lv PREFACE.

There is a history attached to the printing of this fragment. Mr. Maudslay, during

one of his visits to our coast, urged the importance of its publication upon some of

the officials of the Californian Academy of Sciences; but, notwithstanding the

princely endowment of their institution and their alertness to the scientific necessity of

building a $30,000 marble stairway aad publishing a {$5,000 volume composed

principally of their own portraits and biographies, they could not clearly see their

way to any excuse for assuming the cost of printing this little book. It remained for

Mr. E. DuCane Godman and Mr. Osbert Salvin, of London, to invite the publication

of it at their private expense, and incorporate it, for all of its unworth, in their monu-

mental work, the ‘ Biologia Centrali-Americana.’

It will be observed by those familiar with the study that I have paid little attention

to the derivation of glyphs and less to the esoteric meaning supposed by many to attach

to all Maya writings. I leave those branches of the subject to students whcse minds

have a recondite and mystic bent. ‘To me the temporary significance of a glyph and

the obvious purport of a text are sufficient. I do not undervalue etymologic research

nor deny the possible employment of a cryptogramic style; but, until the surface

meaning of the inscriptions is made out, I think it idle to seek for deeper ones. The

mural and stelaic records, in my opinion, have nothing to do with Maya mythology or

their other mysteries, further than that the numerals and time periods were themselves

apotheosized and become objects of veneration. That deities and devils played an

important part in the mummeries with which the priesthood beguiled the populace

the accounts of the old Spanish writers leave no doubt; but, whatever purpose they

served in religious ceremonials, they were not suffered then, more than now, to intrude

into the domain of science. The Maya calendars, like all modern scientific creations,

were godless affairs.

A final glance at the printed sheets, after they have gone beyond the reach of

correction, impresses me with a sense that I seem at times to have spoken as one

having authority. Nothing could be farther from my intention than the assumption

of such a 7éle. Contemplating the important and grave nature of the subject, I feel

humility at having raised my voice at all. But if I, an illiterate proletaire, have

chanced to speak unbonneted in the presence of the illustrious scientific world, it was

not through any assurance of prerogative, but simply by right of knowledge gained

PREFACE. v

during years of servitude to the glyphs. If in time to come, however, the scientists

shall find themselves pushed rudely from their stools by irreverent outsiders, the

fault will be their own. For quite half a century they have had this study almost

exclusively to themselves. The material by which alone it could be prosecuted was

practically in their keeping, sealed to the rest of the world as though it were a

hieratic mystery. And what has been the result? A deal of learned and pompous

kowtowing to each other, but not a single substantial gain toward bottoming the

inscriptions. While I have been preparing these pages for the press Mr. Maudslay

has received a letter from a distinguished Professor in the National Museum at

Washington directing his attention to a discrepancy between a photograph and drawing

in his work as to which toes the sandal-string passed between, and requesting him to

make a public explanation of it—just as if it made any difference. Yet this fairly

illustrates the gauge of the men who have been trifling with this great problem.

They are a lot of shoe-string scientists. It is manifest that we look hopelessly to them

for a solution of the momentous enigma.

But if I have lost confidence in the ability of learning, I retain faith in the genius

of ignorance. Somewhere to-day, by an obscure fireside, sits a boy that never saw even

the outside of a university or academy of sciences to whose penetrative mind these

inscriptions would be as an open book. It is my earnest desire that they be brought

before him—in other words, that the study may become popularized instead of being

confined to an exclusive and incompetent few. The publication of Maudslay’s work is

the first decided step in that direction. The lack of material for purposes of investi-

gation and comparison was the most serious drawback I labored under for years.

‘Those who had it appeared greedy of its possession and afraid to share it with others,

lest some one should get the start before they themselves had been inspired with an

insight into the meaning of the glyphs. It was not till Maudslay undertook the

reproduction of the inscriptions, and, with a generosity entirely exceptional in my

experience with archeologists, distributed them broadcast to the world, that I could

collect data enough to make any substantial progress. He deserves the gratitude of

every one interested in American antiquity. It is to discharge somewhat of my

personal obligation to him and at the same time contribute my mite toward the success

of his great undertaking that I have consented to let this study appear before I have

had time to work out the details which are alone necessary to its completion.

vi PREFACE.

The illustrations in these pages are by Miss Annie Hunter, who has done nearly all

the drawing for Maudslay’s series of publications. Her experience and artistic skill

render her reproductions faultless. The certainty with which she can trace the glyphs

of a nearly obliterated inscription amounts almost to divination. No mere perfunctory

discharge of duty satisfies her; her whole soul is in her work, aquiver with anxiety to

attain the best and truest result. Students who have not had an opportunity for

comparing the mutilated originals with her perfect restorations will never know the

full debt they owe this admirable artist.

I have expressed here some of my obligation to the living, and elsewhere to Landa

among the dead; but there is another shade to whom I feel the greatest debt of all—

Brasseur de Bourbourg. Without his research Landa’s work and a hundred other

essential aids to the study would be unknown, and without the stimulating effect of

his writings I should never have persevered in it. It has become fashionable with the

school of dilettanti that has succeeded him to speak lightly of Brasseur; but he was

the grandest of them all—the only one to whom I uncover. He belonged to the old

Leonardo da Vinci and Michael Angelo type—the Herculean mold—men who

achieve in a dozen different lines what we incompetents are incapable of accomplishing

in a single one. No advance can be made in any branch of the study but he supplied

all the preliminary stepping-stones. He was to its bibliology what Maudslay is to its

archeology. What if he went astray at times? He was delving single-handed, but

with a zeal that will never be equaled, in the vague of an unexplored past. What if

he mistook the meaning of some of the treasures he exhumed? No one else would

ever have dragged them from their crypts to turn the glare of even a misfocused

searchlight upon them. If he could only live to-day in the fuller light he was chiefly

instrumental in creating! His fevered life just: missed its triumph. The fore-

shadowed discovery that should place him in absolute ascendancy never came; but

generous hearts will not the less do homage to the ardent soul that departed crownless

from a scene resplendent with regal promises.

Avamepa, CaLrrornra, Vo Its Ge

November 1, 1895.

CONTENTS.

Page

Prelace Meee Me hee Suny Rel AG neha Oct lsh pan tctioe pear cal Feb cep ay Ex ayth sim aves eM eh (ue) TLV

Tg bMtA 5b) Wo. colo Ge qa eeieomedn RG sal Oueo Wim! Von nolo Oubo cio) “ole <c xi

Maya and Mayan.

System of Notation.

Tr trOGUCLION aeRO RES LN eae me SE! BOPP TRCU TRL oe shes) wale Cole eps Meera ogra)

Tne Yonica Sig 6 o ¢ 6 0 © o 89 6 0 9.0 6190 00 9 6 oO 8 1

Wns Cakdnignal Sys, 6 og 15 oo 8 0G 8 kl 8D 8 Oo 2

UB OWehr!, SAN avec: ovlGl ss aang) cantneeel os nn hoM mols oe No fo, Mo ol os an 46.) m 3

ine Anghere SWE 5 6 bio vo 80 8 0 5 0 6 6 0 6 p 5 6 Oo 4

MhevArchaiciCalendarsiwen su is ee th So eanee ims 3 (ee test sen eens eimey eam mre Odo

TRPANNUAT CALENDAR NS oS) Nec. ttae se slat uauariiimi casos ieic Och Come LOR 20

hopDaygae tary cot: ack W kat: Shoe ok Sneek E-Ten ee LO

Then Months set oes ak wars, ste. ay deel embers POY Cues Sen SR RL

ANNA Gacy ca, IP REN uae P Om BS. by. hal "or. Ot ai” yadae)

Mvet@alendarsRounde ess tice wis ice sais eh Cron NT SMC A cnmreote fests Lr) mee em 2)

Titi Omura COMMU o 5 o bo 6 0 9 0 6 0 0 © oo 9 6 ely

AN) Oil ah MTs SS Mo wo. Mohit Soo) 6 a sow bee

AT) Va ATE Tee a oe RE cy FO ond: “on Ig Str aigholowae wl won § 245

MouKcabunhemeg eee) Che ese «Gh MRT RCRA et foicr ire hoy okt peng Pare:

Wri IO dcebete (ol oe wOuecmmago. 60 6 BS Chae A. os “OMMChee eed liars)

na Gram ngOro. 6 Ew B pute “Oo Gd 6 1% fonbo ol oe ol e248

MhovGrandelrace 0 al atet kel top hoteles, ©. SMT: Memes acim op Whol en lorries» “sfye com cunies.

Tur Burner Perrop aAnp Bissextine Count . . - - - + + + + «© es = + 28-35

vill CONTENTS.

Numeration and Signs for Numbers .

Tur Facr Numerats .

From 1-20.

Noumerat Vatur or THE Day SymMpotls .

From 1-20.

Oruer Numerat Sens

Signs for Numbers from 1-20

Signs for. Higher Numbers

Noumerat VALUE oF THE Monte SymMpots .

Siens DENOTING BEGINNING

NoumeraL Worsuip AND THE BuinpInc UP oF THE Imaces AND PreRtop SYMBOLS

Elements of the Ahau Signs

Elements of the Katun Signs

Elements of the 52-Year Sign

Elements of the Cycle Signs

Elements of the Great Cycle Sign

Signs for the Grand Era

Numeric Features of Personages

Numeric Eyes

Numeric Ear Ornaments

Miscellany

Asstract Day S1ens

Wrarinonayay SMES oo do Yo ie 0 ad 0 0 2G od OO

Signs indicating the Initial Date

From the Beginning of a Great Cycle .

From the Beginning of a Cycle .

From the Preceding Date .

From a Date some distance back

The Universal Directive Sign

The Hand and Score Sign .

DetTERMINATIVE SIGNS

DrEcLARATIVE SIGNS

Exercises IN DrcIPHERMENT

53-63

64-68

98-99

100-102

103-118

CONTENTS.

A Review of the Inscriptions .

THe Quretevsa InscrrPrrons

Tur Copan Inscriptions

Tur PatEenaue INscrirrions

Tuner Reason FoR THE PREPONDERANCE OF Dares In THE NintH Cycrp

PropaBLe Era anp Duration or THE Maya Cryitizatioyx

The Annual Calendar (Tables).

The Chronological Calendar (Tables).

Perpetual Calendar (Table).

Working-Chart.

BIOL. CENTR.-AMER.. Archeeol.

EXPLANATORY.

MAYA AND MAYAN.

Tue adjectival term Maya, instead of Mayan at times, is employed throughout this

book. The nice distinction, which it is sought to bring into vogue, of applying the

former only to matters pertaining to Yucatan and using the latter only with regard to

affairs relating to the race in general, appears to me ill-advised and liable to result in

confusion. I think it would be better to distinguish the separate developments by

the terms Yucatec, Tzental, Chiapec, Cakchiquel, and so on, as far as they can be

thus intelligibly designated, retaining the adjective Maya alone, as the simpler form,

and employing it solely in a generic sense. Hence, not knowing what particular

designation to give the authors of the inscriptions, I have simply applied the broad

racial appelation to them, and used the single term Maya adjectively throughout.

SYSTEM OF NOTATION.

To particularize every separate period by name in setting down dates or chronological

reckonings, especially when the requirement is frequent and the record long, becomes

tedious, and the result is not readily comprehensible. ‘Thus, to write: the 9th cycle,

12th katun, 18th ahau, 5th chuen and 16th day, to 2 Cib, the 14th day of Mol, is not

only laborious, but the eye does not take it all in at a glance. To obviate both

objections I have long made use of a system of notation that combines the advantages

of facility and comprehensibleness. By it the above record would he reduced to this :

9—12—18—5 «x 16—2 Cib-14 Mol. The cross between the chuens and days renders

the identity of all the periods unmistakable. When there are no days or chuens, or

even ahaus—a fact denoted by the use of the extreme numeral for the period in question

—the plan is still adhered to, as in the inscriptions themselves—thus: 9—l5—20—18

~20—4 Ahau-13 Yax. ‘This system of notation will be made use of throughout

these pages.

tt ANGEATe MAYA INSGRIPRIONS

INTRODUCTION.

In any attempt to deal with Maya chronology it will be found expedient to arrange

the subject under several separate heads in order to avoid confusion, as different

systems prevailed not only at different centers of their civilization, but varying styles

were concurrently made use of in the same place. The three most radically differing

systems are the Yucatec, Cakchiquel, and the more ancient one of Palenque, Copan,

Quirigua, Menché, Tikal, and probably other cities of the great central region. For

lack of a more specific descriptive title—the calendar corresponding with that of no

existing people—I have given to this last system the designation of the Archaic Maya

calendar.

THE YUCATEC SYSTEM.

The Yucatec system can be restored only from the chronicles, as not a single legible

date, so far as I know, has yet been found among any of the ruins of the peninsula.

These chronicles are not very satisfactory material to work upon. They have come

down to us mutilated and full of errors, yet enough is ascertainable from them to

substantiate Landa’s imperfect exposition of the Yucatec chronological scheme and

enable us to supplement somewhat the information derived from him.

The year consists of 365 days, beginning successively with Kan, Muluc, Ix, and

Cauac. The ahau consists of 360 days, the katun of 20 ahaus, or 7,200 days, and the

cycle of 13 katuns.

The principal respects in which the Yucatec system differs from the Archaic are

these: the year begins with Kan, Muluc, Ix, or Cauac, instead of Ik, Manik, Eb, or

BIOL. CENT.-AMER., Archeeol. Il

2 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

Caban ; chronological reckoning commences with Ymix instead of Ahau; computation

is to the end of a period instead of the beginning of a new one; the katuns are

designated by the day number of the Ahau with which they terminate instead of

being numerated in arithmetical order; the cycle consists of thirteen katuns instead

of twenty. It may be that this last difference is only apparent. Additional data may

show that there was a cycle of twenty katuns besides the 13-katun count. The

manner of numerating the katuns is the chief objection to this theory, but different

styles of numeration may have characterized the two counts.

Starting with 1 Ymix, which Landa informs us was the initial point of reckoning,

the ahaus succeed each other as follows :—9, 5, 1, 10, 6, 2, 11, 7, 3, 12, 8, 4, 13, 9,

5, 1, 10, 6, 2, 11, and so on in endless rotation. The twenty ahaus in a katun are

numbered arithmetically, an event being spoken of as occurring in the tenth or fifteenth

ahau, or while six ahaus are yet wanting to complete the katun. Taking the day

numbers of the twentieth ahaus, which constitute the katun numbers, it will be seen

that they succeed each other as follows:—11, 9, 7, 5, 3,1, 12, 10, 8, 6,4, 2, 13.

The eleventh was the first and the thirteenth the last, as is clearly indicated by the

initial date and katun-wheel given by Landa. ‘he statement of Perez that the

thirteenth was the first was probably based on a confused notion of the numbering of

the cycles in the Archaic scheme—if, indeed, there may not have been a similar usage

in the Yucatec system.

Another source of confusion in the Yucatec chronicles, quite as misleading as the

mutilation and errors, is the fact that in different ones time is computed from at least

three, and probably four, separate starting-points. I think it likely that each of the

four ruling houses—the Itzas, Cocoms, Xius and Chels—had a chronology of its

own, though using a common annual calendar, the result being that mention of the

same event by members of the different houses would assign its occurrence to different

ahaus and even katuns.

Certain dates given in the chronicles and manuscripts enable us to align the

Yucatec chronologies with ours; but this is of little service beyond dates nearly

contemporaneous with the arrival of the Spaniards, as the records relating to remoter

events are too broken and confused to be relied upon with anything like certainty.

THE CAKCHIQUEL SYSTEM.

This anomalous calendar is a deduction from the Annals of the Cakchiquels, a

document written by a member of the Xahila, one of the royal families, just after the

Spanish conquest. Unsatisfactory as the record is in not more fully elucidating the

Cakchiquel system, it is important as upsetting all accepted theories of Maya

chronology. is

Rass!

