noteworthy that

Faria y Sousa (u.s.) has the identical word (vascas) omitted by the

printed edition. He says that the executioners were left “ struggling

with rabious retchings [rabiosas vascas] for the space of 24 hours.’”

Stevens translates the expression “‘ convulsions.”

5 The manuscript omits these two words.

8 See supra, p. 320, note °%.

* The manuscript has erroneously “ in front.”

* These three words are omitted in the printed edition.

No. 60.—-1908.] couro: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 345

many flags that fluttered in the breeze. The captain of the

fortress, who had already been advised of that armada, ordered

Thomé de Sousa de Arronches, captain-major of the sea, to go

out against them with the ships of his command, and with

those of Bernardim de Carvalho and Nuno Alvres Datouguia,

which in all would be twelve, among which was a galliot, the

captain of which was Francisco da Silva, alcaide mor of the

fortress. In these ships embarked all the relief soldiers with

great desire to encounter the enemy, and in the galley with

Thomé de Sousa many friends of his, and all in very good. order

put out to sea against the enemy, who came to meet them: and

on arriving at the distance of a base shot they discharged

their artillery with such fury and uproar, that a good space of

time passed during which they could not see our fleet from the

fortress, on account of its being hidden by the denseness of the

smoke. And as they went towards each other at full speed, they

soon attacked one another ; and the alcaide mor Francisco da

Silva was the first that grappled a large ship which carried a

camelete in the bow and other small pieces, and had on board

sixty picked soldiers and three captains,—one of the bow,

another of the poop, and another of the coursy,—an arrange-

ment that all the rest had ; and having grappled one another

there commenced among them all a brisk interchange of spear

thrusts and cuts and many pots of powder. Francisco da Silva

displayed such energy, that by force he got with his soldiers on

to the enemy’s galliot, and with sword and targe settled the

affair, there being left of them not more than twelve alive,

whom they hanged to the yard, like banners. Affonso!

Ferreira da Silva grappled another ship; and after firing

the first volley he at once threw himself into it with his com-

panions, who fought so valiantly, that they put the whole of

the enemy to the edge of the sword. The other captains

attacked the ships that they were able to get near to, with

which they had their differences, at the end of which the

enemy, cut up and vanquished, ungrappled and made off.

The captain-major in the midst of the fleet with the galley

went about assisting those that were fighting, and for his part

making havoc of all that he could come at : and thus the enemy

turned about, harried, worried, and routed, and went fleeing

across the top of those sandbanks, knowing that Raja would

not pardon those that escaped ; and yet they would rather

tisk his anger than the blows of our people, who gave over

_ following them so as not to ground on the sandbanks ; and the

captain-major for fear of them anchored in order to collect

— ee coe ne ——— —s 2 —

' The manuscript has erroneously ‘“‘ Antonio ” (cf. supra, p. 334).

346 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (VoL. XX.

his ships, which were going after those of the enemy until they

should make them run aground. The latter had lost four

ships, two captured and other two sunk ;-of dead there were

more than three hundred, and a greater number of wounded ;

and twenty-five captives, whom the ships hung out as flags.

Of our people two of the lascarins were killed, and twenty-

three wounded!.

The galley, which had anchored at the sandbank, was so

near that it could not get away quickly, because the north-east

began to blow, which they there call cacha6?, which is a cross

wind, and on that coast blows on most of the days, which ~

came driving down so fiercely that at once the sea began to

rage in such fashion that all considered the galley lost ; and on

account of being very close to the sandbank, as we have said,

they did not dare to weigh anchor, lest they should be driven

upon it; and the same was the case with the ships of Rodrigo

Alvres, brother of Thomé de Sousa, and Sima6 Botelho, which

anchored near the galley, because all the rest remained so far

off that they were able to return to Columbo. And all night

they remained anchored in that position at the mercy of God,

because the weather became ever more tempestuous ; and its -

force was so great, that the cables could scarcely bear it, and

each time they got nearer to the sandbanks, because the wind

carried them forward. The enemy stood waiting on land until

they should be driven ashore, in order to capture them all

and get possession of the ships with all the artillery, on which —

they already reckoned ; but our people commended themselves

in their hearts to God, and laboured all they could, throwing

out other grapnels, and paying great heed to the cables. From

the fortress could well be seen the trouble and danger in which

all were, and they considered that God alone could deliver

them, and so all went about the streets with their hands

raised to heaven, begging it to succour them in that trouble.

The monks spent all the night in prayer and disciplines,

commending that matter to God and to our Lady, who appear

to have heard their servants, as in the greatest force of the

storm the wind abated, and the sea became quiet and serene,

whereupon the galley and the ships took to their oars with

great: speed ; and so hard did they row, that in the space of

two hours they reached Columbo ; and were scarcely inside

when the weather became stormy again as before, and even

more so: in which the most high God clearly showed that

favour to be his own, and that he had not forsaken that city,

because its refuge was in that armada.

’ According to the manuscript the two killed were Portuguese.

* See supra, p. 268, note *.

‘No. 60.—1908.] courTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 347

Raju was greatly incensed at the defeat of his people ; and

such was his rage, that he ordered the captains that had escaped

to be beheaded, and went on like a madman over the ill

successes that he had had in all his affairs, and did not give

over seeking methods and stratagems to injure the fortress,

even to having dealings with a lascarim, Joane by name, well

known to him, and who was now there, to whom he sent persons

in secret to sound him with great promises; and they came to

an agreement with him, that on a certain day on which Raju

would give a signal to him he should join with several friends

and set fire to the city, in order that whilst our people were

occupied in extinguishing it they should assault the bastions

with the whole force, and thus it would not escape him : and

besides this he ordered a Christian! Chingala, Marcos by name,

who was a runaway there, to feign to return to the fortress for

fear of him, and in the city to cast poison into all the wells,

which he gave him so subtle and of such strength, that all

those that drank of it would not live more than six days.

This Marcos having come fleeing to the fortress was captured

by some peons in Mapano, and at once he changed colour in

such fashion that he well showed that he had come with evil

intent : wherefore he was questioned, and the poison being

found upon him, he was taken to the captain, who com-

manded him to be put to the torture, and during this he |

confessed his crime, and revealed the dealings of Joanne” with

Raju, who likewise confessed all, and they were executed’.

Thenceforward great caution was observed with regard to

those that fled to the fortress, and they were ordered to be

secured, because they did not know against whom they had

to guard.

Dec. X., BK. x., CHAP. ix.

Of the dealings that Raju had with the naiques of the coast of

Negapatao, in order to prevent the sending of provisions to

Ceilaéd : and of the succours that arrived from without : and of

some assaulis that our people delivered upon the camp : and

of the great attack that Raji made wpon the fortress.

Of all these things the tyrant Raji was informed, and they

were to him insufferable ; and he became such, that none of his

—_ —

*The manuscript omits this word, but before ‘“‘ Marcos’’ inserts

Christova6.”’

2 The manuscript has “‘ Joad.”’

* The foregoing appears to be an amplification of the bare statement

to the same effect made by Couto in X. x. v. supra (see p. 330, note 2).

348 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX: |

people dared to console him in any way: of nothing else did

he think but of how he would avenge himself of such an

affront ; and the devil, who in these matters is always ready,

and is never wanting in new wiles for evils, suggested to him

one that, if it had taken effect, would have placed that for-

tress in the last extremity ; and it was this.

Raji knowing that the captain had sent to the coast of

Negapatao to seek provisions, and that thence Manar and

Columbo were provided whenever it was necessary, and that

at all seasons provisions could come to them thence, dispatched

men on an errand with money and letters to the naiques and.

lords of that coast, in which he persuaded them that since they

were heathens like himself! they should wish to aid him in

that war against the Portuguese, and should come to his help

for the honour of their idols ; and that at present he did not

desire of them more than that they should not consent to any

provisions’ leaving their ports, and that all that there was

they should sell to him at a higher price than that for which

the Portuguese bought them, and that for that purpose he

sent them much money: and some of them agreed to these

conditions and bound themselves to sell him all the rice from

their ports at a certain price, and others dissembled. Of this

the captain Joa6d Correa was soon advised : and this was a —

matter that caused him more anxiety than all others, because in

that way they could reduce him to desperation, since no human

power could endure a war against famine ; but nevertheless he

kept it secret, and so both in order not to cause fear to his men,

and that those who had rice should not keep it locked up in

such fashion that the poor wretches would come to perish,

he ordered to buy all that could be had by other hands, and

buried it in the storehouses in order to provide the people

therewith until the provision ship should arrive from India,

for which they looked hourly, as they knew that it had to

leave by the end of September at the latest?.

Raju did not quiet down from the hate and rage in which

he was, which was such, that although seeing the great

caution that was observed in the fortress with regard to fugi-

tives, and that all that he had sent with wiles were captured and

tortured, not even on that account did he forbear to send a

famous sorcerer who offered himself to him to bewitch the

artillery and the captains of the posts. This man also went

to attempt this business in the guise of a fugitive lascarim :

but as the devil is by nature the revealer of the evils that he

plans, this man on reaching the fortress immediately at the

1 Raja Sinha was a pervert to Hindtiism (see Mahdv. xciii.).

* See supra, p. 334, note *, and p. 343.

No. 60.—-1908.] courTo: HISTORY OF CRYLON. 349

first questions became confused', and betrayed the presence

of the poison in his bosom ; and being put to the torture, he

confessed everything, and showed the apothec that he carried

to effect his promises, which was, a book of many figures of

men, animals, and trees, and letters after their manner, in

which were set down magic words, with which he summoned

the devil to work what he desired : and they also found on him

a bundle in which he had the head and tail of a dried cobra

de capello, a piece of a viper, seven pieces of barks of poison-

ous trees, a lump? of confections, which on being placed in

the fire threw out rays and made the air the colour of sulphur ;

certain grains of pepper, ginger, and saffron, and other seeds,

some peacock feathers, and some jogue’s beads. All this

was burnt, and the sorcerer was impaled’, without the

devil’s availing him; because as these are illicit and mis-

chievous arts, they had no power by means of their enchant-

ments to deliver this sorcerer, and all the rest that made use

of them, from dangers and risks; because the devil after

bringing them into these abandons them, as he has no power

for more.

The affairs of Ceilao were in this state, with great caution in

every direction, there not ceasing to be many alarms and

assaults, in which our people always basted the enemy well,

when on the 23rd of October there arrived the galliot of Antonio

de Brito, which we left after it had set out from Goa, who

sailing with fair weather made landfall at the island of Ceilao ;

and through the blowing of the strong cachées he was driven

beyond the point of Galé, and went right round it, making in

Raju’s ports on the other coast some assaults and prizes, both

by sea and by land ; and coming round to the other side, he

made Manar, where he found the ship of Adriaé Nunes of the

company of Nuno Alvres Datouguia, which as we have said

was driven to land by the weather*, who was ready to set out,

and Manoel de Macedo in a coracone® in which he had left the

1 The manuscript has “ turned about.”

4 Literally “‘ stone.”” The word “ confections ”’ here has, of course,

the old sense of “* poisons.”’

8 This is the only instance in which we are told by Couto of the inflic-

tion, by the Portuguese, of this horrible oriental punishment upon a

criminal, though it is very probable that they resorted to it on many

other occasions.

4 See supra, pp. 327-8.

§ The manuscript has “ cohoracone.’’ On p. 356 below the word is

spelt caracone. If cannot find the origin. It cannot be a mistake for

-coracora, which is a Malay war-vessel (see Hob.-Job. s.v. ‘‘ Coracoa ”’).

350 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX -

opposite coast in order to go to Ceilac with some companions,

who in company with Antonio de Brito reached the port of

Columbo, where they were warmly welcomed by our people,

and lodged at the most dangerous posts. :

After this expedition the captain sent to attack Raji’s |

great tranqueira Antonio Lourenco, Francisco Gomes Leitadé, -

Dom Joaé modeliar', and the araches Manoel Pereira and Pero

Afonso with their lascarins, who one morning suddenly attacked

the first fort with many fire-lances and pots of powder,

with which they made a way to get in, where they had a

very perilous fight, which lasted for the space of an hour and

a half, killing many of their people, and three captains and

two Hombpatcions and then retired without more harm than

slight wounds. This being over, Francisco Gomes Leita6

went out with thirty soldiers; and assaulting the enemy’s

bastion, they entered it by force of many lance thrusts and —

cuts, and killed many of their men ; and as the enemy went on

being reinforced they retired without danger, and on getting

back to the fortress they went through an embrasure one by

one; and the last of all, whom Fate would seem to have

summoned for that hour, after they were inside, turned and

went out again because the enemy had come near; and as

Death summoned him, he said to his companions: “I must

go out once again,” and he did so at the moment when they

fired at him a musket shot, of which he presently died.

And on All Saints’ Day, in another sally that our people made,

the enemy swarmed on to the plain, and there began to open

from our posts a fine play of bombard shots and harquebusery

which made very good practice upon them, the whole plain

being covered.

The affairs having passed, and many other assaults that our

people made upon them daily with loss to the enemy, there

arrived at Columbo on the 4th of November the ship in which

Philippe de Carvalho had left with the provision?, and brought

a galleon that had set out from the Fishery laden with rice,

which she found on the opposite coast almost lost, and went

to her help, and assisted her continually, and brought her

with her as far as that port without leaving her, and in sight

of the coast of Ceilao they were both storm-stayed by the

cachaé wind, which beat down upon them very fiercely, and

as it is there a cross-wind, at great risk they rode it out-on

their cables. This succour was to all as if sent from heaven,

1 This is the third and last time that Konappu Bandara is mentioned

in this Decade. For his subsequent history see infra, XI., Sum. of

Events, p. 389 ct seq.

* See supra, p. 343.

No. 60.—1908.] couTo: HISTORY OF CRYLON. 351

and Joao Correa de Brito sent and begged Philippe de Carvalho

that he would not disembark that day, because he was that

night expecting an attack from Raju, and that he would re-

main guarding the port with the rest of the ships, so that the

-enemy’s armada should not come and attempt the vessels and

the ship in which had come the relief of that fortress. And

because he was advised that Raju was to deliver an assault that

night he prepared to receive him; but he failed to deliver it on

account of its raining heavily'; and on the following night in

the daybreak watch he commanded to attempt the fortress by

_ assault, which they did, bearing in front more than fifty mante-

lets made of thick mats in order to reach the wall, so that the

stonemasons, who were more than a thousand, might under-

mine the walls, and others with ladders to attempt an entrance

all round. As our people were on the alert, on observing the

enemy each one took his*place with his arms, discharging upon

those below many pots of powder, with which they set fire to

them; and where the attempt was made with greatest

force was at the bastion of Santo Antonio, the captain of

which was Luis Dorta, where the harquebusery was

heavier and more ladders were set up; but our men so

burnt them with fire and scathed? them with everything that

came to their hand, that they made them quit the contest.

_Bernardim d Carvalho and the fidalgos of his company and

Nuno Alvres Datouguia with the captains of his armada

went to help at the parts that seemed to them most in need,

encouraging those that were fighting, and doing it themselves

with much spirit ; and the captain? who was at the bastion of

Madre de Deus with the captains of the round sent from there

to see and learn the needs that existed anywhere, in order to

provide for them. On the bastion of Sad Sebastiad, the

captain of which was Luis Correa da Silva, there was like-

wise a great attack, and there were found Vasco de Carvalho,

who had embarked from Goa with Bernardim de Carvalho,

in which he fought like a very goodsoldier. And on the bastion

of Santo Hstevao the labour was great, and on the stretch of

wall adjoining it, because there they experienced a greater

weight of the enemy, and these were undermining the wall:

wherefore they hastened with much fire, but it fell upon the

mantelets, and did not impede those beneath: the which

1 With this statement contrast that made at the end of chap. xi.

below (p. 359).

-* Couto is here alliterative, using in close sequence the words escadas,

_ escaldaram, escalavrdram.

* Estevao Correa (see supra’ p. 295).

352 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (VoL. XX.

being seen by a soldier, Luis de Pina by name, getting astride

on the top of the coping of the mud-wal! with his body

thrown outwards, he hurled upon the enemy many pots of

powder, wherewith they were driving away those below!, with

which he did much harm ; and afterwards with a fire-lance

pointed downwards, on account of that part being low, he

did so much, that setting the stonemasons on fire with it he

made them withdraw and quit the work. The shouting and

clamour and trumpetings of the elephants were more alarming

than their arms, because in all parts there was so much of

this, that it might have caused fear to anyone who had not so.

lost it as had our men, who knew how much more the Chinga-

las fight with the tongue than with the hands?; and neverthe-

less among the women and the wretched folk it inspired a

terror, as they thought that the city had been entered, and from

the windows with cries and lamentations to heaven they

begged the divine favour, which our men not lacking, they so

harassed the enemy, that after many times attacking suddenly

at all parts, and the elephants trying to pull down the

mud-walls, and the stonemasons to undermine them, until

the day had fully dawned, they entirely gave over the

assault, by going away well scathed, leaving in their hurry

all the tackling that they had brought for scaling the walls ;

because when it was day there were found at the foot of

them many picks, alavangas, mattocks, and many mante-

lets and ladders, all of which was brought inside. And it

was presumed that they had killed many of them: as

those that remain alive are obliged to carry off the dead,

nothing was known amongst our people more than what

the spies said afterwards, whom in this matter and in

others I hold as very suspect, because at times they speak

according to the wish of the captains, who delight in

magnifying their affairs, chiefly in the certificates that they

issue, in which there are always exact numbers, as if they

had gone to count them. But nevertheless Raji lost many

men, and his people much credit with him, and he his hopes of —

taking Columbo, which he understood well that he could not

do by assaults, since he knew that his people would never

scale walls that Portuguese defended ; but he wished to wear

out our people by alarms, even though at the cost of his own

men, because his intention was to bring his mines to some

part where he might cause some breach, in order to enter by

it to do them some harm.

1 The printed edition omits this clause.

* Cf. supra, p. 325.

No. 60.--1908.] couToO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 353

Dec. X., Bk. x., CHAP. x.

O} another message that the viceroy received regarding the strait

of Columbo : and of how he sent in succour Joad Carado

de Gamboa in a ship with one hundred and fifty men :..

After the departure of the galleon of the voyage with the

provisions, there arrived at Goa Bertolameu Rodrigues, whom

the captain of Columbo had sent with another message to the

viceroy regarding the first' assault that Raju delivered upon

that fortress, of which he brought a drawing, in order that he

might see the mode of the enemy’s fortification, and the force

that he had brought against that fortress*: and on seeing that

strength, the viceroy ordered to make ready a galleon, electing

as captain of that succour, which was to consist of one hundred

and fifty men, Joao Caiado de Gamboa, who making haste

with his embarkation set sail on the 7th of October, there

embarking with him many fidalgos and cavaliers who were

lovers of honour, of whom the names that we have been able to

learn are as follows : Dom Gilianes de Noronha and Dom Lea6

his brother, Dom Afonso Henriques, Hieronimo de Castro,

Pero Botelho, Joao Sobrinho, Ruy Vas Pinto, Dom Fernando de

Meneses, Simao da Silva, Christova6 Rebello, Paullo Pimentade

Bulhao, Mathiasda Fonseca, Manoel Pereirado Lago, Domingos

_Leitad Pereira, Balthesar de Freitas, and the same Berthola-

_meu Rodrigues who came to beg for the succour : and taking

ten thousand parddos in money, and the galleon laden with

Bemsions. and munitions, they went pursuing their voyage’.

es." These galleys* set sail on the 20th of this month of

October, and the viceroy continued to busy himself in the

matter of Columbo, because it was agreed in council, as we

have already said’, that a large armada should be prepared, and

that the captain-major who should go in it should wait in

Columbo for Dom Paulo de Lima, who was to come from

Malaca (as the viceroy had written to him), in order that both

together with the whole force, which was the largest that India

_ possessed, should attack the enemy and dislodge him : and as

‘now the weather would not allow of this being possible before

the end of January following®, he began to prepare the things

necessary for that eegoetesn (ohn, mpeg Manoel de Sousa

‘The manuscript omits this word.

2 See supra, p. 319.

* The further progress of which is related in the next chapter.

* Two that the viceroy was sending to Cochin with certain orders.

> See supra, p. 335.

* The ships could not leave Malacca for India betore the beginning

of January, when the monsoon favourable for that voyage set in.

aN 36-08

354 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

Coutinho for this enterprise! with the title of captain-major of

the sea of India, on account of his being very experienced in

the affairs of Ceilao, as the one who had been captain in

Columbo five or six years before, and had sustained that great

slege, which the same Raju had laid to it, from which he

emerged broken and defeated ?:......

DEC. OX. pK. 4x.) CHa: xa:

eae of how Manoel de Sousa went with an armada to the

coast of the north : and of what happened on the journey to

Joad Caiado de Gamboa until he arrived at Columbo : and of

the things that further happened in that fortress.

ok x x x x ** *

Whilst occupied in getting ready the armada that he was to

send to Ceilao, the viceroy received news that to the coast of

the north had passed some Malavar ships intent on making |

prizes ; and because that coast was left to itself, and every day

there came Portuguese ships from all those fortresses, he

resolved that until the monsoon arrived in which Manoel de

Sousa had to set out, which was at the end of January, he

should spend that time on that coast, whereupon he continued

fulfilling the duty of the armada that he was to send to it,

because the rest of the summer he had ordered Dom Ruy Gomes

da Silva to get ready with some ships in Bagaim in order to go

about guarding the cajfilas : and so he ordered Manoel de Sousa

and the captains who were nominated to go with him in succour

to Ceila6, and that he was to embark at once, whilst things

were being got ready for the expedition, and that they should

spend those two months on the coast of the north from Goa as

faras Dabul. This armada set out in the middle of November,

and spent the time on that coast until January, in which they

returned in order to arrange for the expedition to Columbo :

and as there happened nothing noteworthy, we have thus

related this in sum.

Returning to Joao Caiado de Gamboa?, he went pursuing

his voyage, andin a few days passed Cape Comorim, and on the

1 See Linsch. ii. 197. In a letter dated 6 February 1589 (printed

in Arch. Port.-Or. i.) King Philip expresses his approval of all the vice-

roy had done for the relief of Columbo, including the sending of a fleet

under Manoel de Sousa Coutinho.

2 See supra, p. 257; p. 264, note ’.

3 See previous chapter, p. 353.

No. 60.—1908.] couTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 355

other side met with winds contrary for being able to cross over

to Columbo, it being already late; and taking the opinion of the

pilot and the ships’ officers, men of experience on that coast,

all agreed that it would be a great risk in that weather to

attempt to cross with the galleon : that a better plan would be

for the men to disembark there and journey by land as far as

Remanacor', and thence cross over to Manar, where they

would find ships to get to CeilaO: and that in this, though

there might be some more delay, was greater safety for anyone

that was going to succour a fortress that was besieged. Upon

this resolution they disembarked at Tutocori ; and having had

an interview with the fathers of the Company, under whose

administration in spiritual matters the whole of that coast

lies’, they gave them the same counsel, offering to supply

them with all the boats and sailors that they should need to

get to Manar. Upon this Joaé Caiado got ready for the

journey, and arranged to leave the galleon with twenty soldiers

in guard, there being news of some galliots of Malavares ; but

none of them wished to remain, saying that they were going in

succour to the king’s® fortress, and that they must reach there.

Joao Caiado seeing that it was absolutely necessary for that

galleon to remain there guarded, there being in her much

artillery and provisions, won them over by means of fictions

and fair words, prevailing upon them that it was absolutely

necessary for that galleon to remain guarded? ; that those that

were drawn by lot should remain ; and in this he so managed

matters that only those were drawn that he thought he could

most do without, and he appointed as captain Bertolameu

Rodrigues : and he gave orders to the officers to go to Goa ; and

having disembarked all the money and munitions that he

could, they went marching by land to Remanacor, where the

fathers were to have the boats for them to get to Manar. Those

of the galleon were left disconsolate and disgusted ; and on the

ship’s officers’ wishing to return to Goa, Bertolameu Rodrigues

and the soldiers’ came up and would not allow them to weigh

the anchors, telling them that they must commend themselves

to God ; because, even should they run the risk of being lost,

they intended to try to get to Columbo to succour the king’s

fortress, which was in need, because in her were the provisions

and munitions that the viceroy had sent in succour of

1 See supra, p. 96, note *.

* As it had done since the time of Xavier.

* The manuscript omits ‘‘ king’s.”’

*The manuscript omits the words “that it was .... guarded,”

which are a mere repetition of those a few lines above.

* The manuscript omits ‘“‘ and the soldiers.”’

2a 2

356 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XX.

it!: that of more importance was it for that fortress to have

them than the risking of the galleon: and that God was sure to be

pleased to give them very good weather and bring them in safety,

since they were going on a matter so much in his service ; and

so they let themselves lie there at anchor with a very fierce

north-wind, which lasted three days. When these were past

it changed, and turned fair for them, and Bertolameu Rodrigues

caused sail to be set against the wish of the officers, who made

their exclamations and protests, and they went running along

the coast as far as the Island of the Jogues?, and experiencing

favourable weather, they forthwith crossed over to the other

side, and on the next day came in sight of the opposite coast’

near to the river Cardiva‘, and along the shore with the wind

further off they went and anchored in Columbo to the joy of all,

as they arrived before Joao Caiado. Bertolameu Rodrigues

disembarked, and gave the captain an account of the expedi-

tion of Joas Caiado, and said that he might be there any day,

upon which those in the fortress began to be of good cheer and

to eat their fill of the food that had come in the galleon, the

captain spreading the report that there were coming in the

keeping of Joad Caiado twenty thousand cruzados, both

thereby to break the spirit of the enemy as well as to hearten

the soldiers, who if they are paid and well fed do not feel the

toils or fear the dangers of war, however great they may be.

Joao Caiado, after reaching Remanacor, collected the

caracones® that seemed to him necessary for transporting all

that force of men and matériel, which he did in a short time

owing to the great assistance that the fathers of the Company

had prepared for him ; and because he had remained at the

point of Remanacor, which is the last of the shoals, at the

1 The manuscript omits these last four words.

2 In IV. vir. ix. Couto relates how, in 1531, ‘‘ Manoel de Macedo by

the bad navigation of his pilot got on the inner side of Cape Comorim

without knowing where he was, and ran the ship aground on the sand-

bank of the Island of the Jogues in front of the town of Calecare, which

is on the main land, before reaching the shoals of Chilao.”” The earliest

map that I have seen that marks the island is that of Reland, Nova

Tabula Terrarum Cucan, Canara, Malabaria, &c. (? 1710), in which is

shown a chain of islets surrounded by sandbanks stretching from Kila- —

karai to Pamban, to which is appended the description “I. dos Iogues of

Pater Noster.”’ I cannot exactly identify the island referred to by Couto.

* The printed edition omits the words “‘and ...... coast.”

4“ Cardiva’”’ is Karaittivu, and the “river” is Portugal Bay (see

infra, p. 393, and M. Lit. Reg. iv. 157; and cf. supra, p. 104, note *).

° See supra, p. 349, note °.

No. 60.—1908.] couTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 357

distance of a crossbow shot, he ordered the caracones to be

brought overland, in order to be on the other side outside of

them, which was easily done, though with trouble, and there

he embarked the next day, and set off and came to Manar,

where Joa6 de Mello managed to get him a galliot, in which he

embarked with those that she would hold, and the rest he

divided amongst some provision boats that were there for

Columbo, which agreed to go with him’; and in a large

champana, which was also there laden with rice, he ordered

Christova6 Rebelo with some soldiers to embark, and with all

these vessels Joao Caiado set sail, taking with him in his

company Diogo Fernandes Pessoa, who, as we have said’, in

the first succour set out from Santo Thome, and had been driven

ashore there, where he had been until then sustaining his

soldiers, without having suitable weather for leaving. With

all this fleet Joao Caiado anchored at the bar of Columbo on

the 4th of December ; and the large champana in anchoring, by

fault of the pilot, went so near to the land that in turning she

struck thereon with her poop, and went to pieces; and it

pleased God that the greater part of the men escaped on land,

and the rest were lost, it being a dark night®: there were lost

in her a thousand candis of rice, cloths, butter, and other

things, which beside; being a serious loss for the owners, who

_were bringing everything for sale, was one for that fortress,

as with that it would have been well supplied with everything.