INTRODUCTION. 3

The year consists of 366 days. It follows necessarily that there must be ten

dominical days instead of four, and that it requires 130 instead of 52 years to complete

the calendar. The chronological year (so called, though undoubtedly both that and

the so-called cycle were otherwise designated) consists of 400 days, divided into 20

periods of 20 days each. ‘Twenty of these years make a cycle. There is nothing in

the chronicle to indicate the character or length of periods greater than that.

The year consisting of 366 days it necessarily results that its beginning can have no

fixed date relative to solar or terrestrial phenomena, but must revolve regularly

through the seasons. This accounts for the diversity among the old writers as to the

time the Cakchiquel year began. Each givesa different date. It will no longer be

necessary to attempt to discredit or reconcile their statements, for the year at some

time began not only with the various dates alleged by them but with every other one

of the 366 days. The only interest which can hereafter attach to their statements will

be that they reveal the dates at which the respective writers obtained their

information.

With a revolving New Year no bissextiles were required to keep the calendar

adjusted to the annual solar recurrences. The count of days ran on regularly without

any intercalations or excisions. The year might begin at the summer or winter

solstice, at the vernal or autumnal equinox, or at any other period; yet two things

about it were fixed—it always had 366 days, and it always began with the first day of

the month Tacaxepual. Its fixity in these regards enabled me to discover its true

character ; hence I have a respect for even that small amount of stability in it.

THE CODICES.

‘The Dresden codex pertains to the Archaic system in the main, though reckoning

twenty cycles to the great cycle; the Troano and Cortesianus to the Yucatec; the

Peresianus—though too mutilated and fragmentary to base a definitive opinion upon—

most likely to an older Tzental form, which had a considerable affinity to the Archaic.

None of them, however, can be of much assistance in solving Maya historical problems,

as they are all merely text-books explaining the meaning of signs, the elementary

principles of their respective calendars, and certain phases of lunar, solar, and, in a few

places, bissextilic and chronological reckoning. I believe the figures usually supposed

to represent deities to be only personifications of different periods or phases of time,

and that most of the glyphs are merely numerals, or symbols used for the occasion in

their numerative sense only. ‘This belief will appear less extravagant after an

examination of the face numerals, and other series, given farther on.

4 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

THE ARCHAIC SYSTEM.

It is to Palenque, Copan, Quirigua, Menché, Tikal, and other cities yet to be

unearthed in that great center of highest, if not original, Maya civilization that we

must lock for data to solve the problem of prehistoric native culture. From that

field has already come the best and most reliable material the student has to work

upon. M. Désiré Charnay, under commission from the French Government, performed

noteworthy service in procuring photographs and molds of inscriptions from some of

the cities mentioned ; but his performance has been far surpassed, both in range and

accuracy, by that of Mr. Alfred P. Maudslay of London. By his unaided individual

effort Mr. Maudslay has laid students of Maya archeology under the deepest possible

obligation. ‘Too much credit cannot be awarded him for the zeal and thoroughness

with which he has pursued his explorations, or for the skill and care he has exhibited

in the publication of the results. ‘Thus, through the enthusiasm and painstaking of a

private gentleman, the material for study from that field already exceeds in value the

combined collections from all other sources, and it is devoutly to be hoped that in the

near future it will be steadily augmented by extensive systematic excavation under the

patronage of government or scientific bodies.

Such organized and exhaustive exploration is the more to be desired for the reason

that all the inscriptions so far brought to light are of a purely chronological character,

destitute of any real historical importance. ‘They are merely public calendars, as it

were, showing that at specified dates certain periods of their scheme would begin or

end, or that a correspondence would occur between two or more of their different

plans for computing time. Aside from the circumstance that the initial date in most

instances undoubtedly marks the time at which the temple, stela, or altar to which it

belongs was erected, I do not believe there is the record of a single historical event in

all the inscriptions at present in our possession. That a people as cultured as they

should have had no historical records at all would be a presumption too absurd for

credence, even without the direct testimony of the early Spanish authorities to the

contrary. The actual question is whether any of them will ever be discovered. If

they were inscribed upon paper or parchment and buried with their priestly owners,

as we are told, there is very little hope that any vestige of them remains, unless there

may have been some instance of almost miraculous preservation. Still, that remote

chance is worth a vast amount of search. Buta better hope, whose possible realization

lies solely in the same line of research, is that in crypts or tombs or other unexplored

receptacles may be collected historical tablets of durable material—stone, stucco, baked

clay, or even metal—which patient excavation will yet unearth.

But, though deeds and occurrences that give pomp and circumstance to history are

INTRODUCTION. 5

nowhere blazoned in the inscriptions, it must not be supposed that these records are

entirely unprofitable. They enable us to restore practically the whole scheme of

Maya chronology. The minimum duration, at least, of the flourishing state of each

city is shown by the extreme dates of its monuments, and by similar comparison is to

be ascertained the relative eras of the palmy days of the different cities.

But a circumstance more important than the duration or comparative ages of cities

is revealed by the inscriptions. One of the most momentous events that could

transpire in the history of a people occurred in the very heart of the period chronicled.

We Americans, with our anniversary craze, who lie in wait to celebrate the least

significant event, who strutted in pride at our own centennary and but recently went

wild over a lot of mere quadru-centennials, should be able to appreciate somewhat the

feeling that must have stirred our equally excitable forerunners on that occasion. All

the centennials that we in our most gorgeous dreams might hope to celebrate would

fade to insignificance beside that great Maya event—the observance of the 280,800th

year of their era. The date was 4 Ahau-13 Yax, the beginning of the 15th katun

of the 9th cycle of the 54th great cycle. Nearly all the other dates in the inscriptions

of Copan and Quirigua either lead up to or recede from it. It was the beginning

of the last quarter of their grand era—the completion of which, it is perhaps needless

to say, they did not as a nation live to see; nor shall we, nor the other peoples exulting

to-day in pride of nationality, nor any nation to come, until our civilization shall be

as much a story that is told as theirs is now, and our cities and temples and palaces

are ruins as complete and mysterious as those of Quirigua and Copan. The grand

era during which they flourished must still have more than 90,000 years torun. Back

of ten thousand years all is oblivion.

But if this remnant of their grand era bids fair to stretch out to the crack of doom,

what is to be said of the 280,800 years that had elapsed when the record was made ?

It is incredible that they could have been dating from any historical epoch, even

allowing tradition its most exaggerated play. ‘There is no warrant for supposing that

through inspiration or otherwise a day became to their sight as a thousand years. No

necessity of their chronological scheme required that it should antedate the time of

its adoption. How account, then, for such an immense period? I confess myself

baffled by my own question. The most reasonable answer that suggests itself is that

they had a juster appreciation of the antiquity of the earth than most nations have had

and that they began their chronology with the supposed date of its creation. The

statement of the Aztec historian Ixtlilxochitl that in the year 5097 from the creation

of the world an assembly of learned men met at the city of Huehuetlapallan and

determined the reckoning of the years, days, and months, leap-years, and intercalary

days, in the order in which they were found at the time of the conquest; and the

information derived from native sources by Veytia that in the year of the world 3901

6 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

a great convocation of astrologers met to correct the calendar,—while not to be relied

upon for historical accuracy, yet tend to confirm the supposition that the native races

assumed to commence their chronology with the creation of the world.

If, as is probable, a more satisfactory answer should be found by many in the asser-

tion that I am in error as to such an era, and I be asked how I know that it exists, my

reply would be that it is self-evident. Its existence is established by all the certainty

of mathematical demonstration. The evidence of the inscriptions does not go hand in

hand with us to the ultimate destination, but it leads us far on the journey, and leaves

us only when it has pointed out an unmistakable way to the final goal, which an

intellectual necessity compels us to reach before we can rest satisfied. The inscriptions

show us that every separate chronological period must be rounded out to completeness

before the calendar itself can be complete. We see the years, ahaus, and katuns

come back to their respective starting-points, thus rounding out the periods of which

they are the units. Of necessity the cycles and great cycles must do the same, else the

system would be an incomplete creation, without form and void. No fair-minded

person, I think, will contend that the Mayas elaborated almost to its conclusion a

design not only susceptible of but inviting the most perfect finish and then wilfully or

blindly left it disproportioned and awry. If they did not do this—a thing alien and

repugnant to human nature—then their grand era embraces 374,400 years. There

are two unmistakable indices pointing to this conclusion. The moment the cycle and

great cycle appear upon the scene we know by the unchangeable law governing the

calendar that they must go forward until they commence again with the same date

from which they started. Such a result in the case of the former requires 949 cycles,

and in that of the latter 73 great cycles—each of which reckonings constitutes a period

of 574,400 years.

If it should be further asked how I know that just three-quarters of this period had

elapsed at the time of the Copan and Quirigua record, my answer would be that, though

unable to demonstrate it absolutely, not knowing the precise value of all the factors, I

am morally certain of it, for the following reasons:—By another unvarying law

governing the construction of their calendar all the periods of the chronological scheme

are made to conform to the 13-katun standard, some completing their round or rounds

in a single count and the rest in different multiples thereof. An examination of the

various inscriptions in which the date 4 Ahau-13 Yax occurs shows that more than

fifty distinct periods are associated with it. I am yet unable to prove their values

beyond a question, but I know they are all measures of time and that all of them begin

with that date. The minor chronological periods cannot possibly amount to that

number. To account for so many time-measures worthy of record it is necessary

to ascend to the larger ahau and katun counts; when that is done, it becomes

imperative, in the absence of specific numbers, to deal with them in their full rounds.

Therefore, if 4 Ahau-13 Yax, the beginning of the 15th katun of the 9th cycle, be the

INTRODUCTION. 7

commencement of a 13-katun period—of which I have nota particle of doubt—the era

must extend backward until by stages of 949 katuns (the number in a grand round)

the beginning of a great cycle is reached. A simple table will most clearly show the

result.

BEGINNINGS OF THE Katun Rounps IN A GRAND ERA.

No. of

Rounds.

Katuns. Es Cycles. Katuns.

11,388

12,337

13,286

14,235

15,184

16,133

17,082

18,031

OMe ES OPS TO OU CO es a OY

18,980

The table is made to cover the entire grand era, in order to show that at no point

but the start does the beginning of a katun round correspond with that of a great

cycle, and that in the 54th great cycle only does the round begin with the 15th katun

of the 9th cycle. This showing is conclusive to my mind as fixing the position of tne

date in question. ‘That position accords with a pre-existing requirement of the

calendar ; it fulfils a conjuncture of cycle and katun dates against odds of thirteen to

one ; it explains why the occasion was regarded as of such great importance; and it

8 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

accounts for the extraordinary number of periods beginning with the date as nothing

else I have been able to conjecture can.

I look upon the Maya chronological scheme as ranking among the most marvelous

creations of the human intellect. From what humble origin it rose, or through what

crude stages it passed, we shall never be able probably to discover. It appears before

us only in its matured state—complete, perfect, and altogether admirable, a system of

exact detail and perpetual range. Its methods of computation may appear involved

and awkward to us who are accustomed to the simple arithmetical progression of the

days and years; but I have yet to learn that many existing nations regard their arbi-

trary weights, measures, and money systems as less perfect than the metric and decimal

ones. Were argument necessary, the Maya system is more defensible than theirs.

Facility of reckoning is not so much a matter of different methods as of familiarity

with some particular method.

The Maya mathematical system is a vigesimal one. Everything goes by scores.

Their numeration ascends by multiples of twenty from 1 to 20, to 400, to 8000, to

160,000, to 3,200,000, to 64,000,000, and so on. This vigesimal system appears to me

sufficient in itself to explain all the peculiarities of their calendar. Much speculation

has been wasted on the number 13, which plays such an important part in their time-

reckoning. Don Pio Perez surmised that its use originated from observation of the

number of days the moon appears to increase and diminish; Brasseur de Bourbourg

supposed that it may have been a sacred number before the invention of the calendar,

being, according to him, the number of gods of high rank; while others have indulged

in equally far-fetched conjectures to suit theories of their own. I see no necessity for

all this, more than for other strained conjectures to account for self-evident facts. The

old Maya scientists probably did not handicap themselves with puerile fancies and sacred

mysteries any more than do their scientific brethren to-day. It is likely that, according

to their lights, they went just as irreverently and directly to their objective points.

Superstition, divination, mystery, became associated with their calendar, as at different

times and places they have with the bible, hymn-book, and almanac; but they were

ignorant aftergrowths, not of the essence of its construction. Whatever of sacredness

may ever have attached to numbers is far more likely to have originated from the

wonders wrought by them in the calendar than from any prior association.

Missing the plan of simple progression in their chronology, as more enlightened

nations have missed it, the Mayas proceeded to construct one based on their vigesimal

system. ‘The twenty cardinal days, the twenty days in a month and chuen, the twenty

ahaus in a katun, the twenty katuns in a cycle, and the progression by twenties of

other periods of the calendar, are conclusive evidence of such a design. But it is

impossible to construct a calendar in keeping with solar phenomena upon a_ purely

vigesimal or decimal system, as the Maya and Vendemiare schemes—between which

there are many curious resemblances—fully prove. The continuity of reckoning by

INTRODUCTION. 9

either plan must be broken to meet the exigencies of the solar course ; and when, as

in the Maya system, the first necessary interruption leads to a scheme of chronological

reckoning by periods other than years, succeeding irregularities are required to keep

the two calendars in touch from time to time and bring, after their vast sweep, all the

periods that have successively grown out of the diverging styles harmoniously back to

the common starting-point. The Mayas discovered that 13 was the most available

number to use in connection with 20 for these purposes, hence its adoption; but

wherever it appears throughout the whole scheme it is always subordinate to its

imperial consort. Hither, however, would be ineffectual without the other. It is in

their combination that the Maya genius is shown—a genius that in remote isolation

elaborated a chronological system whose perfection cannot fail to excite our admiration

and wonder though standing in the focused light of all the ages and civilizations.

BIOL. CENTR.-AMER., Archeeol.

THE ARCHAIC CALENDARS.

FPO TSB POC

A STATEMENT of how I came to hit upon the secret of the ahau and katun count and

subsequently succeeded in reconstructing the outlines of the entire Archaic system, is

not only due to fellow-students, but may not be without interest to the general reader ;

and at no point could it be more pertinently given than as an introductory clause to

this section.

The construction of an Archaic annual calendar was not a very difficult work.

Landa had given an example of a Yucatec one, and it only remained to make a change

in the arrangement of the days to achieve its Archaic counterpart. But, simple as

this task seemed, | was for a long time baffled in its accomplishment. The month

numbers of the days appeared to indicate that the dominicals were Akbal, Lamat, Ben,

and Ezenab ; but trial of a calendar constructed upon that theory proved it to be

wrong. It was not until I discovered that the first day of the month was numerated

20 in the Archaic system, and that consequently the dominicals were Ik, Manik, Eb,

and Caban, that I succeeded in constructing an annual calendar which met all the

requirements of the dates. I made Ik the initial day for no other reason than that it

is nearest to Kan, the Yucatec initial; but, from the prominence given to Caban in

the inscriptions and the frequency with which it occurs, I have grave doubts if that

day should not occupy the place of pride. The question is of little moment, however,

as the annual calendar is simply an endless rotation of days in regular order, and HO

all practical purposes it does not matter where it begins.

The building of the chronological calendar was a quite different and far more difficult

affair. I labored at it for seven years without discovering anything except that I was

wrong. But that was a great deal. Others who have been working at it for a much

longer period have not yet made even that discovery.

The man who led everybody astray—misguiding enough of effort to have solved the

problem twenty times over had it been properly directed—was Don Pio Perez. He

undoubtedly knew much about the Maya methods of reckoning time, but he assumed

to know more than he really did. In the absence of any regularly ordained authority,

he was at once accepted, on his own bare assumption, asa leader and lawgiver; and

Usl

THE ARCHAIC CALENDARS. iL

then began that journey through the wilderness which has lasted more than forty

years without any of his devout followers having even caught sight of the promised

land. I ran in the ruck for seven seasons before becoming satisfied that the pretended

oracle was an impostor. Then I turned and went back to Landa—to whom all

desirous of reliable information concerning Maya chronology must go at last.

It is a signal instance of the irony of fate that this bigoted destroyer of the fruits of

Maya science and art—the pietist whose zeal rendered him avid of the obliteration of

every vestige of their impious learning—should have been the only one to leave a clew

by which the mysterious codices and inscriptions will yet be deciphered. Nevertheless

he left such a clew—slight and vague, it is true: but, when carefully followed up, it

broadens and leads into an open way where everything will presently become self-

evident.

It is not necessary to reproduce in full Landa’s information regarding the Maya

calendars. I will give only the formulation I made of its substance when I went back

to invoke him as an instructor :—

1. A day of 24 hours was the unit of the annual count.

2. There were twenty distinct days, designated by different signs, four particular ones coming

invariably in place to serve as dominicals.

. Twenty days, numerated from 1 to 13 in sequent continuity, constituted a month.

. Eighteen months, distinguished by different characters, plus five days, constituted a year.

. The year consisted of 365 days and 6 hours, the extra hours being counted as a day every

four years, making a year of 366 days. [Nore.—These extra days could not have been

introduced into the calendar without crowding the dominicals from their places. ]

6. The year reckonings, formed according to the foregoing method, arranged in succession

until the same dominical with identical day and month numbers was reached (which

would be fifty-two years), constituted the complete annual calendar.

7. For chronological purposes a different style of reckoning was employed. The count was

by thirteen 20-year periods, called katuns, which ran irregularly, being designated by the

numbers of the day Ahau, in the following sequence :—11, 9, 7, 5, 3, 1, 12, 10, 8, 6, 4,

2,13. [Nore.—The numbers of the day Ahau at twenty-year intervals do not succeed

oOo &

each other in this order. ]

8. The calendar [Norr.—It must have been a separate chronological one, as it could not possibly

be the annual] did not begin with the first day of the year, but with 1 Ymix, which was

without fixed date, each one regulating his own reckoning.

The foregoing is Landa’s information respecting the calendars, as I boiled it down

for my own use. It will be seen that I annotated some of the paragraphs. One note

relates to the impracticability of introducing bissextiles into the annual calendar

without deranging the whole plan; the others, to the probable existence of a separate

chronological calendar, and an inconsistency or error in one of the statements regarding

it. The possibility of unraveling the great katun mystery appeared to me to be

12 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

involved in the latter clauses; therefore I chose them as a starting-point for my

attempts at a solution. It was safe to begin with | Ymix, because Landa explicitly

denoted that day to be the commencement of a calendar of some sort.

Ymix is the day following Ahau; hence, I reasoned to myself, if a period begin

with the former it must terminate with the latter; moreover, 1 succeeding 13 in the

day count, if 1 Ymix begin a period, 13 Ahau must end it; and, further, this period

being composed of thirteen lesser ones of twenty years each, it is at a distance of two

hundred and sixty years apart in the annual calendar that I must look for a

corresponding 1 Ymix and 13 Ahau—recollecting that I need not expect to find them

falling on any fixed date. But, as the order of the thirteen subdivisions is given, with

the terminal Ahau numbers, it is not necessary to attempt so extended a research,

and prudence dictates that I keep my experiments within the narrowest possible limits

to guard against mistake. I will, therefore, at the start, proceed only to the end of

the first twenty-year period, or katun, and look for 11 Ahau. ‘The trial is made. It

proves abortive, as I anticipated. The Ahau number at the end of twenty years is

7 instead of 11. The desired 11 Ahau is five months away to the left. It is the same

old story of failure over again. But wait a minute! Five months are equivalent to

one hundred days. ‘To divide by twenty would take just five days from each of the

twenty years of the katun. Years? What if they were not years at all that Landa

was talking about, but only periods of three hundred and sixty days? They may be

the ahaus. Let me hasten to find out how the numbers will run in a division of this

possible katun into twenty such periods. Here it is—9, 5, 1, 10, 6, 2, Wy By Wz.

8, 4, 18, 9, 5, 1, 10, 6, 2, 11. Ah, this is significant! That paragraph of Perez—

what are its exact words? ‘The Indians of Yucatan had yet another species of cycle,

but as the method followed by them in using it cannot be found, nor any example by

which an idea of its nature might be imagined, I shall only copy what is literally said

of it in a manuscript, viz.: ‘There was another number which they called ua katun,

and which served them asa key to find the katuns. According to the order of its

march it falls on the days of the wayeb yaab and revolves to the end of certain years :

katunes 13.09) 75. le OMGs 25 tle Peon. ee OOF) onet Oy! amelomhavemtne

pearl in his grasp and be unaware of its pricelessness—like so many others! But I

must not exult too much yet. The succession of the katuns, reckoned according to

this principle, is yet to be ascertained before my fancied discovery can be established

by a crucial test. 1 score the ahaus off in the foregoing order, and, sure enough, the

twentieths give the desired result: 11, 9, 7, 5, 3, 1, 12, 10, 8, 6, 4, 2,13. Eureka!

The perturbed spirit of the Maya calendar, which has endeavoured so long to impart

its message to the world, may rest at last.

But, though confident I had discovered the secret of the ahau and katun count,

when I tried the plan on the dates and reckonings of the inscriptions it proved totally

inapplicable. There were periods into whose nature I had no insight; and if those I

THE ARCHAIC CALENDARS. 113}

surmised to be ahaus and katuns were really so, the former would not come in the

right order, while the latter were excessive and numerated in a way quite unintelligible.

It was discouraging, but I did not lose faith in my discovery. The inapplicability of

the Yucatec scheme to the reckonings of the inscriptions, probably, was simply owing

to different methods of computing the ahaus and katuns. There was no alternative

but a patient and exhaustive analysis of the Archaic dates and time reckonings.

It would be tedious as useless to recount trials—failure outranking success a

thousandfold—the results of which constitute the bulk of this book. I will only

state, in brief, that I determined the character of the chuen and great cycle periods ;

that I discovered the first chuen was numerated 18, the first ahau, katun, day and

day of the month, 20, and that the first cycle of the great cycle was numbered 15—

the unit attaching to the second period in all instances; that I ascertained the cycle

was composed of twenty katuns, numerated 20, 1, 2, 3, etc., up to 19, imstead of

according to the Yucatee order; that I finally deduced a chronological calendar

whose perfect accord with the principal dates and reckonings throughout the

inscriptions is proof of its correctness, and by reversing the process, succeeded in

reconstructing the outlines of the entire Archaic chronological scheme. I expect my

calendar to be challenged. It would be without precedent in the history of discovery

if it were not. But I leave it to defend itself, conscious that it is as infallible as the

multiplication table and knowing that all antagonists must finally go down before it.

The Archaic annual and chronological calendar schemes are susceptible of almost

innumerable combinations and summaries, but for present purposes it is unnecessary

to give here more than the simplest summarized forms :—

YEAR COUNT. AHAU COUNT.

= core : ii

Gidaysereerren eta nace eneace state Week. |) BOdays! . sesceesicesaeate je eens eceeeses Chuen.

DAO) ee | Nea at ane a a ao ore Month. 18’ Chuens aio vocmssdcaneoemeieaees Ahau.

Bis): | Gedebuconceecaneancanescaodeeende Year. AOlahausy Wreseecccecee eee ees Katun.

1h COIS coe coodedocupienenbobordeconooue Luster. PAOIEENATIES) — pocconosanadaccticnobosobonadosoo Cycle.

5D MME eerie ne ecwdaacuicceecs Calendar. | BOSE —_ganenocaoonanacooepaceoononeno. Great Cycle.

(PAU) GSTS. coochoeeeccudedendptaccooea Grand Era. TBiereataCyClesmecaeiseee ccc sccse seer Grand Era.

—— aaa

Some additional summaries will be given in explanation of different features of the

calendars, and still others in the compendiums following the text; but I shall not

attempt—as would indeed be futile—to exhaust the possibilities of the two schemes

in this respect. ‘The Mayas themselves evidently found the subject an unfailing field

14 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

_ for fresh discovery, and any one who has the time and inclination can follow in their

footsteps with assurance that the field remains fertile as ever.

This is perhaps as appropriate a place as any to state one or two important things

that do not come under any particular head.

In dealing with Maya chronology it must always be borne in mind that no allowance

is to be made for bissextile days. ‘They are dropped out entirely in both the year and

ahau counts—as if we should skip the 29th of February, giving it no name or place

in our almanac, though cognizant of its suppression and taking note of its existence

in another way. Their years, therefore, though always appearing to consist of only

365 days, are the exact equivalents of ours, leap years and all, throughout whatsoever

period the reckoning may extend. For all general purposes of comparison no change

is required in either their or our style of computation ; but should we ever be fortunate

enough to discover a point of correlation, we shall have to drop the name of cne of

our days every four years in order to keep the relative days of the two calendars in

proper alignment, whether reckoning forward or backward.

Another consideration which must be constantly borne in mind is that all Maya

dates relate to elapsed time. When a date is given it must be remembered that it is

not the beginning of a period yet to run its course, but the beginning of one denoting

a period already concluded. ‘The ingenious numeration of their periods was designed

to prevent confusion in this regard. The first day, chuen, ahau, katun, cycle and

great cycle is not numerated 1, but 20, 18, 20, 20, 13, 73, as the case may be, denoting

that the full round of the period has run and that this is the commencement of a new

count. In other words, these beginning numerals are equivalent to nought or no

count, the periods being designated only until after they had fully passed. It is very

difficult to keep track of this style of numeration—so difficult, in fact, that familiar as

I am with it, I] am distrustful of having made some lapses in these pages.

THE ANNUAL CALENDAR.

THE DAY.

THE old Spanish writers say the Mayas divided the twenty-four hours into various

shorter intervals, but the day appears to be the shortest period of time reckoning

made use of in the inscriptions. There are signs for morning and evening, daylight

and darkness and other lesser divisions, but they are used abstractly or as nature

symbols, not as designating specific durations of time.

Twenty particular signs should identify the twenty days that constitute the basis of

the calendar, but owing to variations—especially in the symbols for Ahau—a greater

number of nearly distinct characters might readily be made out. Two things, however,

are pretty constant about these signs: they are always surrounded by a border, giving

them the appearance of cartouches, and they are nearly always placed on a support or

pedestal, consisting of two scrolls coiling outward from the sides of an indented

center-piece. These attributes serve to distinguish the days from other cartouche-like

glyphs, and to determine if a particular sign means the day for which it is the character

or something else—for almost without exception the symbols for the days have other

significations. Signs for two of the days—Muluc and Men—do not appear in any of

the inscriptions in my possession, while that for another—Ix—is too indistinct for its

details to be made out With these exceptions the typical Archaic forms are here

given:—

16 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

Manik.

Some of the variations of Ahau are given above, but it would be-idle to attempt to

give them all, as they are almost as numerous as the occurrence of the sign. Anything

appears to have served the purpose, since when there was an even count of chuens

with no odd days it. was unmistakable that the day referred to was Ahau.

When a day, meaning merely a period of twenty-four hours and not any particular

day, is indicated, none of the above signs are used—at least without some distinct

modification. For instance, what appears at first glance to be a slightly modified form

of the Kan symbol, but which is really the sign for Cib inverted, is frequently made

use of to denote a day or days, but in such cases it is never surrounded by a border and

always has two opposed curves under it.

THE ANNUAL CALENDAR. V7

In initial dates the favorite sign for a day or days is the head with projecting teeth,

square irid in the upper left-hand angle of the eye and accompanying wing—usually

underneath. ‘The Av or sun sign, with a wing at the side or bottom, is used for the

same purpose both in initial dates and in the body of the inscriptions. But the day is

most frequently indicated, without any separate sign at all, by a numeral to the left of

the chuen symbol. ‘This will be more readily understood when that feature of the

calendar is explained.

The order of the days is the same as that given by Landa, but a different set serve

as dominicals—Ik, Manik, Eb and Caban being the year bearers. 1 have constructed

the annual calendar with Ik as the initial day, but I have grave doubts if Caban should

not occupy that position.

To each day in the calendar a numeral is attached that gives it an identity which

with the number of the day of the month it falls upon distinguishes it from every

other day of the same name, not only in the year but in fifty-two years, or a round of

the calendar. ‘These numerals, however, count only to 15, so that it takes one full

count and seven on the next to enumerate the days in their calendar capacity.

Jn the annual scheme the days are arranged in months. There are four different

orders of days and thirteen of day numerals.

THE MONTH.

There are eighteen months and what may be regarded as an irregular or fractional

month; for, the eighteen regular months comprising but 360 days, there are five

surplus days in the year. ‘hese five days are said to have belonged to no month, to

have been called ama kaba kin, nameless days, or wayeb-yab, the couch of the year,

and to have been regarded with superstitious awe because they were believed to be

unfortunate. As quite two-thirds of the other days of the year were believed by the

Mayas to be similarly unfortunate, and as these five days have names and numbers the

same as the rest and are reckoned in the same manner in all computations of time, it

appears to me that the mystery with which it has been endeavored to surround them

is purely the offspring of ignorance. ‘That they are the couch or end of the year and

belong to none of the regular months, is true enough. But this division of the year

has a sign to represent it, the same as each of the months, and takes its place with

them in the annual and chronological calendars; therefore I do not see why it should

not be regarded as of the same character notwithstanding its irregularity. I so consider

it, and shall speak of it as Uayeb whenever I have occasion to mention it, as I would

refer to Pop or any other month.

BIOL, CENTR.-AMER., Archeeo). 3

18 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

There are some variations in the signs representing particular months, but the

ordinary type here given should enable the reader to identify them all :—

Loy) XA

Mac. Kankin. Muan.

Kayab. Cumhu.

The order of the months is the same as given by Landa, the year beginning with

Pop. The days of the month are numerated: 20, 1, 2, 5, etc., up to 19.

THE ANNUAL CALENDAR. 19

THE YEAR.

The solar year consists of 365 days, 5 hours, 48 minutes and 46 seconds. The Maya

year takes cognizance of the 365 days only. ‘he excess was known, however, we are

assured by Landa, and an extra day made of it every four years; but these extra days

never appear in the annual calendar nor enter into chronological reckonings.

Two important consequences result from the number and length of the months and

the peculiar numeration of the days. The regular months comprising but 360 days,

the five surplus days in a year serve to interrupt the continuity of the order of the days

in the months and produce a different arrangement for the succeeding year. ‘The effect

of the day numbering is equally important. ‘Thirteen is not an even divisor of 365, but

leaves a remainder of one; hence, starting the year with any given day and making

twenty-eight full counts of thirteen, an additional day will still be required to complete

the year; so that every year begins with a day number greater by one than the year

preceding it. This progression, supposing it to start at one, proceeds to thirteen,

when it recedes to one again and starts anew. ‘These series of thirteen years are said

to have been regarded as weeks of years, but I cannot discover that any account is

taken of them as time measures in the inscriptions. Four of them, or fifty-two years,

complete the calendar. At the expiration of that time the count comes back to the

starting-point. This results from the peculiar day numbering and arrangement of the

months referred to. In consequence of the Uayeb period the twenty days rotate by

stages of five, making a complete revolution every four years. Thus each day at

different times takes four different positions in every regular month and one in Uayeb.