But in spite of this that succour was much welcomed, owing to

its being in charge of such a fidalgo and cavalier and consisting

of so much provision as that cajfila brought. And as the

weather served for the ship of the voyage to return to India,

Philipe de Carvalho, her captain, who till then had assisted in

that fortress with all his soldiers, whom he messed, and took

part in all the engagements that occurred during that time,

told Joa6 Correa to provide the ship with a captain, as he

intended to remain in that fortress with all his soldiers as long

as the siege lasted, that for that reason he had accepted that

voyage. Joao Correa was not willing to accept the compliment

from him, and told him that it was necessary for him to

return in the ship, both for the safety of the artillery that was

in her, and to inform the viceroy of the state in which that

fortress was ; and although he repeated his request he would

not consent to it, and made him embark and set sail on the

15th of December, that fortress being now in a position not

_ only to defend itself against Raji, but even to take the offensive

1 The printed edition omits this clause.

2 See supra, p. 320.

® The manuscript omits this clause.

358 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX.

and meet him in the field, and send and make war on him along

all his coast. |

And for that purpose he ordered to equip five foists, two

charatones', and ten small tones, and appointed as captain-

major Pero Afonso arache, a man of much experience of the

whole of that coast, and gave him thirty Portuguese and one

hundred and fifty lascarins, and ordered him to go in the

direction of Galle, and to destroy and lay waste all Rajt’s ports

in that part. This fleet having left Columbo, they went to the

point of Gale destroying everyhing that they came across,

chiefly the villages of Berberi, Belicote?. and others ; and turn-

ing the point of Gale to the further side they disembarked at

the city of Beliga6?, where they wrought great destruction, and

killed and captivated much people, and the lascarins committed

very great cruelties on women and children, because, in order to

get from them their earrings and bracelets, they cut off their

ears and hands ; and leaving everything burnt and plundered,

they passed on to other places, which they proceeded to lay

waste and destroy : and thus they spent the whole time that

their provisions lasted ; and when they were finished, they

returned to Columbo laden with prizes, and with one hundred

and eighty persons captives. As soon as Raju learnt of it he

blasphemed with rage and fury, seeing that our people, while

being besieged, set so little store by him, that they went to

destroy his towns and cities, with regard to which he did not

know what resolution to come to ; and fearing another expedi-

tion like that, he sent one day to call out to those in the fortress

to tell the captain to send Pero* Baiaéd to him, as he had

matters of importance to treat of with him: to which they did

not reply to the purpose, because it was at once understood

that these were diversions to embarrass our people.

At the same period, which was in December, a few days after

the ship of the voyage had left, there appeared a new and cruel

sickness, which was general among the people of the country:

and it was so terrible, that, on account of the many that

died, they thought that it was poison that they had cast into

their wells, wherefore all went about affrighted. The disease

commenced in the feet with a swelling, which went ascending

to the legs, and thence to the belly, and to the breast, where, as

1 This word occurs also in VII. vitt. xi. I do not know its origin.

2 So also in the manuscript ; but it should be Belitote = Welitota or

Welitara, near Balapitiya (cf. p. 171).

3 See supra, p. 266. .

* Although both the manuscript and the printed edition have “‘ Pero”

or ‘‘ Pedro,” I think we ought to read ‘“‘ Jeronymo”’ (cf. supra, p. 321,

and infra, p. 363).

No. 60.—1908.] coUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. : 359

soon as: it touched the heart', it proved fatal, leaving those

bodies deformed. And as the sickness was new in that country

and not known, nor had ever been seen by the natives, the

physicians made an anatomy on one of those bodies to see if

they could understand the disease in order to cure it, because

it was going on increasing greatly, and many were dying ; and

having viewed the intestines, they found the livers apostemated,

and it was affirmed that that proceeded from the heat and

humidity because of the great drought that prevailed, it not

having rained the whole of that year’, a thing that the old

people could not remember the like® ; and further to increase

the disease, the vara of Choromandel* happened to discharge

so much water that it was a deluge ; and by the heat that was

in the liver with that humidity of the earth, which was soaked,

the bodies came to apostemate in that manner. And the

disease being understood, they applied remedies of cold and

dry things, like vinegar, with which they mitigated it ; and

this lacking, they made use of a fruit which they call gorsas?,

which has the same virtue, and with some other herbs ; but as

this also came to be exhausted, there did not fail to die many ;

but it pleased God that it was wretched and miserable folk,

and the disease lasted but a short time, for it soon ceased.

Drc. X., BRK. x., CHAP. xii.

.....- Of how Dom Paulo sent Simao de Abreu de Mello with

news of the victory tothe viceroy : and of how he was wrecked

on the coast of Ceilao : and of the troubles that he underwent.

* * * * * % *

Simao de Abreu de Mello set out from Malaca®, and in five

days made landfall of the islands of Nicobar, and there he

made fast in the full of the moon, and took in water; and

1 The printed edition omits “ the heart.”’

2 But see supra, p. 351.

8 Of. swpra, p. 35, and Ribeiro’s statement in C. A. S. JI. xii. 94.

4 See supra, p. 31, note °.

> Both the manuscript and the printed edition read so, but the word

should be “ gorcas’’? — gorakas, the fruit of the Garcinia Cambogia,

which is of a pleasant subacid flavour. The bark and leaves of the

tree are used therapeutically by the Sinhalese, but not the fruit, as far

as I can find.

§ At the beginning of December 1587, bearing letters from D. Paulo

de Lima to the viceroy and the city of Goa apprising them of the victory

he had gained over the king of Johor (see Linsch, ii. 198-200).

360 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (VoL. XX.

resuming his journey, he went following his course ; but as the

weather was still very tempestuous, they met with such great

counterseas, that they were many times on their beam-ends

and all awash, and for seven days continuously-they expe-

rienced such great storms, that there was no one that thought

any longer of anything but God, nor did they eat save a very

little of something ; and like men stupefied and who now took

no more account of themselves, they went expecting every

hour that the galliot would founder. And being in this plight

and desperation, on Christmas eve at eleven o’clock in the day’

they sighted land, which the pilot thought to be Negapatao,

in which he deceived himself, and so they made for it, because

they were in such a condition that they considered that it

would be safer for them to run aground on whatever place it

might be than to go on ; and running the prow on land, they

stranded on it with such heavy seas, that on the beach the

roll of the water immediately overwhelmed them, and the

waves carried those that had most intrepidity on land, where

they were like to have been dashed to pieces, and others having

lost heart were unable to save themselves, and thus were lost

ten soldiers and some servants. The rest having got ashore,

joining with the sailors, who were forty in number, all of them,

both the ones and the others, naked and bare, and having

nothing to eat, began to walk alongside the sea, thinking that it

was towards Negapatao, according to the pilot’s calculation.

And all that night they never rested, but kept on walking ;

and when day broke they came across some blacks, of whom

they had speech, and learnt that they were in the kingdom of

Jafanapatao at the extremity of the island of Ceilac, because

they had been wrecked five leagues from Triquimale towards

Jafanapatad? ; and if instead of striking land five leagues on

this side they had struck five leagues on the other side, not a

single person would have escaped, because all that part was

under the rule of Raji®. And giving thanks to God for

delivering them from the hands of that tyrant, they went on

journeying with much trouble, naked and bare, because the

best equipped was Simao de Abreu, who made a hole in the

middle of an old mat that he found, and put it over his head,

it covering him like a sambenito*. -And during all this time

* 'The manuscript has “ at night,’’ which seems improbable.

* The ship must therefore have been wrecked somewhere near Kuch-

chaveli.

* Perhaps the Virgil-aru formed the northern boundary of Raja

Sinha’s dominions on the east coast.

“The garment put upon persons condemned by the inquisition to

he burnt (see plate in Morse Stephens’s Portugal 293).

No. 60.—1908.] couro: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 361

they ate nothing but herbs and jungle fruits, having no better

lodging to repose in than the open field and the earth soaked

with much water, as it rained every day : whereby they all

became so weakened, that had it not been for the courage and

natural disposition of Sima6 de Abreu, most of them would

have perished on that journey ; for he helped each one in his

troubles just as if he were not undergoing them likewise,

strengthening them and encouraging them, and assisting them

so much, that one of the company having fallen down through

being able to bear up no longer, begging him with hands raised

to leave him there, he prepared for him a hand-barrow of four

pieces of wood crossed, and asked the sailors to carry him.

and he was the first that laid hold of it and took it on his

shoulders. What gave much trouble to these shipwrecked

people was the many and great lakes that they crossed!, which

detained them much; and going so one day there was left

behind, as already dead, a soldier, who had been carried

thither by a brother, who likewise could no longer bear up :

which Simao de Abreu learning of made them all halt, and he

went back alone with some sailors, and consoled? and comforted

him, reminding him to commend himself to God, and so he

made him rise. Hight days having passed of this affliction,

they reached some villages®, where the natives detained them |

and treated them well, and sent a message to the king of

Jafanapatad, who at once sent for them, and received them

very humanely, commanding them to be provided with every-

thing in great abundance?’ ; and after recovering strength they

went to Manar® ; and Joao de Mello, who was captain, gave

them a ship, in which they left for Cochim, and reached that

city on the 8th of January, ...... Simao de Abreu de Mello,

+ As they kept near to the seashore they had to cross the mouths of

the various kalapu or backwaters as well as of the numerous rivers.

* The manuscript by an oversight omits “and he went back ......

consoled.”’

3 This would be at the beginning of January 1588. Perhaps by the

* some villages ’’ are meant Mullaittivu and its adjacent villages.

* This statement is difficult of credence. The king of Jafina reigning

at this time was anything but a friend of the Portuguese ; and a few

years later (in 1591) a Portuguese force under André Furtado de Men-

doca landed at Mannar, marched on Jaffna, and defeated and killed

the king and his heir, the second son being set upon the throne as a

vassal of the king of Portugal (see infra, pp. 393-4). I rather think

that it must have been some underling of the king’s who showed kind-

ness to Simao de Abreu’s company. i

* Whether by sea or by land does not appear.

362 - JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Von. XX.

after giving the letters for the kingdom’, left for Goa, and gave

the viceroy and the city the news of the victory, ...... With

this good news the viceroy was relieved and better able to

attend to the affairs of Ceilao : and he at once ordered to press

forward with the fleet of Manoel de Sousa, which was to go in

succour.

Dre. X., Bix’, CHare xu

Of the cvents that occurred during this time in Columbo:

and of the assaults that Raju delivered on that fortress : and

of what took place therein.

Joao Correa de Brito, knowing that Raju was cast down at

the little that he had effected in that siege, and at the great

damage that he had received from our people, endeavoured to

break his spirit altogether, and to drive him to desperation by

waging war upon him in all his ports, to which end he ordered

Thomé de Sousa de Arronches to go with six ships and four

tones beyond the point of Galle, and destroy the whole coast

on the other side, without leaving anything standing. The

captains who accompanied him in the ships were, his brother

Diogo? Alvres, Diogo Gonsalves, Miguel Ferreira? Baracho,

Belchiort Rebelo, and André Botelho. In these ships went

one hundred and ten Portuguese, and in the tones sixty las-

carins, and the captain of these was Diogo? Pereira arache.

Of this armada Raji was soon advised : and fearing that it

would do him gréat harm in his ports, and also because in

truth he was weary of the war, he sought to sound the captain

in order to see if he would offer him peace, which he desired

greatly ; and as all these heathens live by opinion, considering

that it was to his prejudice, there being in his camp the am-

bassadors of several kings, friends of his, with whom he

desired to maintain his credit®, without telling what he had

determined, save to one person, beyond whom the secret of

that affair was not to go, he sent by him to throw some olas

1 Letters he had written to the king of Portugal) announcing the victory

at Johor: the homeward-bound ships were on the point of leaving Cochin.

2 Both the manuscript and the printed edition have “‘ Diogo ”’ for

‘** Rodrigo ”’ (cf. supra, X. X. v., p. 328, and p. 370 below).

3'The manuscript has “ Ferrao.”

4 The manuscript has “ Balthezar.”’

° Both the manuscript and the printed edition have “‘ Diogo”’; but

in chap. xv. below he is twice (pp. 370, 375) called ‘“‘ Domingos.”’

6 Who these ‘‘ kings’”’ were, we are not told: they were probably

ome of the rajas of Southern India.

No. 60.—1908.] courTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 363

into the fortress with arrows, in which he begged the captain to

send him Hieronymo Bayao, as he had a matter of importance

to treat of with him!'. He conducted this business in

this secrecy, in order, if the captain sent this man, to make

the ambassadors believe that he had sent him to ask for peace,

and that he begged him for mercy ; and if the captain desired

to make, it?, a way would thereby be opened up for that.

These olas were found and carried to Joad Correa, who did not

fail to see through the subterfuge of Raji, and in order to

humiliate him did not reply to him to the purpose: affronted

by which, he determined to deliver a general assault upon the

fortress, for which purpose he got ready his whole force, and

used every expedient that he could, and on the 10th of January

of this year 1588, upon which by the divine favour we enter,

in the daylight watch® he appeared in great silence before our

fortress, and completely surrounded it, having divided the

bastions and posts amongst his modeliares, who already knew

the parts that they had to attack: and so at one and the

same time they came and set up the ladders against them,

because Raji’s intention was to see if his men could find some

post so unprepared that by it they could enter the fortress.

_ And this was done with so little noise, that they were not

perceived until they had already ascended the ladders, and

the first part where they showed themselves was the post ot

Joao Caiado on the bastion of Santo Estevao, and in the

couraca, where was Dom Luis Mascarenhas. These awakening

seized their arms, and hastened to the defence at the moment

when the enemy had just thrown inside some pots of powder ;

and well they paid for it, for these captains harried them, and

made many of them lose their lives, and the remainder their

pride. In the other parts where they also appeared they

found our men already with their arms in their hands to

impede them. The turmoil was soon heard throughout the

whole fortress, and the captain hastened to the bastion of

Madre de Deus in order thence to provide for everything ;

and Bernardim de Carvalho with his soldiers went hastening to

the parts that seemed to them most in need, and the same did

Nuno Alvres Datouguia: and in such manner did our men

make the enemy experience that boldness, that with a few

blows they threw them down from the ladders cut to pieces, and

all so harried that they did not dare to attempt the ascent,

* Cf. supra, pp. 321, 358.

2 The printed edition has “if the captain failed to make it,” which

appears incorrect.

_ 8 By a stupid error the printed edition has “* in the watch (or quarter)

of the moon.”

364. JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

and withdrew leaving many dead and burnt at the foot of the

bastions and posts. Raju was greatly exasperated at this,

and determined to batter the fortress, and to knock down

all the walls, for which purpose he commanded to be brought

many pieces of bronze artillery and some that threw balls of cast

iron of forty-four pounds weight ; and levelling them against

the bastions of Sad Goncalo and Sad Miguel, he commenced

to batter them for three days continuously, without doing

more than knocking to pieces the roof of the bastion of Sad

Goncalo. This uproar created fear in the miserable folk, who

had never seen another such earthquake.

This last day of the battering was on the 15th of January, and

until the 27th he made preparations for delivering another

general assault, into which he determined to put all his

strength: and so on that day in the daylight watch he com-

manded to attempt’ the bastions of Sad Gonsalo and Sao

Miguel from the direction of Mapano, and the rest from other

directions. This onset was one of great determination, and

accompanied by such great reverberations, shouts, and,

screams of the elephants, that it seemed as if the world were

being dissolved. The captains of the posts on hearing the

noise at once took their arms in their hands and prepared to

receive the enemy. The elephants came to the walls of the

bastion of Sad Gonsalo, which were of mud, and threw their

trunks upon them to pull them down; but our people cast

upon them so much fire that they made them withdraw. On

the bastion of Sad Sebastia6d the attack was greater, because

it was taken in hand by the captain of the atapata or king’s

guard, with all the troops under his command, who were

picked men, and with Raji’s banners. Here the trouble was

great, because our lascarins on seeing near the bastion those

banners and devices immediately lost heart and began to

retire. At that moment there arrived there Nuno Alvres

Datouguia with his soldiers ; and seeing the strait in which

that bastion was, he threw himself into it and secured it,

fighting with great valour and encouraging all to do the same.

The captain of the fortress had the captains of the rounds

distributed throughout all parts in order to advise him of

what happened ; and for everything of which he was advised

he at once provided with much care. Bernardim de Carvalho

and Joad Caiado de Gamboa with all the fidalgos and captains

that were with them assisted in their positions those that held

them, and the others wherever they thought there was the

oreatest need. In the bastion of Sad Gonsalo fighting went on

very vigorously, because upon it fell the weight of the enemy

1 The manuscript, by the copyist’s carelessness, omits a line here.

No. 60.—1908.] couTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 365

and the elephants ; and it pleased God that a falcon was dis-

charged from the bastion, which was so well aimed, that it

killed three elephants and wounded six very badly, as it car-

ried a cartouche of stones. So that in all parts they harried

the enemy, both with arms and with fire, in such fashion that

only through shame and fear of Raji they did not withdraw’.

In the bastion of Santiago, the captain of which was Antonio

Guerreiro, and in the ravelin that was above the point?, in

which was Paulo Pimenta’, there was very great danger,

because it was attacked by several modeliares with a large

force ; but they defended themselves very valorously, al-

though the ravelin was in great straits, and the report spread

that the enemy had entered by it, upon which Dom Gilianes

de Noronha hastened with his soldiers, and placed himself

above the gates, because some elephants were there, placing

their foreheads against them in order to force them in, and

with fire-lances our men burnt them and made them with-

draw and turn upon their own people, whom they went tread-

ing under with the pain of the fire. And not to particularize

so many things, or to name in particular all the captains and

soldiers that did heroic deeds, because all did so much that

there would be something to write of them, we shall pass

over this, because the glory was.everyone’s, and all did so

much that after the battle had lasted two hours they made

the enemy withdraw disorganized, defeated ; and when the

morning dawned, everywhere our people saw the whole plain

strewn with dead bodies, and it was affirmed that nearly a

thousand were those that perished in the battle, besides. the

wounded, who must have been many. The enemy having

withdrawn, the captain ordered all the bastions to be decked

with flags, and the artillery to be discharged, and the bells

rung out in token of victory, because only one man was lost.

With this Raju was reduced to utter despair, and thought

that the idols were offended with him; and presently when it

_ dawned our people found inside the city and on top of the

houses a great quantity of pots with the matches alight,

without their breaking when thrown on the hard ground,

the which was ascribed to a miracle; and both for this and

for the victory all gave many thanks to our Lord.

' The printed edition erroneously reads “‘withdraw from the bastion,”

é&c., and has a semicolon after “‘ Guerreiro.” I follow the reading of

the manuscript.

2 The manuscript has “above the gate.”” This being the only mention

of the ravelin, I am uncertain as to the “‘ point’? above which it stood.

% Paulo Pimenta de Bulhao, one of the knights that came from Goa

with Joao Caiado de Gamboa (see supra, p. 353).

366 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XX.

Dec. X., BK. x., CHAP. xiv.

Of the matters for which Dom Paulo de Lima made provision in

Malaca before leaving for Goa: and of how the viceroy sent

Manoel de Sousa to Ceilaé : and of what Thome de Sousa de

Arronches did in the villages of Raju.

By the ships that left Goa at the end of the past September, ~

as we have already said!, which arrived at Malaca at the begin-

ning of November, Dom Paulo de Lima received letters from

the viceroy, in which he requested him to make haste and rid

himself of the affairs of that fortress as quickly as he could,

and to go with ali his armada to Columbo, in order, with the

captain of the city and whomever he should send in succour, to

attack the enemy, and that in Columbo he would find full

instructions regarding what he had to do. On the setting in

of the monsoon?, Dom Paulo set about concluding the affairs

of that fortress, ........ ; and making temporary arrange-

ments in connection with all other business, he took leave of

the city on the 24th of January, in which we now are, and set

sail, having given orders to all the captains of his armada that

if they got separated fiom him they were to go® and wait for

him.at Columbc, whither he was to go, the viceroy having so

commanded him, and they went pursuing their voyage, of

which we shall give an account further on’, in order to return

to the affairs of Goa.

Manuel de Sousa Coutinho having returned from the coast

of the north, as we have said®, the viceroy at once equipped him

for going in succour to Ceilao, and dispatched him with full

instructions that he gave him: and the chief was, that as soon

as he reached Columbo he was to wait for the armada from

Malaca, in order, with the captain of the city and Dom Paullo de

Lima, in whose judgment and courage and good fortune he

had great confidence, to attack the enemy and raise the siege

of that city, without there being amongst them any precedence,

all of them observing the decorum that was due to each, to one

as captain-major of that succour and to the other as captain of -

that city, all of which he left to their prudence, because in any

other way would be lost so great an opportunity as that which

was expected from that expedition, in which lay the retrieval

1 See supra, p. 335.

2 See supra, p. 353, note °.

3 The printed edition has “ that they were to separate from him and

Onn

* Couto does not exactly fulfil this promise, only informing us in

chapters xvi. and xvii. below (pp. 377, 385) of the arrival at Columbo of

the ships.

5 See swpra, X, X, X1., p. 354,

No. 60.—1908.] coutTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 367

of that fortress and of the whole of India. All being ready

and in order, the viceroy caused Manoel de Sousa to set sail

on the 4th of February with two galleys, in one of which went

the captain-major, and in the other Dom Jeronimo Dazevedo,

and sixteen foists, the captains of which were Diogo de Sousa,

Clemente Daguiar, Ambrosio Leitao, Nuno Alvres Pereira,

Simao Rolim, Fradique Carneiro, Manoel de Macedo!, Simao

Brandac, Pedro Velloso, Joao de Sousa, Manoel Cabral da

Veiga, Miguel da Maia, Manoel Froes, Francisco Martins

Marinho, Gonsalo Fernandes Coutinho, and Dom Felipe

prince? of Candia? : in all these ships there went six hundred

men, all picked soldiery of India, and many young fidalgos

reimnoes*. Having set sail, they went pursuing their journey

with fair weather, on which we shall leave them® in order to

continue with other matter.

Thome de Sousa de Arronches having set out from Columbo

with the six ships and four tones to wage all the war he could

along the whole coast of Ceilao®, the first place at which he

disembarked was one called Coscore’, which they burnt,

and captivated eleven persons, among whom was a Chingala

young woman lately married; and after having completed

their work they embarked. Being on the point of leaving,

there came in great haste a sturdy Chingala man, who seemed

a rustic, and without waiting for anything got into one of

those ships in which that Chingala woman was ; and betaking

himself to her, they embraced each other with many tears’,

1 The manuscript, by an oversight, omits the names that follow,

down to “ Cabral.”

2 The manuscript has the absurd blunder * Pereira.”

* This is the only place in the Tenth Decade in which this man is

mentioned. Whether or not his flight from Kandy in 1580 was related

by Couto in his stolen Ninth Decade we cannot tell (see swpra, p. 258);

but that the lost Eleventh Decade contained a good deal about the

prince we may be certain (see infra, p. 389, note *).

+ “ Griffins,” in Anglo-Indian parlance (see Hob.-Job. s. vv. ‘* Griffin ”’

and *‘ Reinol’’).

° Couto returns to them in chap. xvi. (p. 376) infra.

® See the beginning of the preceding chapter (p. 362).

’ The manuscript has “ Coscori.” Kosgoda is meant.

8 In X. x. xi. (p. 358) we were told of a force under the command of

the arachchi Pero Affonso destroying Béruwala, Welitota, and other

places as far as and including Weligama. We shall now read of Thomé

de Sousa’s armada’s completing the work of destruction as far as and

including Dondra.

* The printed edition adds ‘‘ and lamentation.”

368 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XX.

upon which the captain of the ship hastened thither ; and

asking what that was, one who spoke the language told him

that that man was the husband of that woman, and that he

was not in the village when they captivated her; and that

hastening thither, learning that the Portuguese had carried

off his wife, he rushed like a madman to the vessels, and got

on board that in which he saw her, and caressed her tenderly.

The captain of the ship told the affair to Thomé de Sousa, and

as it was a remarkable thing, he went to see it with his own eyes.

and found them both embraced and uttering lamentations ;

and asking a Chingala Christian who was listening to them >

what that was, and what he was saying to her, he told him

that on that man’s coming to his wife he clasped her in his

arms in that manner, and spoke to her these words: ‘ God

grant that never may I, with you going captive’, remain free,

but that both may have a like fortune: be you captive of the

Portuguese, and I your captive, and for love of you, because

thus shall the captivity of both be easier and? more sufferable,

because love will alleviate for us its trials ;’’ and that she with

many tears answered him: “‘ Now that I see this, I count

myself the most fortunate of all the Chingalas: today you

have placed a crown on yourself, and on me a very strong

fetter of love and loyalty, which as long as I live shall hold me

a prisoner.” Thomé de Sousa was moved with pity at what

the interpreter said he had heard from them, and at seeing

that these two lovers were so wrapped up in their dalliances

him; and the captain astonished at that strength and con-

stancy of love in those two barbarians, and understanding well

that it was not any kind of love that made him do that, but a

very great force ot it, which was what made a free man of his

own accord offer himself to captivity, moved to pity by that

act, made them rise, and taking them by the hands ordered

to say to them: “ God grant that never might two such good

spouses, who loved each other so, be any more parted, nor

have greater captivity than the tie in which love had placed

them ; that he liberated them, that they might g0 happily

and might they live as long as God pleased in that agreement ”

and they understanding that through the interpreter threw

themselves at his feet, and said, ‘‘ that since he showed that

1 The printed edition has “ seeing you captive.”

2 The printed edition omits these two words.

’ The printed edition has “ captain-major.”” The reference may be

to either Thomé de Sousa or the captain of the ship in which the scene

occurred.

—

No. 60.—1908.] couTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 369

humanity towards them they likewise did not wish to show

themselves ungrateful for so great a favour: that of their own

free will they wished to go and live in Columbo, in order both

of them to serve him there and thereafter in. every place

whither he might go.” The captain ordered him to. remain

in the ship, and strongly enjoined on her captain to treat

them very well, and afterwards he made use of the husband

asa spy, in which he always found him very faithful, both

while he was there and afterwards in Columbo, where he

always lived.

Now let the poets fable as much as they like in order to ‘how

the world the great proof of love that many have made:

because these two barbarians surpassed al! that they have

painted, and all that they have put in hell, suffering anguish

for love ; and the incident when they told it to us caused us

such great envy ; and even aiterwards when we wrote this,

the tongue was dumb, the pen shrank, and the understanding

was embarrassed at not being able to extol it with that gravity

and style that so great and such unusual love merits: and

so we desist, because those smitten with love know better

ag to feel ae than we to write it.

Dec. X., BK. x., CHAP. xv.

Of the great assaults that Thomé de Sousa further made along

that coast: and of how he destroyed the city and pagode

of Tanevare'. |

Thome de Sousa de Arronches having left this village of

Coscore put in to another lower down called Madama”, which

he destroyed and put to fire and sword, and burnt two pagodes

that it had, much visited by pilgrims amongst them®. From

here he turned towards Galle, and disembarked at a place

called Guindurem! in the third watch of the night in order

to fall unawares upon Gale, which is one of Raju’s chief

- 1 The printed edition has “‘ Tancuarem.”’ .

2 Faria y Sousa (Asia Port. III. 1. vi. 17) has “‘ Madania.” Ap-

parently the place intended is MAdampé near Ambalangoda. tN

_ * These dagabas do not seem to be mentioned in thé Mahdvansa.

* The printed edition ‘has “ Guidurem,’’ and the manuscript

“Gurudurem.” Gintara (Gintota) is meant. The place seems to

have been of some importance in the twelfth century (see Mahdv.

Ixxv. 24).

2B 36-08

370 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoLt. XX

towns!, and from there dispatched his brother Rodrigo Alvres?,

Diogo Gonsalves, and Miguel Ferreira with eighty soldiers, and

with them the arache Domingos Pereira with his lascarins, and

ordered them to conceal themselves near the fort? of Gale; and

that when they heard a signal, which he was to give them from

the sea, they were to attack the fort. These captains were

guided by two spies whom they captured, and whom they

took with them in leash ; and before reaching the fort they

hid themselves, and let themselves remain in perfect silence.

Thomé de Sousa soon came with his armada and cast anchor

at the point of Gale; and a little before daybreak he dis-

embarked on land with all the rest of the men that he carried,

and gave a signal by means of some bombard shots to those

that were in hiding, who on hearing the signal attacked the

tranqueira from the inland side, and Thome de Sousa attacked

the other, because the tranqueiras are like two bastions, which

run from one to the other. And taking the enemy by sur-

prise, although they experienced great resistance from them,

the tranqueiras were entered, and many of the enemy killed,

and all the rest fled whithersoever they could, leaving the

tranqueiras in the hands of our people, who remained there

three days, during which they burnt the town, which was

very large, and in which were several warehouses of goods :

and they also cut down all the oarts and palm-groves that

were round about it, and all the boats that were beached,

and leaving everything destroyed, reduced to dust and ashes,

they demolished the tranqueiras, and burnt them, and re-

turned to the vessels laden with prizes ; all of which they did

without its costing them more than some wounds.

1In the wholesale extermination of Christians and destruction of

churches, &c., in the coast towns on the south-west of Ceylon by Vidiye

Raja in 1554-5, as related by Couto on p. 170, supra, the Portuguese —

settlement at Galle, of which we were told on p. 145, appears to have

come to an end, and the place to have reverted to the sole occupation

of the natives. From 1587 onwards we find King Philip writing to the

viceroy of India on the advisability of building a fortress on Galle point

and having a fleet of eight foists cruising about there in order to keep the

course clear, Raja Sinha being reported as having some armed ships

there for the purpose of attacking Portuguese vessels coming from

Bengal and the Further East (see Arch. Port.-Or. iii. 108, 217, 255, 373).

It was not until 1595, however, that a fort was erected (see infra,

p- 404).

2 The manuscript has ‘“‘ Gonsalves.”’

® This was a Sinhalese fort, or stockade, erected, probably by Raja

Sinha’s orders, to prevent the Portuguese from once more obtaining &

footing in Galle.

No. 60.—1908.] covuTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 371

And as the captain-major determined to fall unawares

upon the city of Beligas!, which is four leagues from there,

he ordered Miguel Ferreira with his soldiers and the araches

with their lascarins to go thence from Galle by land along the

sea always in sight of the ships; and Thomé de Sousa went

following the course of the seashore until they reached the

city in the daybreak watch; and those that had gone by

land attacking it, and Thomé de Sousa, who immediately

disembarked, on the side facing the shore, and taking the

enemy unprepared, the city was entered, and at once set on

fire, that our people might not be impeded, the greater part

of which was consumed, and the inhabitants withdrew? and

fied inland. There our people remained that day making

search in the city, in which they found some prizes®. At

night Thomé de Sousa ordered the same Miguel Ferreira

to go in his ship up the river, and fall unawares by night upon

a village, to which those that escaped from Beligad had re-

tired*. Having arrived there, Miguel Ferreira went to attack ; —

but as they were already on the alert, and there were some

Moors there, he found such resistance of bombard and firelock

shots, that he was forced to return to the armada. Next day?

Thomé de Sousa went with the whole armada up the river,

and in the daybreak watch attempted the disembarkation,

giving the van to his brother Rodrigo Alvres and the araches ;

and having got on land, although there were many bombard

shots, they attacked a tranqueira that stood at the entrance to

the village, in which were the Moors ; but our men by dint of

firelock shots and cuts entered it, and the Moors retreated tc

a bridge® that lies across the river in order to bar the passage

to our people, who went after them, whereupon they had a

very sharp fight, in which many of the enemy were killed, and

in spite of them they drove them thence, and captured the

bridge from them, and went following in pursuit of them for

the space of half a league. They being totally defeated, our

people entered the village, in which they found three houses,

one full of iron, which they threw into the sea, and the others

i The manuscript has “ Biligas.”’

The printed edition has “‘ desprezdram’”’ (despised), an error,

apparently, for despeyjdram. The manuscript wants these two words.

* That they did not get more was due, doubtless, to the fact that only

four years previously the town had been burnt by the Portuguese under

Pedro Homem Pereira, much valuable merchandise perishing in the

flames.(see supra, p. 266).

4 C}. supra, p. 265, note ?; p. 266, note °,

® The manuscript omits these words.

* The printed edition has “ point.”’

ZB 2

372 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). | [MouyXexe

of saltpetre and cables and cordage, to all of which they set

fire in order that they might not benefit the enemy.

Here they remained several days, during which they deli-

vered some assaults on the neighbouring villages, to which

they did great damage: and having done this , they proceeded

to the river of Melipu'. which was further on, in which they

disembarked, and captured a tranqueira’, and set fire to the

villags%, which was entirely abandoned to them. And as the

city of Mature, which was half a league up the river, was very

prosperous. in merchants and goods*, he thought to give the

1 The manuscript has ‘‘ Miliseu,’”’ and the printed edition “ Meliseu,””

which I have altered to ‘“‘ Melipu,” the name by which, in Portuguese

and Dutch times, the Nilwal4-gaiiga seems to have been known (see

Val. Ceylon 33, 36; C. Lit. Reg. v. 116). The origin of this name I do

not know: perhaps it is Sinh. mili (black, dark, or dark blue) + wpul

(lotus), or nilipul (blue lotus).

2 Tennent, in his well-known work on Ceylon, has, when dealing

with the Portuguese period, committed many gross errors, owing to

his ignorance of the Portuguese language. One of the worst of these

occurs in his remarks on this passage in Couto. He says (Ceylon ii. 434):

—‘ They [the ‘‘ Malabar ” invaders] do not appear to have molested or

wantonly destroyed the village tanks ; (in fact, the only recorded in-

stance of the deliberate destruction of works for irrigation was by the

Portuguese in the sixteenth century) ;”’ to substantiate which asser-

tion he appends the following footnote :—“ This event took place dur-

ing the siege of Colombo by Raja Singha II. [szc], a.D. 1587 [stc], when

Thomé de Sousa d’Arronches was dispatched to make a diversion by

ravaging the southern coast of Ceylon. De Couto recounts, amongst

other atrocities then perpetrated, that after sacking the town of Belle-

gam, a party was sent [sic] to a river which he calls the Meliseu, where

they halted [sic] and destroyed the water-courses for irrigating the rice-

lands [!!!], ‘no qual desembarcéram e tomaram huma tranqueira.’

Asia, dec. x., ch. xv., vol. vi., pt. 2, p. 652 ; Faria y Souza [sic], Portu-

guese [sic] Asia, vol. ii., p. 53.’ The statement in italics, I may say, is

so printed in the fifth edition of Tennent’s book, the earlier editions

having “ and destroyed the tank ;” and the quotation of Couto’s ipsis-

suma verba only makes Tennent’s statement more ridiculous. The cita-

tion in evidence of Faria y Sousa (the reference is in reality to Stevens’s

translation) is a piece of carelessness or of dishonesty, since that writer —

says absolutely nothing of the incident.

° This village I cannot identify.

* Matara does not seem to be mentioned in the Mahdvansa. The

earliest reference in the Rdjdvaliya is apparently that on p. 83 detailing

events of the year 1555; and on p. 86 of the same history we read of

“strong fortresses’ being built (circa 1558) by the Portuguese and

Dharmapala’s forces in the “‘ Matara district.”” These must have been

abandoned soon afterwards.

No. 60.—1908.] covuTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 373

soldiers a sack!, and one day in the daybreak watch he went

and attacked it ; and although they met with great resistance

they. entered it at the cost of the lives of many of the enemy,

and the captain-major ordered it to be set fire to in several

parts, whereby the greater part was consumed, after the

soldiers had sacked what seemed best to them, and inside it

they burnt three very handsome pagodes and a house full of

cinnamon, and captivated one hundred and ten persons, and

burnt a vessel of three hundred candis that was in the river.

Having done this, they returned to the vessels, without having

lost more than one soldier, for whom no one in the fleet could

account, nor was it known if he had been killed, or if he had

remained in the houses in order to loot’.

And as our people continued victorious, they were not

willing that there should escape the pagode of Tanavar? half a

league from this city, the most celebrated and most resorted

to by pilgrims of all in the island, excepting that of Adam’s

Peak’, the which in structure resembled a beautiful city,

having a circuit of a full league’. The body of this pagode

was very great, all vaulted above, with much workmanship,

and around it many most beautiful chapels, and above the

principal gateway it had a very high and strong tower, with

the roof all of copper gilt in many parts, the which stood in

the midst of a square cloister, very beautifully and finely

wrought, with its verandas and terraces, and in each square

a handsome gateway for its entrance, and all around was full

of flower-pots, delicate flowers, and fragrant herbs for their

pagode® to enjoy himself with when they drew him in proces-

sion’ along that way. This pagode has within the enclosure

very fine streets, in which live persons of every occupation,

and the chief of these is of women dedicated to the service of

1 The printed edition has * surfeit, ee

2 We shall hear of him again at the end of the chapter.

8'In printed edition 7 Renee.” * Cf. supra, V. VI. iii. (p. 118).

5-See supra, p. 33, note® The description that follows is of.

value, in view of the Hosenrcsion of this famous temple. A comparison

of this description with that in the Paravisandésa, which depicts.

the place as it appeared in the first half of the fifteenth century (see

Alwis’s Des. Cat. 219), would be of interest. Ibn Battita, who visited

Dondra in 1344, gives a very meagre description of the temple, probably

because of his being a Musalman (see C. A.S. Jl. 1882, Extra No. 55-6).

‘* Here the word pagode is applied to the idol (in this case that of

Vishnu), the Portuguese and other old writers using it in both senses”

(see Hob.-Job. s.v. ‘‘ Pagoda ”’).

* Towards the end of the chapter the car in which the idol was s drawn

about i is described.

374 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (VoL. XX.

the pagode. On account of the sumptuousness of the work,

and according to what passes from mouth to mouth among the

old people, they affirm it to have been made by the Chins!,

and that in that city there dwelt a Chim, who was lord of all

that coast on the further side, and thus the pagode is of the

fashion of the varellas of China, and because of it this city is

largely populated and frequented by strangers, wherefore our

people surmised it to be very rich.

The captain-major embarked on the armada, and went

along the coast in order to go and attack it : and the same day

that he embarked there worked up a thunderstorm, which

broke accompanied by a cross wind, so furious that the ships

were well-nigh lost, and if it had lasted long (for it did not

exceed two hours) without doubt they could not have escaped.

The heathen lascarins who were embarked with the captain-

major in his ship, and some that served as spies, whilst the

tempest lasted set themselves to talk one with another, and

in such manner, that the captain-major observed them, and

asked what they were talking about, upon which a Christian

told him that those heathens were glad, because their pagode

had hastened to maintain his honour ; and that knowing that

the Portuguese were going to insult him, he had sent that

storm to chastise them. This superstition was a very ancient

one amongst them: for as that coast lies facing the cross wind?,

and the sea there is continually high, and some thunderstorms

work up, it happened sometimes when armadas of Portuguese ~

were going by there, that it was in conjunction with the

raging of these storms, upon which they withdrew from the

land and retired, wherefore that illusion remained of their

holding among themselves that the pagode arranged that, so

that the Portuguese armadas might not reach land : and this

was the cause of that city’s being so populated, they thinking

that there they were secure from the assaults of our fleets.

Thomé de Sousa, as soon as the Christian fascarins related

this to him, swore to destroy that pagode, in order to rid the

imagination of the heathens of that superstition’, so that they

might see how deceived they had been, and the little that their

idol could do: and so when the tempest was past, on the next

day in the morning he put in to land, and went ashore, giving

tThe printed edition has ‘“‘ Cherins.’”’ Barros also (p. 33) gives

eredence to this fable of a Chinese origin for Dondra. f

2 In place of ‘‘ facing the cross wind”’ the manuscript has “to the

cross wind of the west.”

The manuscript here. reads: “por tirar aquella abusad da jura

grauissima dos gentios e imaginacad ”’; but, as this does not seem to

make sense, [ have followed the printed version.

No. 60.—1908.] couro: HISTORY OF CEYLON- 375

the van to Rodrigo Alvres, and with them Miguel Ferreira,’

Baracho, and Domingos Pereira arache; and the first thing they

did was to attack a tranqueira that they had on the beach on a

hillock, the which our people took by force of blows to the hurt

of the enemy ; and leaving some soldiers to guard it, Thomé de

Sousa proceeded to march on the city, which they attacked with

great determination ; and the inhabitants, not trusting in the

guardianship of their pagode, on seeing the Portuguese aban-

doned the city, and betook themselves inland. Our people

proceeded to enter it without encountering any resistance, and

reaching the pagode broke open the gates, and entered it without

meeting with anyone to resist them, and went all round it to see

if they found any people ; and seeing that all was deserted,

Thomé de Sousa delivered it over to the soldiers that they might

do their duty : and the first thing in which they employed them-

selves was to destroy the idols, of which there were more than a

thousand of divers forms, some of clay, others of wood, others

of copper, and many of them gilt. Having done this, they

demolished? the whole of that infernal structure of pagodes,

destroying their vaults and cloisters, knocking them all to pieces,

and then proceeded to sack the storehouses, in which they

found much ivory, fine clothes, copper, pepper, sandalwood,

jewels, precious stones, and ornaments of the pagodes, and of

everything they took what they liked, and to the rest they set

fire, by which the whole was consumed. And for greater insult

to the pagode, they slaughtered inside several cows, which is the

most unclean thing that can be, and for the purification of which

are required very great ceremonies. And they also set fire to a

wooden car made after the manner of a towered house of seven

stories, all large and most beautiful, lackered in divers colours

and gilt in many parts, a costly and sumptuous work, which

served to convey the principal ido! on a ride through the city to

which likewise'they set fire, by which the whole was consumed.

Upon this our people retired laden with prizes, and from

there returned to Beligaé, whither chanced tc come that

soldier of whom we have said above that he disappeared

from them in Mature, who related that in going about the city

he lost himself, and on going to look for the vessels he found them

no longer there, and that until then he had remained hidden

by day, and at night had journeyed in search of the armada.

This man was welcomed by all, because they held him for

dead, and there Thomé de Sousa continued to cruise about,

until the captain of Ceilad ordered him to return’.

1 The printed edition has erroneously ‘‘ Fernandes.”’

4 The printed edition has “‘ despised.”

. * See the end of the next chapter (p. 379).

376 - JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX.

Drc. X., BK. X., CHAP. xvi.

Of how Manoel de Sousa Coutinho reached the coast of Ceilaé :

and of the great devastations that he went making along it

until arrwing at Columbo. |

Manoel de Sousa Coutinho having set out from Goa, as we

have said', went pursuing his voyage without stopping for

anything until he had passed the Cape of Comorim, and along

the coast as far as the Island of Jogues?, whence he crossed

over to the other side, and made landfall below Manar to-

wards Cardiva: from there he dispatched a swift vessel to

the captain of Columbo with a letter, in which he begged him

to send him the modeliar Diogo da Silva and the arache Pedro

Afonso with their lascarins in tones, as he was waiting for

them in the river of Cardiva in order to go destroying every-

thing from there to Columbo. sz

The letter reached Columbo in two days : and at once Joa6é —

Correa got ready a foist and nine tones, in which went eighty

Portuguese and the modeliares that he had asked for; and

having set out from Columbo they went and put in at the

Abilas of the Jogues*, and disembarked on land, and entered

the village and totally destroyed and burnt it, and from there

went to the bar of Chilao, where was a garrison of Raji’s troops.

And seeking to go ashore, they saw three banners with many

troops, whereupon they dissembled, and went on to a little

village, where they disembarked, and captured three blacks, —

from whom they learnt the condition of the village of Maripo?,

which was near, and of the people that were there, because

they wished to give them a great chastisement, for the evil

treatment that they had accorded to the men of a fleet that

was wrecked there in the time of the count Dom Luis de Ataide,

which was going in succour to Ceilad, the captain-major of

which was Diogo Lopes Coutinho’. And learning that they

could attack without risk, they did so, and in spite of the

inhabitants entered it and sacked it, killing several and

capturing alive forty-eight persons, and seven vessels laden

with salt, which they had all ready to carry to Rajt’s ”

1 See supra, p. 367.

4 See supra, p. 356, note 2

3 What Abzilad Besoin I do not know; nor can I identify this

place, which evidently lay on the coast, south of Chilaw.

4Marippu is the Sinhalese name for the village of Kattékadu,

which lies at the head of the Mundal lake (see M. Lit. Reg. iv. 157;

215).

5 See swpra, p. 257.

No. 60.—1908.] couTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. oT]

posts, where it is much valued, because in the whole island

there is none’. 7

From there they went foraying several ports until they

reached the deep sea, where they encountered the armada

and gave the captain-major a relation of the affairs of Columbo,

and of what they had done along the coast, and how the city

of Chilao was garrisoned and fortified?. Manoel de Sousa at

once proceeded to anchor in front of its port, and ordered

Dom Jeronimo Dazevedo with four hundred men and the

araches with their lascarins to disembark, which they did.

attacking two tranqueiras that the enemy had, with such

impetuosity that they straightway abandoned them with the

loss of several killed ; and our men penetrated four leagues

inland, making great havoc amongst them ; and when they

had completely hemmed them in they turned back again, on

the way falling upon many villages and hamlets, which they

burnt and destroyed, until they reached the city of Chilao,

which they put to fire and sword, not sparing anything,

without all this costing more than two of our lascarins. In

the river were more than fifty pagueis® and many tones, and

other vessels, to which they set fire, leaving nothing standing,

there being burnt both in the city and in the vessels much

goods ; and leaving all destroyed, laden with prizes they

embarked, the captain-major going in his ship’s boat along

the shore, so that there might be no disorder in the with-

drawal.

Leaving here, they arrived at Columbo on the 18th of Feb-

ruary, entering the bay with their whole armada beautifully

bedecked with flags, and saluting the city with all the artillery |

and afterwards with the harquebusery several times, whereby,

although the number appeared very great, much greater did .

it appear in the ears of the enemy, who, on seeing that armada

arrive, saw well that troubles were in store for him, because

now there also began to come ships of Dom Paulo’s armada, |

since two or three days previously there had arrived the.

1 That is, no natural or rock salt. The Dutch, by taking possession

of the saltpans at Puttalam and Hambantota, were able to bring pres-

sure to bear on the king of Kandy when he showed Sere of hostility

(cf. Haafner in C. Lit. Reg. v. 93, 108).

* Since its destruction by the Christian king of Kandy in January

1565 (see swpra, p. 235) the city had been rebuilt, and was now better

prepared to resist an attack. In 159 -7 D. Jeronimo de Azevedo

began erecting a fort here (see infra, p. 404).

’ This is the plural of palgue, the Port. corruption of Wir. bagla (see

Hob.-Job. s.v. «* Buggalow ”’).

3/8 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (VoL. XX.

galleons of Dom Joa6 Pereira and Francisco da Silva, and the

foists of Dom Nuno Alvres Pereira and the galley of Dom

Pedro de Lima, and the day before the galliass of Matheus

Pereira de Sampaio, being already advised that Dom Paulo

de Lima was expected, who, he already knew, was coming

after being so victorious over a like king: whereby he was

alarmed, and became still more so when he saw such large

armadas, such rejoicings and salvos, because the city dis-

charged its whole artillery to welcome Manoel de Sousa, who

immediately disembarked with all the captains and soldiers,

being received on the shore by the captain, fidalgos, prelates,

and the whole populace with great joy, the pleasure that all ~

felt being shown by the embraces. Manoel de Sousa was

conveyed to his lodging, and his captains and soldiers

were distributed among the posts, and each one sought his

quarters.

On the following day Manoel de Sousa and Joao Correa

met in order to come to a decision regarding the affairs of

Raju, and sent a message to all the captains that were in that

city, prelates and monks to attend ; only Dom Joa6 Pereira, —

who excused himself, sending him word that he was a soldier of

Dom Paulo de Lima’s, and ought not to be present at a

council at which the latter was not present. And all having

assembled, Manoel de Sousa made them a short speech, the

substance of which was :—“‘ That from the very great experi-

ence that he had of Raju, of his malice and weakness, he

knew very well that he would not wait for the crossing of

swords ; and that when they least suspected it they would be

sure to find him flown thence and gone back again without

the chastisement that he deserved : that it would be well to

give it to him forthwith, and so great a one, that he would

remain as an example to all the kings of CeilaO to no more

attempt treason against that fortress, to which they owed

obedience and vassalage ; and that he assured them with the

divine favour of so great a victory as should remain a wonder

in the memory of all the kings of the East, whereby they

would be curbed, and we should always be feared and re-

spected by them ; and that if he were to depart from there

without the chastisement that he deserved, it would be not

only a great grief and pain to all that. had come with so great

willingness to join hands with them, but a shameful affront,

because then it would assuredly be said that through fear

they failed to attack him, and that he made a pretence with

his coming.” It was well understood that Manoel de Sousa

much desired to take part in that business without Dom

Paulo, that the whole of the honour might be his, because he

No. 60.—1908.| covutTo: HISTORY OF UEYLON. 379

_ could not rid himself of envy for so great a victory as God had

given him over Rajale : and that if God should grant him that

over Rajti the glory of it would all be his ; because by nature

he was ambitious of honours, and desired to be present on

occasions of being able to gain them!. Joao Correa de Brito

took in hand to speak on that matter, and said that the

viceroy, in addition to his instructions, in all his letters had

commanded him that that affair was not to be carried out

without Dom Paulo de Lima: that it was not known what

he might suggest; but that he likewise knew that Raju

would not await battle, but rather take steps to withdraw :

that he was of the opinion of Manoel de Sousa, that before he

raised his camp they should attack him, as without doubt

victory was in their hands. This opinion appeared to be in

- accord with that of Manoel de Sousa; but Joad Caiado de

Gamboa answered, that they had to vote on one of two sup-

‘positions, whether Raju was to raise his camp, or not : because,

if the matter of his determination was doubtful, it would be

well to wait for Dom Paulo, who could not be delayed longer

than the next day, since the viceroy had so commanded, and

that for this very reason Thomé de Sousa de Arronches, who

had in his armada very good troops, was cruising about

waiting for him ; that they should send out spies of confidence ;

and that when they had certain news that the enemy was

shifting his quarters, then they could set aside ali the instruc-

tions. The rest of the captains and fidalgos that»were there

voted for the same opinion, chiefly those of the company of

Dom Paulo, who spoke on that matter more at length : be-

cause, as they belonged to his command, and knew that all

that had been discussed was to the end to deprive Dom Paulo

of that honour, the matter having been debated, it was re-

_ solved that he should be waited for, and that they should

obtain information ; and that on receiving advice that Raju

intended to raise his camp, then they should attack him,

because in that way they would have the opportunity of

gaining a great victory over him, whereby the honour would

belong to all. And so they rose, incharging on the captain

the obtaining of information, who sent out his spies, all

getting ready, in order, on receiving the alarm, to go out

against the enemy, word being at once sent to Thome de

Sousa that as soon as Dom Paulo arrived he was to take him

in his swift ships and come to Columbo.

' Manoel de Sousa had offered himself as commander of the expedi.

_ tion against the kings of Achin and Johor ; but the viceroy had chosen

D. Paulo de Lima.

380 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

Dro. X., Br. x., CHAP. xvii. -

Of how Rajt secretly decamped, setting fire to the arrayal : and

of how our people went out against hum : and of what befell.

them during the pursuit, and of what happened besides. —

Raju,—seeing the arrival of Manoel de Sousa with so many

ships, and of part of the armada of Dom Paulo de Lima, who

was expected daily, and was coming after gaining a victory

over a king so great as the one of Ujantana!, and after destroy-

ing a city of his so powerful and strong and so full of troops

and artillery ; and calling to mind the harm that he had

received from us, before such great succours had come, and the

destruction that had been caused to him on one and the other

coast by the armadas of Manoel de Sousa and Thomede Sousa

de Arronches ; and that so great a force as had reached them

was not for the purpose of being shut up in the fortress’;—

picturing to himself his total destruction if he waited for our

people, took a resolution to withdraw, without telling anyone.

And ior the greater dissimulation he determined to deceive

our people and put them off, in order to be able to withdraw

in greater safety : and so forthwith on that day he commanded

to throw a letter into the fortress by means of an arrow, in

which he begged the captains to give him leave to send

ambassadors to them to treat of matters of importance, be-

cause he was undeceived, and saw that just as they had not

been able to capture Ceitavaca from him, so he could not

capture Cochim, not to speak of Columbo. This letter was

carried to the captains; and all having met in council, the

matter was debated, and they agreed that the ambassadors

be heard, as at least it would serve as a diversion until the ~

arrival of Dom Paulo de Lima. Upon this reply there came

to them three or four ambassadors with their attendants,

who were well received by the captains ; and the first thing:

that they asked was, that the artillery should not be fired

from the fortress as long as they were there ; and presenting -

their credentials, all the captains of the succours being present, |

they. said that their master Raju had commanded them.to-

say that he had a very great festival, which would come on-

three days from then, the which he was forced to celebrate

in Ceitavaca, and that during that time he would accept

terms of peace ; and that if not, there was no need to speak

of it.

1 This name is here, as in other places in the printed edition, incor-

rectly given as “‘ Viantana.’’ It represents Malay Ujungtanah (see

Hob.-Job. 8.v.).

No. 60.--1908.] couTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 381

_ At this juncture, before they had replied to them, there

arrived some spies that our people had sent among the enemy,

and said that Raji was shifting his quarters, as in fact was the

case: because as soon as the: ambassadors were inside, it

being now near nightfall, he commanded his baggage to be

removed, and gave orders to his modeliares to raise the camp,

he commencing to march, leaving the rearguard in charge of

Vijacon modeliar, the captain-general of his camp!, with the

men of his guard. Upon this news there began to be such a

great commotion amongst our people, that the ambassadors

became as if dumbfoundered, since they had not known

Raju’s determination. Without coming to a conclusion, the

captains, in order to secure the ambassadors from the soldiers,

so as not to break the faith that ought to be observed towards

all, ordered them to embark in a tone, that they might set

- them down in the direction of Calapete’, because if they sent

them out by the gates they ran great risk by reason of the

concourse that there now was.

Having dispatched them, all the captains assembled in

council in order to determine what they should do, and all

agreed that spies should be sent out ; and if Raju: were moving,

they should at once attack him, that he might not go off with-

out the chastisement that he deserved ; and having all armed,

they put themselves in battle array, in order, if necessary, to

sally forth and attack the enemy, and they arranged their

companies and captains after this manner. Manoel de

Sousa Coutinho with all the men of his armada and those of

Nuno Alvres Datouguia, which would be a thousand Portu-

guese, and all the araches and modeliares with their lascarins,

and as their captain Francisco Gomes Leita6, to go forth in

the van by the field of Sam Thomé, and at once proceed to

occupy the Quarry ; Bernardim de Carvalho with the men of

his armada, and others that were added to them, whereby were

made up three hundred men, to seize the lake road, in order

to go and take up a position on the point of the island ; and -

the captain of the city Joad Correa de Brito with the banner

of Christ, with all the men of his round and those that came in

succour from Manar and San Thomé, and those of Joao Caiado

de Gamboa, and all the armada of Dom Paulo (its captains

wishing to go with him), who exceeded five hundred men, had

to go in the rearguard. The alcaide mor Francisco da Silva

had to remain in guard of the city with three hundred men,

1 See supra, p. 292, note !.

2 This looks as if ‘‘ Calapete ”’ Secale represents Kollupitiya (cf.

‘supra, p. 283, note ’).

382 JOURNAL, RB.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou XX.

veteran casados, and others that were chosen for that purpose :

and they immediately distributed to everyone munitions in

abundance, intrusting the pots of powder and fire-lances to

strong and courageous soldiers, for them to undertake the

encounter with the elephants, giving orders to the alcaide mor

to have ready many munitions to be sent a little at a time, ves-

sels of water and things necessary for the aid of the exhausted,

and to have cloths, eggs, and other necessary things for

the dressing of the wounded that might come back, so that

nothing should be wanting. The prelates and monks distri-

buted themselves amongst all the embrasures with crucifixes ~

to encourage those that fought, and to confess those that had

need thereof. :

And having given orders regarding everything, it being

Saturday, the 21st of February, at nine o’clock at night, they

saw in the camp of the enemy great fires: and the cause

was, that as soon as he shifted his quarters he ordered it to

be put to all the tranqueiras, which burnt with great fury.

Many were of opinion that they should at once sally forth ;

but the captains, fearing that just as that might mean a flight

it might also be an ambush to entrap our men when in disorder, —

ordered the gates to be shut, sending out some spies, in order

to learn what was going on in the field: and the captain

Joa6 Correa went with the men of his battalion to the gate of

Sad Joao, whence he dispatched the modeliar Diogo da Silva

with his lascarins and thirty picked soldiers well armed, to go

and occupy the tranqueira of the mount’, and if they found

there any of the enemy’s soldiers they were to give him a

signal with three firelock shots; and he ordered Dom Joa6

Pereira to place himself with his soldiers and those of his

brother Dom Nuno Alvres, with his guidon, in the plain

outside in order to support them. The modeliar Diogo da

Silva went marching to the tranqueira of the mount; and

finding it still occupied by the enemy, gave the signal that the

' captain had ordered, which being heard by Dom Joaé Pereira,

in accordance with the orders that he had he went marching

towards them : and Diogo da Silva with his lascarins attacked

the tranqueira with great boldness, knowing of the support of

Dom Joa6 Pereira, who soon arrived, and with a few blows

it was entered, because the enemy vacated it. Our captains,

who were ready, at the signal of the firelock shots sallied

forth from the city in the order that had been arranged, the

van being led by Manoel de Sousa, who reached the tranqueira

of the first ditch, where there was still a large body of the

—————————————

1 See supra, X. IX. v. (p. 298).

No. 60.—1908.] CouToO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 383

enemy, whom they attacked with great fury; but as they

had raised their camp they set fire to the tranqueira and to all

that was in it, and took flight, and the same was done by those

in the other tranqueiras, Vijacon modeliar going in the rear-

guard rallying all the troops. Francisco Gomes Leitad and

the modeliar Diogo da Silva went following in pursuit of them,

having the support of Dom Joaé Pereira, who kept on sounding

a bastard trumpet in order to encourage them.