For instance, if Ahau fall on the 3rd of the month in any given year, the succeeding

year it will fall on the 18th, next on the 13th, then on the 8th, and so on in endless

rotation. By the ingenious arrangement of the calendar every one of the twenty days

with each of the thirteen numerals that give them their identity will occur once in

the four positions of the regular months and in the one in Uayeb before the original

position with the identical day number is again reached. ‘Thus it will be seen that the

length of the calendar is a matter of simple calculation: 18x4=72+1=73x20=

1460 x 13=18,980 days, or fifty-two years.

I have been thus explicit because the same law governs the chronological calendar,

and we are thereby enabled to determine the time of the ahau, katun, cycle, and great

cycle rounds and the length of the grand era itself.

20 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

THE CALENDAR ROUND.

Fifty-two years complete the calendar round. At the expiration of that time the

reckoning begins anew with the original date. Eighteen calendars mark a significant

point of contact with the ahau count that appears to have been regarded as an important

conjunction in Maya chronology.

I am satisfied that a year and day count runs collaterally with the ahau count

throughout nearly all the inscriptions, but thus far I have been unable to satisfactorily

determine the plan or plans—for I think that more than one style is made use of—

upon which the reckoning is conducted. The number of possible combinations renders

the range for conjecture very extensive, and it is only by an exhaustive trial that we

can hope to discover the true method or methods employed by the Mayas. That they

did not proceed directly by days, months, years, and calendars is manifest at a very

first attempt to solve the problem. Then comes the question, How did they proceed ?

Was it by single days to 13, and thence by thirteens to 260% Was it by single days to

5, and thence by fives to 365? Was it by single days to 6, and thence to different

multiples of that number? Was it by single days to 73, and thence by seventy-

threes to 1460? Was it by lower stages of 1, 4, 13, 52, or 72 years? Was it by

higher stages of 936, 1040, 1440, 18,720, 20,800, or 28,800 years? This is one of the

excellent fields for discovery which Maya chronology offers to the student.

Further along, when I come to a consideration of particular inscriptions, I shall call

attention to some facts which go far toward confirming certain theories I entertain

respecting this point; but the instances are not numerous or conclusive enough in my

estimation to justify a claim of absolute proof for them.

THE CHRONOLOGICAL CALENDAR:

I now come to what has been a stumbling-block to every one who has hitherto

attempted to deal with the Maya records. It has been known that the Mayas

reckoned time by ahaus, katuns, cycles, and great cycles, but what was the precise

length of any of these periods has been a debatable question. Some have contended,

with the best of proof apparently, that the katun is a period of twenty years, while

others have maintained, with proof equally good, that it is a period of twenty-four

years. ‘The truth is, it is neither.

The contention arose from a misapprehension, or total ignorance rather, of the Maya

chronological scheme. It was taken for granted that a year of 365 days must neces-

sarily enter into the reckoning; whereas, the moment the Mayas departed from

specific dates and embarked upon an extended time reckoning, they left their annual

calendar behind and made use of a separate chronological one.

The use of the term ahau-katun is avoided everywhere in these pages. Such a

period never existed, except as a delusion of Don Pio Perez and his misguided

followers. The error originated from a misconception of the Yucatec method of

distinguishing the katuns. The ahau was numbered according to its position in the

katun, as the eighth, tenth, or the sixth from the close; but the katun was designated

by the particular number of the day Ahau with which it ended. Thus, for instance,

it might sometimes be spoken of as the katun 10 Ahau; and at other times, by a mere

reversal of the phrase, as the 10 Ahau katun. More frequently, however, the term

katun was not used at all, its existence and number being implied by simple mention

of the ahau date. But there was no ahau-katun.

22 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

THE CHUEN.

I call this period “‘chuen” because it is commonly designated by the character

Landa gives as the sign for that day. It is coequal with the month, embracing twenty

days; but these days have no names or numbers, and the period has no specific place

in the year. It is simply an abstract period. It occurs in nearly all the dates and

time reckonings of the inscriptions, the order usually being: cycle, katun, ahau, chuen,

day; but occasionally this order is reversed. In initial dates it occupies a place by

itself, and is nearly always represented by the bird-animal head with serrate teeth and

upturned convolution at the base of the jaws. In the body of the text it is usually

designated by the chuen sign, with a curve and varying number of dots or smaller

curves underneath. The number of chuens implied is ordinarily placed above the

symbol, the numeral at the left side indicating the fractional number of days; but in a

few instances, where the sculptor appears to have been crowded for space to properly

inscribe the respective numbers, this order is reversed. Eighteen chuens constitute

an ahau. They are numerated: 18, 1, 2, 3, etc., up to 17; the constituent days,

20, 1, 2, 3, etc., up to 19.

ih)

(Sh)

THE CHRONOLOGICAL CALENDAR

THE AHAU.

This period is the real basis of the Maya chronological system. Everything proceeds

by ahaus, till in succession the katuns, cycles, great cycles, and grand era are formed

from them.

The ahau is a period of 560 days—the sum of the days in the eighteen regular

months—and derives its name undoubtedly from the fact that it always begins with

the day Ahau. It is the period, not between two Ahaus with the same numeral, but

between the second two with a differentiation of four in their day numbering. Moving

forward with this progression of four it results that the ahaus follow each other in the

Order Olgas LO Ose 2a lean je osp tan Ge Aanl Sam oe oeels andlso) ton——anworderlot

succession that Perez quotes from an unnamed manuscript. but whose significance

he failed to grasp.

‘Twenty ahaus constitute a katun. They are numerated: 20, 1, 2, 3, etc., up to 19.

24 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

THE KATUN.

It is over this period that the battle royal has been fought. The question of twenty

or twenty-four years has raged undeterminedly for more than half a century. As the

facts themselves will show the folly of the whole contention, I pass it by without

awarding to any individual combatant the discredit of his partisanship.

Twenty years of 365 days make 7,300 days. The katun does not reach that far,

falling a hundred days short, as a multiplication of its constituent parts will show:

360 x 20=7,200.

In consequence of the day Ahau beginning the ahaus it must also begin the katuns ;

and the ahaus succeeding each other by differences of four—as 9, 5, 1, 10, 6, 2, 11, 7,

3, 12, 8, 4, 13, 9, 5, 1, 10, 6, 2, 11, 7, etc.—it results that the order of the katuns,

composed as they are of twenty ahaus, must be one in which each succeeding katun

begins with a day number two less than its forerunner—thus: 11, 9, lo Do By dl A, IMO,

8, 6, 4, 2, 13, 11, ete.

The katuns are numerated in the same manner as the ahaus: 20, 1, 2, 5, etc.,

up to 19,

THE CHRONOLOGICAL CALENDAR.

THE CYCLE.

The cycle in the Archaic system consists of twenty katuns, or 144,000 days. Thirteen

of them constitute a great cycle. They are numerated: 13, 1, 2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8. 9,

NO:

—— |

\\\

53rd Great Cycle. 54th Great Cycle.

THE GREAT CYCLE.

The great cycle is composed of thirteen cycles, or 1,872,000 days. As seventy-three

great cycles constitute the grand era, and as that number is indivisible, the great

cycles must have been numerated to conform to the numeration of the cycles—

73, 1, 2, 8, 4, and so on in regular arithmetical progression up to 72.

BIOL. CENTR.-AMER., Archeol.

26 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

THE GRAND ERA.

The grand era is composed of seventy-three great cycles and comprises 374,400 years,

or 136,656,000 days. It is the period in which the Maya chronological calendar

completes itself, just as their annual calendar does in a period of fifty-two years.

As the existence of this period is very likely to be questioned, I will give my reasons

The numbers 75 and 949 are as

important factors in the Maya chronological scheme as 13 and 20. This results from

more fully here for believing in such an era.

two features of the system not hitherto touched upon, which may very properly be

termed the minor and grand rounds of the periods. After 73 occurrences, and not

until then, every period of the chronological calendar begins again with the same day

of the same month, but (with the exception of the burner and great cycle) with a

different daynumber. Thisisthe minor round. Thirteen of these, or 949 occurrences,

constitute the grand round, when the periods begin again not only with the same day

of the same month but with the same day number. The following tables will show

how harmoniously this principle runs throughout the whole scheme :—

PERIOD. DAYS. PERIOD. YEARS.

LSI A71O sites Spontedtnicatian Chuen. 1,460 Luster. 4

{Bie <ls) reemasnocanercnaner 4,745 Week of years. 13

HOS< 280), cocooboonodoes bac Burner. 18,980 Calendar round. 52

TSI GEE Diteeneacauaesanens Ahau. 26,280 Minor ahau round. 72

WOS< 17400) secodsenconsacc Katun. 525,600 Minor katun round. 1,440

Taso ILM 010) sooasenasogs Cycle. 10,512,000 Minor cycle round. 28,800

HESeilssyPHO00) soocoaccn Great cycle. 136,656,000 Grand era. 374,400

THE CHRONOLOGICAL CALENDAR. 27

PERIODS. 7 CALENDARS.

949 chuens 18,980

949 burners 246,740

341,640

6,832,800 18,720

136,656,000 374,400

It will be seen from the tables that the cycle and great cycle periods could round

themselves out in harmony with the law governing all the rest of the scheme only at

the expiration of the grand era. If the Mayas were consistent simply—if they did not

capriciously spoil a plan which their preliminary work outlined to perfection—then

the grand era must have been the crowning period of their scheme. It was the only

period there could possibly be of which every element of both calendars would be an

even divisor. Thus it comprised exactly :—

20 grand katun rounds.

73 great cycles.

260 minor katun rounds.

400 grand ahau rounds.

949 cycles.

1,460 13-katun periods.

5,200 minor ahau rounds.

7,200 calendar rounds.

18,980 katuns.

29,200 13-ahau periods.

93,600 lusters.

374,400 years.

379,600 ahaus.

525,600 burners.

6,832,800 months and chuens. °

2,776,000 weeks.

THE BURNER PERIOD AND BISSEXTILE

COUN

Tur theory I am about to advance is almost a purely hypothetical one. For its

support I have little to offer beyond the firm hold it has taken on my own mind, the

intelligible relative data of the inscriptions being wholly insufficient to conclusively

establish it; yet I present it with entire confidence that future discovery will prove it

to be substantially true. It is not a solid basis for an important superstructure, but

necessity compels us at times to build, tentatively at least, on very uncertain foundations.

In this instance the necessity of some scheme for keeping an account of the bissextiles

renders it imperative to discover a simple and harmonious plan by which they can be

computed ; for, though unnoticed by both the year and the ahan count, it is not for a

moment to be supposed they were totally ignored. They must have been taken

account of in some way, otherwise all Maya time reckoning was imperfect—which is

an absurdity. It is impossible to incorporate them, singly or in aggregates of what

number soever, with either the annual or the chronological calendar, without

disturbing its regularity and thereby nullifying it at once; hence, there must be some

method of taking cognizance of them apart from both calendars. What that method

was, has been a perplexing question. I am going to offer what appears to me the

most practical solution of it.

There being two methods of computing time, it is a logical inference that there are

also two corresponding methods of computing the bissextiles. The total number of

bissextiles in the grand period of 374,400 years, reckoned according to the Julian

plan, is 93,600. That number of days makes exactly 15 katuns ; hence, the bissextile

count corresponding with the chronological calendar could be reckoned by ahaus and

katuns, the same as the calendar itself. But when it is attempted to arrange a

bissextile count in accord with the annual calendar, it will be discovered that the

93,600 bissextiles of the grand period do not fall evenly into years but leave some

remaining days—the exact numbers being 256 years and 160 days. Here is one of

the two instances throughout their whole range in which the Maya calendars fail to

work harmoniously, the other being the indivisibility of 1460, the number of days in a

four-year period, by any of the lesser periods of days. Had the total of bissextiles

been evenly divisible into years, we should undoubtedly have found a period of 1460

THE BURNER PERIOD AND BISSEXTILE COUNT. 29

years—equivalent to the Egyptian sothic period, when just a year of bissextiles

accrued—prominent in Maya chronology; but nothing of the kind appears. The

bissextiles would not divide evenly into years. This obstacle had to be surmounted

in some way that would result in an even count. I think they overcame it by receding

from a year count of bissextiles to correspond with the annual calendar and adopting

a period of 260 days—exactly 360 of which periods would be comprised in the 93,600

bissextile total.

This 260 is another number about which ignorance in the disguise of knowledge

has spun a web of mystery, as around the numbers 13 and 20. To believe all the

assumed authorities, there must be seen in it the sacred tonalamatl of the Nahuas

and the equally sacred ritual year of all the Maya tribes, an obscure relation to certain

lunar reckonings, a far-fetched correspondence with the synodical revolutions of Venus,

and other strange meanings growing out of its supposed composition from the mystic

20 and 13. Iam aware of no reason why there may not as well be seen in it simply

what it is, the day round or ‘‘burner” period; that is, it is the number of days that

must elapse before the recurrence of the same day with the same numeral, and it is

plainly indicated to be the burner period by three documents that have been handed

down to us. No one but Perez, so far as I know, has called attention to it, in its

character of burner period, as a factor of the Maya chronological scheme, and he

confessed his ignorance of its nature and scope *. It is not necessarily composed of 20

* Dr. Brinton has allowed carelessness to betray him into a surprising error respecting this burner period.

In an essay entitled ‘‘ The Folk-Lore of Yucatan,” to support his contention that there still exist relics of an

ancient form of fire-worship which once prevailed throughout the peninsula, he says: ‘‘ That they [the rites]

are not yet out of date is apparent from a copy of a native calendar for 1841—2 obtained by Mr. Stephens

when in Yucatan. In it the days are marked as lucky or unlucky, and against certain ones such entries

are made as ‘ now the burner lights his fire,’ ‘the burner gives his fire scope, ‘the burner takes his fire,’

‘the burner puts out his fire. This burner, ah toc, is the modern representative of the ancient priest of

the fire.” If Dr. Brinton had observed closely the caption of the exhibit referred to he would have seen that

it was not a modern native calendar for 1841-2, but, as its title explicitly states, “an almanac adjusted

according to the chronological calculations of the ancient Indians of Yucatan for the year 1841 and 1842, by

Don Juan Pio Perez ;” and, if he had regarded the introductory remarks of Senor Perez, he would have seen

furthermore that the gentleman endeavored to proye the reliability of certain features of his calendar,

notwithstanding his inability to explain them, by the statement that they were the same found by him in

“three ancient almanacs ” which he had examined and found to agree very nearly. As to whom the burner

is that takes his fire, kindles it, permits it to destroy and extinguishes it, Senor Perez confessed his total

ignorance, as he had been unable to find any explanation of the mystery. That would scarcely be the case

had ah toc been still wielding his firebrand, as Dr. Brinton asserts. That this burner had nothing to do with

modern fire-worship is evident from the fact that the mention of it was taken from ancient authorities ; and

that it never had anything to do with fire-worship at all is probable from the further fact that in the most

ancient of these authorities, the codices and inscriptions, we find this idea of fire—whether represented by a

torch in tlie hand of a grotesque human figure or attached to the paws and tail of a panting dog, or simply

by the head of the panting dog itself—inseparably associated with one of the elements of Maya chronology,

the 260-day period.