Vijacon modeliar, as soon as he reached the bridge of

Matacore’, finding that our people were following him, halted

by it on the other side, ordering it to be broken down in

great haste, in order that our people might not be able to

follow him. Those of the vanguard on reaching the bridge

on which they found that force of Raji’s atapata beat the

kettledrums, to which the trumpet of Dom Joao Pereira

replied, at which signal Manoel de Sousa Coutinho made

haste, some volunteers going in advance, such as Joaé Caiado

de Gamboa with thirty or forty? men, soldiers, and knights,

among whom Manoel Pereira do Lago, Domingo Leitaé

Pereira’, and others whose names we have not discovered, and

arrived at the bridge, on which they found Francisco da Silva

the Castilian, a casado in Columbo, Francisco Gomes Leitad,

and Pedro da Silva modeliar, maintaining the encounter with

the enemy with great valour and spirit, the leader being

_ Francisco da Silva, who like a lion was on the bridge at blows

with the enemy, and had killed two Chingalas of Raji’s

chief soldiers, gigantic men. Rajt’s captain-general turned

upon our people with such fury, that, overthrowing and

wounding ten or twelve, he drove them back from the bridge,

and this was the moment when Dom Joao Pereira arrived

with the rest of his company, and falling upon the enemy

they again won the bridge, which they crossed, and went

pursuing the enemy, who fled in disorder as far as the river

of Calane, which is nigh a league*, by very bad and intricate

roads, slaying and doing great havoc amongst them. The

captains with the rest of the army went as far as the part

where they halted ; and learning that our men were keeping

the enemy on the run at the double, and that Joao Caiado

was in advance, sent word to him that he was to perform the

office of captain of the van for the time, so that there might

1 See supra, p. 292, note ’.

2 The printed edition has “ three or four hundred.”

8 The manuscript by an oversight omits “do Lago ...... Pereira.”

4 This must mean from the fort, and not from the Dematagoda

bridge : even so, the distance named is an extreme one,

384 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX. ~

be no disorder : to which he sent reply that he was performing

the office of a soldier, but that he would do what he could

therein. Manoel de Sousa Coutinho forthwith dispatched

Dom Hieronimo de Azevedo to go and support those that

were engaged in fighting with the enemy. Bras Daguiar and

his brother Ambrosio Leitad and other soldiers and knights

that went in advance, following in the track of our men who

were pursuing the enemy, arrived at a place where the road

divided. into two, and it seemed to them better to halt in

that spot, so that the enemy should not burst forth by one of

those roads and make an attack upon the rear of our people

who had gone ahead, which was very discreet: and thus

there continued to be added all the soldiers that came there, -

until they formed a respectable body of them.

During this time there arrived at the port of Columbo

Thome de Sousa de Arronches with his armada, and Diogo

Soares de Albergaria, who coming along the coast, and seeing

fire in Raji’s camp, and guessing what it was, made such

haste, that they arrived at that instant with their men under

arms, and there arrived the captains who had been with all

the force at the bridge, having sent word to Francisco Gomes —

Leita6, field captain, not to go beyond the meadows of Vagore’,

as they had done, there being now no enemies with whom to

fight, they having entirely withdrawn: this would be. at

three hours after midnight, and they remained there until

the morning. Those that had gone in advance came returning

and? picking up all along the road many arms that the enemy

had abandoned in their flight ; and having reached the bridge

where the captains were they related how Raju was totally

routed : upon which all gave many thanks to God our Lord

for so great a favour as he had done them. From there

they returned to the arrayal, which was between the two

ditches that Raju had commanded to be dug in order to

drain the lake, where they went about examining the forts,

bastions, traverses, trenches, franqueiras, streets, and roads

that he had made for his defence, which was a thing of marvel,

because the work seemed to exceed human industry. There

they remained until midday, ordering to set fire to the tran-

queiras ; and as they had need of rest, they returned to the

city victorious.

Raju came off very badly from this siege, as it.cost.him

dear, and he lost in the course of the war more than five

1 Wéragoda ? ‘g \

* The printed edition omits (by an evident oversight) the words

FON DUOUH IY ies sig gle returning and.”

No. 60.—1908.]| couUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 385

thousand men, and five cities and many towns and villages

destroyed, and many ships captured and burnt, and much

artillery and goods, and above all his pride, ‘credit, and

reputation, which he bore with the neighbouring kings,

broken and abated, a thing that he felt most of all. Some

persons who have described this siege’ have added and

magnified many things more than took place, thinking that

thereby they would gain favour with the captain Joa6 Correa

de Brito, who was such a worthy knight, that he was satisfied

only with what in fact occurred. One of these asserts Raja

to have lost more than ten thousand men and a large number

of prisoners: there were many, but not so many as he has

said. On our side during the whole course there died twenty-

four Portuguese and eighty lascarins in war, and there were

more than five hundred of the wretched country folk that

_ died of disease.

On the following day, after the retreat of the enemy, Dom

Paulo de Lima arrived, and disembarking on land learnt

from the captains of the success that had taken place, at

which he was extremely rejoiced. And as everything was

done, and the weather served for their going to Goa, they

considered the providing of that fortress and the garrison

that they should leave in it; because as the enemy was so

near, on their turning their backs he might return, and give

them trouble once more: wherefore they went on with the

demolition of the fillings and bastions, ditches, and all the

rest of the enemy’s fortifications, all of which formed the

structure of a fair-sized city, over which they spent eight

days, in which they worked continuously, even to the captains

and monks. Joao Correa de Brito had spies in the city of

Ceitavaca, who each day advised him of what passed there,

and he learnt that Raji was so vexed and ashamed that there

was no one that dared to see his face. All having been

demolished, and orders given as to other things, they took

up the providing of that fortress, and resolved that there

should remain six hundred men under the banners of the

following captains :—Dom Luis Mascarenhas, Dom Gileanes de

1 Tt is tantalizing that Couto does not name these writers, whose

descriptions of the siege do not seem to have survived. ,Pedro Teixeira,

who accompanied Manoel de Sousa Coutinho to Ceylon, gives us no

details of the siege or of its raising (see Teix,, Introd. ix., 221, 235).

2 See Linsch. i. 78, ii. 197-8. The Rdjdvaliya (91-2) gives a very

curious story to account for Raja Sinha’s retreat, which it attributes

to jealousies between the two chief Sinhalese generals, saying nothing

of the Portuguese reinforcements.

aC 36-08

386 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX.

Noronha, his brother Dom Leao, Joao de Sousa Coutinho,

Simaéd Rolim, Ruy Pereira de Sande, Francisco da Silva, and

Thomé de Sousa de Arronches as captain of the sea with a

galley and six foists. This order having been given, and

leaving all the provisions, munitions, and money that they

thought necessary, they all made sail for Goa.

eee

Dec. X., Br. x., CHAP. xviii.

of how there arrived at Goa Manoel de Sousa and

Dom Paulo de Inma: ......

ate The viceroy was hourly expecting news from Ceilad,

whither his eyes were turned, because it was the thing that

then most worried him, since already from Malaca God our

Lord had brought him even better than had been hoped for :

that from Ceila6 was not long delayed, as in a few days there

arrived a swift ship, which those captains had dispatched

with it. The viceroy, learning from the letters of the favour

that God had granted, gave Him many thanks, and ordered

all the bells to be rung out, that the city might rejoice, and

he wrote at once to all the fortresses of the north that good

news, at which they greatly rejoiced. ...... Manoel de Sousa,

who was coming in a swift armada, arrived at Cochim, and

left at that city Dom Jeronimo de Azevedo in his galley, and

two foists besides, to meet the ships from China, and convoy

them as far as Goa, and he went visiting the fortresses of

Cananor and Canara!, and at the end of March reached Goa,

which he entered with his ships bedecked with flags and

branches, and the city received him with many festivities and

many salvos of artillery, with all the ships and galleys beauti-

fully dressed with flags ; and in the midst of the aldermen,

_ and accompanied by all the fidalgos that were in Goa, he was

conducted to the viceroy, who was awaiting him in the hall,

and there received him with many honours, spending some

time in praises of him and of all that took part in that affair’.

From there he retired to his house accompanied by a great

concourse of fidalgos and soldiers, and afterwards the viceroy

celebrated the victory, and rode through t the streets, having at

his side Manoel de Sousa.

cy K *% * % * *k

* ‘Teixeira describes his visit, on this return voyage, to Barselor, one

of the ports of Kanara (see Teix. 210-3).

* See Linsch. ii. 198.

No. 60.—1908.] couToO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 387

Dro. X., BK. X:, '\CHAP. xix.

* Bo *k ok e * ok

The viceroy being occupied in the dispatch of the affairs

of Maluco and Columbo, whither he dispatched a galliass

laden with provisions, munitions, and ten or twelve thousand

pardaos in money, of which there went as captain Pero Vas,

who left Goa on the 20th of April, shortly afterwards the

viceroy fell ill of certain fevers, that appeared not to be

dangerous, and of which little account was at the time made,

but as they were mortal, on the seventh day he departed this

present life on the 4th day of the month of May of this year

WSS s ....

“s * % 3 8 % ok

1 On the opening of the letters of succession, it was found that Ma.-

thias de Albuquerque was nominated as governor : but, as he had left

for Europe, the governorship fell to the next nominee, who was Manoel

de Sousa Coutinho (see Linsch. ii. 200-4).

Zic 2

388 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

[COUT O. |

DECADE XI.

1588-1596 a.p.

Portuguese Governors of India.—Manuel de Sousa Coutinho,

governor, May 1588 to May 1591; Mathias de Albuquerque,

viceroy, May 1591 to May 1597.

Sinhalese Rulers in Ceylon.—Dharmapala alias Dom Joao

Perea Pandar, 1551-97 (Columbo) ; Raja Sinha I., 1581(?)—92

(Sitavaka) ; Raja Surya, 1592 (Sitavaka); Dom Filippe,

1590(?), Dom Joao, 1590(?), (Kandy) ; Dom Joao d@ Austria

alias Vimala Dharma Surya, 1592-1604 (Kandy).

Tamil Kings in Jaffna.—Sangili, 15 272-91; Parardja Sékara

Pandara, 1b91—?%.

Portuguese Captains- Major of Ceylon.—Joao Correa de Brito,

1583-90 ; Simao de Brito, 1590-1; Pedro Homem Pereira,

1591-4.

Portuguese Captains-General of Ceylon.—Pero Lopes de

Sousa, 1594; D. Jeronimo de Azevedo, 1594-1612.

SUMMARY OF Events, 1588-1596.

[In view of the loss of Couto’s Eleventh Decade, and for the

proper understanding of the details given in his Twelfth

Decade, I have thought it advisable to give the following

summary of the events that took place in Ceylon during the

period covered by the lost Decade, 1588-1596, as recorded

by other writers. These, unfortunately, are sometimes at

variance with one another ; and I have not, in some cases,

been able to ascertain the actual facts. |

During the period under notice the centre of interest in

Ceylon shifts from the Portuguese fort of Columbo to the

Sinhalese kingdom of ‘‘ Candea ” (kandauda, the hill-country),

which acquires a predominance that it retains for over two

No. 60.—1908.] PORTUGUESE HISTORY OF CEYLON. 389

centuries. It has been told above! how in 1580 Raja Sinha

conquered Kandy and forced the king then reigning to flee,

and to seek the protection of the Portuguese at Mannar.

From this island he and his queen, his two sons and their

wives and children appear to have been sent to Trincomalee,

where the king died shortly afterwards, the other royal refu-

gees being thereupon brought back to Mannar?. Here the

younger son and his wife, it would seem, died within a short

space of time, leaving a young daughter*?, of whom we shall

hear more hereafter. The elder son, with his son, a boy of

seven or eight years of age, was taken by the Franciscans to

Goa to seek the favour of the viceroy, and becoming converts to

Christianity were baptized by the names of Dom Filippe and

Dom Joao respectively. This took place probably in 1586+,

and the two princes were accorded a suitable residence in Goa,

Dom Filippe being granted a pension for his sustenance’.

There we must leave them for a moment, in order to turn to

another personage who was destined to play the most important

part in the history of Ceylon at the end of the sixteenth and

beginning of the seventeenth centuries.

We have seen above® that among the Sinhalese who fled

from the tyranny of Raja Sinha to Columbo and took part in

the defence of the city during its siege was a young noble

named Konappu Bandara, who, professing Christianity, had

received the name of Dom Jodo d’Austria. Not long after the

1 See pp. 258-9.

- 2 See Col. de Trat. i. 226.

3 Cf. Rdajdav. 89.

* The Hist. Seraf., which records these facts, says (iii. 541) that they

took place in 1588: but, as we have seen above (p. 367), Dom

Filippe accompanied Manoel de Sousa Coutinho in his expedition to

Ceylon in February 1588, so that it seems certain that the prince had

come to Goa some time before. The baptisms also must have taken

place not later than 1586: for in a letter of 28 January 1588 (Arch.

Port.-Or. iii. 126) the king of Spain refers to the ‘‘ prince of Candia ”’

by the name of “ Dom Filipe.”’ Linschoten refers to the prince (not

by name), but does not say when he came to Goa (see Linsch. i. 78).

- Pyrard also mentions him, but confuses him with Dom Joao d’Austria

(seo Pyr. ii. 144).

® See Arch. Port.-Or. iii. 187, 203.

§ Page 294, note®.

390 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

raising of the siege this man had a quarrel with his companion

and brother-in-law Salappu Bandara, whom he seems to have

wounded, perhaps fatally. For this offence he was banished to -

Goa, where his success in ridding the city of a notorious

swashbuckler and bully, whom he killed in a duel, restored him

to favour!.

After their conversion to Christianity the two Kandyan

princes were persuaded by their Franciscan teachers to make

a formal donation of their kingdom to the crown of

Portugal, in case they should leave no heirs?. To a request

by D. Filippe that he might be allowed to go to Portugal,

King Philip of Spain sent a peremptory refusal ; but to another

request he seems to have been not so unfavourable : this was,

that D. Filippe should be sent with an armed force to regain

possession of his kingdom®. In 1589 D. Filippe was once

more residing in Mannar, and expressing his determination to

go to Kandy, the Romish priests encouraging him in his wish,

but the governor at Goa, Manoel de Sousa Coutinho, opposing

it’. By the following year, however, affairs in Ceylon had

taken a turn that caused the governor to change his mind.

It would seem that Raja Sinha, having recuperated his army,

was in 1590 once more threatening Columbo with another

siege’. On the receipt of this intelligence in Goa, the banished

mudaliyar Dom Joao d’Austria volunteered to go with a

force by way of Mannaér to Kandy, create a disturbance in —

the hill-country, and thus cause Raja Sinha to raise the siege

of Columbo®. Probably importuned thereto by the priests,

Manoel de Sousa appears to have consented to Dom Filippe’s

1 Rajav. 92; Mahdv. xciv. 1-3; C. Lit. Reg. vi. 333.

“2 Hist. Seraf. 11. 541; cf. also Col. de Trat.i. 226. (Seesupra, p. 261.)

3 See Arch. Port.-Or. iii. 126, 203.

* See Arch. Port.-Or, iii. 255. It is probable that after the raising of

the siege of Columbo in February 1588 Dom Filippe proceeded to

Mannar.

» The Rajdv. (92) is the only authority I have found for this state-

ment. The year I infer (see p. 392, note 2, injra).

° Rajdv. 92. Whether Konappu Bandara had any ulterior motive

in offering his services, it is impossible to say ; but I am inclined to

think that his real object was to gain the throne of Kandy for himself,

and that he laid his plans accordingly. —

No. 60.—1908.] PORTUGUESE HISTORY OF CEYLON. 391

accompanying Dom Joao d’Austria in this expedition on the

chance of regaining his father’s throne. Accordingly an

armada set sail from Goa, under the command of Joao de Mello

de Sampayo!, the former captain of Mannar’, for this island,

where a large force was landed, which, with as little delay as

possible, set out on the march for Kandy, there accompanying

it not only Dom Jodo d’Austria, but Dom Filippe, his son

Dom Joao, his wife and mother, and his retinue. Raja Sinha

attempted in vain to bar the way ; and the Portuguese army

with little or no opposition entered the hill capital and took

possession of it?. As soon as they had occupied Kandy the

Portuguese proclaimed Dom Filippe king, his son Dom Jodo

being sworn in as heir, while the mudaliyar Dom Jodo

d’Austria was appointed commander-in-chief of the native

army’. Dom Filippe’s reign was, however, of very short

duration®, his death taking place within a brief space of time®,

and his young son Dom Joao, a boy of twelve, being proclaimed

king in succession.

1So says the document printed in Col. de Trat. i. 226. A preceding

document, however, states (220) that the armada was commanded by

André Furtado de Mendonga, which is, I think, an error of confusion

(see below, p. 393, note °). Baldzus (Ceylon ili.), quoting a version of

this document, has the same error.

2 See supra, p. 305, notes * and °.

3 Col. de Trat. 1. 220, 226. The Hist. Seraf. (i11. 541) says that the

throne of Kandy was at this time occupied by a certain “‘ D. Fran-

cisco Vezugo,’’ who had rebelled against Raja Sinha—" this Raju, or

terror [rayo] of Christianity ” ; and that, on the entry of the Portuguese

into the city, this man, either through fear or from innate goodness,

peacefully resigned his position. Who this person with the “ fishy ”’

Portuguese name was, I have no idea, as I can find no other reference

to him. Baldzeus (Ceylon xi.) mentions a ‘‘ Visego Modeliar”’ as

governor of Negumbo in 1612.

* Col. de Trat. i. 220, 226; Bald. w.s.

®> The Hist. Seraf. says (iii. 542) that during his brief reign there

was a vigorous propagation of Christianity throughout the Kandyan

districts. Among those baptized at the court were the queen (Dona

Catharina), the dowager queen (Dona Maria), and many nobles of royal

_ blood.

6 The document in Col. de Trat. i. (220) and Bald. Ceylon iii., iv.,

ascribe D. Filippe’s death to poison administered at the instance of D.

Joao d’ Austria, who was enraged at not being made king.

392 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX.

Meanwhile, in anticipation of an attack from Raja Sinha,

the Portuguese had erected a fort at Gannoruwa!, and

garrisoned it with as many troops as could be spared from

Kandy. Feeling, however, that their entire force was wholly

inadequate to withstand an assault from Raja Sinha, and

perhaps suspicious of the fidelity of their Sinhalese allies,

they sent Joao de Mello and some friars under convoy to

Mannar for reinforcements. Ere these could arrive D.

Filippe had died, his son D. Joao had been proclaimed king,

and Dom Joao d’ Austria had taken advantage of the excep-

tional opportunity now offering to effect his purpose. He

therefore threw off the mask, declaring hostility to the Portu-

guese ; and the Kandyans, glad to be freed from both King

Stork (Raja Siuha) and King Log (D. Filippe). flocked to his

standard and hailed him as their leader. The Portuguese in

Gannoruwa were forced to vacate their fort ; and when Jodo

de Mello and the reinforcements arrived they found Kandy in

the possession of Dom Jodo d’Austria, and had to return to

Mannar, accompanied by such of their compatriots as had

not elected to serve under the new ruler?. At the same

time, or perhaps previously, the Franciscan friars escaped to

Mannar, carrying with them the boy king Dom Joao?, who

henceforward disappears from Ceylon history*.

1 Bald. Ceylon iii. The C. P. Gaz. (276) says that the earthworks of

this fort are still well preserved.

2 Col. de Trat. 1. 220-1; Bald. Ceylon iii. A royal letter of 15

February 1593, printed in Arch. Port.-Or. i1i (370), asks why Dom Filippe

was not succoured after being proclaimed king, adding, that from the

information sent it was impossible to understand what was the state

of affairs in the Kandyan kingdom. As no letters from India reached

Portugal in 1592 (see Arch. Port.-Or. iii. 367, 368), it is probable that the

events related above took place in 1590.

3 Col. de Trat. i. 227; Hist. Seraf. ii. 542.

4 His subsequent career is interesting. After being educated at the

College of the Kings in Goa, he and his cousin Dom Filippe of Sita-

vaka (see infra, p. 398, note ») were sent to Lisbon and then to Coimbra

to complete their education. At the latter place D. Filippe died in 1611

or 1612, and was interred in the convent of 8. Francisco da Ponte.

D. Jodo returned to Lisbon, whence he went to Madrid and took priestly

orders. He was well received by the king, who, in consideration of

his renunciation of his claim to the throne of Kandy, made him a

grandee of Spain, and conferred upon him a handsome pension. In

No. 60.—1908.] PORTUGUESE HISTORY OF CEYLON. 393

We must now turn for a while to another part of Ceylon,

namely, the kingdom of Jaffna, of which we have not heard

since the ignominious flight therefrom of D. Constantino de

Braganga in 1560!. The ruler of this peninsula, probably

encouraged thereto by the troubles in which the Portuguese

were involved in the Kandyan territories and in the vicinity of

Columbo, rebelled against the suzerainty (actual or nominal) of

the Portuguese?. When, therefore, Mathias de Albuquerque

returned to India in May 1591 as viceroy, one of the first

matters to engage his attention was the punishment of this

rebel king. Accordingly, on 15 August 1591, the famous

captain Andre Furtado de Mendoga? sailed with an armada of

- twenty foists for Ceylon, making first for the “ river of Cardiva”’

(Portugal Bay), where he destroyed the fieet of Cotimusa,

captain of the samuri, who had shortly before captured and

burnt a Portuguese ship coming from China under the com-

mand of Pedro Lopes de Sousa’. Thence he proceeded to

Mannar, where he was joined by Cosmo de Lafetar, whom the

viceroy had dispatched with two ships for the relief of Kandy,

with orders to André Furtado to furnish him with the necessary

troops’. The combined Portuguese forces, assisted by some

five thousand Christian Paravas who had fled to Mannar

_ from the tyranny of the nayak of Madura, marched on Jafina,

and completely defeated the king, who was killed in the conflict,

together with the hereditary prince, the commander-in-chief

of the army, and many nobles. Enormous booty of all kinds

Lisbon he founded a convent or oratory in Telheiras, where he died

and was buried in 1642, aged 64, his monument and portrait being

still preserved there (see Doc. Rem. i. 10, 106, ii. 239; Col. de Trat. i.

226; Ribeiro Fatal. Hist. 1. ix., and Le Grand’s trans.; C. A. S. JI.

xi. 591; Hist. Seraf. vi. 609-12; but especially the valuable papers

by the eminent scholar Dr. Sousa Viterbo, printed in the Arch. Hist.

Port. ii. and iii., entitled Relacées de Portugal com alguns Potentados

Africanos e Asiaticos and D. Jodo Principe de Candia).

1 See supra, p. 201, and cf. p. 260, note ?.

2 For the details here given I am indebted to the manuscript Vida de

Mathias de Albuquerque 1. xix. (see also Faria y Sousa, Asia Port.

- III. 2. viii., and C. A. S. Jl. xi. 515).

3 Afterwards governor of India for three months (1609).

* Of whom we shall hear later (see p. 399 et seq.).

° 'This probably explains the error referred to in note + on p. 391.

394 JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vor XX.

fell into the hands of the victors', including money, rich jewelry,

vessels, and artillery, much of the last bearing the arms of

Portugal. A younger son of the late king was set up as

successor to his father, André Furtado apparently remaining

until the kingdom was “ pacified,’ while Cosmo de Lafetar

proceeded with a large part of the troops to Columbo’, arriving

just in time to prevent the soldiers of that fortress, who had

for the second time mutinied against the captain, Simao de

Brito®, from deserting to the enemy.

What Raja Sinha was doing all this time we can only surmise.

As I have said above, he appears to have once more laid siege

to Columbo ; and on learning of the disturbances in the hill-

country and the assumption of authority by Dom Joao d’ Austria

he prepared to raise the siege*, meanwhile sending against

1 A royal latter of 10 March 1598, printed in Arch. Port.-Or. iii.

(863), refers to an inquiry into “‘ the facts of those inculpated in the

sack of JafanapataO among whom is André Furtado de Mendoga.”

In a later letter, however, of 10 December 1598 (Arch. Port.-Or. iii.

933), we read that the viceroy wished to send André Furtado to Ceylon

as general of the conquest, one of his reasons being ‘‘ because of the

natives of those parts fearing him on account of the good success that

he had in Jafanapatao ”’ (see infra, p. 421, note 7).

2 Faria y Sousa, who in Asia Port. II}. 1. ix. relates in a different form

events which he had already described in the previous chapter, makes

André Furtado go from ‘“ Cardiga”’ to Columbo and arrive there to find

the soldiersin revolt. The Vidade M. de Alb. says that Cosmo de Lafetar

carried with him the old queen and the little king of Candea, whom the ~

king of Jaffna had sought to kill: but I think this must be an error.

° This man succeeded Joa&éo Correa de Brito as captain of Columbo

in 1590, From a royal letter printed in Arch. Port.-Or. iii. (425) ib

appears that the viceroy had ordered Cosmo de Lafetar to remove

Simao de Brito from his post on account of the mutinies against him :

and this order seems to have been executed, the post being given to

Matheus Pereira, who, however, died before entering upon it, where-

upon Pedromem Pereira was appointed (see Arch. Port.-Or. iii. 425, 426).

4 The Rdjdvaliya (93) says that ‘‘ Raja Sinha having heard that the

hill-country was disturbed repaired to Sitavaka and chid Vikrama-

sinha Mudali,” from which we may infer that the latter was held

responsible for the peace of the Kandyan territories. The native

historian goes on to tell how, when Vikramasinha was attacked with

dysentery, poison was, by Raja Sinha’s orders, mixed with the medi-

cines, whereby the old general died (cf. supra, p. 273, note Sy

From a royal letter of 1 March 1594, printed in Arch. Port.-Or. iui. (426),

it would seem that Raja Sinha had once more (and for the last time)

sought for terms of peace with the Portuguese, which had been refused.

No. 60.—1908.| PORTUGUESE HISTORY OF CEYLON. 395

Dom Joao a large force under the command of Aritta Kivendu

Perumal, an erstwhile fakir from the Solian country, who had

been appointed Mannamperuma Mohotti!. Dom Joao and

his army, however, blocked the pass of Balané, thus preventing

the invaders from gaining access to the hill-country. Raja

Sinha arriving with the rest of the army encamped at Mavela?,

whence he dispatched.a large body of troops by way of Balané

and Kadugannawa ; but these were as unsuccessful as the

former, being beaten back by the army of Dom Joao, who

thereupon assuming the aggressive marched down at the head

of his army and encountered Raja Sinha in battle. The old

king, seeing the assumption of the insignia of royalty bythe man

whose father he had treacherously murdered, appears to have

lost heart, and given the signal for retreat?. Leaving Man-

namperuma Mohotti in command of Galboda kéralé and

Paranakuruva, he retired to the park at Petangoda, where a

bamboo splinter ran into his foot*,; causing a wound which

speedily mortified. Feeling his end approaching, he ordered

the royal barge to be prepared, and in this he was conveyed to

Sitévaka, where he soon afterwards died®. This took place

in the year 1592.

1 See Rajav. 93; Val. Ceylon 82.

2 In the Ganné pattu of the Galboda koralé.

3 See Rajavaliya 93-94; Bald. Ceylon iii.; Col. de Trat. i. 221.

4So says the Rajdvaliya. The document in Col. de Trat. i.

(221) and Baldzus (Ceylon i11.), as well as other writers, accuse Raja

Sinha of wilfully wounding his foot and refusing to allow it to be

healed. |

> That Raja Sinha died in Sitavaka there can be no doubt (the sen-

tence in Rdjdvaliya 94 is wrongly translated). As regards his age at

death there has been a great deal of misstatement, owing to an absurd

blunder of Valentyn’s, founded on a misreading of a statement in

Baldzus (see Mudaliyar W. F. Gunawardhana’s “ Raja Sinha I.,” in C

A. 8. Jl. xviii: 386-7, which, however, itself contains several errors).

_ According to the Vida de M. de Alb. 1. xxiii., at the time of his death Raja

Sinha had ruled the island for 38 years, that is from 1554 to 1592, the

former year (or 1555) being actually that when, as a youth in his

- teens, Tikiri Bandara first saw active service and obtained his title

(see Rajdv. gona. and c/. supra, p. 208, note ). Although, therefore,

I have spoken of him here as “‘ the old king,” he must have been well

under sixty years of age when he died.

396 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

On the death of Raja Sinha, his elder son! Raja Strya was

proclaimed king, a younger brother of the latter’s being

appointed by him governor of Beligal koralé?. How long

Raja Surya reigned is not very clear’®, but neither of the

brothers seems to have retained the respect or the affection of

the people, and they were both murdered, with the connivance,

we are told, of Mannamperuma Mohottiya and Raja Sinha’s

elder sister, the widow of Vidiye Raja’, who was residing at

Mattamagoda. After the two brothers had been got rid of,

the old princess and her orphan grandson, a boy five years of

age, were brought to Sitavaka, the child being made nominal

king, while Mannamperuma Mohottiya actually exercised

authority®. A Portuguese and Sinhalese force, which marched

from Columbo to Negumbo with the object of capturing a

fort that Raja Sinha had had in Alutkiruva®, was defeated

with great loss by Mannamperuma, and had to return discom-

fited’. Being a foreigner, it is only natural that Mannam-

peruma Mohottiya had many enemies in Sitdvaka, one of the

bitterest being the atapattu arachchi, who, to vent his spite

on his rival, set about ribald songs regarding Mannamperuma’s

former calling of fakir. These so much annoyed the Solian,

that eventually he forsook Sitavaka, and went to Columbo,

where he was welcomed by the Portuguese, King Dharmapala

conferring upon him the honorary title of Jayavira Baiidara®.

1 Or grandson, according to Val. (Ceylon 82).

* Rajavaliya 94.

5 The Rdjdvaliya (94) says “3 years’”’: but this is impossible.

4 Cf. supra, p- 176, where we read of her remaining in the hands

of the king of Jaffna after the death of her husband. When she left

there does not appear (cf. pp. 195, 203-4).

5 Rajavaliya 95.

6 The Rdjdvaliya (95) says it was at “‘ Orutota,”’ which was, perhaps,

the old name of Pérutota, near Pallanséna.

7 Rajdvaliya 95-6, where by the ‘‘ Moorish mudali called Pida Silla ”’

is probably meant Diogo da Silva (see supra, p. 276, note *). I have

no confirmation from Portuguese writers of the statement of the

Sinhalese historian.

8 Rajdvaliya 96. The Vidade M. de Alb. (1. xxiii.) says that Man-

namperuma, or “‘the modeliar Bica Narsinga,” as it calls him (cf.

supra, p. 225, note 8), fled from Sitévaka to save his life, against which

he learnt, plots were laid

No. 60.—1908.] PORTUGUESE HISTORY OF CEYLON. 397

A large number of the Sitavaka troops! accompanied or

followed Mannamperuma to Columbo: and at the head of

these, together with a force of Portuguese, he attacked and

captured, after a three months’ siege, the stockade at Raggaha-

watta?, afterwards assaulting the fortress at Kadudevola,

which, however, proved too strong for the assailants, who had

to retire baffled to Columbo. The foregoing events took place

in the years 1592 and 1593.

Karly in 1594? another force of Sinhalese and Portuguese,

under the command of the captain of Columbo Pedro Homem

Pereira, Jayavira Bandara, and D. Juliao de Noronha (who

had been sent by D. Jeronimo de Azevedo from the Malabar

- coast, at the instance of the viceroy, to aid in the conquest of

Ceylon 4), set out from Columbo with the determination to

capture Sitavaka®. The tranqueiras of Kadudevola and

Malvana were taken by storm, and, after a fierce resistance,

the fortress of Gurubevila had to yield, with great loss in killed,

wounded, and prisoners. The road thus lay open to Sitavaka,

1 The Vida de M.de Alb. (1. xxiii.) says “nearly three thousand

lascarins ’’; but a royal letter of 18 February 1595, printed in Arch.

Port.-Or. iii. (486), gives the number as “ 500 souls.”’

2 Rajavaliya 96. The royal letter cited in the previous note men-

tions the capture by the “ Mudiliar Bique Narcimgua ’’ and his men

with some Portuguese of the “ tranqueira grande’ (cf. supra, p. 286,

note *). This, however, seems to have been a misapprehension.

for the Kadudevola fort was not taken until the next year. Regarding

Raggahawatta see C. A. 8. Jl. xviii. 271-2 (note °°).

3 Probably at the beginning of March. According to Boc. (46) the

generals of Ceylon were accustomed to make two expeditions each year

against the Kandyan territories—one in March, the other in September.

4 The Vidade M.de Alb. int. xxi. states that D. Juliao was sent with

six foists, two hundred soldiers, munitions, and money in 1593; whilst

in I. xxiii. is recorded the departure of D. Juliao with the six foists,

soldiers, and munitions on 20 February 1594. But there can be no

doubt that it was in 1594 that the succour was sent, as the letter cited

in the two previous notes quotes the viceroy as writing in December

1593, that it had been decided in council to send two hundred soldiers

in succour; and we shall find that the expedition in which D. Juliaéo

participated took place in March—May 1594.

° For the details here given I am indebted to the Rdjdvaliya (97)

and the Vida de M. de Alb. (x. xxiii.). Im some particulars the two

accounts are discrepant.

398 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XX.

which made but a show of resistance to the advancing

army. Finding that the old queen had fled with her grandson!

to Denavaka?, carrying with her the royal treasures, Jayavira

Bandara set off in pursuit*, captured and brought back the

fugitives and the treasure, which was handled over to Pedro

Homem Pereira*, who seems to have shortly afterwards

returned to Columbo, taking with him the boy prince®, the

old queen, it would appear, having succumbed soon after her

capture’. Jayavira Bandara having been left in command

at Sitavaka, the Portuguese under D. Juliao de Noronha

returned to Columbo at the end of May, on the way encoun-

tering and defeating a body of Sinhalese under a “ rebel ”’

leader’, and destroying the dévalé at Navagomuva’, in the

ruin of which many natives perished. |

We must now return for a moment to Dom Joao d’ Austria,

whom we left victorious in the battle with Raja Sinha at the

foot of the Balané pass. Not desiring, and probably not —

1 The Vida de M. de Alb. adds to these a prince and princess, whom

T cannot identify.

2 The Vida de M. de Alb. has “‘ the city of Oivava,”’ which last word

appears to be a misreading for ‘“‘ Dinavaca.”’

3 So the Rdjdvaliya. According to the Vida de M. de Alb. Jo&o

Rodrigues Camello with two hundred soldiers also took part in the

pursuit.

4 The Vida de M. de Alb. says that the treasure exceeded one hundred

thousand pardaos, besides what Jayavira Bandara and his lascarins

stole and kept for themselves ; and that there were captured twenty-

four pieces of artillery and a large number of muskets, ammunition,

and all kinds of arms, which were recovered from the wells and cisterns

in which they had been hidden. A royal letter of 9 March 1596,

printed in the Arch. Port.-Or. iii. (617), acknowledges receipt of a

letter from Pedro Homem Pereira, in which the same sum as that given

above is named.

* Who henceforward disappears from Ceylon history. For his

subsequent career see swpra, p. 392, note *.

6 The Rajdvaliya (97) alone records her death, giving a very curious

account of the cause and manner of it.

7 Who this was, I do not know.

8 The Vida de M. de Alb., which alone records this act of vandalism,

has “‘the famous pagode of Nago,’’ which I identify as above. In

Valentyn’s map of Ceylon “‘ Nagam ”’ is shown, but erroneously on the

north bank of the Kelani. On Navagomuva dévalé see Return of

Architectural and Archeological Remains in Ceylon (1890) 2.

No. 60.—1908.] PORTUGUESE HISTORY OF CEYLON. 399

feeling strong enough, to follow up his victory by any incur-

sion into the lowland territories, Dom Joao retired with his

army to Kandy, where he was proclaimed king under the

title of Vimaladaham Surya!, the whole of the “five divi-

sions ”’ of the hill-country submitting to his rule?. Knowing

well that the Portuguese would not rest content until they

had expelled him from the throne he had usurped, and visited

him with the condign punishment due to a renegade, the new

king seems to have very wisely spent the next two years in

strengthening his forces and preparing for the inevitable

attack®. Seeing that he could look for no assistance

from the lowland territories, he opened up correspondence

with the puppet king of Jaffna, with a view to an offensive

and defensive alliance*; but this attempt, as might be ex-

pected, was very soon nipped in the bud by the Portuguese.

We now come to an episode in the history of Ceylon, in con-

nection with which a number of strange and seemingly ficti-

tious events have been recorded by several writers. In the

early part of 1594° there called at Columbo on his way to Goa

the outgoing captain of Malacca, Pero Lopes de Sousa ; who,

learning from the captain® of Columbo the condition of

-1The document printed in Col. de Trat. i. (227) says that as soon as

Dom Joao had got rid of Dom Filippe by poison he made himself

‘‘intruded king with the title of Septupelabandar.’’ What the first

part of this title represents, I am unable to say.

2 Rajavaliya 94-5.

’'The various authorities are silent regarding Dom Jodo’s doings

during the two years 1592-4, except for the fact recorded in the letter

mentioned in the next note.

4 This is referred to in a royal letter of 26 February 1595, printed

in Arch. Port.-Or. iii. (504).

5 The Portuguese ships left Malacca for India generally at the end of

December or beginning of January (see supra, p. 353, note *): we

should therefore conclude that the visit of Pero Lopes took place in

January or February 1594, were it not for the facts mentioned in the

next note.

__ § Ribeiro, who is the only writer that records the details here given,

says. (Fatal. Hist. 1. vi.) that Pero Lopes “ was well received by the

_ captain of the fort, Francisco da Silva,” and that it was with this man

that Pero Lopes discussed matters. Now, as we have seen above, the

captain of Columbo at this time was Pedro Homem Pereira: therefore

Francisco da Silva (either the alcazde mér of Columbo or the Castilian

400 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

affairs in Ceylon, promised to urge upon the viceroy the

importance of immediately dispatching to the island a force

sufficient, with that already there, to effect the conquest of

the Kandyan kingdom, wrongfully held by the usurper Dom

Joao Mudaliyar alias Vimaladaham Surya. This promise

Pero Lopes fulfilled as soon as he reached Goa; and the

matter having been discussed in council’, it was resolved to

send Pero Lopes himself with three hundred? men on this

enterprise, and that he should be the first to hold the office

of captain-general of the conquest of Ceylon. Accordingly,

in April 1594, Pero Lopes de Sousa set sail from Goa with an

armada consisting of a galley and eight foists well provided

with captains, soldiers, munitions, and provisions? ; and at

casado, both of whom are mentioned by Couto swpra, X. X. xvii.)

must have been acting during the absence of Pedro Homem. The

latter, as we have seen, was away from Columbo on the Sitavaka ex-

pedition from the beginning of March until about the middle of May, —

therefore either it was in March that Pero Lopes arrived from Malacca,

or else, if earlier, Pedro Homem was absent on some other enterprise

not recorded.

1 The curious details recorded by Ribeiro (loc. cet.) may have some

grains of truth in them ; but I cannot substantiate them. According

to Ribeiro, one of the conditions made by Pero Lopes in consenting to

undertake the enterprise was that a nephew of his was to marry Dona

Catharina: most of the other writers say that it was. Pero Lopes

himself who wished to have her. The Rdjdvaliya, however, tells

quite a different tale (see infra, p. 401, note °).

2 This is the figure given in the royal letter of 26 February 1595,

cited above, on the authority of a letter of the viceroy’s dated 13

April 1594, which had been dispatched overland to Portugal. King

Philip expresses his approval of the choice of Pero Lopes for this

expedition.

3 So says the Vida de M. de Alb. (1. xxiv.). Ribeiro (Fatal. Hist.

I. vii.) states that the armada consisted of ‘“‘ many rowing vessels and

some galleys, and in them one thousand two hundred Portuguese

soldiers, all very fine, and the other necessary provision.”” Sa y Menezes

(see C. A. S. Jl. xi. 553) gives the same number of soldiers. The

document printed in Col. de Trat. i. (221) has “‘ 1,250 native Portuguese,

besides mixties and Indians,’’ Baldzeus’s version of which (Ceylon iii.)

adds a cypher to the 1,250. From a royal letter of 2 January 1596,

printed in Arch. Port.-Or. iii. (581), it appears that the captain of one

of the ships was Sebastido d’Aguiar, and that he was killed im the

attack on the Kandyan tranqueiras.

No. 60.—1908.] PORTUGUESE HISTORY OF CEYLON. 401

the beginning of May this fleet reached Columbo!. At this

time Pedro Homem Pereira was still absent in connection

with the expedition to Sitavaka?, but soon returned :

his feelings on learning that henceforth he was to occupy a

subordinate position may well be imagined; and there is

probably only too much truth in the statements of some

writers to the effect that the disaster that overtook Pero

Lopes was connived at by the captain of Columbo*. The

setting in of the south-west monsoon rendered it impossible

for any hostile movement to be made for at least three months,

and this period was doubtless spent in the discussion and

maturing of the plan of campaign. At last, all being ready,

leaving Pedro Homem Pereira in Columbo with a sufficient

- garrison*, Pero Lopes de Sousa set forth in September® for

Kandy with a strong force of Portuguese and Sinhalese sol-

diers, being accompanied, or joined on the way, by Jayavira

Bandara and his body of troops®. On reaching the Parana-

kuru kéralé”’ the army halted, and Francisco da Silva, the

Castilian, was dispatched to bring Dona Catharina, in order

that she might accompany the forces that were to place

her on the throne of Kandy’. Resuming its march, the

‘1 Ribeiro (loc. cit.) says that Pero Lopes called first at Mannar, where

he'embarked Dona Catharina, and then proceeded to Negumbo.

2 Vida de M. de Alb. 1. xxiv.

3 See M. Lit. Reg. iv. 213; Rib. ws. 4 Vida de M. de Alb., u.s.

5 None of the authorities gives the time of year in which this expedi-

tion took place: but that it was in September—October appears certain

(ef. supra, p. 397, note 3, and infra, p. 403, note *).

6 Baldzeus (Ceylon ili.) gives a palpably supposititious list of the whole

force, with the exact numbers of soldiers, war elephants, aliyds, draft

oxen, and coolies, the totals of which do not work out quite correctly.

7 So I interpret Faria y Sousa’s “ Palnagure.”’

8 There follow Faria y Sousa (Asia Port. IIT. 1. ix.), who appears to

quote from some reliable authority. Where Dona Catharina was at

this time I cannot say for certain, the different accounts being at

variance with one another on this point, as also in regard to other

details of the’expedition. The Rdjdvaliya (97) says that the Portuguese

took Dona Catharina with them, hoping that if she married Vimala-

.daham Surya she would help them to get to Kandy—a very unlikely

supposition! Bald. (w.s.) says that the Portuguese erected “‘ for their

security three fortresses, Manikeroweri, Mapati, and Gannatari”’

(Menikkadavara, Attapitiya ?, and Ganétenna).

2D 36-08

402 | JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

Portuguese army climbed the pass and assailed Balané, where

Vimaladaham Surya had once more fortified himself. After

several unsuccessful attempts the invaders managed to cap-

ture the position, Vimaladaham retiring on Kandy. The

Portuguese do not seem to have pushed on thither!, but en-

camped at Danturé?, some miles distant therefrom, probably

in order to rest. and prepare for an assault on the royal city.

Taking advantage of this delay, Vimaladaham resolved to

carry into execution a scheme, which, if successful, would

rid him of a formidable enemy and render easy the defeat of

the Portuguese forces. To this end he allowed to fall into

the hands of the Portuguese a letter purporting to be from

Jayavira Bandara to him, in which the writer offered to

betray his allies to the Kandyan king. This plot succeeded

only too well: Jayavira was put to death by the infuriated

Portuguese? ; and, as a natural result, his soldiers deserted

in a body to Vimaladaham Surya. With this augmented

force the wily king fell upon the diminished army of Pero

Lopes, who when he attempted to retreat found the road

blocked in the usual Kandyan fashion by felled trees. He

and the rest of the Portuguese sold their lives dearly, and

not one seems to have escaped’, the few that survived

1 Although most of the writers say that the Portuguese entered

' Kandy, and made some stay there, I can find no confirmation of the

statement. The Rdjdvaliya (98) says nothing of it. The curious

account given in Col, de Trat. i. 221-3, and with much greater detail

by Bald. (Ceylon iv.), seems to be fiction.

2 Rajdvaliya 98. In the description of Danturé in the C. P. Gaz.

(132-3) its connection with this event in Ceylon history is not men-

tioned.

3 There is a consensus of testimony among the various writers as to.

this incident, but they are divided as to the innocence or guilt of

Jayavira Batidéra. That he had appropriated much of Raja Sinha’s

reasure is probable (see Arch. Port.-Or. iii. 617), as also that he aimed

at making himself an independent sovereign in the lowcountry ; but

hat he wished to marry Dona Catharina is at least doubtful.

4 The writer of the document translated in M. Lit. Reg. iv. 210-4

says that with Pero Lopes perished “seven hundred Portuguese,

the best that were then in India.’ (This was written only fifteen

years after the disaster.) Strangely enough the Vida de M. de Alb.

gives no details of the reverse, simply saying that Pero Lopes “ being

taken in an ambush was killed and defeated.”

No. 60.—1908.] PORTUGUESE HISTORY OF CEYLON. 403

becoming prisoners and slaves in Kandy!, or being sent

down to Columbo shockingly mutilated?. But the crown-

ing triumph for Vimaladaham was the capture of Dona

Catharina, whom he straightway made his wife, thus

establishing his right to the throne of Kandy as consort of

the lawful heiress, acknowledged as such by the Portuguese

themselves®. |

When news of this terrible disaster reached Columbo* Pedro

Homem at once dispatched letters to the viceroy to apprise

him thereof. The council having been summoned, it was

resolved, in order to safeguard the territory already won, to

dispatch to Ceylon as captain-general Dom Jeronimo de

Azevedo, who at that time occupied the post of captain-

major of the Malabar coast. Orders to this effect having been

sent to Dom Jeronimo, together with money and munitions,

he speedily set out for Ceylon with five hundred soldiers in

seventeen ships, and reached Columbo on 23 December

15945. Twice before, in 1582 and 1588, as we have seen®,

had Dom Jeronimo visited Ceylon ; but on both occasions

his stay had been brief. Now, however, he was entering

upon one that was destined to last eighteen years, during

which he was to deluge the island with blood and earn for

himself an eternal infamy. With the troops he had brought,

and such others as could be spared from Columbo, the new

captain-general at once proceeded to “pacify” the low-

country territories, which had doubtless revolted against

the Portuguese after the murder of Jayavira Bandara and

a ne

‘Among these was a youth, Manuel Dias, whom Vimaladaham

subsequently made his maha mudali (see C. Lit. Reg. vi. 334).

2 Rajdvaliya 98; Bald. Ceylon v.; Faria y Sousa, u.s. The last

writer and the Hist. Seraj. (iii. 542-4) describe the horrible treatment

accorded to the priests who accompanied the expedition.

3 In the treaty of peace of 5 December 1632 (Col. de Trat. ii.

38 ff.) we find Raja Sinha IT. asserting his right to the crown of Kandy

through his mother Dona Catharina. (See, however, Sa y Menezes’s

remarks, in C. A. S. Jl. xi. 555.) The princess was about fifteen

years of age at the time of her marriage.

* In October or November 1594, probably.

° Vida de M. de Alb. 1. xxiv.

& Supra, pp. 262, 367.

2D 2 :

404 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). — [Von. XX.

the defeat of Pero Lopes!. In this task Dom Jeronimo

had at first a measure of success?. As soon as he had over-

come the opposition of the Sinhalese in any district

he forthwith set to work to build and garrison a fortress there.

Thus in 1595 he had erected forts at Galle? and Matara*;

and by the time the new viceroy arrived at Goa in May 1597,

twelve fortresses of stone and lime, earth, or wood, had been

built by him®, viz., besides the two named, forts at Negumbo®

and Kalutara’, a fortress begun at Chilaw®, an earthwork at

1T have no authoritative information on these points, but infer

them from the statements of various writers.

2 In Arch. Port.-Or. iii. (5695-7) is printed a “ particular and express

instruction on the conquest and enterprise of Ceilla6,’’ dated 1 March

1596, for the count admiral D. Francisco da Gama, whe was proceed-

ing to India as viceroy. In this the king refers to the disaster and

the dispatch of D. Jeronimo de Azevedo, the news of which had reached

him by the ships of the previous year, and adds that by letters written

in February 1595 by Mathias de Albuquerque and sent overland he

had received much more favourable tidings of affairs in Ceylon (see

also the royal letter of 8 March 1596 to the Goa chamber in Arch. Port.-

Or. i. 1. 115-6). The king also expresses his opinion as to the supreme

importance of Ceylon to the Portuguese in the East, and urges the new

viceroy to give the matter his best consideration on his arrival in India.

3'This is mentioned in a letter of 15 December 1595 from the

Goa chamber to the king, printed in Arch. Port.-Or. i. 11. (27). As

mentioned above (p. 370, note 4), the building of a fort at Galle had

frequently been urged by the king of Spain. This fortress was

evidently a poor affair, to judge from the description of it, sixteen

years later, by the Spanish captain Antonio Martins (see M. Lit. Reg.

iv. 165).

4 See Rdjdvaliya 99, and cf. supra, p. 372, note*. This fort also is

referred to contemptuously by Antonio Martins (see previous note).

5 This information I take from Vida de M. de Alb. 1. xxiv. Cf. also

Boe. 45.

6 Boc. (45) mentions this. Negumbo had evidently become increas-

ingly important as a native trade port, as intercourse with Columbo

and the Kelani river became more difficult owing to the wars between

the Portuguese and Raja Sinha (see M. Lit. Reg. iv. 135).

7 Boe. (45) mentions that Dom Jeronimo built a fort at “ Caluture,”

and in several places later on he refers to this fort. Couto speaks of it

in 1599 (see infra, p. 435, note 4).

® Boc. (45) mentions this. On p. 424 infra we are told of the

Portuguese “ tranqueiras in the direction of Chilao,”’ but the fort at

that place is not specifically spoken of. As regards the importance of

the place see supra, p. 377, note ”.

No. 60.—1908.] PoRTUGUESE HISTORY OF CEYLON. 405

Malvéna!, a fort at™“Gurubevila?, a strong castle in Sita-

vaka?, two on the Denavaka side*, a fort at Batugedara®,

and another to the north of Sitavaka on the border of the Four

and Seven Koralés®. Among the expeditions undertaken

in 1595 by Dom Jeronimo was one to Chilaw, where a large

body of Sinhalese had fortified themselves’, whom the Portu-

guese defeated with great loss’. One of the most formidable

antagonists that Dom Jeronimo had to contend with was’ a

gigantic Sinhalese mudaliyar, who had recently revolted

against the Portuguese because of some injustice done to

him’, This man, known to the Portuguese as Domingos

Correa’, and to the Sinhalese as Kdirillérala™, gained a large

following, and for a time successfully checked the “ pacifica-

tory’ operations of the captain-general. Not only so, but at

1 This is also recorded by Boc. (45). Onp. 138 supra we read of

Malvana as one of the three places where Mayadunné had tranqueiras

(but see notes ! and * there). On p. 437 infra, Couto speaks of “ the

tranqueira Malvana.’’ Dom Jeronimo gave the place an evil notoriety

(see F. y S. III. 11. xiv. 17), and in later times it obtained a factitious

importance (see Rib. I. X., xiv.).

2 CH. supra, p. 138, note 2,

8 This is probably the ‘“‘ lofty tower’ mentioned by Faria y Sousa

(Asza Port. III. m1. xvi.) as still standing in 1619 (Stevens appears to

have misunderstood the original in his translation of this passage—

see M. Lit. Reg. iv. 56).

4 One at Denavaka (c/. supra, p. 34, note *), the cther at Kuruvita

(see infra, p. 411, note %).

-3° See infra, p. 413, note *. |

6 Qn p.412 infra we read of the “ tranqueira of Ruanella”’ as

already in existence at the beginning of 1597. Ruvanvella is certainly

‘north of Sitavaka,’’ but hardly ‘“‘ on the border of the Four and Seven

Koéralés.”” The latter description would apply to Allawwa, where, as

we learn from XII. 1. xiv. (p. 426), there was also a tranqueira. This,

also, is almost due north of Sitavaka, though a long distance therefrom,

’ Cf. supra, pp. 376, 377.

8 Vida de M. de Alb., u.s. It was doubtless after this engagement

that the fort referred to above was begun.

® Bald. Ceylon vi., where some curious and apparently authentic

details are given. A royal letter of 5 February 1597, printed in

_ Arch. Port.-Or. iii. (668), refers to ‘“‘ the rebellion of the Modeliar,”

which had altered affairs in Ceylon for the worse.

10 See infra, p. 417; Arch. Port.-Or. iii. 819; F. y S. III. 1. ix.

See Rdjdvatiya 99.

406 ? JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

Pussella he cut off the retreat to Columbo of the Portuguese

force, which would have been destroyed had not the captain

of the fort at Matara, Dom Fernando Mudaliyar! (Samara-

konrala), hastened to its help, and by creating a diversion

enabled it to reach Columbo in safety?. The captain of

Columbo, Pedro Homem Pereira, was this year (1595) re-

moved?, his place being taken by a man not much the inferior,

as regards brutality, to Dom Jeronimo himself*, Thome de

Sousa de Arronches, whose doings, as captain-major of the

coast of Ceylon, have been chronicled by Couto above®. The

garrison of Columbo appears to have suffered great hardships

at this time owing to lack of provisions®, and the soldiers

generally were greatly discontented’.

Domingos Correa, having recovered from a wound received

in the above-mentioned encounter with the Portuguese®,

in 1596, accompanied by his younger brother Simao Correa,

who had also revolted, marched with his army to Galle, and

1 Regarding whom see M. Lit. Reg. iv. 165.

* Rdajdvaliya, u.s. ‘* The Pussella ’’ mentioned is apparently Pus-

wella in the Héwavissa koralé, Wéudawili hatpattu. The Portuguese

had, in their retreat to Columbo, to take a rather roundabout route.

3 Possibly for suspected complicity in the disaster to Pero Lopes de

Sousa (see p. 401 supra). A royal letter of 13 February 1597,

printed in Arch. Port.-Or. iii. (705), shows that his character was not —

above suspicion ; and we learn from a royal alvard of 20 March 1601,

printed in the Arch. da Rel. de Goa (5), that a judicial case had been

instituted against him for some reason not stated.

4A royal letter of 13 January 1598 (Brit. Mus. Addit. 20861)

says that Dharmapala had written to the king complaining of the

behaviour of Dom Jeronimo and Thomé de Sousa, who had treated

him badly, used indecent language to him, misappropriated his rents,

&c. (see infra, p. 428, note *).

5 X. X. xiv.-xv. (pp. 367-75).

6 Of. Arch. Port.-Or. i. 1. 27. From the royal letter cited in note *

above we learn that Pedro Homem Pereira had lent twenty-four

thousand serafins for providing the needs of the fortress.

7 The Goa chamber, in their letter of 15 December 1595 (Arch. Port.-

Or. i. 11. 27), speak of the garrison as being “inimical and little obedient

to their captain-major,”’ and refer to the hardships the soldiers had to

endure.

8 Rajavaliya 99.

No. 60.—1908.] PORTUGUESE HISTORY OF CEYLON. 407

laid siege to the fort recently erected there by D. Jeronimo

de Azevedo. The latter appears to have been at the time in

the fortress; and so close was the siege, that, threatened

with starvation, the captain-general and his troops were

obliged to vacate the fortress and fight their way through the

enemy, who followed hard after them, harassing them and

killing and wounding many of their number, until at length,

having been succoured by land and sea by Thomé de Sousa de

Arronches, the exhausted and greatly reduced Portuguese

force reached Columbo and gained safety within its hospitable

walls!. But shortly afterwards the redoubtable rebel leader

was captured at Uduvara by Dom Fernando Mudaliyar and

brought into Columbo, where, by order of the captain-

general, he was put to death and quartered?. The result of

this was the “pacification ’’ (for a time) of the lowcountry

1 Baldeus (Ceylon vi.) is the only writer that mentions this

siege of Galle ; but it seems to be referred to in the royal letter of 13

January 1598 cited above (p. 406, note *), which quotes froma letter of

Thomé de Sousa’s the details I have here given. It is strange that the

Rajavaliya is silent on the subject. Faria y Sousa, speaking presumably

of this affair, says (Asia Port. III. 1. ix.) that Dom Jeronimo had but

four hundred men to resist the attack of twelve thousand Sinhalese.