30 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

multiplied by 13, but is arrived at by various ways—the 65 repeated four times and

the 52 five times, of which so many examples are given in the codices, both undoubtedly

leading up to it. The specific examples mentioned are as follows :—

[From the Perez ALMANAC. ]

3 Chicchan—65— 3 Oc—65— 3 Men—65— 3 Ahau—65=260

20 20. 20 20

10 Chicchan—65—10 Oc—65—10 Men—65—10 Ahau—65 =260

20 20 20 20

4, Chicchan—65— 4 Oc—65— 4, Men—65— 4 Ahau—65=260

20 20 20 20

11 Chicchan—65—11 Oc—65—11 Men—65—11 Ahau—65 =260

5 5 5 5

65 65 65 65 =260

[ From the CopEx CorrEstaNnvs. |

9 Kan—65— 9 Mulue—65— 9 Ix—65— 9 Cauac—65=260

14 14 14 14

10 Kan—65—10 Mulue—65—10 Ix—65—10 Cauac—65 = 260

20 20 20 20

4 Kan—65— 4 Mulue—65— 4 Ix—65— 4, Cauac—65=260

20 20 20 20

11 Kan—65—11 Muluc—65—11 Ix—65—11 Cauac—65 =260

11 11 11 it

65 65 65 65 =260

[From the Manuscripr Troano. |

5 Cauac—65— 5 Kan—65— 5 Mulue—65— 5 Ix—65=260

20 20 20 20

12 Cauac—65—12 Kan—65—12 Muluc—65—12 Ix—65 =260

20 20 20 20

6 Cauac—65— 6 Kan—65— 6 Muluc—65— 6 Ix—65=260

20 20 20 20

13 Cauac—65—13 Kan—65—13 Muluc—65—13 Ix—65=260

5 5 5 5

65 65 65 65 =260

This 260-day period does not properly come under the head of either the

chronological or annual calendar, and yet it pertains to both. It is the mediator

between them, reconciling the year and ahau counts and bringing them into accord at

stated intervals. I confess that the necessity for it, in this respect, is not apparent to

me, since all the purposes it seems to serve could be as readily fulfilled by a direct use

THE BURNER PERIOD AND BISSEXTILE COUNT. 31

of the year and ahau counts; but throughout the Maya calendar schemes there is

exhibited a fondness approaching perversity for reckoning by period rounds and stages

of seventy-three, and the introduction of the burner count gratified this propensity in

both regards, the single burner constituting a day round and seventy-three of them a

calendar round. Neither 360, the number of days in an ahau, nor 365, the number in

a year, is divisible by 260. The first contact of the burner period with the ahaus

comes at 4,680 days, the equivalent of 13 ahaus and of 18 burners, and the first

contact with the years at 18,980 days, the equivalent of 52 years and of 73 burners;

but not until 341,640 isa common multiple of 260, 360, and 365 reached. That is

eighteen calendar rounds or 936 years, 949 ahaus or a complete ahau round, and 1314

burner periods. So it is probable that a 260-day count ran throughout all the Maya

computations of time—not as a sacred year or a mysterious hieratic method of

reckoning, but as a mediator between the conflicting calendars and a harmonizer of

the bissextile counts. |

But to arrive at its use in the bissextile scheme. The 93,600 bissextiles accruing

in the grand period being resolvable into the ahau and katun reckoning, it is likely

they were computed in accordance with that plan. To render them more readily

comprehensible, I will present the exemplifications of my theory in tabular form:

CHRONOLOGICAL CALENDAR BISSEXTILE PLAN.

GREAT CYCLES. CYCLES. KATUNS. | AHAUS. CHUENS. BISSEXTILES.

73 il

73 18

73 | 360=1 ahau.

73 | 7,200=1 katun.

ie | | 93,600=13 katuns,

There is but one inharmony in this plan—the 75 ahaus do not result in a chuen of

bissextiles but in only 18. This, however, was one of their cardinal numbers, which

multiplied by 20 made the desired 360, and it was in this fashion that they arrived at

the ahau count in their chronological bissextile reckoning.

As already stated, an adjustment of the bissextiles in conformity with the principles

of the annual calendar scheme cannot be made upon this plan; neither can it be made

upon any plan leading up to a year of bissextiles, as the total number of bissextiles is

32 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

not evenly resolvable into years. It was to overcome this difficulty, I think, that the

260-day count of bissextiles was introduced, in the manner following :

ANNUAL CALENDAR BISSEXTILE PLAN.

1 uM

1 13

20 260

360 4,680= 260 ae

7,200 ; 93,600= 260 x 360.

Here again is a departure from the expected, the natural supposition being that

they would pause at the 18-calendar round in consequence of its importance as the

point of the chuen, ahau, and year conjunction; but this would have resulted in a

bissextile count of 254, an awkward number to deal with in their peculiar numerative

system; but that they did arrive at it, nevertheless, is shown by the frequent

appearance of the eighteen 13-bissextile sign—18 x 15=234; and that they at times

adopted a chuen count of bissextiles also, is equally well indicated. ‘This proves that

they must interchangeably have made use of two other plans—as shown below:

VARIANT CHRONOLOGICAL BISSEXTILE PLAN.

GREAT CYCLES. CYCLES. KATUNS. 400 DAYS. CHUENS. BISSEXTILES.

73 20=1 chuen.

73 360=1 ahau.

73 7,200=1 katun.

73 93,600=13 katuns.

THE BURNER PERIOD AND BISSEXTILE COUNT.

(Sis)

(5)

VARIANT ANNUAL BISSEXTILE PLAN.

CALENDAR | CALENDAR | CALENDAR | CALENDAR ’

=73 chuens.

=73 burners.

18 '

=73 13-ahaus. 234

360

=73 13-katuns. 4,680 = 260 x 18.

7,200

=73 great cycles.

93,600 =260 x 360.

I have incorporated a chronological count in the last table in order to show what

would be the regular sequence of the periods. It also shows that the thirteen ahau

and katun reckoning was compatible with that of the annual calendar, and affords an

explanation of why mention of a 15-katun count only is found in the Yucatec

chronicles. It was probably the count in common use, being more readily alignable

with the annual calendar than the count by cycles of twenty katuns.

The foregoing tables are all based on the accruement of a bissextile every four years,

for the evidence, so far as it goes, points solely to that conclusion. Whether any

allowance was made for the deficient minutes and seconds, I have been unable to

determine ; but as no notice appears to be taken of them throughout periods greater

than that in which the aberration caused by them is corrected by the Gregorian plan,

it might be assumed that the Mayas never attained to an accuracy beyond that of the

Julian system. Still, they may have made the correction at longer intervals, or in a

manner I have been unable to detect. I shall be gratified should future discovery

prove them to have been as accurate in this respect as in nearly every other. The

correction, however, could be made only by going outside their regular bissextile plans

—as they had to go outside of the calendars to keep an account of the bissextiles

themselves—a circumstance that will render its detection very difficult.

The little evidence I have to offer in support of my theory cannot, I am aware, have

the weight with others that it has with me, being meagre and incoherent and the chief

prop resting on an error in a glyph. Others will naturally distrust it, but I would

be willing to stake a great deal on the correctness of my conclusion.

The glyph given at the head of this section, in one or another orm there represented

or with some minor modification, is one of frequent occurrence in the inscriptions,

always following a date or time reckoning, but without appearing to be ever a

BIOL. CENTR.-AMER., Archeol. 5

34 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

constituent part of either, unless at Palenque, or to be employed as a directive sign.

It is the head of the panting dog, the protruding tongue being its distinguishing

characteristic. It looks more like a tiger’s head here, but, tracing it to the codices,

it is found to be substantially identical with that of the torch-bearing dog that figures

in illustrations of the 260-day or burner period. At the important date found so often

in the inscriptions of Copan and Quirigua, 4 Ahau-13 Yax, the beginning of the

15th katun of the 9th cycle—which I believe to have been also the beginning not

only of a 13-katun but of the katun round or a 949-katun period, and which was for a

certainty the beginning point of every period figured elsewhere in the inscriptions

except the cyclic ones—three different periods, designated by three distinct forms of

this glyph that I claim marks the bissextile count, are denoted to have begun. I

believe them to be the 254, the 260, and the 360-day bissextile periods—300, 270,

and 195 of them, respectively, having elapsed from the beginning of the grand era up

to that date. About the 234 period—15 x 18—there can be no question, and I think

the numerative characters designating the other numbers admit of very little doubt.

One of them, as nearly as can be made out from the disfigured cast, is identical with a

character that in two other places denotes a 260 count; the other is a composite form

of 1820 and occurs in several instances where it is pretty certain that it stands

for 360. The most notable peculiarity about all these three forms of the glyph,

however, is that nowhere in the inscriptions within a range of more than nine hundred

years are they to be found except in association with the date in question. This is

‘suggestive, because other forms of this assumed bissextile sign occur frequently. It

indicates that they mark periods of long duration.

Now, if my notion that they denote respectively the accruement of 234, 260, and

360 bissextiles be correct, then it is at distances corresponding with such results that

other like signs must be sought. During the little time I could devote to the exami-

nation, I have found nothing that met my expectation in looking backward, and,

looking forward, nothing till Stela F at Quirigua was reached. On that is a reckoning

leaping ahead until the beginning of a katun in the 13th or beginning cycle of the

succeeding great cycle is indicated, with an 18 x20, or 360, bissextile sign imme-

diately following it. The date—very mutilated, but so far as can be made out—is

1 Ahau-13 Yaxkin. Turning to the indicated cycle, it is discovered that no katun in

it begins with that date, but the eighth katun begins with 1 Ahau-13 Yax. Now, from

4 Ahau-13 Yax, the beginning of the 15th katun of the 9th cycle in the preceding

great cycle, the 3 cycles and 13 katuns, or 1440 years, necessary to constitute an ahau

of bissextiles, reach precisely to this date. I am satisfied that 1 Ahau-13 Yax was the

date intended, if not actually carved—for the difference between the symbols for Yax

and Yaxkin is so slight that it requires but little defacement of a glyph to render them

indistinguishable—and that the burner sign in question indicates that 360 or an ahau

THE BURNER PERIOD AND BISSEXTILE COUNT. 35

of bissextiles accrued at that point of the calendar as they did at the beginning of the

15th katun in the 9th cycle of the preceding great cycle.

The frequent use of this burner glyph, in varied forms, in the Palenque inscriptions

would appear to show that it there serves a purpose apart from the mere recording of

the bissextiles, viz.: that it helps to mark, wholly or in part, the length of the periods

by indicating the number of bissextiles that have passed. If this be so, it must be

used in its 13 capacity, or multiples thereof, resulting from a complete round or rounds

of the annual calendar. It requires much labour to settle any of these questions

definitely, and I have not yet found time to work this particular one out. But, in

directing the notice of students to it, I would call their attention to another fact,

namely: the Palenque bissextiles and minor periods appear to be reckoned from a

different starting-point from those of Copan and Quirigua. That is, while the grand

cycles, cycles, katuns, and ahaus run the same, apparently, the important date

4 Ahau-13 Yax is never once noticed, but in its stead another date, 8 Oc-3 Kayab,

comes into significant prominence. All four of the principal Palenque inscriptions

lead up to and end with that date—not in the same position in the calendar, but in

different positions, as though wherever it occurred it was of signal importance. Can

it be that, for some reason and by some process not readily perceptible, they had

adopted that date as the initial point of bissextile and minor period reckoning? No

better explanation of its undue prominence suggests itself to me; but I must leave the

determination of the question to others, or until I have time to get about it myself.

NUMERATION AND SIGNS FOR NUMBERS.

a FP OT SIBLE OEE

Tue key to the inscriptions is a knowledge of the Maya numerals. What advance I

have made has been attained by purely mathematical processes, and it is solely by the

same means that the ultimate solution must be achieved. There can be no certainty

of the correctness of an interpretation, in most cases, until the character and value of

a glyph are mathematically demonstrable. This requirement would render the full

clearing up of the mystery a hopeless undertaking were it not that so great a proportion

of the characters are qualified by numerals or are numerals themselves that to arrive

at their significance is only a question of patient effort, and that a knowledge of them

will probably reveal the meaning of the few remaining glyphs that have no apparent

numeric values or affixes. Hence, the identification of the numerals and the discovery

of the methods of using them are the most important steps toward further advancement

in the study.

The greatest difficulty in following Maya computations is the absence of signs

showing the particular process employed. It may be that addition, subtraction, multi-

plication, and division are all indicated in some way, either by signs or by the relative

positions of the factors; but, if so, I have detected but two signs that by any

possibility imply the process to be used, and these occur so seldom and irregularly that

T do not feel entire confidence in their supposed significance. I shall speak of them

more fully in connection with the day series of numerals. Generally, however, the

numerals are set down so at random that it is a difficult exercise to ascertain what is to

be done with them—the more puzzling as the problem is frequently a complex one,

involving two or more distinct processes or the employment of the same one several

times over. There seem to have been no sure rules in Maya mathematics. While

they added, it was usually only till they arrived at some convenient number for multi-

plying ; while they multiplied, it was commonly by only a few favorite numbers; and

while they divided and subtracted, it was only in such an occasional way as to render

these features of their mathematic system of very little account. They appear to have

made no use of fractions, but arrived at fractional results in intricate computations by

the employment of varied integers whose aggregate produced the same effect.

NUMERATION AND SIGNS FOR NUMBERS. 37

In regard to the different series and single characters which I believe to be numerals,

I will state that they are not all to be found on the tablets of any one city. While

the majority of them and of the other glyphs are common to all the inscriptions,

certain of them are to be found only in a particular place. For instance, signs are

used at Palenque that are not discoverable at Copan, and at Copan that are not to be

found at Quirigua, and at Quirigua that do not occur in either of the former cities.

Thus it appears probable that, while the same general system prevailed throughout all

of these localities, there were differences amounting at least to provincialisms if not to

dialects.

Again, the signs in question are not used indiscriminately with every kind of

period, but particular ones are applied to particular classes of counts, some appearing

to be applicable to but a single sort of period, while others qualify several of different

character. While this is true in a general way of the beginning signs, I think it will

be found to be more especially true in respect to the numerals themselves.

The list of number signs and of characters ordinarily employed in a numeric sense

will be found astonishingly large, in my judgment. My reasons for thinking so are

not alone the serial appearance of a multitude of signs and the manner in which they

are used, but include the still stronger one of the determinative feature that charac-

terized Maya and Mexican numeration. An object was seldom mentioned without a

suffixed particle indicating the quality or class of the thing enumerated. Dr. Brinton

states that Beltran de Santa Rosa gives not less than seventy-two of these determinative

particles, and does not exhaust the list at that. I have at hand no satisfactory Maya

example of what I desire to explain, and so will make use of a Mexican one given by

Bancroft. Polhualli meant twenty, or a score, and was used without any determinative

particle for simple numeration; polhualli-pilli, for thin objects packed one above

another, as tortillas and sheets of paper; polhwalli-quimilli, for articles in large rolls,

as cloth; polhualli-tecpantli, for things ranged in order, as persons, lines, walls;

polhualli-tetl, for round or plump articles, as seeds, eggs, fruit, birds; and so on to

perhaps as many classes as given by Beltran. Now, I believe that these distinctions—

or many of them, at least—which in speech and in writing with our characters were

made by means of determinative particles, were shown in the native graphic system by

the use of different sets of glyphs for numerals. Thus, I think that certain sets were

used for the periods of the chronological calendar, others for the year and day counts,

and still others for various other kinds of reckoning. What at once induces and

justifies this opinion is the persistency with which certain evidently qualifying

characters adhere to certain classes of glyphs, some of which characters, when found

in other connections where their value can be ascertained, are discovered to be

numerals. For instance, of the bouquet-like series the simplest form when accom-

panying Ahau in a date means that it is the beginning of an ahau, while other forms

of it represent 6, 10, 72, 73 and 7,200; from which I consider it reasonable to infer

38 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

that the rest of the series are numerals also. Of the double-character series, or what

have been termed the den-ik signs, three occur in positions where their numerative

value is demonstrable; hence there can be little doubt that the entire series are

numerals. ‘The same may be said of the hand series, and half a dozen others. In my

opinion, therefore, nearly all the minor characters in the inscriptions and many of the

larger ones will eventually be demonstrated to be signs for numbers.