He also records the horrible fate of a Franciscan father who was

wounded in the engagement.

2 Faria y Sousa, wu.s. (See also infra, p. 418.) Baldeus (w.«.)

says that Domingos Correa was put to death by the Portuguese ‘“‘ in

spite of promises ’’; and that so enraged was Vimaladaham at this act

of perfidy, that he caused a number of Portuguese prisoners to be

_ thrown before elephants, sending others horribly mutilated to Columho

with the message that if the remaining Sinhalese prisoners were not set

at liberty he would accord a similar treatment to the rest of the Portu-

guese in his hands. The Dutch writer adds, that so infuriated were

the soldiers in Columbo at the sight of their mutilated comrades that

they attempted to kill Dom Jeronimo, who only escaped by taking

refuge in a monastery until the populace had calmed down. All this

may be true ; but I can find no confirmation of it. A royal letter of

15 January 1598, printed in Arch: Port.-Or. iii. (819), refers to the fact

of Domingos Correa’s being “‘ dead,’’ but throws no light on the incidents

mentioned above. According to the Rdjdvaliya (99), ‘‘ Dharmapéla

dca seized the family of Edirillérala [Domingos Correa], and having

put the males to death took the vomen and Hdirilléréla’s younger

brother and sent them to Goa.” Regarding this last statement see

injra, p. 417, note 4.)

408 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (VoL. XX.

districts'; though, as 2 whole, the state of affairs in Ceylon

at the end of 1596 was anything but rosy for the Portuguese’.

During the two years that followed the annihilation of

Pero Lopes de Sousa’s force Vimaladaham had devoted

himself chiefly to the consolidation of his kingdom. He had

also caused to be erected several forts to guard the passes to

the hill-country, and had built bimself in Kandy a new palace

surrounded by bastions, in the construction of which the

surviving Portuguese prisoners were employed*®. Having

renounced his profession of Christianity, and, as it were,

thrown down the gauntlet of defiance by assuming the title

' Rdjavaliya 99. In his letter of 15 January 1598, cited in the pre-

vious note, King Philip says he is glad to learn from the viceroy that the

affairs of Ceylon “ were in the best state that they had ever been,’ and

that as a result of the death of Domingos Correa “the kingdoms of

Cotta and Ceitaauaqa, which are the greater part of that island, had

quieted down.” In consequence of this favourable report it was

decided to send to Ceylon a large number of priests, the Franciscans

there being insufficient for the work of *“‘ conversion.”

2 The Goa chamber, writing to the king on 19 December 1596, say

(Arch. Port.-Or. i. 11. 35-6) :—“ The affairs of Ceilao remain in a troub-

lous enough state and with little stability, as this city wrote at large to

your majesty last year; and as long as your majesty does not send a

separate force for the conquest of this island the course that is adopted

at present will only serve to consume the soldiery of this state drawn

from the armadas and fortresses, the which remains there almost entirely,

some dying in war, and others of sickness; and in order that your ~

majesty be more particularly informed of the truth of this, we send

with this the copy of aletter that the chamber of the city of Columbo

wrote to us this summer.’’ No copy of the letter mentioned is extant,

unhappily ; but in his letter of 13 January 1598, already cited, the

king refers the statements of the Goa chamber to the viceroy for con-

sideration. A royal letter of 10 March 1598, printed in Arch. Port.-

Or. iii. (857-61), gives the substance of a letter written to the king

from Columbo on 27 November 1596 by Frey Grisostimo da Madre

de Deos, guardian of the convent of S4o Francisco in Ceylon, in which

serious charges are brought against Dom Jeronimo de Azevedo and

Thomé de Sousa de Arronches, of taking bribes, conniving at rebellion,

peculation, torturing natives in order to get possession of their wealth,

&e. (Cf. M. Lit. Reg. iv. 210-1.) Although the viceroy was ordered by

the king to inquireinto these accusations, I cannot find that the offen-

ders were punished, at least, not immediately (see infra, p. 433,

note 1),

* Bald. Ceylon v.; Mahav. xciv.; C. Lit. Reg. vi. 333.

No. 60.—-1908.] PORTUGUESE HISTORY OF CEYLON. 409

of “Sun of the Pure Doctrine,” the erstwhile Dom Jodo

d’ Austria set to work actively to rescue the Buddhist cult from

the decay into which it had fallen owing to the fanaticism of

the Saivite Raja Sinha on the one hand and the bigotry of the

Portuguese and their puppet ‘‘ Christian” kings on the

other!. Though not now needing to take the field in person

at the head of his troops, Vimaladaham exercised a keen

oversight of all the movements of his army, which continued

to harass and be harassed by the Portuguese forces in various

parts of the lowcountry during 1595 and 1596, though, with

the exception of the engagements mentioned above, details

are wanting to us?.

1 Mahdv. xciv. Cf. C. Lit. Reg. vi. 325-6, 341, 342.

2 See infra, p. 411, note *.

410 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vows XX,

COUTO.

DECADE XII.

1596-1600 a.D.

Portuguese Governor of India.—D. Francisco da Gama,

count of Vidigueira, viceroy, May 1597 to December 1600.

Sinhalese Ruler in Ceylon.—Vimaladaham Surya, 1592-1604

(Kandy).

Tamil King im Jaffna.—Pararaja Sékara Pandara (?),

1591-22.

Portuguese Captain-General of Ceylon.—D. Jeronimo de

Azevedo, 1594-1612.

In this half Decade are described engagements between

the Portuguese forces and those of Vimaladaham Strya in

all parts of the lowcountry in the west and south of Ceylon,

in which the former generally won their victories pretty dearly.

We are also told of the erection of a number of additional

fortresses by D. Jeronimo de Azevedo to aid in the “ conquest ”’

of Ceylon. Couto’s narrative ends with September 1600.

a ee

Dec. XII., BK. 1., CHAP. vi.

Of what took place in the conquest of the island of Ceilao this

summer : and of the great victories that our people obtained

over the tyrant Dom Jodo, who intitled himself king of Candea :

and of the death of the king of Cota Dom Jodo Perea Pan-

dar : and of how he left nominated as heir to his kingdom

the king of Portugal, who was forthwith sworn to as such.

In the Eleventh Decade, in the time of Matias d’Alboquerque,

we have continued with the wars of Ceilao by the course of the

years! : and as the events were many and trifling, we described

1 The mention of Mathias de Albuquerque, whose administration

lasted from May 1591 to May 1597, would seem to imply that no

wars took place in Ceylon during the government of his predecessor,

Manuel de Sousa Coutinho (May 1588 to May 1591). That this was

not the case I have shown above (pp. 390-2).

No. 60.—1908.] coUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 411

only those of most importance, because history does not

permit of so much. In the past year we left the affairs of that

island at the great victories that Dom Jeronimo d’Azevedo,

captain-general of that conquest!, obtained over the tyrant

Dom Joao, intitled king of Candea, within the limits of that

kingdom and of Dinavaca?. Now we shall continue with those

of this summer, in which things centred in the fort of Corvite®,

which Dom Jeronimo d’ Azevedo ordered to be made six leagues

from Ceitavaca at the end of the past February [1597],

in which there remained as captain Salvador Pereira da Sylva

with one hundred men and the provisions of munitions and food

that seemed to him necessary. This fort having been made,

the general dispatched the Portuguese and native soldiery to

go and recuperate, in order afterwards with new energy and

strength to return and carry on that war. Of this the tyrant

Dom Joao was soon advised; and discussing with the other

. rebels that followed him as to the satisfaction that they should

take from our people for the many evils they had done them,

because if they were negligent it was certain that they would

put a heavy yoke on the whole of that island, it was agreed

that the king of Uva* should unite with the princes of Dina-

vaca?, the which they at once did with some four thousand

men, much musketry and war elephants, and came and

pitched their camp six leagues from our fort of Corvite®, with

the intention of assaulting it, it having only a small garrison ;

and from there they sent two thousand men of their vanguard

to go and place themselves two leagues from that fort’

without moving themselves: because they purposed first to

get all that district, which was under our obedience, to rebel,

so that thus the conquest and entrance of that fort might

1 Here Couto employs an expression that came into use after the

great disaster of 1594, Ceylon being generally referred to as “‘ the con-

quest’ (cf. infra, XII. 1. vii., p. 416).

2 IT can nowhere find details of, or even references to, these “ great

victories.”’

’ Kuruvita (c/. swpra, p. 405, note *). By the present road Kuruvita

is about twenty miles (say five Portuguese leagues) from Sitavaka.

4 The editions of 1645 and 1788 both have “ Vua.” The king of

‘Uva’ here spoken of I cannot identify. It will be seen from XII. 111.

ili. infra (p. 439) that ere long he was deposed from his high position on

account of being defeated several times in succession by the Portuguese.

_® Who these two “‘ princes’ were, I do not know.

® Probably at Pelmadulla, which is about twenty miles from Kuru-

vita. ;

7 At Ratnapura, doubtless

412 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von xx

become easier to them. And with this they also intended to

divert the general to the frontier of the Four Corles, so as not

to be able to succour those of Corvite ; and to that part moved |

the tyrant Dom Joao with all the rest of the force: since,

' with our people occupied in so many parts, they could effect

their purposes. Of all this the captain-general was soon

advised by spies that he kept near the tyrant.

Wherefore with much speed he ordered to be mustered all

_ the men of war white and-black, with whom he took the field ;

and learning that the tyrant had dispatched a number of troops

to go and assault our tranquetra of Ruanella', and disquiet the

vassals of that part, he dispatched Antonio da Costa, a

captain-major of part of the native troops, with orders that if

he should need more men he was to get them from the garrisons

of Ceitavaca and others that could well dispense with them

with safety. With these troops he went making a circuit

through the Four Corlas, upon which the enemy whom the

tyrant had sent to that part straightway retired ; and word

coming to the general that the enemy were approaching the

fort of Corvite, he dispatched the greater portion of the

arrayal to go and succour it, leaving only a modeliar with five

hundred Jascarins in guard of the frontiers of the Seven Corlas ;

and he sent orders to Salvador Pereira, who was in the fort of

Corvite, that without delay he was to sally forth from it, and

go and assault the enemy’s arrayal with the greatest caution

and secrecy that he could: which he at once did on the troops’

reaching him, and went by night by unfrequented roads,

through jungles and thorny plains, until he reached the place

where was the vanguard of the enemy, quite unsuspicious

of such a surprise. And before they knew what it was, the —

greater part of them were routed and slain ; and those that

escaped being put to flight, Salvador Pereira pursued them so

hotly, that as if intermingled with them they came upon the

rearguard, upon which they fell with such impetus and fury,

that they immediately gained an entrance to the interior of

the arrayal, where they routed them with the loss of many

killed, among whom were the principal modeliares, and two

handsome elephants captured, with many arms, banners, and

other spoils : and it is affirmed that there died of the enemy

in these assaults more than a thousand, and many that were

taken prisoners, the princes of Maturé? and Dinavaca escaping

in the darkness of the night. This victory was so famous

and put such terror into the Chingalas, that they bestowed

upon Salvador Pereira the surname of Corvite Capitdo. Of

1 See supra, p. 405, note °.

* Who the “ prince of Maturé ”’ was, I am unable to say.

No. 60.—1908.] couTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 4.13

our lascarins some died, and a young modeliar called Dom

Francisquinho'!, who fought very well. The next day

Salvador Pereira ordered to be razed to the ground all the

enemy’s forts, and returned to Corvite, this victory (as we

have already said) gaining amongst the Chingalas great name

and fame.

Don Jeronimo d’Azevedo seeing how demoralized the

enemy were ordered a tranqueira to be made on the other side

of the river Sofragao? in the place called Batugedra, it being

more convenient for assaulting and demoralizing the enemy :

whereupon he found himself so weakened and disappointed

of his hopes, that he soon withdrew to Candea, and the fort

was dismantled. That which our people made was twenty

leagues from Columbo? inland, in the midst of all those of the

enemy, by which they were greatly repressed. This took

. place this winter in which we now are of 1597.

During the same time, on the 27th or 28th of the month of

May of the same year, there died the king Dom Jodo Perea

Pandar®, lord of the whole island of Ceilao, to whom was

given the most sumptuous interment that the country of itself

could give®; and immediately the captain-general Dom

Jeronimo d’Azevedo ordered to be summoned to Columbo all

the fidalgos of the household of that king, modeliares, and

principal persons, and on the 29th of May they all assembled,

there being present Thomé de Sousa d’Arronches, captain of

% This diminutive form implies, doubtless, that the mudaliyar was

short of stature.

* The Kalu-ganga.

3 From what is stated here it would seem that either the writer of the

Vida dz Mathias de Albuquerque is wrong in saying that a “ fort ’’ was

built at Batugedara by Dom Jeronimo (see supra, p. 405), or else that

fort had been captured by the Sinhalese, and is the one spoken of

below as destroyed by the Portuguese (see, however, infra, p. 422,

note +),

4 The distance given is excessive.

5 Cf. supra, p. 102, note 2, As Dharmapala was born probably in

1539 (see supra, p.119, note 1), he must have been about 58 at the time

of his death, the cause of which is not stated, but which must have

been accelerated by the worries to which the unfortunate “king ”’ was

subjected by the captain-general and the captain of Columbo (see supra,

p. 406, note *).

es Dharmapéla was buried in the church of 8. Francisco, and his

tomb was still extant in 1762, but appears to have perished or been

wantonly destroyed at a later date (see M. Lit. Reg. i. 288; C. A. S. Jl.

XVill. 366).

414 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

that fortress, aldermen, officials of the chamber'!, ouvidor 2,

and prelates of St. Francis. And all being present, he com-

manded to say to them by the ouvdor Joao Homem da Costa,

that they all knew well that the king Dom Joao Perea Pandar,

lord of the whole of that island, had in his testament left

nominated as heir of all his realms the king of Portugal,

owing to his having no one else left to him who by right should

succeed him in that crown?; and that since all were there,

both nobles and people, fidalgos and principal modeliares, they

should elect from amongst themselves the persons that they

desired in order in the name of all to swear to the said

lord as king, it not being possible for all to take the said oath.

And at once there were nominated by them the following

persons: Dom Antaio, Dom Constantino, Dom Jorge, Dom

Jodo, Dom Pedro Homem Pereira, fidalgos of the household

of the deceased king*; Belchior Botelho modeliar, Domingos

da Costa arache, and Thomé Rodriguez patangatim®, all of

whom and each one by himself kneeling round a table with

their hands placed on a missal took the following oath :—

“We Dom Antao, Dom Constantino, Dom Jorge, Dom

Joao, Dom Pedro Homem Pereira, Belchior Botelho, Domin-

gos da Costa, and Thomé Rodriguez swear on these holy

gospels, on which we place our hands, for ourselves and in the

name of all this people to acknowledge the king of Portugal,

whom thus by this present act we elect and swear to as our

king and lord, forasmuch as Dom Joao Perea Pandar, whom

God has in heaven, our lawful king, left him as his universal

1 This is the first (and only) mention by Couto of the chamber of |

Columbo, which, like that of Goa, consisted of aldermen elected

annually and other officials (see Rise of Port. Power in India 197-8).

When this municipal council was first constituted, I do not know : the

earliest reference to it that I have met with is that in the royal letter

of 25 February 1585 cited above, p. 268, note 1, and it is frequently

mentioned in later documents (cf. C. A. 8. Jl. xvi. 119 and note).

2 Magistrate (see Pyr. 1. 498, ii. 19).

3 See supra, p. 258, note #, and X. 1. vii. (p. 261).

4 In a petition to the pope and the viceroy of India, dated in Columbo

10 December 1594, and printed in Arch. Port.-Or. iii., Dharmapala

speaks of “ Dom Joao and Dom Constantino sons of the prince Dom

Paschoal my much loved and loyal vassal,’’ and of “‘ Dom Antao in

whom I greatly confide.’”’ The last of the fidalgos mentioned was

evidently a recent convert to Christianity, bearing, as he does, the

name of the late captain of Columbo.

°> This man was probably the head of the Paravas who had migrated

from the “‘ fishery coast”? of Madura to Mannar and the west coast of

Ceylon (see swpra, p. 393). For the origin of the title patangatim see

J. P. Lewis’s Man. of the Vanni 30, note 3.

No. 60.—1908.] couTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 415

heir, there being no other who of right may have and can

inherit his crown and realms. Wherefore we swear once more

on the holy gospels, on which we have our hands, and promise

to keep faith and loyalty towards him, and to obey him, and

yield vassalage both to him and to his successors who shall

in the future succeed him, or to his viceroys, governors, or

captains, who in his stead shall hold office in these realms

of Ceilao, as until now we have done to the king Dom Joao

Perea Pandar, whom God has in glory, our lawful king that

was : and thus we promise to keep and fulfil it, as in any other

part of his realms and dominions: which we swear today the

things above, so and in such manner as they are set forth :

which we again swear once more and many more times on the

holy gospels, and promise to keep them entirely, both for

ourselves and in the name of this people.”

This swearing being ended, the captain-general took in his

hands the royal banner of the arms of Portugal, and delivered

it to Dom Antao ; and forthwith the captain-general and the

captain of the city and all the rest of the people proceeded

through all the principal streets with the banner raised ; and

in the appointed places Dom Antao lifted up his voice, saying :

“Real, real, real’, for the most mighty lord the king of

Portugal”; to which all responded: “‘ Real, real, real.’ And

this ceremony being finished, a deed was drawn up of this swear-

ing by Manoel Correa da Costa, notary public of notes, in the

book of these, to which all the persons named affixed their sig-

natures; and the copy of the deed I have in the Torre do Tombo,

in the book of contracts and treaties of peace, at page 143,

whence I have copied it here. And immediately from thence-

forward the king of Portugal was obeyed and acknowledged

as king of the realms that Dom Joao Perea Pandar possessed °.

1 Lit “royal.” The word of acclamation used by the Portuguese

at a coronation.

2 The original appears to be no longer in existence.

3 In a letter of 21 November 1598, printed in Arch. Port.-Or. iii.

(918), the king of Spain acknowledges the receipt of the news of Dharma-

pala’s death, and commends the action of Dom Jeronimo de Azevedo

in taking possession of the kingdom in his name. He requests that

formal deeds be drawn up in connection with this inheritance, and

orders that “‘ in the place where the said king died certain exequies be

performed with all the solemnity that may be.”’ From a royal letter

of 27 December 1598 (A. P.-O. iii. 938) we learn that the chamber of the

city of Columbo had written to the king respecting Dona Isabel, Dharma-

pala’s widow, who had also sent the king a letter about her affairs,

which seem to have been in a very poor condition, to judge by references

in subsequent royal letters of 25 January 1601 and 15 February 1603.

416 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

Dro. XII., BK. 1., CHAP. vii.

of oe & * * * *

av2o- Ehe “count! continued). in dispatching” a

galleon to Ceilado?, as captain of which went Rui da Costa

Travacos, with soldiers, munitions, and money for that

conquest>. =: ...

Dec. XII., BK. 1., CHap. xiii.

Of the things that took place this summer in the island of Ceilao :

and of the great victory that our people gained over the king

of Uva and the captains of the tyrant of Candea Dom Joao.

The tyrant Dom Joao, undeceived as to being able to

prevail against our people, by the many victories that they

had gained over him, and the last had been the defeat of his

troops in Corvite, as we have related above, seeing that by the

garrisons and fortifications that our people had formed against

him on his frontiers of the Four Corlas and Dinavaca he could

not in those parts carry out what he had determined, took

other means, which was, to send and attack our arrayal, which

was scouring the parts of Galé and Maturé, forty leagues from

those other tranqueiras® and from the place in which the

general always resided®, thinking that owing to the distance

of the place he could not succour our people with as much

readiness and numbers as was necessary, there not being a

great force in that arrayal, and with it broken, our people

would be left with less to persecute him, and he with more

courage to carry his intention forward : against which he dis-

patched a prince called Madune Pandar’, and the rebel Simao

1 The Conde. de Vidigueira, D. Francisco da Gane viceroy of India.

2 In September 1597.

8 The usual annual ee, galleon.

4 Of. infra, p. 421, note ?

5 The distance here con is a gross exaggeration.

_ & Where this was, does not appear : perhaps it was at Rasapana, near

Malvadna (see C. A. §. Jl. xi. 470; Lee’s trans. of Le Grand’s Ribeiro 49).

7 Couto makes no other mention of this man, who was at intervals a

source of trouble to the Portuguese during nearly a quarter of a century.

Sa& y Menezes (C. A. S. Jl. xi. 467) says that he was a descendant of

the great Mayddunné; while the document in Col. de T'rat. i. 224 states

that he was of royal blood, and a cousin of Dona Catharina’s. The

former writer in his fifth and sixth chapters describes the Portuguese

campaign against ‘“‘Madune”’ in 1619-20, which ended in his defeat

and flight to Kottiy4ér, where the Danish admiral, Ove Giedde, for a

No. 60.—1908.] couTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. | 417

Correa’, brother of Domingos Correa Bicanarsinga’, of whom

I have many times spoken, whom D. Jeronimo de Azevedo

had ordered to be executed, as has been related in the

chapter of the book of the Eleventh Decade®. This

_ Simao Correa had taken the title of king of Seitavaca*t, to whom

the tyrant gave a fair-sized army of picked troops and of

the most practised modeliares of his kingdom, and among

these there would bea thousand firelocks; and he commanded

the king of Uva® to get ready with the rest of his forces, to

go in his rear and support him.

This army having set out proceeded to encamp six leagues

from Maturé, where our arrayal was, the captain-major of

‘which was Dom Fernando modeliar®, who today’ is captain

while gave him protection on board one of his ships, but had at last to

‘leave him behind (see Ove Giedde’s diary passim). He then returned

to Tanjor, whence he had come (Col. de Trat.i. 224). Bocarro mentions

him once casually (714). See also C. A. 8S. Jl. xiii. 137.

1 What Sim&o Correa’s native name was, does not appear, the

Rajdvaliya (99) describing him simply as “ Edirillérdla’s younger

brother.”’” He seems to have revolted from the Portuguese at the same

time as his brother Domingos Correa (see supra, pp. 405, 406). Couto

mentions him only once again (p. 426); but he played a prominent part

in Ceylon history in later years, having returned to the Portuguese,

married a Portuguese wife, and become a veritable scourge to his

‘fellow-countrymen (see Rdjdv. 99-101; Bald. Ceylon vi.). He was

always a suspect, however; and in 1612 and 1613 the king of Spain

sent out orders that he and his wife and household were to be trans-

ported to Goa: these orders were, however, not carried out (see Doe.

Rem. ii. 134, 309, iii. 200). His death is recorded by the Rdjdavaliya,

but no year is given. The memory of his cruelties seems to have sur-

vived among the Sinhalese for many years (see C. A. S. Jl. 1848, 24,

where “‘ Cawi’”’ is evidently an error for some corruption of ‘‘ Correa ’’).

Knox (Hist. Rel. 177) specifies one form of his cruelties ; and Tennent

(Ceylon ii. 24, note) goes out of his way to father this on the Portu-

guese, though Knox distinctly says that Simao Correa was “a Natural

Chingulays.””

* This last word is not to be understood as a name, but as a title,

meaning “‘ commander-in-chief ”’ (see supra, p. 225, note §),.

* The chapter and book of the Eleventh Decade are not specified in

either of the editions of Decade XII. (1645 and 1788). Regarding the

execution of Domingos Correa see supra, p. 407.

* In succession to Jayavira Baiiddra, murdered by the Portuguese

in 1594 (see supra, pp. 396, 402).

® The edition of 1645 has in every case ‘‘ Vva.”

5 See supra, p. 406.

‘ That is, in 1611, when Couto wrote this half Decade (see Introd.).

25 36-08

of the city of Goa!, and Salvador Pereira da Sylva, field

captain. The enemy, in order to fortify themselves, selected

a very elevated site’, where they sat down, and fortified it »

at their will, like one who was in his own country, and they

had many pioneers and material. And so in a few days they

erected a tranqueira of wood with six bastions and ditches

around, and enclosed with many pointed stakes and impedi-

ments, an affair very defensible, more by the site than by art,

although they were not wholly wanting in this, since it could

not be battered by artillery, nor could any be carried above,

on account of having to pass many marshes. And from there

they determined to dominate those territories, and make

them rebel against our people, they being under our obedience :

and like men of guile they took in hand to get the lascarins to

desert from our arrayal, with whom they carried on a secret

correspondence, promising them many things, in order thus,

having effected this, to defeat our people more at their ease.

Of this expedition and design*Dom Jeronimo d’Azevedo

was promptly advised: whereupon with great speed he

dispatched Simao Pinhao? with six hundred native lascarins

and some Portuguese, with an order to take another hundred

soldiers from the fortress of Galle*, whereby were made up

one hundred and fifty Portuguese and two thousand lascarins,

which was a force sufficient to attack that fort. Dom Fernan-

do modeliar, as soon as this force joined him, proceeded forth-

with to attack the enemy ; and when he reached the top they

were already on the alert, and_retired inside the fort with one

thousand firelockmen, leaving ambushed in the jungle two

thousand lascarins with the most trusty modehares, with

orders to fall upon our people in the rear, when they were most

occupied with the assault. Dom Fernando did not seek to

delay the business, but rather at once with great determination

attacked the enemy, for which purpose he had already brought

many pavises, mantelets, and ladders ; and in the storming of

the tranqueiras they came upon the pointed stakes, in which

they became entangled, and halted, remaining exposed to the

matchlock fire of the enemy, who made very fair practice

1 When he was granted this post, | cannot ascertain. A royal letter

of 28 March 1613 (Doc. Rem. i. 440) refers to his having served in

that captaincy, and as then occupying that of Chaul.

_* Judging by the distance (24 miles) mentioned above, we may sur-

mise that the Kandyan position was at Katuwana, where the Dutch

subsequently built a fort, the remains of which still exist (see view and

description of it in Heydt, 217, 218).

3 Regarding this man see C. A. S. Jl. xvi. 84-114.

4 See supra, p. 404, note °.

No. 60.—1908.] . coUToO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. AVY

amongst them, knocking over some lascarins and wounding

some Portuguese, among whom were Simao Pinhao, Pero d’A-

breu modeliar, and others. And nevertheless our men pushed

on, and attacked the fort with great courage, setting up the

ladders, by which several began ‘to mount. And being in this

turmoil, those of the ambush burst forth with great uproar,

and fell upon the rear of our men, who on being aware of them

forsook the combat, and turned upon the enemy with great

fury, and charged into them in such fashion that with the

loss of many killed they made them retire to the jungle whence

they had come.

Dom Fernando modeliar seeing the result, and, like a

sagacious man, understanding that if they left there the

territories would be lost, fortified himself in the same place as

best he could, and sent to advise the captain-general of

_ everything, and of the position in which the enemy remained.

Upon receipt of this message he at once dispatched his brother

Dom Manoel d’Azevedo with some companies of soldiers,

whom he ordered to come from Seitavaca! and from the

garrisons of the frontiers of Dinavaca”, of which the tyrant

Dom Joao soon received advice : and with the same prompti-

‘tude he dispatched the king of Uva with three thousand men

to succour his troops, with orders that before the succour

reached our people he was to endeavour to come up with them,

and fall upon them and defeat them, which would be easy for

him, the way being shorter for him. And so he arrived with

great quickness, and encamped three leagues from our arrayal?,

whence he sent to advise those in the fort and those hidden in

ambush to be ready to fall upon our people from all sides on

the following day. .

Dom Manoel d’Azevedo also made such haste, that he

arrived almost at the same time. The night that the king of

Uva arrived the modeliar Dom Fernando heard many firelock

shots ; and guessing what it was, he dispatched a spy to go

and bring word of what he found, who shortly after returned,

_ and said that it was the king of Uva, who was encamped at a

little over a league ; and giving an account of everything to

Salvador Pereira and the other captains, they were all of

opinion that they should go that same night and attack him

in his encampment before he should join the others. And he

forthwith dispatched Simao Pinhado and Dom Anrique mode-

liar with all the native lascarins ; and such haste did they

1 See supra, p. 405, note 3.

2 See supra, p. 405, note +.

* Probably in the Bulutota pass, which is about the distance men-

tioned (say twelve miles) from Katuwana.

AG Var

420 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Von. XX.

make, that in the daylight watch they fell upon the enemy,

and attacked them with great determination and vigour; and

as they took them unawares, they made great havoc amongst

them. And not knowing what it was, they were on the poin

of being totally routed ; but recovering themselves, they took

their arms in their hands, and commenced to wield them

with great spirit, whereby our lascarins were almost put to the

rout, had it not been for the prowess of Simao Pinhao, who

was much feared by the Chingalas, who that day did such

wonders, that he put the king of Uva completely to the rout,

and went pursuing him for a long distance, in which he killed

many of his men, and captured many arms and spoils.

With this victory our people returned to the arrayal, the

which gave such courage to the rest, that at once they pro-

ceeded to attack those in the tranqueira, carrying some

cavaliers of wood, which they had made for the purpose, in

order to engage them with firelocks from the top, which they

did so determinedly, and with so much injury to them, that

they reduced them to desperation, through seeing that our

people did not try to take them by assault, but to destroy

them little by little with their harquebusery until they had

them in their hands. And seeing themselves so hard pressed

they determined to flee one night at all risks : and so in the

first watch they sallied forth from the tranqueira with their

arms in their hands, and like desperate men attacked our

people to see if they could break them, and pass between them,

who were not so negligent but straightway they were aware

of them ; and getting them in their midst, they wrought such

havoc and destruction amongst them, that there escaped

away, and in the darkness of the night concealed themselves

in the thickets. Here died the flower of the troops of Candea,

and the principal modeliares, who made more war on our people

than all others. In the fort were left all the arms and spoils of

the enemy, which were many.

There took part in this affair Salvador Pereira da Sylva,

field-captain, Dom Manoel d’Azevedo, Simao Pinhao,

Antonio da Sylva d’Afonseca, Jodo Teixeira de Meirelles,

Joao Serrao da Cunha, Felipe d’Oliveira', Simao Rabello,

Gregorio da Costa de Sousa, a certain Pereira, Pero d’Abreu

modeliar, Dom Anrique modeliar, and many others that have

1 Mentioned several times in the latest portion of Bocarro’s work as

disava of the Seven Koralés. In 1618 he was appointed field-captain-

major by D. Constantino de S& e Noronha, in 1620 he reconquered

Jafina, and in March 1627 he died there (see C. A. 8. Jl. xi. 496, 516,

568; Rib. u. i.).

No. 60.—1908.] couTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 421

not come under my notice, and Dom Fernando modeliar as

captain-major!, all of whom did great feats. This took place

in the month of October past of 1597?.

1 So pleased was the king of Spain with the news of this victory, that

he bestowed upon Dom Fernando the order of Christ and a village in

Ceylon producing an annual rent of five hundred parddos (see M. Lit.

Reg. iv. 165, note).

2 Qn 17 December 1597 the Goa chamber, in their annual letter

to the king, wrote (A. P.-O. i. u. 53) :—“ On the affairs of Ceilao we

made our comments last year to your majesty [see swpra, p. 408,

note 2], and no others now offer themselves except to repeat those

game ones with greater vehemence, in order that this conquest do

not drain us dry as it is doing, and we lose the present opportunity,

for which those of old so longed, to be able with one less advantageous

- than thisto annex this island to the state, as, without head and without

limbs, it was offered to us in due season, with four rebels demoralized :;

but yet the desired effect cannot be attained without a separate force

from that kingdom [Portugal], as the count must be writing to your

majesty.” Of the “ four rebels ’’ Simao Correa was one, and probably

Antonio Barreto (see injra, p. 439, note '), was another; while a

third may have been Kannangara arachchi (see C. A. 8. Jl. xi. 467;

Rajav. 99); the fourth may have been Kuruppu mudali (see Rdjdv.

99; Boe. 498). Further on in the same letter the Goa chamber say

(A. P.-O. i. 11. 59) :—* André Furtado de Mendong¢a has always resided

in this city with many charges and expenses, and ready for any occasion

of service to your majesty, whereby he is much in debt, and now he

has been chosen by the coumt viceroy for the conquest of Ceiléio, which

he accepted with that zeal and integrity that he has always had on all

occasions of service to your majesty, and as a captain so fortunate

and of such experience we hope that he will obtain the result that we

desire by succeeding in reducing that island entirely to obedience to

your majesty ; and for all these reasons he deserves to be encouraged

by your majesty with honours and rewards.”’ What was the reason of

the intended supersession of D. Jeronimo de Azevedo by André Furtado

de Mendoga we learn from a letter from the new king of Spain

(Philip Il. died on 17 September 1598) written on 10 December

1598, printed in Arch. Port.-Or. iii. (932-4). Therein Philip III.

acknowledges the receipt of a letter, dated 15 December 1597, from

the viceroy, in which the latter expresses his intention of prosecuting

the conquest of Ceylon, “‘and of sending as general thereof André

Furtado de Mendoga, because of his parts and experience, and because

of the natives of those parts fearing him on account of the good success

that he had in Jafanapatéo, and on account of being liked by the

soldiers, and in order that Dom Jeronimo de Azevedo who was there

might be able to come and rest, for which he begged with much urgency,

and because of his being somewhat harsh to the soldiers, and,” says

the king, “that you had determined to send with the said André

422 JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

Dec. XII., Bk. 1., CHAP. xiv.

Of another great victory that our people gained in Ceildo.

These victories having been gained over this tyrant, Dom

Jeronimo d’Azevedo ordered the arrayal to withdraw to the

fort of Batugedere', on the frontiers of Dinavaca, of which

there went as head Salvador Pereira, and with him Simao

Pinhao, in order to carry on in those parts all the war they

could against the tyrant, both in the Seven and in the Four

Corlas, where the enemy likewise sought to make war so

as to divert the captain-general from that which our people

were waging in the parts of Maturé, where there remained

sufficient troops for that purpose, considering that the parts

in which the general had ordered this war to be waged were

Furtado five hundred Portuguese soldiers im addition to those that were

there, and of men of the Christian topazes of the country [orig. has

serra, ‘mountain region,”’ probably an error for terra] as many as could

be got, and all the money possible, although all was less than what

André Furtado asked for, but much more than what Dom Jeronimo

proposed for continuing the conquest; and that all the persons of

importance and experience of that island told you that it was not

expedient to make great assaults and with many men by land because

of its being mountainous and unsuitable to a regular army, but rather

that it was better counsel to prosecute the conquest with continual

and prolonged warfare, seizing on opportunities as they came of their

own accord, and thus wearying and breaking the spirits of the Chingalas,

and that by this means with little risk and with ease that island could

be subjected: and,” continues the king, “ I thank you much for what

you have done in this matter, and for the considerations and discussions —

of this procedure of yours therein, which once more I'strongly commend

to you, referring to all that I have expressly commanded you in regard

to this as I have reminded you above; and because of the good successes

that Dom Jeronimo d’ Azevedo has had in this conquest, the experience

that he has of it, and the good manner in which he has served therein,

and in the other things with which he was incharged, I consider it to

my service that he go on continuing in the same enterprise, and that if

André Furtado have not gone thither you let Dom Jeronimo remain

th re, and that you send him the necessary men and provisions con-

formably to what he asked you for, and if André Furtado have departed

you do the same with him, and that you ,old Dom Jeronimo in the

esteem that by his services he merits.””» Why André Furtado was not

sent to Ceylon does not appear: Couto does not mention him in this

Decade until September 1599, when he records his election as captain-

major of the Malabar armada. As regards the supply sent to Ceylon

at this time see supra, XII.1. vii. (p. 416), and infra, XII. 11.1. (p. 428).

1 Of. p. 413 supra. The ‘fort’ here spoken of is evidently the

‘“ranquetira > mentioned there. |

No. 60.—1908.] couTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 423

weak and had only a smali force. And he was given courage

for this by a victory that he gained over the native troops on

our side!, which was the cause of some vassals of those parts

of Seitavaca and Cota rebelling ; and these territories which

thus rebelled, the tyrant sought to support and defend, for

which purpose he commanded a fort to be made on the confines

of the Four Corlas?, in which he placed a large and good

garrison of soldiers and modeliares. As soon as the general had

advice of this he ordered all the troops that he had in those

parts to unite, and to fortify themselves in the village of Atana-

gale, in which was stationed as captain Francisco Pimentel,

it being a strong position and suited for withstanding

the enemy and for making the rebellious territories return to

their obedience. This fort Simao Pinhdo caused to be made’.

The tyrant was much exasperated at this, and commanded

‘that war to be prosecuted with much ardour: wherefore the

whole force concentrated in the fort of Atanagale, whence our

people made various assaults on the territories of the enemy,

in which they killed and captured many, whereupon part of

the rebellious territories returned to their obedience, and the

tyrant proceeded to retire, and our people to go forward

another day’s march in order to get near to him, because they

greatly desired to encounter him.

The tyrant seeing himself so hard pressed ordered a good

fort to be made on the top of a hill close to our force, and

within our territories, both in order to support those that were

under his obedience and the better to secure his own and the

other fort that he had on the confines of the Four Corlas,

which was that on which they relied most of all. Our people

learning of the fort that was being made close to them on the

top of the hill assaulted it before it was completed, and entered

it with such determination and courage, that, with a loss to the

enemy of many killed, they gained it, and entirely razed it ;

and as those that were in the tranqueira of the Four Corlas did

not seem willing to retire entirely from our territories, but

rather were confident of dominating them thence by means of

some fortifications that had been made by them in the passes

where our people might attack them, the general ordered the

arrayal to proceed thither ; and in some skirmishes that they

had there with the enemy they defeated them and put them

1 This Portuguese reverse was probably more serious than Couto

cares to admit.

2 IT cannot identify the site of this fort.

® Couto does not again mention this fort, nor can I find any reference

to it in other writers (cf. C. A. S. Jl. xvi. 92, note). Attanagalla

occupies an important position, commanding roads in all directions.

424 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX.

to flight, and took from them all the fortifications, whereupon

_they vacated the territories, and retired to the limits of

Seitavaca, and our people committed conspicuous cruelties

on the inhabitants of the villages that had rebelled, as an

example to the others.

The tyrant having learnt of this, and. fearing that our

people would go and attack his fort and tranqueiras, sought to

divert them from this : to which end he sent the greater part

of his force to the two princes of the Corlas, in order that they

with the other rebels might go and attack our tranqueiras in

the direction of Chilao! on the border of the sea, so as to

draw our people thither, and thereby secure the territories that

he desired. Of this the general soon had word, and advised

those in the arrayal of everything, so that they might be

ready and on the alert, in order to go and fall of a sudden upon

the enemy, or attempt to enter their territories, so as to oblige

them to desist from that design ; and because the locality

in which they had their arrayal was far from our people, and

on the road were great impediments of rivers and swamps,

they would not be able to catch them without being dis-

covered : wherefore they thought it better to enter their

territories, and attack their city itself, the capital of the

Seven Corlas?, where the principal rebels were residing, who

at that time were roving outside with al! their forces, waging

war on our territories, because they had in that city their

riches, wives, and children. And so they went marching at

full speed, resting neither night nor day, fighting with the

enemy that were in guard of several passes ; and reaching the

with tranquetras and ditches, they attacked it with such

determination, that they entered it, killing a modeliar who was

left there as captain and many soldiers, and the city was forth-

with set fire to and burnt with all its wealth, which was much,

in order that our men might not be hindered by the sack.

Having done this, our people retired in very good order,

and avoiding the road by which the princes might come to

succour their city ; and yet in those by which they retreated

1 Cf. supra, p. 405, note ®.

* Apparently Kurunégala is meant, though Couto nowhere mentions

this place by name (c/. supra, p. 17 5, note !). In fact, though

Bocarro and other Portuguese authorities speak of the ‘‘ Cornagal

Corla,”’ I have found no reference to the town in any Portuguese writer.

Knox enters ‘‘ Cornogoll”’ in his map, but does not mention the place

in his book. (See, however, M. L. R. iv. 155, where Mattégama is

described as capital of the Seven Kéralés.)

No. 60.—1908.] cCouTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 4.25

they did not fail to have great trouble, since they passed a

whole day fighting with garrisons that the enemy had in

different passes, whom they always left wounded.

This affair becoming known to the princes who were carrying

on the war within our territories, they left everything, and

hastened thither : and during this journey our people sallied

forth against them, and fell upon the garrisons that had been

left in their tranqueiras, and slaying some and putting others

to flight, they drove them out of the territories, and even

entered those of the enemy, where they did much damage,

and gathered many spoils. This took place between Novem-

ber past and the end of April of this year of 1598 in which we

are. ‘The tyrant Dom Joao was extremely enraged at these

things, because in addition to the reputation that he lost with

the Chingallas, he became less feared by our people, who had

killed his principal captains and modeliares, the rest of whom

had become so cowed, that they now carried on the war feebly

and against their wishes, which were new weapons where-

with our people continued fighting with them.

_ And because the tyrant feared that with the succour that

was coming to us from India our people would capture the fort

that he had on the confines of the Four Corlas, in which lay

all his strength and the security of those districts, he deter-

mined to undertake that affair in person, in order both the

better to provide for the safety of that fort, and by his presence

give energy to that war, and provoke and animate those

inhabitants that were under our obedience to rebel and go over

to him, so as to discourage our people, and divert the general

from sending to make war on him as he was doing within his

very house, and likewise to free his people from the evils with

which they were continually menaced by the daring and the

victories that our people daily gained. In this he did not

succeed as he expected, because the general had so many spies on

him, that he could not take a step or form a plan, of which he was

hot speedily advised : upon which he acted with the necessary

promptness, because to this were always due the victories

that he gained ; and the tyrant, in order to effectuate what he

aimed at, betook himself to Candea, and prepared two armies,

one of a thousand picked soldiers, which he dispatched to the

port of Putalao, in order to assist all the troops of that district,

and to go against Chilao by the borders of the sea ; and another

of three thousand men, whom he ordered to go and fortify

‘themselves on our frontier of the Seven Corlas: and this they

_did on the skirts of a hill, with the design that should the

general order an attack on any of these they would fall upon

our people in the rear, whereby they considered that they

would obtain a certain victory over them.

426 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX.

The general being advised of everything reformed the arrayal

by ordering all the native soldiery to attach themselves to it,

which would be about two,thousand two hundred Portuguese

soldiers, the commander of whom was Salvador Pereira, and of |

the native troops Pinhao and Francisco de Brito : and he ordered

them to go and fortify themselves in a place called Tranqueira

Alanha', where they made a strong tranqueira of wood with its

traverses, sentry-boxes, and ditches, so as to remain there in

the midst of these two armies of enemies at an equal distance

from one and the other, in order by this means to curb the

enemy, and make them lose the pride they had and the hopes of

prevailing against us, because thus they could not succour

one another, their forces thereby being divided. And after

having well fortified themselves our men sallied forth greatly

puffed up, leaving the tranqueira well provided, and with

great mettle proceeded to attack the arrayal in the direction

of the Seven Corlas, on which they fell in the dawning watch

so unexpectedly, that they caught them before they had yet

finished the fort that they were making there, which was in the

roots of a hill range, the woods on which they had cut down

round about, leaving no more entrance to the fort than by two

gorges, which likewise they had fortified with strong tran-

queiras, and in them two thousand men ; and the rest of the

army was on the hill above, with orders that, on being attacked

by our men, they were to issue forth on one side and attack

them in the rear.

As soon as our men reached the gorges they at once with

great determination attacked the enemy; but the latter

discharged their ammunition, whereby they brought down

several of our Jascarins, and the rest began to retire, upon

which the Portuguese hastened up and passed to the front,

and attacked the enemy with so much energy, that in spite of

the great resistance that they met with from them they forced

their way in, killing one of the captains or modeliares and many

of his men. And whilst taken up with this victory, there

came upon them the rebel Simao Correa, who it was that was

stationed on the hillabove, and fell upon our men in the rear ;

but as they were all flushed with pride, they turned upon him

with an astonishing fury, and after the battle had lasted a

long time they put the enemy to the rout and flight, and in the

pursuit they killed many, and by the great mercy of God

returned laden with arms, without its costing them more than

two Portuguese and some native lascarins.

1 Apparently a misprint for ‘‘ Alauha,” that is, Allawwa (see

C. A. Sid, xvi. 9522note):

No. 60.—1908.| coUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 427

Having gained this victory, Salvador Pereira, who was the

captain-major of this expedition, dispatched a thousand

native firelock-men with some Portuguese to go and fall upon

the arrayal at Putalao', before they should have news of the

defeat of this other one ; and arriving at the fort that they had

made there, they attacked it with the greatest determination,

because, besides the enthusiasm with which they were filled,

they carried.additional arms, since they had doubled their

firelocks with those that they had taken in the late victory ;

and with the same facility they entered the fort, many of the

_ enemy being killed, among whom were five hundred Bagadas?,

people of the opposite coast, men of mettle, who had come in

succour of the tyrant. The which caused such fear among

the rest that had come over to that island, and among the

others, when the news reached them there of the bad entertain-

- ment that our people had given them, that they did not desire

again to try their luck under the banner of the tyrant. With

this victory our men returned once more to their fort.

This news having reached the arrayal that the tyrant had

in the Four Corlas, fearing that they would be immediately

attacked by our people, they abandoned everything, and

returned to Candea, because it seems that they were advised

- of the correspondence that the general carried on with those

inhabitants in order to get them to return to the obedience

from which they had rebelled through the industry of the

tyrant Dom Joao, regarding which several leading persons

had already been coming to discuss this matter with the

general, which was effectuated, and he dispatched them

together with the whole army (having already learnt of the

victories that our troops had gained) to go and attack that fort,

which they had already vacated, and where there remained

only what the soldiers could glean; and they utterly dis-

mantled it, in which they had labour enough, it being a large

stronghold, and of much workmanship. With these victories

the enemy was much demoralized, and our people greatly elated.

There took part in these actions Felipe d’Oliveira, Joao Serrao

da Cunha, Gaspar d’ Azevedo, Francisco de Macedo®, Francisco

Gomez Leitao, son of the other of the same name’, Antonio

da Costa Monteiro, and other captains of companies and posts.

1 This is the first occasion on which we hear of this town in Couto’s

history.

_ 2 An error for “ Badagas”’ (see infra, p. 443). On these people see

Hob.-Job. s.v.”” Badega ’; and regarding their employment in Ceylon

see C. A. S. Jl. xvi. 96.

_ 3 See supra, p. 225, note °

4 See supra, p. 225, note +

428 JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL XX.

Drc. XITI., Br. 11., CHAP. 1.

* # x * * * *

BP am the count admiral ...... began to employ himself

with the things that he had to send out, and the first was to

dispatch the galleon of supplies for Ceilaéo!, and in it Dom

Pedro Manoel, brother of the Conde da Atalaya, first cousin

of the count himself, as captain of Columbo?, Thomé de Sousa

d’Arronches, who held that post, having completed his time?®,

which left at the beginning of October [1598]. ..... :

*k * * * * * *

Dec. XII., Br. ., CHapP. iv.

*K * % % PRs 3 * 3

...... And because a little before there had arrived

from Ceilao André Pereira Coutinho, son of Jorge Pereira

Coutinho®, former captain of Chaul, who went and reported

‘ Cf. supra, p. 421, note ?,

* He did not hold the position for long (see infra, XII. Iv. xiii.

p. 441). .

3 See supra, p. 280, note?,p. 406. As we have seen, Thomé de Sousa

had held the post of captain-major of the Ceylon coast for eight years

or more until 1595, when he succeeded Pedro Homem Pereira as captain

of Columbo. On 7 March 1595 there was issued in Lisbon an alvarda,

in which the king said (A. P.-O. v. 1411-2) that in respect of Thomé de

Sousa d’ Arronches, fidalgo of his household, having served him in India

twenty and odd years, as soldier; captain, and captain-major, and

continuing to serve in the said parts, he made him the grant, in place

of the 250 parddos of allowance that were given him by the governor

Manoel de Sousa Coutinho, of a village in the said parts of the same

value. Accordingly, on 15 February 1601 the viceroy Aires de Saldanha

issued at Goa a provision in which he permitted Thomé de Sousa to

draw the said allowance of 250 parddos from “ the rent of the villages

of Talaulim and Morombim in the island of this city of Goa, which are

now vacant.”’ I have mentioned above (p. 406, note *), certain charges

brought against Thomé de Sousa by Dharmapala shortly before his

death, among them misappropriation of rents oflands. The first docu-

ment printed in A. P.-O. vi. is an order by the viceroy, dated 13

February 1601, for the resumption on behalf of the king of the rents

of certain villages leased by Dharmapala, among the lessees being

“'Thomé de Sousa d’Arronches, to whom is leased the village Bocala-

gama, which is in Pilig&ocorla” (7.e., Bokalagama in Hapitigam

koralé). For further facts relating to this man see infra, p. 433, note?,

* At Cochin.

° See supra, p. 149.

No. 60.—1908.] couTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 429

himself at that fortress!, for a banishment that he was under?,

learning of that occasion’ he freighted a ship, and collected

many soldiers to go with him. Dom Francisco de Sousa,

son of Dom Pedro, who likewise on this occasion had arrived

at Cochim from Ceilao, whither he had gone to report himself

on account of having certain years of banishment to that

island, and by leave of the general thereof had come to visit

his house, likewise freighted a ship with soldiers, and went in

succour of Cunhale*.

* x * o« ** 2* 2

Dec. XIT., Br. m., CHap. i.

Of what took place during this summer in the conquest of the

island of Ceilao: and of the victories that our people

gained over the tyrant of Candea: and of the handsome

tranqueira that Dom Jeronimo ordered to be made in the

village of Manicravare.

Having gained the victories that we have related in the

Seven Corlas, and demolished the enemy’s tranqueiras, the

general Dom Jeronimo d’ Azevedo determined to send and make

a tranqueira in Manicravaré’, so as to be nearer to the kingdom

of Candea, in order to be able from there to conquer it, and tc

form in that tranquewra a magazine and rendezvous for war,

and to remain there as a post and castle against the Four

Corlas. This tranqueira he determined should be of stone,

for better defence and safety of the troops that. were to be in

it : for which purpose he collected a large number of pioneers

and artizans, and all the articles and materials necessary for

1 Columbo.

2 T do not know what his fault was. Banishment to Ceylon to serve

in the “conquest”? there for a term of years was a common

punishment at this period (see supra, p. 290, note 7, and infra,

p. 433).

8 The “occasion ’’ was a projected expedition against the Malabar

** pirate ’”’ Cunhale, for which an armada under D. Luiz da Gama had

assembled at Cochin (in January 1599). For details of this disastrous

expedition and the successful one of a year later see Pyr. 11. 514-27.

.* This does not mean that he went to assist Cunhale against the

Portuguese, but vice versd. The expression is awkward, and “‘socorro”’

may be an error for some other word.

* Menikkadavara, in Kiraveli pattu, Beligal koralé, Kégalla District

(see Rep. on Kég. Dist. 31-2).

430 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON) [Vous 26x:

that building, which he incharged on Salvador Pereira da

Sylva, who set out with a large body of lascarins, and as many

Portuguese soldiers as could be mustered; and one league

before reaching the fort of Manicravaré, in September past

of 1598, he pitched his camp, in which he remained several

days, during which were collected the things necessary for the

work that he was going to do, so as to do everything on the

same day that he arrived: because he suspected that the

tyrant designed to surprise our men the night they arrived,

before they had made themselves secure, in order to impede that

work, which would remain a source of great injury and pre-

judice to him, through their closing by means of it the gates

of the kingdom of Candea, where he would be pennedin. The

materials having been collected, our people set out for the spot

where the fortress was to be made ; and on reaching it they

at once fortified themselves ; and when the following night

came, in which the enemy had determined to assault them,

there was already made a defensible fortress of wood, and our

people within it very safe, and the enemy frustrated in their

design without daring to make a move. —

stone, on which they spent the space of four months with great

cost and labour ; and having this, they did not fail to make

some incursions into the tyrant’s territories, from which they

always returned victorious.

The tyrant seeing that he could not hinder that work deter-

mined to divert the general, to which end he proceeded with

his army to the frontiers of Dinavaca, where he began to

make war vigorously upon those territories that were ours;

upon which the general hastened thither with another army

which he formed of soldiers whom he took from the posts that

they had in various parts, leaving them always with guards,

of which he sent as captain Salvador Pereira da Sylva, to ~

withstand the enemy, which he did, having with them several

encounters, in which he defeated them.

The fortress of Manicravaré was continued until it was

entirely finished, with its walls, bastions, and a tower in the

middle of two stories, a work so well finished and strong, that

it was held as inexpugnable throughout the whole island ;

and to it the general himself proceeded with the rest of the

army at the beginning of the past January of 1599, and there

made preparations for sending to invade the Corlas.

The tyrant soon learnt of this: and seeing how important

it was for him to maintain those Corlas, both the Four and the

Seven, because if they were lost the kingdom of Candea

would become open, exposed, and diminished in its strength,

he proceeded to those parts with his whole force, and that of

a Ge

No. 60.—-1908.] couTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 43]

the king of Huva!, in which there were nearly five thousand

men and went and took up his position in the Seven Corlas,

and from there dispatched a captain with part of the troops,

to go and be near to our frontier fortresses. Upon which the

general hastened and sent Salvador Pereira da Syiva with two

hundred Portuguese and two thousand lascarins, who went

marching along a river” that divides the Seven Corlas from the

kingdom of Cota and Ceitavaca ; and on the following day

he sent part of the troops across to the other side, to go and

reconnoitre the most suitable site for forming a campin

eround for the arrayal, whilst they cleared and felled the

jungle for it. Whilst our people were occupied with this work

the enemy attacked them in many places; but as our men

were constantly on the watch, and always went with their

arms in their hands, they resisted them valorously ; and

_aiter having a tolerable battle, they put the enemy to the rout,

killing and capturing many, from whom they learnt that the

king of Huva had come near to our arrayal, and was less

than a league from it, with the intention of barring to our

people the passage of the river, in order that they might not go

and encamp their army in the village of Adegalitota?,

whence they could do much harm. Our people immediately

advised the general of these things, who ordered all the rest of

' the troops to move in great haste, and as captain of them

4, who set off marching, and on the way captured

three tranqueiras, which the enemy had made in narrow parts,

and in them killed many ofthe enemy. And those that escaped

went and gave warning to the king of Huva, who at once

moved from the place where he was, and formed his army,

and took the open field to await our people, who thought to

find him unprepared. And when they appeared they found

themselves surprised and in confusion, because the enemy

at once attacked them with great fury ; and as our peopls

always went with their arms in their hands, they resisted

them with such valour and energy, that in a short space of

time they routed their vanguard, and drove them from the

field with a good deal of damage. And recognizing the victory

that God had given them, they went charging them, and

1 This spelling with initial h makes no difference to the pronuncia-

tion, h being silent in Portuguese.

* The Maha-oya.

.* [have failed to identify this place (the surmise, in C. A. 8. Jl. xvi.

98, note, that it is Degalatiriya in Kanduaha pattu, cannot be correct).

In chap. iii. below it is called Galitota, and then Balitote. Possibly

Udagaladeniya in Walgam pattu of Kinigoda kéralé is meant.

In the printed editions the name is not given.

432 - JOURNAL, B.A.S. (CEYLON). 4.12 [VG Ee,

doing such great destruction, that they killed more than two

hundred ; and in this pursuit they came upon the main body

of the army, where was the king of Huva, and setting upon

one another, our firelock-men did their duty well, whereupon

the enemy halted until they once more joined their main body.

Those of the vanguard, who were fleeing closely, turned round

with such astonishing fury, that our men looked upon them-

selves as lost ; but understanding that the salvation of their

lives lay in the valour and strength of their arms, they exerted

the utmost of their strength, and like desperate men threw

themselves amongst the enemy, among whom they wrought

such cruelties, that they turned their backs on them and took

to flight, and our men went charging them, like those that had

already conquered them, doing great havoc amongst them. In

this encounter the enemy lost two hundred, and many

modeliares, and our people captured many arms and other

spoils, and retired tc the site of Adegalitota, where they

erected their tranqueiras and fortifications at their will and

without impediment. This took place at the end of the past

January of 1599. - &®

Dre. XIt., Br. 11., CHAP* ii.

Of a disturbance that there was amongst the soldiers of the con-

quest over their pay : and of the succour that the count sent

to it by Dom Francisco de Noronha : and of what befel him

on the voyage.