The number and diversity of these signs and the fantastic character of some of

them—notably the face series—suggest a hieratic design to conceal the purport of the

inscriptions from the uninitiated; but I think the determinative feature of their

numeration, the desire to give symmetry and grace to their glyphs, and the possible

purpose to avoid sameness and repetition, sufficiently account for the variety without

ascribing it to a cryptogramic intention. It is probable, therefore, that all the other

series of numerals were as intelligible to the populace as the simple one of dots and

bars—being, as it were, a mere difference in the style of characters, such as is to be

seen in fancy printing or ornamental sign-writing.

While it is likely that in most instances there is a full series of similar signs, just

enough modified to distinguish them from each other, running from 1 to 20, I do not

think this to be the case throughout. It will be found, I believe, that there are many

sporadic signs, or signs without any serial connection. The frequent use of certain

numbers accounts for this, and it is to designate these that solitary symbols are oftenest

employed. There will probably be more signs discovered for 13, 18, and 20, than for

any other number.

I do not claim that the value of any sign about to be given is correct beyond

question. On the contrary, I think it very likely that in some instances I shall myself

find reason for a change. But, as in most cases I shall explain why I have attached

the value given to particular signs, the reader will not be misled, but can accept,

reject, or modify my estimate, according to his own judgment. It will be only by

persistent trial, assumption, alteration, and readjustment, until a figure that fulfils the

requirement of every condition under which a character appears is hit upon, that we

shall be able to fix the values of all the numeral signs.

Before giving the lists of specific numerals I deem it advisable to speak of some

general principles that appear to underlie Maya notation.

A sign for 2 generally indicates that the value of the character or characters

qualified by it is to be doubled. Of such signs the pendent opposed right angles or

an indented ball with two small dots in it is usually found with ear designs and other

ornamental numerals; but the most common sign for doubling is a line or circle of

dots, either of which increases the value of the numeric symbol so qualified twofold.

The cross, in its various forms, appears to have been dedicated to the number three

and multiples thereof. The St. Andrew’s cross denotes 3, while the crossing of other

numeric signs in a similar manner signifies that the number they singly betoken is to

NUMERATION AND SIGNS FOR NUMBERS. 39

be multiplied by three—as, for instance, two hatchets crossed K-wise represent 18.

The Egyptian cross, or 7% symbol, isa sign for 6, while a square cross with a small

circle in the center—somewhat after the Greek or Maltese model—stands for 18.

The double right angle, either simply joined in a U-shaped character or interlocked

as in the symbol for the month Pop, is indicative of four and its multiples. The latter

form, found chiefly upon the idols, is often raised to several times its simple power by

additional links, each pair denoting 4; so that 8, 12, 16, 20, or 24 may be expressed

by glyphs that at a superficial glance might appear identical. The number of sets of

angles is generally indicated by dots placed at their outer corners.

The knot—probably significant of the tying up of the single hand count—runs with

five and its multiples. Iam in doubt yet if the single, double, triple, and quadruple

knots represent respectively 5, 10, 15, and 20, or whether all of them alike stand for 5,

though I am inclined to the former surmise. The knot is a rather difficult figure to

draw rapidly, and I think cursive forms of it are detectable in other quite different

characters, especially the banded ones with lateral loops that seem to serve merely as

pedestals to the superimposed glyphs.

The cimi sign, or bar between two dots (in which Dr. Brinton beholds the image of

a maggot), the skeleton jawbone, and the irregular mouth line and grinning teeth of a

skull—all alike suggestive of a death’s-head—are three signs for 10 which, either

singly or combined, form part of a majority of the face signs for numbers higher than

that. The last of these more particularly belongs to the codices, but in the inscriptions

the grinning teeth are often recognizable when neither the jawbone nor the cimi sign

can be distinguished.

Dividing a numeral into thread-like lines increases its value a hundredfold, and

there is reason for believing that partial striation raises it tenfold. If it were certain

that the purpose was to skeletonize the sign, as the effect suggests, then it would be

only a fair inference to assume that all symbols indicating death pertained to decimal

reckoning. As this is a very interesting and important point, I am disposed to

illustrate it at some length. The cursive form of the sign for 72 in the ahau symbol

—where the proposition is: 5X72=360—is this, Gwe) as nearly as the

different shapes can be averaged. In the cycle symbol—where the proposition is:

20 x 7,200 =144,000—the character representing the higher number is this Gy.

As the outlines and proportions of this character for 7,200 are indistinguishable from

those of the sign for 72, the conclusion is unavoidable that the striation or skeletonizing

augments the value a hundredfold. In the series whose shape suggests they were

intended to represent bouquets or bundles of feathers there is evidence of double

striation. There is a great variety of these characters, each distinct form probably

representing a different number, though J have been able to determine the value of

40 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

but few of them. When this one, Cpe , is attached to Ahau in a date it means

that the day begins an ahau, thus having the sense of beginning, as is the case with

one of the characters in other numeral series. Great latitude was exercised in the

drawing of this particular sign, but that is to be expected of all characters whose

position renders their meaning unmistakable. Another form, CO SiR}. is part of the

symbol for the month Zac, in which connection it is betokened to be an equivalent

of 6. In the symbol of the month Kayab in the inscriptions this form

is substituted in place of a sign for 10 in the same symbol as it appears in the codices,

thereby justifying the presumption that it stands for that number. It will be noticed

that in none of the signs for simple numbers is the character striated. In ahau

symbols in Tikal this form Qinn)s represents 72. It is a partially skeletonized

member of the same series, with a sign for 2 at its base. The question is, is the upper

part a sign for 7 raised to ten times its value by partial striation? That the peculiar

form is not accidental or meaningless is proved by the fact that on the Tablet of

Inscriptions at Palenque a variant of it, “@), represents 73 in the calendar-

round symbol. ‘The only difference is the replacement of the 2 by a 3 sign at the base,

the partially skeletonized superstructure still signifying 70. Again, and in the same

tablet, the 7,200 feature of the cycle symbol is represented by the former of these

(ATI

(SS TIN

imparted by complete striation is unquestionable; the only doubt is as to whether a

tenfold increase is implied by partial skeletonizing.

signs still further skeletonized, thus: Here the hundredfold value

THE FACE NUMERALS.

Tue group I call the “face” numerals is the most interesting of all the series, not

merely on account of its singular character, but because it affords so much insight into

the meaning of the personages represented on the monuments and in the codices. I

have not determined the characters beyond 20, and of that list three are uncertain, but

it is likely that faces indicating higher numbers will be discovered. ‘These numerals

are chiefly employed in initial dates, a circumstance that renders their value easily

ascertainable, but they are also at times made use of in the body of the text. The

fact that a face which is readily recognizable as one of this series sometimes constitutes

a glyph by itself lends probability to the supposition that other lone faces, not recog-

nizable, represent numbers greater than 20. ‘There is considerable variation in some

of these characters, as is to be expected of figures made in different places and eras ;

but, taking all things into consideration, the types will be found to be remarkably

constant throughout. The most noticeable difference is in the head-dress, or whatever

the upper part of the glyph may be termed; but this is a peculiarity in the represen-

tation of all the personifications of the codices and inscriptions. Different head-gear

was given to every one of them at times. Whether this was mere caprice, or whether

it signified particular manifestations of power—as the various attributes of heathen

deities were implied by different appellations—is a question yet to be determined.

This face series of numerals, taken in connection with the examples already given,

establishes two things pretty conclusively: first, that there was a principle, or system,

underlying the Maya scheme of numerical signs; and, second, that the principle was a

mathematical one, by which the signs for the higher numbers were built from those

below, just as the greater time symbols were constructed from the less. The only

process employed in the face series, so far as can be seen at present, is that of addition ;

but it is not unlikely that when higher numerals of this class are identified, multipli-

cation also will be found ¢e enter into their composition, as it does into the signs for

higher numbers already instanced.

BIOL. CENTR.-AMER., Archeeol. 6

42 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

FACE SIGN FOR 1.

Attention is directed to four characteristics of this sign. First in importance, the

lock of hair that descends in front of the ear and, curving to the left, extends toward

the chin. Second, the peculiar character of the ornament that adorns the ear and

projects over the cheek. Third, the forehead ornament—not clearly distinguishable,

but never a single piece. Fourth—but occurring only in the last glyph, which is from

a Quirigua monument—the curve surrounded by a border of loops at the back upper

part of the head. These are all survivals of the original types,

which are to be found in the codices—the picture of a woman

and one of its abbreviations. The Quirigua glyph has added the

characteristic of the abbreviation to those of the woman’s head

itself. It will be seen that the limitations of glyphs im crowded

inscriptions necessitated the carrying of the characteristic lock of

hair forward to the chin instead of letting it depend to the waist, as in the full figure

of the woman; but in the images representing 1 on the monuments the lock projects

directly from under the chin, having the appearance of a flowing beard, as in the

idol of the great stela at Quirigua, and the left-hand

one of the four kneeling figures in the tablet of the

Temple of the Sun at Palenque. There are two

other faces which I believe to represent 1, the chin-

lock betokening the character of the former and the

forehead sign and pendent ornaments that of the

latter. Both faces—one being the central object of

worship in the Temple of the Sun tablet and the

other the breast ornament or distinguishing emblem of the figure in the large Tikal

inscription—are surrounded by signs denoting beginning, a circumstance nearly always

occurring with this number in its association with godhead, evidently indicating that

the deity it represented was recognized to be the first or leading god of their

pantheon.

THE FACE NUMERALS. 43

FACE SIGN FOR 2.

This glyph is not encountered in any place where its value can be determined for a

certainty ; but, for the reason that will be explained when I come to the number 12,

I believe there can be but little if any doubt that the above face is a sign for 2.

FACE SIGN FOR 3.

There is considerable variation in these signs, but every one of them occurs in a

position that renders its value unmistakable. The first three are from Palenque, but

the fact that the last of the trio is from an inscription several thousand years later than

the others, and that the fourth glyph is from Quirigua, may in some measure account

for the difference. The band on the forehead appears to be the only constant charac-

teristic. The ear mark, on the two faces where it is visible, suggests a half th sign.

The dotted ball on the forehead of the first two faces is also a distinguishing feature.

All three of these peculiarities will be seen again when we come to 13, one of the signs

for that number being the 3 and 10 faces combined.

44 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

FACE SIGN FOR 4.

The distinguishing traits in this sign are the ball enclosed in a circle at the top of

the head and the angular irid in the upper left-hand corner of the eye. I should

include the tusk or tongue protruding from the back of the mouth—which forcibly

suggests the interlocked 4-sign—but that it appears in the 6-face as well. The

forehead and ear ornaments are not constant, and it is difficult to determine what any

of them was intended to represent.

FACE SIGN FOR 5.

This sign is the most readily recognizable of any in the series. It always bears

conspicuously on top the bold character that constitutes the principal feature in the

ahau, katun, and great cycle symbols—a conventionalized form of the closed hand, no

doubt. It is substantially the same head as that of one of the grotesque personages of

the codices whose symbols invariably represent 5.

THE FACE NUMERALS. 45

FACE SIGN FOR 6.

The chief characteristic of this face is the hatchet-eye. It appears to have occurred

to some imaginative artist that the rigid sign for Ik—the day representing 6 in the

series of day numerals—could be made more graceful and yet remain quite as

intelligible; so the Egyptian cross and hatchet came to have the same significance.

The latter is used invariably in the face signs for 6 and 16, while the former occurs

frequently in the eye of personified time periods. The forehead ornament—two or

more concentric half-circles—is another characteristic of the 6-face, and it is found

also in one form of the numeral eye.

FACE SIGN FOR 7.

The characters (for I believe there will be found to be two nearly distinct faces)

for this number occur in no position in the inscriptions where as yet I am able

to definitely establish their value, but I think it is safely deducible from other

circumstances. Akbal is the day representing 7, therefore the face with that

sign is intelligible enough; but the one with the circle around the eye is not so

comprehensible—though the trace of a similar circle can be detected on one of the

faces with the akbal sign. ‘The circled face occurs, however, on Stela E, at Copan, in

a connection that shows it must stand for 2, 7, 12, or 17. As a survey of the

complete list of face numerals will prove it to be unlikely that it is 17, 12, or 2, there

remains only the conclusion that it must be 7.

46 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

FACE SIGN FOR 8.

The lobed ear ornament projecting on the cheek appears to be the only constant

characteristic of this face; but it will be seen later on that the forehead ornament cf

the first two faces is also a distinguishing feature of the face numeral for 8.

FACE SIGN FOR 9.

The variation in these faces is so great that it can only be accounted for on the

theory that the sculptors assumed that everybody must know what the current cycle

was, and therefore carved the sign with the greatest freedom in initial dates. This

surmise is rendered probable by the fact that when they came to inscribe it in the body

of the text they exercised more care, its numerous representations there being very

uniform. Its characteristics in this position are the peculiar forehead ornament and

the thick protruding lips shown in the first of the above signs, the latter giving the

face an expression of uncommon stolidity and solemnity. A circle of dots and a line

with a curve in the middle appear frequently on the cheek of this face ; but as neither

is constant, and as both are sometimes found on other faces, I doubt if they are to be

considered as distinguishing traits.

THE FACE NUMERALS. 47

FACE SIGN FOR 10.

The face symbol for this number is always a death’s-head, or a face implying death

by one or more of its features. In addition, it frequently has upon its cheek a bar

between two dots, which in the codices is a variant of the character for the day Cimi,

and which indicates 10, wherever found. The marked characteristics that distinguish

the face throughout are the skeleton jaw and teeth. All the rest is variable, ranging

from a grinning skull to a face whose upper part is quite life-like. I am particular in

describing this character, for it will be seen that most of the face signs for the numbers

from this point to 20 are simply combinations of the signs for lower numbers with

that for 10. Maya numeration in its first stages was singularly like our own—

proceeding by distinct designations to ten, followed by two names of uncertain

derivation, and thence to twenty by addition of the lower numbers to ten.

IED rere cece ete raeciesiaeie een eeleon es one IB ULI eee ae Re eee eleven

Cale teiiae shah sconce kona. erent laces two 1 DEHNGhY eee setboh CHA BOER OnSE SE eho acodubOs twelve

OF PR ie or ctckacceaa aceon eaachines three Oxlahuntyeese seco eae thirteen

(OEY Nisnonpas HEAR HenadcmaBtaneracdotncrinosacncncd four C@anllahunitiiy A itaere om caece oar aeemee fourteen

1 3 Ie Hen aetird Sa ARERR CHAAR EAI On Rana aceernT five Helis taeantaaaacdcnsmtrage one eNetoaeS fifteen

WAG ices re Peete oa aes aaalacotacioesena wae six Waclaluntsag ern oo: comer eer eeee sixteen

Witercerecron actiectccaes > aosmenemnee seins seven Uhiclahuntaescceeencen er ee eee seventeen

\UES Ee sacsdatoodotdcadacanepeacecpnaredncdnes eight Waxaclahuntytcessccetniee or nates eighteen

15 {0} Kon" scouts AUR DB peOHe CIC aRRReRE perp bbade ce nine TSO MIEN, casscoondcancrincesnsoosnnbadco nineteen

ah UMersnaaecescasce nec ecenneeeeaemenss ten iinkall sv tisecinaentnaeenticar nates twenty

The succeeding faces, with a few exceptions, will show that they anticipated us as

closely in their style of notation as in that of nomenclature.

48 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

FACE SIGN FOR 11.

This is one of the numbers whose symbol I have not been able to accurately

determine ; but I think the above face will be found to represent it. My reasons for

this are based on its use in the codices. ‘The characteristic trait is the curve with an

irregular pendant behind the eye. This is the corkscrew curl, a sign for 1, which,

added to the 10 indicated by the semicircle surrounded by dots, gives to the face its

distinctive value of 11.

FACE SIGN FOR 12.

There are apparently three distinct characters for this number. ‘lhe first three faces

seem to be radicals, while the others are formed by superfixing the sign for 2 to the

death-face, or 10.

THE FACE NUMERALS. 49

FACE SIGN FOR 13.

Here also there are two or more distinct types. ‘The radical with the kin symbol—

one of the signs for 13—is the form commonly employed. The fourth glyph, in

which the 3 and 10 faces are combined, occurs in the initial series of the Temple of

the Cross. I donot know what to conclude about the last face in the list, which is

the day numeral in the initial date of the Temple of the Sun, Palenque. It is more

like the chuen sign than any other, but the number is unmistakably 13. It is more

reasonable to suppose that the sculptor made a mistake in the Ain sign than that the

chuen symbol should have been used to represent both 13 and 15.

FACE SIGN FOR 14.

This sign occurs but once where its value can be positively determined—on a

Quirigua stela, the photograph of which is very indistinct. ‘The glyph, however, is

manifestly a combination of the face signs for 4 and 10.

BIOL. CENTR.-AMER., Archeeol,

50 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

FACE SIGN FOR 15.

The first of these faces appears twice in the initial date of the Palenque steps—the

only place where it occurs. As the face seems to be a death one, and therefore

supposably intended to represent 10, the knotted head-dress must mean only 5,

instead of the triple knot indicating 15. Yet, after all, this may not be the case,

as the face is identical with that bearing the ahau sign, in a Tikal inscription, where

the combination signifies but 5. It may be, therefore, that this particular face has

no value in itself, but is merely a vehicle to bring the accompanying sign into the face

series ; in which event, in this instance, 15 would be indicated by the triple character

of the knot. ‘The second glyph is from Chichén Itza, where it occurs many times, but

in no relation where its value can be determined. It is, however, so manifestly a sign

for 15 that I have not hesitated to place it here.

FACE SIGN FOR 16.

All the signs for this number are a combination of the 6 and 10 faces. In some

cases the declarative 1()-sign—the bar between two dots—appears on the cheek, in

addition; but the symbol occurs more frequently without it.

THE FACE NUMERALS. 51

FACE SIGN FOR 17.

The first of the above faces is from an initial date on a Quirigua stela, where there

can be no doubt of its value; but unfortunately the photograph is too indistinct to be

quite certain if the akbal symbol appears at the top of the head or not. I think it

does, however, as the lower part of the glyph is unquestionably the death-face. The

other form is common in the Palenque texts, but it occurs in no position where its

value can be demonstrated beyond question.

FACE SIGN FOR 18.

The forehead ornament of the face sign for 8 and the skeleton jaw of that for 10

are constant characteristics of this symbol, but it has likewise a broad curve behind

the eye—readily distinguishable, however, from the corkscrew curlof 11. I think this

is a conyentionalized form of the dotted crescent sign for 18, as the dots are still

perceptible within the curve on the second glyph, which occurs in the initial date of

the Temple of the Cross, at Palenque.

52 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

FACE SIGN FOR 19.

The 10 death-face and the 9 forehead ornament are the characteristics of this face.

The lines and dots on the cheek—as already stated, in speaking of the 9 symbol—are

used too promiscuously to be relied on as distinguishing traits.

FACE SIGN FOR 20.

The hand on the cheek, the thumb or wrist forming the lower jaw, usually charac-

terizes the face sign for 20. Generally the face is a death’s head, identical with the

symbol for 10, the outstretched hand evidently implying another 10 that is to be

added to it. I judge that the number 20 is arrived at by addition instead of

multiplication, not only from the sign for addition upon the hand and the fact that

the preceding compounds have all been formed in that way, but from the character of

the last face in the list, where the death’s head is surmounted by another distinct sign

for 10. Though the face symbol for the cycle is also a sign for 20—as its substitution

for the 20-day character proves—I have not included it in the above list; for, notwith-

standing that to a casual observer it might appear identical with the ordinary 20-sign,

it has certain peculiarities that separate it and appear to restrict its use solely to that

of a cycle symbol.

NUMERAL VALUE OF THE DAY SYMBOLS.

Tue likeness of certain numerative characters to some of the day symbols led me to

believe that all the day signs were composed of parts representing numbers and that

each day symbol had a specific numerical value. Further study of the subject has

confirmed that belief. I have not succeeded in discovering the value of the constituent

parts of all the signs; but so many of them are in accord with the ascertained value of

the same characters in other connections that their occurrence in the day symbols is

placed beyond the pale of accident, and the numerative quality of the day signs

themselves is thereby raised from a mere conjecture to an established fact.

The first resemblance that attracted my attention was that between the sign, or

signs, for Cimi and those which in so many instances demonstrably stand for 10.

Next, the character for Ik, in its use apart. from a day symbol, appeared to me to have

a numeric significance, the exact value of which always centered upon 6. Now, starting

with Caban, Ik would be the sixth day and Cimi the tenth. This coincidence was too

remarkable to be passed by without further investigation, and so I arranged the day

signs in order, beginning with Caban, and sought to ascertain if there were any

recognizable features in the others,

Several interesting things became apparent directly in this survey of the characters

in the light of possible numerals. The first was that the name of the third day, Cauac,

evidently implied half of six—ca, two; wac, six. ‘That three should be half of six was

not the astonishing part of it, for it did not require a Maya revelation to tell me that,

but the fact that a certain number of days should be halved was pretty strong evidence

that they constituted a period of some kind. If, beginning with Caban, Cauac was

mid-week, then Ik must be the end of the week. This was contrary to the teaching

of all the assumed authorities, for, without exception, they assert that the Maya week

was a period of five days, running from dominical to dominical, But I had learned

not to revere these authorities overmuch, and so I proceeded to ascertain to what

conclusions a week of six days would lead. It was apparent from the start that the

sixth, or extra day, would break the monotony of the count from dominical to dominical

—just as the year count is varied by an excess of five in the order of the days and of

one in their numeration—so that it would require twenty counts to make a complete

round of weeks, that is, before the week would begin again with the same day; hence,

120 days, or the week-round, should be a notable period in their reckonings—a

conjecture I subsequently found to be true. It is just one-third of an ahau, and

therefore falls readily in with that style of reckoning, but it does not accord with the

54 : THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

year count until the magic 73 is reached—120X73=8,760 days, or 24 years—a

circumstance which leaves no doubt in my mind that twenty-four years constituted a

notable period also in their chronology.

The fact that Ik is the end of the initial week, and therefore likely to have had a

terminal character ascribed to it, suggested that its symbol might be intended to

represent one stone laid crosswise on another, a device by which the Mayas are said to

have marked the completion of a katun; but a study of the symbol as it appears in

the codices led me to a quite different conclusion. I became satisfied that the Ik sign

of the inscriptions was nothing but a cursive form of the older character of the

codices.

I desire to say a word here as to the comparative trustworthiness of the inscriptions

and the codices in respect to the radical form of the glyphs. While the particular

copies of the codices that have been preserved are probably of a later date than any of

the inscriptions, I believe that their glyphs are of a more primitive character—that is,

that they are copies of formulas which have come down from time immemorial, the

ancient style of writing being adhered to in them with a scrupulousness not observed

in the inscriptions. This is evident from the numerous instances of glyphs whose

original design is plainly discernible in the codices, while in the inscriptions it is

almost unintelligible or entirely lost. Therefore, I regard the codices as the better

authority in respect to the primitive character of the glyphs. :

In the codices, it will be seen, the symbols for Ik and Kan are substantially the

same, the only real difference being that in Kan there is a divided inclosure at the top

and that the bent bar is dropped down so that the two pendants touch the bottom of

the glyph. The bent bar at once suggests the double right-angle sign for 4, and the

pendants are identical with those attached to the numeric eye, where each has the

value of 1. Now, if this surmise is correct, as I believe it to be, in Ik the numbers

must be simply added—4+2=6; while in Kan they must be multiplied—4 x 2=8.

Assuming this to be the true explanation of the bent bar and pendants, it follows that

the divided inclosure at the top of Kan must be simply a sign for multiplication. If

it be so, the sign should hold good in other places. Let us see if it does. Two other

day symbols have this same divided inclosure—those for Ix and Chuen. The former,

in addition, has three small circles that have the value of 3 each (as we discover from

their use in the numeric eye and ear); but the value is doubled here by the surrounding

dots, so that each circle represents 6; hence, in one sense, the sign holds good here,

as 6X 3=18, the numerative value of this particular day—though the same result

might be reached by addition, while a serial multiplication of the factors would

produce 216. Chuen has the divided inclosure and three curves (which, singly, stand

for 5), although the lower one—to give symmetry to the glyph, undoubtedly—is

usually conventionalized into something most unlike a curve. Here, again, the sign

holds good, in the same sense—5 x 3=15, which is the numerative value of Chuen.

NUMERAL VALUE OF THE DAY SYMBOLS. 55

Instead of being disconcerted by the fact that in the above instances the factors are not

all multiplied into each other, as in the case of compound and separate characters, I

am guided by it to the deduction of two important rules, which I believe will be found

- applicable to all Maya multiplication : first, to find the numerative value of a simple

character, multiply the value of its factors singly by the number of factors if alike,

and together if unlike; second, to find the numerative value of separate or compound

characters, multiply the values of the different parts into each other. Thus I would

account for the numerative values of Kan, Ix, and Chuen; and, finding the cleft

inclosure appropriately used as a sign for multiplication in these symbols, [ deem it

fairly reasonable to suppose it may have the same significance elsewhere.

This deduction, whether true or false, very naturally suggests a search for indices of

other arithmetical processes. The circle, with a dot or smaller ring in the center,

cannot have failed to attract the attention of every student, its use is so common,

especially upon all forms of the hand. I had thought that it simply indicated the

character to be a numeral, but the detection of what there was reasonable ground for

supposing might be a sign for multiplication led me to investigate whether this circle

and dot might not also signify some particular process; and the result is that I am now

inclined to the belief that, apart from its possible conventional use at times in connec-

tion with the hand—and even there, perhaps, indicating that all numbers represented

by the hand are to be added—it implies addition. For instance, in the symbol for

Manik the hand is closed until the space between the thumb and fingers resembles a

reversed 7 sign, to which, if it signifies 6, add the 5 that the hand itself may mean

and the sum is 11, the number represented by Manik in the day series. I shall speak

more fully of this when I come to the symbol for that day. In this sign for 20,

\* |, the implication is plain that the two signs for 10 are to be added togetiier.

I do not consider that the use of these signs to indicate addition and multiplication

can by any means be regarded as proved, but a fair degree of probability is established

by the examples I have given and others in keeping with them. ‘The fact that in the

codices, especially on heads, the two signs are combined, does not necessarily militate

against the theory. The combination might mean that both processes were to be

made use of—as, indeed, both are nearly always involved—or it may be one of the

many conventionalisms whose original significance is lost. Nor do the further facts

that the employment of these signs is inconstant and irregular, and that no.signs for

subtraction and division appear anywhere, weigh very heavily against it. The entire

Maya graphic system is marked by irregularity and capriciousness, and subtraction and

division were of so rare occurrence that there may have been no signs for them, or, if

there were, they may have escaped my notice.

06 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

For the purpose of comparison in general and of special illustration in particular

instances, a double list of day symbols is given, the first glyph in every case being the

typical form of the inscriptions and the second that of the codices.

CABAN.—The Day Sign for 1. (°)

This sign is undoubtedly a cursive form of another abbreviation of the woman’s

head alluded to in speaking of the first of the face numerals—this ©

corkscrew curl—a sign for 1—is the only remaining recognizable feature, the balance

of the glyph being too indefinite to determine whether it was intended to represent

the entire head or not. This is one of the symbols used to denote a day, or days, in

the abstract. One of the meanings of cab is day.

EZENAB.—The Day Sign for 2. (3)

There is no feature in this sign that has a recognizable numeric value. The zigzag

cross-lines, however, should be kept in mind as possibly representing 2, for they appear

in other connections, particularly in the death’s-head, where they may raise its value

to either 12 or 20—most likely the former. They are commonly supposed to represent

flint, or a flint knife. This may be true enough in some uses, while in others they

may have only a numerical sense. Whether the line extending halfway around the

cross-lines in the second glyph has any value, is questionable. It occurs at times, in

this or in other shapes, in nearly half of the day symbols in the codices, but it is

constant in only four of them. This inconstancy suggests that in most cases it is-

merely a device for reducing space; yet in Cib, where it is attached by bars to the

rim of the glyph, it undoubtedly possesses a value, as not unlikely it may in other or

all instances.

NUMERAL VALUE OF THE DAY SYMBOLS. 57

CAUAC.—The Day Sign for 3.

The very name of this day—ca, two; uac, six—implies a number resulting from

some manipulation of 6 by 2. As, reckoning from any of the dominicals, it could not

be the fourth, eighth or twelfth day, there remains only the conclusion that the

process implied is division, and therefore that it is the third day. In the codices this

position is always distinctly shown by the cross sign for 3, but that distinguishing trait

is lost in the inscriptions. The cawac character is the sign commonly used to denote

that the reckoning is by days—10 days being the period usually implied by it, as

expressed in the curve surrounded by a line of dots. In this manner it is used single

in the month symbols, and double, or representing 20 days, in the cycle and calendar-

round, or 52-year, signs. Again, as in the superfix of the katun symbol, it has no

specific value, but merely indicates that the computation is by days. So it will be

seen that the sign has at least four distinct meanings—a particular day; a day, or days,

in the abstract; the third day, or three days; ten or twenty days, as the sign is single

or double; and I have no doubt that still other meanings will be found to attach to it.

fone

AHAU.—The Day Sign for 4.

There is nothing discernible to me why this symbol should mean 4, but that it does

is evident from its employment in that sense in a 260-day and other signs. I think it

is a purely arbitrary symbol intended to represent the moon, and that the name

implies Sir Moon—ah, sir; u, moon—just as ah-kin is the equivalent of Sir Sun. The

sun symbol is a sign for 13, as the moon symbol, if such it be, is for 4.

BIOL. CENTR.-AMER., Archeol.

58 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

YMIX.—The Day Sign for 5.

There can be little doubt, I think, that this symbol is one of the conventionalized

forms of the closed hand, typifying a completed count of five by the thumb and fingers.

The dots do not qualify the black or cross-hatched mark at the top, evidently intended

originally to represent the space between the thumb and fingers when closed. They

belong with the lines, and are always found with them when used to indicate finger

divisions in highly conventionalized forms of the hand.

IK.—The Day Sign for 6.

The sign in the second glyph I believe to be the older, and to mean simply 4+2=6,

as already explained. The other symbol shows the easier and quicker way of making

the character, which would naturally be adopted in course of time. Ik ends the initial

week, or period of six days. This fact, I think, will be found to account for the

prevalence of what have been termed the en-7k signs. Most of them will be discovered

to be reckonings by 6-day periods.

AKBAL.—The Day Sign for 7

This is another unaccountable and probably arbitrary sign. The name is believed

to pertain to night, and it has been surmised that the symbol is intended to represent

clouds or darkness descending upon the mountains. I have no opinion about that,

but I know that in some of its uses the sign stands for 7—as forming 17 in combina-

tion with the death’s-head, and so forth.

NUMERAL VALUE OF THE DAY SYMBOLS. 59

KAN.—The Day Sign for 8. ()

I have explained my view of this symbol in the introductory remarks to this section.

It is, that the character simply implies 4X 2=8. Kan is used frequently in the codices

as a numeral, generally joined to Ymix, making 13, and multiplied by the dotted

reversed curves or other signs for 20 that invariably overtop them, thus constituting a

260-day sign.

CHICCHAN.—The Day Sign for 9. Cail

This is undoubtedly a serpent or dragon symbol, as implied by its name and the

frequent appearance of the character in the second glyph on the body of the feathered

serpent. ‘The significant feature is the cross-hatching, which is characteristic of many

other signs for 9.

CIMI.—The Day Sign for 10.