The victories that we have related above being past, with

so much danger to the soldiers, they entered upon another

greater and more to be feared and dreaded, which was hunger

and lack of pay: because the soldiers that serve and take part

in this conquest (whom I consider as the most practised and

daring that there are m india;, when they are full ted, will

undertake without fear all the dangers in the world, and. will

fight like wild elephants'. And this lack of pay, which the

general was expecting from India, they bore so badly,

that many of them mutinied, and went off to the mountains,

where they fortified pngasees and. sallied forth in bands to

seek food in the villages?. Of this the count viceroy soon had

advice by letters from Ceilao: and seeing that it was necessary

1 Cf. what Couto says above on p. 355.

* We have heard several times already of the soldiers in Ceylon

mutinying (see p. 257, note *, p. 394, p. 406, note”), but never of their

behaving as stated here. J! have found no reference elsewhere to this

outbreak.

No. 60.—-1908.]| couTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 433

for him to send help in that manner, knowing that in the port

of Goa was a ship of Thome de Sousa d’Arronches, captain of

Columbo}, he ordered to embark at once in it one hundred and

fifty soldiers, twenty thousand parddos in money, many pro-

visions, munitions, spears, and firelocks, and chose as captain

thereof to make this journey Dom Francisco de Noronha,

who made sail shortly about the 20th of April of this year of

1599 in which we are. And besides the soldiers that were paid

the count ordered to embark many that were in the jail sentenced

to banishment: and thus there embarked some fidalgos:

some that were going to serve, and others to fulfil their terms

of banishment, and report themselves’. And those of whom

I have been able to learn were André Pereira Coutinho?,

Luiz de Lacerda, Dom Manoel and Dom Rodrigo de Crasto,

both brothers and natives of Bagaim, whom they called in

‘India the Mangaritos, Rui Coadrado de Almadao, and others.

And while this captain was pursuing his course, when he was

as far forward as Cananor, the banished men seized the boat

in order to escape. By which one sees what force the loss of

liberty has, that in what these men intended to do in fleeing

they considered it a lesser evil to risk themselves to such a

known evil as was the putting themselves into a boat in such

dangerous winter weather, than to go to Ceilao against their

will, it being a country where so many rejoiced to go and

serve the king of their own accord, on account of the prosperity,

- coolness, and abundance that it possesses, and in which many

times there are occasions when men enrich themselves?.

1 Rather, late captain of Columbo (see supra, XII. m.1., p. 428).

This is the last reference that Couto makes to this man. Hissignature

appears, amongst others, to the last document printed in Arch. Port.-

Or. iii., which is dated in Cochin, 15 December 1600. From a docu-

ment printed in the Arch. da Kel. de Goa (5), dated in Lisbon, 20 March

1601, it would appear that there was some judicial process against

Thomé de Sousa ; but what was the complaint, and what the result, I

cannot find. He was vice-admiral of the fleet under Andrg Furtado de

Mendoga that left Goa on 6 May 1601 against the Dutch. His subse-

quent history is unknown to me.

2 See supra, p. 429, note 2.

* See swpra, XII. 1. iv. (p. 428).

4In Arch. Port.-Or. iii. (889) is printed an alvard, dated in Goa, 26

January 1598, in which the count viceroy states that he learns that

several persons who had been banished to Ceylon had not gone there,

but were going about with the Malabar armada: wherefore he orders

that they forthwith embark for Ceylon with D. Francisco da Gama,

captain of Guale (? Galle, or a galley), under pain of being sent in irons

and having their terms doubled. On page 899 is another viceregal

2F 36-08

434 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). - (Vou. XX.

Of this commotion and determination of these men Dom

Francisco de Noronha had warning, and immediately took

measures regarding it, ordering to place men of his command

in the boat, over which he constantly kept a strict watch.

And having passed Cape Comorim, he crossed that gulf in

very rough weather, which lasted until he had sight of the land

about Gale, and there they anchored two leagues out at sea,

without knowing where they were. And fearing to put in to

the coast by reason of the sea’s being very high, and the wind

violent, and the weather so cloudy that it showed and gave

sions of the winter, which is there very dangerous, Dom

Francisco de Noronha was very undecided as to what he should |

do, because there was a tumult among the soldiers, who wished

to land at Tutocori ; in which he intervened and put a stop to,

telling them and asserting to all that he was bound to go to

Ceilao on account of the great need in which that conquest

was of that succour ; because he knew very well, that if he

went to Tutocori not one of those soldiers that he was carrying

would remain, and that all the provisions and munitions

would be spoilt and consumed. And that on account of the -

confidence that the viceroy had in him he chose him for that

expedition, which he must on no account fail to make, and

carry that succour to Columbo, even though he should risk

all dangers even to the loss of his life, because thereby the king

would be better served, and he would be fulfilling his duty.

And so resolute was he in this, that he ordered the money,

the firelocks, and munitions to be placed in casks and hogs-

heads, and the whole to be floated attached to thick and

strong cables for the time of need. And he told the officers,

that when there was no other resource they were to run the

ship aground on that land that was in sight, at a part where

the men and the things of value could be saved ; that he under-

took to pay from his own fortune the owner for his ship.

And there remaining nothing for him to do, seeing that

there appeared a fine sandy beach, he ordered the boat to

be brought alongside, and equipped her very well with oars

and sailors, and asked one of the fidalgos that went with him

to embark in her, and to go and land on the beach that

was visible, and to try and get hold of some pilot who

should guide them to a safe port ; from which the fidalgo

SS eee ?):;00 05005

alvard, dated in Goa, 18 April 1598, which orders that all who had

been banished to Ceylon and all who had been pardoned on condition

of going to Ceylon were to embark therefor in that monsoon under pain

of forfeiting their securities, having their terms doubled, and other

penalties. From a note on page 3 of the Arch. da Rel. de Goa it seems

that those offenders who took part in the expedition BEES Cunhale

were pardoned, but to this there were exceptions.

No. 60.—1908.] couTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 435

excused himself. And there being some disputes between him

and the captain, there offered himself one Alvaro de Barros,

an old soldier, a worthy knight, who had the reversion of

the captaincy of the port of Caleturé!, and said to Dom

Francisco de Noronha that he would go in the boat to make

that investigation, and that he hoped in God that he would

do it very well, which the captain accepted of him, and ordered

to embark with him some companions, giving him orders to

land at that beach; and that if he found there any village

he was to endeavour to arrange for a pilot, or two, for which

purpose he gave him money ; and as the Chingalas would for

it sell wife and children”, if there were any there they would

not fail to come.

After this boat had left, there appeared an almadia?, which

had put out from Gale, and on signalling to it it came tc the

ship, and from those that came in it they learnt the position

in which they were, which was between Gale and Beligao.

And as there was no one in it who knew how to guide them

and show them the way, they dispatched the almadia with a

letter to the captain of Gale*, in which the captain of the ship

gave him an account of the state in which he was, and begged

him to send and help him with pilots who should take them

into some safe port.

Such promptness did Alvaro de Barros put into this business

that they intrusted to him, that he reached the land, and

there engaged two pilots, whom he sent in the boat, and whom

Dom Francisco de Noronha heartily welcomed, and asked them

where it would be better to put in, at Gale, or at Beligao,

and if they would venture to take that ship into either of those

ports ? and both said that Beligao was better, because its

bar had at high tide from four to five fathoms of water, and

that they would endeavour to take her in; but that they

would not bind themselves to anything. |

Having made his calculations, Dom Francisco de Noronha

resolved to attempt the bar of Beligao, even though the ship

should be imperilled ; because, if the men, money, and

munitions were saved, of all the rest he recked little. And

having decided on this, he ordered the pilots to go to Beligao,.

that God in whom he confided would help them. And so they-.

set sail, and arrived in front of the bar at the time when it was

half tide, with which they attempted the bar, and came into

1 CH. supra, p. 404, note’. I think that “‘port’’ here must be an

error for “ fort.”’

2 Cf. Couto’s opinion of the Sinhalese in V. 1. v. (p. 66).

3 See supra, p. 286, note }. :

* Perhaps D. Francisco da Gama (see note * on p. 433 supra).

oe 2

436 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Vou. XX.

seven fathoms ; and then further in thev got into four, and

further on into three and a half, whereupon Dom Francisce

thought himself lost. And as he had everything attached to

cables, and placed on the deck in order to throw them into the

boat, he ordered it to be brought alongside, and let himself go.

And it pleased God of his mercy that from three and a half

fathoms they soon got into five, and afterwards the depth

went on increasing, and those in the ship joying and rejoicing

greatly, and so they came to anchor close to the land. And

this was the first ship that entered the port!, and thenceforward

it became easy for all.

Dom Franeisco de Noronha ordered to disembark all that he

carried, and on land made his-posts, and fortified himself very

well, and dispatched a message to Gale, that they should send

him servants to transport that material. Upon which there

came Dom Fernando modeliar? with many people of the

country, with whom Dom Francisco de Noronha began to

march in very good order and with all precaution. And in the

places where they had to halt to dine or sleep in a short space

of time they fortified themselves all round: because as the

servants were many, and the jungles great and dense, all was

easily done. And for this reason several rebels whom they

encountered did not dare to attack them. In this order they

reached Columbo in safety*, where they were much welcomed,

and the general now had wherewith to pay and quiet the

soldiers, whereupon he began once more to carry on the war,

as we shall presently relate.

Dec. XII., BK. 1., CHAP. iii.

Of other victories that our people gained in Ceilao in

different parts.

The king of Huva, ashamed. at being so many times defeated

and fearing the tyrant Dom Joao, let himself remain in the |

Seven Corlas very far from the posts in which our men lay,

and from the territory of Galitota*, and there once more mus-

tered the greater part of the troops that escaped from that

rout. The tyrant Dom Joao, as soon as he saw the failure

+ We are not told the size of this ship. The Portuguese vessels that

entered the bay in 1584 and 1588 were small and of light draught.

2 Why he was in Galle, and not in Matara, of which he was captain,

we are not told.

* If they passed through Galle, it is SvroD eS that we are not told so.

* See supra, p. 431, note 3.

No. 60.—1908.] couTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 437

of that expedition, in which he had had such confidence,

determined to unite his forces, and once more carry on the war

in that part, which he could not do, because his people had

become so timid after these events, and so disgusted with that

war, that they were unwilling to take part in it, whereupon

the tyrant used them with great cruelty, commanding many

to be beheaded, and ordered to summon the king of Huva,

who came, and went in person through his territories collecting

tro~ps until he had formed a respectable army: whereupon

he once more dispatched that king with orders to keep clear of

our people, and go and impede the designs of Dom Jeronimo,

which were to oblige the natives of the corlas to return to the

obedience in which they were before, in order thereby to be

able more easily to endeavour the conquest of the kingdom of

Candea and bring the war to his very doors, so as thus to pen

‘him in in such fashion that either he would have to quit the

territories, or he would so dog him, as at last to kill him or

get him into his hands: the which the tyrant well understood,

and strove all he could to divert him. And to this end he had

secret communications with the lascarins of our army that was

on the frontiers of Dinavaca, and by means of bribes got them

to desert to him, whereby those territories underwent a change.

As soon as our people saw that the lascarins had deserted

to the enemy, they withdrew to the forts of Corvite and

Batugedere, where they were besieged, having the whole

population against them. The general was at this time on

the frontiers of Candea taken up with the conquest that he

wished to make in that kingdom, whereby the enemy had

opportunity of regaining courage, and of doing some damage

in our territories, and invading them as far as in front of the

tranqueira Malvana'. Having been advised of this, Dom

Jeronimo provided the tranqueira of Manicravaré, in which

he was, with three companies of soldiers, the captains of which

were Thomé Coelho, who was head of all, Jodo Serrao da

Cunha, and Diogo de Araujo”, and with food and munitions

for many days. And he himself with a company of soldiers

and eight hundred lascarins proceeded to the city of Seitavaca :

it being in the middle of the whole kingdom, and closer to

the frontier of Dinavaca, where the enemy were operating :

against whom he dispatched Simao Pinhao with another com-

pany of soldiers and eight hundred lascarins, who encoun-

tered them in the village of Sofragao*®; and after having had

with them a well contested engagement, our men drove them

1 See swpra, p. 405, note 1.

2 The 1645 edition has ** Arahuio.”’

3 Ratnapura.

438 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). (Vou. XX.

from the field, leaving behind them on it many dead: and

thus Simao Pinhao had time to visit the forts of Corvite and

Batugedere, to which had retired those that had been opera- —

ting in the parts of Dinavaca, as we have said, which he

provided very well with everything.

From here the general ordered Pinhao to proceed to the

districts adjoining Malvana, where the rebels and the principal

leaders of that rising now were. And the general himself

likewise set off to another part, so that they got them in

between them, and surrounded them in such a manner, that,

having no resource, they surrendered, and returned to their

obedience ; and the general ordered those that had been the

heads of that rising to have theirs cut off! ; and afterwards

went on little by little executing the most guilty, whereby he

entirely extinguished that conflagration that had been devour-

ing the land. The tyrant went putting all his strength mto

the corlas, in order to give the general something to think

about, and to divert him from his intent : wherefore it was

necessary for him once more to send the arrayal against

that enemy, and in many engagements that they had there

with his troops, our people always had the victory, and

retired with many captives and prizes. Our arrayal that was

in the tranqueira of Balitote? was likewise not idle during this

time, because the king of Huva sent to attack it with more

than six thousand men ; but the captain Salvador Pereyra,

who had already been advised thereof, before he arrived sent

forth the native lascarins out of the tranqueiras to lie in am-

bush in the jungles, so that at the moment when they attacked

it they should fall upon them in the rear, and rout them, of —

which they were afraid, and for that reason were unwilling

to invest the tranqueira, but were ten days near it, attacking

it by skirmishes, from which they always retired scathed.

And that he might leave nothing unattempted to divert and

embarrass the general, the tyrant of Candea sent at the same

time to attack the tranqueira of Manicravaré a captain of four

thousand men, which they did with great determination ;

and for the space of half a day they carried on with our men

a brisk interchange of harquebusery, by which many of them

were left stretched on the field ; and such bad entertainment

did our men give them, that on the same day they withdrew,

leaving the field strewn with many mutilated corpses.

The king of Huva, who was near our fort of Balitote, seeing

that the time was spent without profit, and that he was in

1 The original has this play upon words.

* See supra, p. 431, note *.

No. 60.—1908.] coUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 439

danger of being surprised and routed by our people, retired,

~ because he also learnt that the general was sending to succour

that tranqueira : and from there he proceeded to the districts

of Chilao, leaving at a league from that tranqueira of Balitote

a body of one thousand men, most of them with firelocks, in a

tranqueira that he made in a pass, in order that the people i in

the adjacent villages collecting there might impede our people

in their incursions into those parts, because they were appre-

hensive regarding all. The general being advised of this

sent to attack them a captain with fifty Portuguese and three

hundred lascarins, who put them to rout, entering their

tranqueira and killing many. Upon this taking place, the

king of Huva at once retired from the parts of Chilao, whither

he had proceeded, both because there also he was badly

received by our men, and because he feared that the general

‘would send another force against him.

The tyrant of Candea seeing how badly all his designs had

succeeded, and how many men he had lost in those assaults,

attributed: all to the cowardice of the king of Huva, where-

fore he commanded him to return to Candea: and his office,

which was that of field-captain-general, he gave to a prince

of the blood of the ancient kings", a youth considered to be

daring, who, wishing to show the tyrant that he had not been

deceived in that appointment, at once moved with all the

arrayal and the troops that the king of Huva had commanded

against the fortress of Balitote, which the general had already

succoured with men and munitions, which he attacked with

some firelock skirmishes. And Salvador Pereyra, the captain

of it, seeing that the enemy dared not invest it, sallied forth

against him with a body of men, and assailed him with such

fury, that in a short space of time he put him to the rout,

killing more than a hundred, this prince being in the first

assault that he attempted as unfortunate as the king of Huva,

because he betook himself into the jungle as fearful as the

other ; and his followers who escaped, such was their fear,

that they did not stop until they were inside Candea. With

this the corlas were cleared, only the prince remaining on the

1 Were it not for the statement of Couto that this new commander-

in-chief was of royal blood, we might think that the reference was to

the famous ‘‘ rebel’ leader Antonio Barreto, who gave so much trouble

to the Portuguese for many years afterwards, and whose fate is

recorded by Sa y Menezes (see C. A. 8. Jl. xi. 510). But Bocarro

distinctly says (508) that that man was of ‘‘ low caste.’ Itisprobable,

therefore, that it was to this ‘‘ prince”? that the erstwhile Christian

lascarin succeeded as field-captain-major of the Kandyan army and

prince of Uva.

440 . JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [VoL. XX.

confines of them, two leagues from our arrayal, without daring

to go before the tyrant. Which being known to those in the

tranquetra of Balitote, they sallied forth by night in good —

order, and in the dawning watch fell upon him with such an

uproar, that they put him to flight, and made him once more

betake himself to the jungle, and went pursuing him, and

burning many villages, hamlets, and pagodes: whereby the

inhabitants of the corlas, undeceived as to the tyrant’s being

able to defend them, submitted themselves to our obedience!.

Dec. XII., Br. m., Cap. x.

* * * * ee * 2

Peace. Ne At the same time? he? also dispatched the pro-

vision galleon for Ceilao, of which there went as captain

Manoel Rodriguez the Genoese*, and he sent in her two

hundred men as succour ; and as captain-major of them Dom

Bernardo de Noronha and the troops divided among four

captains, who were, Simao Ferreira do Valle, Pero Peixoto

da Sylva, Luis d’Antas Lobo, and Baltesar Pereira de Castel-

branco. .. 2.22

* * * * cy

Dec. XII., Br. tv., CHAP. xiii.

* 76 * * * 7 *k

At this same time in which the count admiral dispatched

these ambassadors of the king of Travancor, he did the same

1 In two letters, both dated 25 January 1601, the king of Spain

mentions the good success that Dom Jeronimo had had in Ceylon, as

reported by himself and by the viceroy, the latter of whom he charges

to send the additional troops needed to finish the conquest. The Goa

chamber, however, in December 1599, wrote to the king as follows

(A. P.-O. i. 11. 63-4) :—‘* The conquest of the island of Ceilao is in the

condition of which we advise your majesty, and will beas long as your

majesty does not provide a captain-general and sufficient force to come

from that kingdom chosen to make an end of reducing it all to the

service of your majesty, because at present it serves only to consume

bit by bit men and money without other effect than giving strength

to new rebels to make war on us wate as much harm as experience

every year plainly demonstrates to us.’ :

2 In September 1599.

3 The count viceroy.

+ CH. infra, XII. v. viii. (p. 445).

No. 60.—1908.] coUTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 441

also to some captains for abroad, with whom we shall continue.

And the first shall be the galleon with the succours and provi-

sions for the fortress of Columbo, in which went as captain-

major of the men of war Dom Francisco de Noronha', who

took one hundred and fifty soldiers divided between these

two captains, Luis Fernandez de Taide and Manoel de Taide;

and in this same galleon embarked Nuno Fernandez de Taide’,

provided with the captaincy of that fortress, there having

come away from it Dom Pedro Manoel *; and this galleon set

sail on the 3rd of May [1600]. ......

* *f * * * * *

Dec. XII., Br. v., CHap. i.

-Of the things that took place this year in Ceildo: and of the

victories that our people gained, and the tranqueiras that

they made against the enemy.

After the gaining of the victories that we have described

over the tyrant Dom Joao, and after the succour had reached

Dom Jeronimo d’ Azevedo which, as we have said, the count

viceroy sent him in September 1599*, he mustered his army,

and proceeded to the village of Mutapali°®, half a league from

the kingdom of Candea, where he erected a fair-sized fort of

wood with its fillings and ditches capable of containing the

whole arrayal. This fort he made owing to its being midway

1 Cf. supra, XII. 11. ii., p. 433 ff.

2 See supra, p. 227, note 1}.

5 See supra, XII. 11. i. (p. 428). Ina letter dated 22 January 1601,

the king of Spain writes to the viceroy :—‘‘ Dom Pedro Manoel, who was

stationed as captain in Columbo, wrote me that he had come away

from that fortress in order to be present with the count viceroy in the

second expedition against Cunhale, to which the count went in person.

And he also says, that what was gained in Ceiléo could yield a great

part of the expenses of that conquest. I commend to you to inform

yourself of this particularly from the said Dom Pedro as well as from

other persons of experience of that island, and to recover the returns

therefrom in aid of the said expenses.”’

4 See supra, XII. m1. x. p. 440. Ina letter dated 31 January 1602,

the king of Spain tells the viceroy that he is informed that in August and

September 1599 the conquest of Ceylon was in danger of destruction

owing to lack of men, and that it was sustained solely by the good

procedure of Dom Jeronimo: wherefore he urges him to send the latter

all the succour possible.

® Mottappoliya in Deydladahamuna pattu, Kinigoda kéralé (see

Keg. Rep. 37; Knox 177; Boc. 705, 706; Rib. 11. xxX.).

44) JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). [Von. XX.

between the Seven Corlas and the kingdom of Candea, where-

by he continued closing the gates to the enemy, and leaving

him inside as it were penned in. This the tyrant resented —

so strongly, that he preferred rather to risk being destroyed

than to submit to that fetter, which was becoming very heavy

to him. Wherefore he mustered his troops, and proceeded to

encamp in certain rugged and strong mountain fastnesses,

with the intention, by means of excursions and assaults, of

hindering our people in that work, with which great haste

was being made.

Dom Jeronimo d’Azevedo was soon informed of his design,

and he deemed it necessary to dislodge and eject him thence :

because if he fortified himself in that place, beside the hin-

drance that it would be to the conquest of the kingdom of Can-

dea, the enemy would gain reputation amongst the Chingalas,

and they would recover courage on seeing that in despite of

our people being so much at grips with them they were erecting

tranqueiras and fortifying themselves. Wherefore he at once

sent Salvador Pereira with two hundred and thirty soldiers and

two thousand five hundred native /ascarins to go and fall upon

the enemy of a morning, the general remaining in the place of

the tranqueira that he was building, with one hundred and

fifty soldiers and five hundred lascarins ready and fully pre-

pared ‘o hasten to the help of their comrades if necessary.

And our men having set out at the beginning of the daylight

watch went along the road capturing and razing several

tranqueiras until they arrived above where the enemy was

encamped ; and attacking the arrayal, they entered it and

burnt it with great determination ; and afterwards in the open |

field, the enemy recovering themselves had with our men a

very severe battle: because it is asserted that on the side of

the enemy there were three thousand firelocks, there being

amongst all eight thousand. But our men held their own

with great valour until nearly eleven o’clock in the day, when

the captain-general ordered them to return to him, which they

did, the tyrant’s men pressing upon them so hotly, that it was

necessary for the general to succour them with the force that

he had, and with fresh munitions, whereby all recovered so

much courage, that they turned upon the enemy with such

impetuosity that they put them to the rout, they having in

this expedition more than three hundred killed, and amongst

these many modelares, without there being on our side more

loss than two Portuguese killed' and about twenty of the

lascarins, besides many wounded.

* It is suspicious that in the affair described in XIT. t. xiv. (see

p. 426) and in this one only two Portuguese are said to have been killed.

No. 60.—1908.] coutTo: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 443

After this victory the general returned to the fort, with

which he continued ; and so much haste did he make with it

that in a month it was entirely finished, with its ditches. and

counterditches, and he provided it with a captain with four

companies of soldiers, and with food and munitions for a long

time, because he was afraid that the enemy would attack it

with a larger force, they expecting a succour of Badagas from

the opposite coast!; and besides this he ordered all the forts

that he had in those parts to be reformed, so that they might

all be provided for whatever might befall them, which took

place until there reached him the succour that the count-

admiral sent him? by Dom Francisco de Noronha and Nuno

Fernandez de Taide as captain of that fortress of Columbo,

of which he was at once put in possession, after having re-

formed the posts, as we have said, and provided them anew,

and made new payment to the soldiers. And he ordered all

to proceed to the districts of Catu Cambala Corla’, the fron-

tier of the Seven Corlas, in order to finish extinguishing some

conflagrations of the rebels that still existed in those parts ;

and everything that our people found there they demolished

and devastated, whereupon the enemy betook themselves into

the interior of the Corlas, without appearing again.

All having been put to flight, the general ordered to be made

in the village of Catu Cambala a fine fort of wood of two faces

with their fillings and ditches, which was done, whereby the

enemy were intimidated, and our people could invade their

territories more freely, and assail them. And because whilst

occupied with this work the general was informed that the

enemy had once more reformed in the Seven Corlas with the

intention of again disquieting our people, the general ordered

place where they were, having cut the roads, and formed in

them their earthworks and intrenchments so strong that they

were inside them in great confidence. And learning that our

men had left behind them many of their villages burnt, and

that they had carried off many of their people captive, they

sallied forth to attack our men, who were already retiring, and

fell upon the rearguard with great fury ; but they met with

such resistance that they retreated in flight with many killed :

1 Cf. supra, p. 427, note 2.

* See supra, XII. Iv. xiii. (p. 441).

3 The 1645 edition has ‘‘ Catrem”’ for ‘*‘ Catu’’; the 1788 edition has

commas after ‘‘Catrem’”’ and ‘‘Cambala.” Of course Katugampola

Medapattu kéralé of the Katugampola hatpattu is meant (cf. Boe.

684 ff.).

444 JOURNAL, R.A.S. (CEYLON). Von. XX.

whereby all the territories of that part, which had been stirred

up to rebel, quieted down. And so great was the damage that

the inhabitants of the Seven Corlas received, that their princes

sent to beg peace of the general, which he did not concede to

them ; but he conceded to them a truce, with suspension of

arms, and restitution of the captives that they had in their

territories. In this state the affairs of this island remained

in this winter of 1600 in which we are’.

1 This is the last that Couto tells us of events in Ceylon. In a

letter to the viceroy, dated 6 February 1602, the king of Spain

acknowledges receipt of a letter from Cochin, under date 13 Decem-

ber 1600, and says:—‘‘I rejoice to know that in the conquest of

Ceiléio there have been prosperous successes, and that that island is

almost entirely conquered and obedient to me, and that there are

made in it many churches and many Christians by order of the monks

of St. Francis, and that Dom Jeronimo de Azevedo had a great victory

against Dom Joao the rebel of Candya, killing and capturing many of

his men.’’ He proceeds to urge the viceroy to send to Ceylon the

soldiers necessary to finish the conquest once for all, adding that it is

not convenient to send from Portugal direct to Ceylon a ship with

troops. He continues:—‘‘ I was gratified at your telling me that for

the garrisons of that island there is in it everything necessary, on

account of there being a great quantity of villages from whose rents

there will be sufficient return when it is quiet, and that the fertility of

that country would thus attract many Portuguese from India. And

I was also gratified likewise at the good procedure that Dom Jeronimo

de Azevedo, captain of that conquest, has in it, from which I hope

that with his prudence and experience he will make an end of it with

the brevity that is desired. And I commend to you that the returns —

that you say are in the same island you procure that they be collected

and come to my revenue in order to be spent in the same conquest ;

and because the ship Sdo Valentim, as captain of which came Dom

Juliéo de Noronha, by whom you sent me the drawing of that island

of Ceildo, has not arrived at this kingdom, nor is there news of her,

I commend to you to send me another drawing.” (The ship

referred to arrived on 8 June 1602 at Cezimbra, where she was

captured by the English. What became of the ‘‘drawing’’ of Ceylon

I do not know.) In a letter dated 28 February 1602 the king

orders the viceroy to send to Ceylon a person of confidence as vedor da

fazenda to make a fresh tombo of all the lands that had been or would

be conquered and of the rents of the pagodes. (This was not carried

into effect until some years later, when Antaéo Vaz Freire was sent:

see M. Lit. Reg. iv. 211, note.) In‘a letter of 7 March 1602 the

king informs the viceroy that he hears that Dom Jeronimo is appro-

priating the rents of the lands in Ceylon, and is very rich: regarding

which he orders private inquiry to be made (c/. M. Lit. Reg. iv. 209,

210, 211 note, 213 note). i

No. 60.—-1908.] couTO: HISTORY OF CEYLON. 44.5

Dec. XII., Br. v., CHaP. viii.

3K x 5 16 ok * *

The count continued making haste with the other armada

that he had to send to Malavar ; and with that for the north,

and Malaca, and with the provisions and succours for Ceilao.

secu ineke s And on the same day! there set sail the provision

galleon for Ceilao, of which there went as captain Manoel

Rodriguez the Genoese, to whom had been granted the

voyage ; and in her went one hundred and fifty soldiers, and

as captain-major of them Pero de Mendanha, and Martim

Cota Falcao went as captain of a company of soldiers, and

Diogo de Souza de Meneses of another. And the count sent

much money, munitions, and other provisions, because always

at the beginning and end of the summers he went on recruiting

that conquest as best he could. |

7 * % aK *% * %

15 JUN. 1910

1 30 September 1600. 2 See supra, XII. 111. x. (p. 440).

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