The death’s-head is invariably a sign for 10. A variant, found among the day

symbols of the codices, is given, as it is used to indicate 10 throughout the inscriptions.

60 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

MANIK.—The Day Sign for 11.

I have stated my belief that the circle and dot in this character imply addition. We

have here a very suggestive coincidence—an 7é sign occurring in a symbol with an 7k

syllable in its name. I do not think it accidental, but rather that the numerical value

of the glyph is specifically designated by its name: man, all, the whole—indicating

that the full hand count of five is to be added to—7s, six—5d+6=11.

LAMAT.—The Day Sign for 12.

Evidently a simple addition or multiplication of the four small circles, indicating 3

each. The lines, in whatever shape drawn—for there are many forms other than those

here given—are merely divisional, apparently, having no numerical significance.

MULUC.—The Day Sign for 13. ie 3)

The symbol does not occur in the inscriptions, and it is difficult to suggest any

meaning for that found in the codices. ‘This is one of the instances where the over-

arching line may have a value. If so, it should be 10, as the small circle in the center

appears to be identical with those that in other places represent 3.

NUMERAL VALUE OF THE DAY SYMBOLS. 61

O0C.—The Day Sign for 14.

The dog sign, most likely. In the inscriptions the full head is shown; in the codices

only the conventional outlines of the base of the ear. Why the dog should represent

14 is one of the many questions that must remain undetermined until we have a deeper

insight into Maya symbolism.

CHUEN.—The Day Sign for 15. ie 9

Three curves, indicating 5 each, multiplied by their number—5 X3=15. Why the

central curve should have been dropped from the symbol in the inscriptions is

inexplicable, as it is retained in other chuen signs ; but the same elision is noticeable

in the symbol for the month Tzec, where, multiplied by 20, the product is 300.

EB.—The Day Sign for 16.

There is a contradiction in these symbols, the only one that ovcurs in the whole list.

The second sign might imply that the value of the dotted curve was to be added to

that of the 6-eye—10+6=16; but the face in the first glyph is plainly enough

intended for a death’s-head, which must upset this caleulation—unless, as in so many

cases, the value of the face is simply affirmed by duplicate signs. ‘The eyes, it will be

seen, are practically the same—the concentrically ringed one, or 6-eye, in both cases.

62 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

BEN.—The Day Sign for 17.

There is no numerical significance in the constituent parts of this character, that I

can detect; yet it must be constructed in accordance with some arithmetical principle,

for, either in this or some slightly modified form, it constitutes part of the numerous

ben-ik signs, which unquestionably always have a numeric value.

IX.—The Day Sign for 18.

The small circles, signifying 3 each, raised to double their value by the surrounding

dots, and multiplied by their number—3 X2x3=18. It not unlikely represents a

tiger-skin also. The Mayas were apt at detecting resemblances and coincidences, and

prompt to avail themselves of them to enrich and diversify their graphic system.

MEN.—The Day Sign for 19. hs (e..

Another symbol that does not occur in the inscriptions. The character found in the

codices appears to be made up of the death-face, the 6-eye, and a rudimentary hand-

sign that everywhere has the value of 3—10-+64+3=19.

NUMERAL VALUE OF THE DAY SYMBOLS. 63

CIB.—The Day Sign for 20. ©)

y lg ©

Though this symbol appears to be a compound, its elementary parts are not easily

determinable. ‘That, in its entirety, it stands for 20 is established by the fact that it

is one of the signs employed to denote a day, or days; in which use it is always accom-

panied by a sign for 13, the product of the two being 260—the number invariably

indicated by all the abstract day symbols.

OTHER SN UME Rote SiiGiN Se

HAvine given separately the only complete series I know, except the dot-and-bar one,

I shall present collectively some other numeral signs, of whose value I am tolerably

confident, merely arranging them under appropriate heads. I do not include the

dot-and-bar series—in which each dot represents one and each bar five—it being too

familiar to most of the parties into whose hands this work is likely to come to require

reproduction here ; yet there are two or three things concerning it of which the best

informed of them may not be apprised. In the first place, the curves, angles, and

crosses, which sometimes support a single dot or separate two dots, have no value, but

appear to have been introduced to avoid blank space or to render the glyph more

symmetrical. Next, there are three signs for 20 that go with this series—

IBS @>)—the last of the three being drawn with a great variety of detail.

The first of these signs is used almost exclusively to designate the beginning, or 20th,

day of a month, while the second is employed in ordinary computation. ‘Their value,

in these respects, has been correctly stated by a number of persons; but the same

authorities have declared the last of the three to be a sign for naught. ‘They were led

into this mistake, undoubtedly, by its peculiar use and position. It is employed in

the codices solely to designate initial periods, and in that position it is the equivalent

of 20 in all cases except that of the chuen, where, like the other 20-signs, it denotes

but 18. I shall speak more fully of this exception later on. Finally, in some instances

the dots and dashes in themselves do not express the full notation, but are coupled

with other signs whose value must be added to theirs in order to complete it—as in

these combinations, d , which denote respectively 17 and 18. The

os)

same perplexing practice was indulged in with the face signs and other forms of

numerals.

In both the annual and chronological calendar, 20 takes precedence of the unit in

enumerating the days, ahaus, and katuns. ‘This results from the Maya practice of not

counting any period until it had wholly passed, for which purpose a period was always

given a numeral designating the number of the preceding one, reckoned according to

OTHER NUMERAL SIGNS. 65

our style of numeration. Thus, their twentieth was what we would call the first ;

their first, what we would call the second; and so on, the numbers always being one

less than the order in which the periods actually occur.

For a long while, misled by reputed authorities, I attributed the sense of naught, or

no count, to the signs for an initial period, which in some respects is certainly prefer-

able to designating it as the twentieth, the notation being rendered easier and more

readily comprehensible. For instance. 9—0—0—0 x0 is a more intelligible notation

than 9—20—20—18 x 20, and it practically amounts to the same thing; for, in respect

to the initial period itself, the 20 is only an equivalent of 0, it pertaining, in reality, to

the preceding period and no additional count having accrued in the new reckoning :—

in other words, all numerals, when employed to express periods, are used in their

ordinal, not their cardinal, sense; the foregoing notation reading: the 9th cycle,

20th katun, 20th ahau, 18th chuen and 20th day—not: 9 cycles, 20 katuns, 20 ahaus,

18 chuens and 20 days.

But while this no-count method was easy and apparently gave true results, reflection

convinced me that, despite all the assumed authorities, there could be no naught in

the Maya numeral system, as there was no necessity for it. The cipher belongs

exclusively to the Arabic scheme, between which and the Maya there is no affinity.

So far as the Maya is analogous to any style familiar to us it is to the Roman, in which

there is no character for naught, as the cipher by itself would be useless for purposes

of notation and its employment in compounds out of keeping with the spirit of the

system. Having thus arrived at the conclusion that the signs qualifying initial periods

did not imply no count, it remained to establish what they did mean. From the

practice in similar instances, and the use made of some of these signs in other relations,

I became satisfied that the initial period in all cases was given the highest number

belonging to its particular class. It was manifest from several inscriptions in Palenque

and Quirigua, that the thirteen cycles constituting a great cycle were numerated 13, 1,

2, 3, 4, 5, 6, 7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12. The reason for this—the numeral in all instances

being intended to denote the number of cycles fully elapsed—should be equally

applicable to all other classes of periods. Moreover, the sign marked w in the list of

20 signs, made use of to denote that a date falls on the first day of a month, is some-

times varied to the symbol marked ¢, which in other places unmistakably has the value

of 20. Then, in the lunation tables of the Dresden Codex the elliptical character, 4

which elsewhere designates initial periods, always occurs—except in the chuen line—

’

where the sum of the added factors is 20. Again, the sign most commonly employed

in the inscriptions to designate a beginning katun, ahau, or chuen—that marked q@ in

the same list, and which, by the way, I consider to be merely a conventionally

quadrated knot—occurs frequently where multiplied by other figures (the process

involving an ascription of the value of 20 to this) the product is 3,600, and in this

relation it becomes the characteristic feature of one of the 10-ahau symbols. This is

BIOL. CENTR.-AMER., Archeol. 9

66 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

proof of tangibility, at least. Naught is not multipliable—hence this sign must have

some numerical value ; and, as it commonly occurs where according to the Archaic style

of numeration we should expect to find 20, it is reasonable to assume it stands for that

number. ‘There is the same difficulty here in the way of such an assumption, however,

as in case of the other signs for 20. This glyph is used to designate an initial chuen

also—a period whose extreme numerative limit during the Archaic era was 18. But I

do not regard this as conclusive against it being a sign for 20. Its use, in this respect,

may have descended from a time when the ahau was composed of twenty chuens, the

sign being retained through habit notwithstanding a change that made its use

inappropriate. This is rendered probable not only by the retention of other obsolete

usages, or usages that had lost their original significance, but by the fact that the

Cakchiquels till the last reckoned by periods composed of twenty chuens—a survival,

very likely, of a cruder form of the calendar antedating the improved ones of the

Archaic people. While speaking of this character, I would state that its value is not

a discovery of mine. Observing its frequent occurrence in the initial series of the

inscriptions in positions where one would expect to encounter numerals, and noticing

that the dot-and-bar numbers nowhere went above 19, Maudslay long ago declared it

to be his belief that the character in question was a sign for 20—so that I only

substantiate his shrewd conjecture.

What I have said of this particular character in connection with the chuen symbol

is equally applicable to other signs for 20 when used in the same relation—they all

indicating but 18 in that position, though elsewhere invariably standing for 20. This

fact appears to me to be in the nature of cumulative evidence that originally there was

a 20-chuen period, and that through long use the people had become so accustomed to

seeing the initial chuen designated similarly to the corresponding ahau and katun, that

it was deemed advisable to make no change in this respect when the calendar was

reformed. Hence, I do not think the exceptional contradictory use in connection with

the chuen period should exclude any of these initial signs from the list of numerals

that represent 20, where they properly belong.

mi GO@@lAwmceng

wwe KO0 Rw XUSS

wODueayf ¢ @ OBB yp

ene GA eoogoOlBQoany

nio% Ea ee [ED DE) 2 OO Sepp

ni208 % He OB emeauaant

nl facto C8 i

we2® 6 E) x4 OB GD G yg

i Ra omacea

DH E7anv@gaaws

In the introductory remarks to this section, and elsewhere, I have stated my reasons

for attaching the value I do to some of the characters in the foregoing list. Those

not already explained will be referred to hereafter, in other connections.

68 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

SIGNS FOR HIGHER NUMBERS.

In the subjoined list the value of each sign is placed under it. The reason for the

assignment of that value has already been given in some cases, and in others it will be

subsequently explained. My purpose in collecting them here is to place all the

numeral signs together for convenience of reference.

= (ao) pd Gnd Cin fils

I not only believe that there are many more signs for these particular numbers—

essential to the Maya methods of reckoning—but that there are signs for their

multiples, and other higher numbers equally essential, which will soon be identified.

NUMERAL VALUE OF THE MONTH SYMBOLS:

Wuite dealing with the subject of numerals, I think it worth while to reproduce a

list of the month symbols, arranged to illustrate a theory of mine that they are con-

structed on a strictly mathematical plan and successively denote the number of days

from the beginning of the year to the end of the month symbolized—if, indeed, they

have not also ordinal values from 1to18. This latter possibility is suggested by the fact

that in a certain formula, otherwise invariable, the zotz symbol in one instance replaces

the sign for 14, which is the number of the month Zotz in the proposed arrangement ;

but as I have not found any other of the month symbols employed similarly, I do not

attach undue importance to this coincidence. The numerical order of the months

begins with Chen, showing that there must have been an earlier form of the calendar

in which the year commenced with that month, just as Caban was originally the initial

day. These indications of calendar changes give significance to the statement in the

Yucatec chronicles that “ Pop was put in order” at a certain date, and lend probability

to the conjecture that the ahau was at one time composed of twenty chuens.

To the month symbols found in the inscriptions—which are placed first in the list

—I have added those of the codices, as in a number of instances the latter reveal the

original design, which is obscured or lost in the former.

1. CHEN.—20 days.

It is a curious if not significant fact that both in the codices and inscriptions this

symbol is the most variable of all the signs for the months. ‘The first four here given

are from the inscriptions; the others are from the codices. There is no numerative

feature in them that can be positively recognized, beyond the cawac, or 10-day sign,

in the first two. What the accessories and other signs mean, I am unable to say,

though I infer they are intended to designate it as the initial month.

70 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

2. YAX.—40 days.

The combination here is simply that of the 10-day symbol with the yaw sign for 4—

10x4=40. The value of the yaa sign is one of the best established in the whole

group of numeral characters.

3. ZAC.—60 days.

Here we are compelled to reverse the process, and reason from its association with

the 10-day sign that the superfix must have the value of 6—10 x 6=60.

4, CEH.—80 days.

Here, again, the value of the superfix must be deduced from its connection—

10 x 8= 80—the character occurring in no other place where its value is determinable.

NUMERAL VALUE OF THE MONTH SYMBOLS. 71

5. MAC.—100 days. —

(€

(gy

The superfix in the first glyph is one of the signs used interchangeably for 20, but

the head is unrecognizable. The second glyph, from the codices, enlightens us

respecting its meaning, however. It is one of the conventional symbols for the closed

hand, signifying 5, and is multiplied by the most unmistakable of the 20-signs—

5x 20=100.

6, KANKIN.—120 days. E|

GENS)

The cornstalk symbol in both these glyphs is qualified by a 10-sign; hence the

former must be an equivalent of 12—12x10=120. The kin character in the first

glyph does not appear to affect the value, only its name. The kankin symbol is one

of the signs employed to denote that a reckoning is by days, but, very consistently, its

use is confined to computations by 120-day periods.

7. MUAN.—140 days.

This glyph is inexplicable, further than that the wing in the first one should denote

20, in which event the bird’s head must be equivalent to 7; but the character is drawn

so differently at different times that it is not safe to assume anything concerning it.

THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

8. PAX.—160 days.

CUNY)

oy,

» 2

Here we have the unmistakable 5-sign qualified by two overspreading upshoots.

which combined must have the value of 32, whatever they may be singly. I do not

think the triple subfix to this symbol has any significance, any more than in Yax and

Zac. Its use is inconstant, and it probably serves as a mere pedestal, or isa meaningless

survival of the 72-sign employed with this symbol in its ahau and katun capacity.

9. KAYAB.—180 days.

The square cross, a sign for 18, appears to derive no additional value from being

incased in a turtle’s head, as in the glyph from the codices the multipher is plainly 10

—18x10=180. The subfix of the other glyph being merely a beginning sign, it

follows that the postfix must also be a sign for 10.

10. CUMHU.—200 days.

The kan symbol in this glyph being equivalent to 8, the superfix must necessarily

represent 25—8 x 25=200.

NUMERAL VALUE OF THE MONTH SYMBOLS.

UAYEB.—5 days not counted. Bale

Here we have the 5-day symbol again. As we know these five days were not counted,

the superfix to this glyph has particular interest. If there were any numerative

quality about it, it could be only 0; but having come to the conclusion that there is

no cipher in the Maya numeral system, and it being an absurdity to say that these

five days do not exist at all, we must reject the supposition that it stands for naught,

and attribute to it the sense that these days are ignored or not counted. In this light

the sign assumes great importance, and it may point the way to the reading of Maya

texts other than those involving numeration. The symbol is here given the place it

occupies in the later arrangement of the calendar, but in the primitive order of the

months it probably followed Mol.

11. POP.—220 days. NG Ke

Cre? as

In this symbol we have a more complex form of computation than has yet been

encountered—the interlocked right-angles, 4, the square cross, 18, and the reversed

curves, 10—18+4=22 x 10=220.

ss 3 CE

12. U0.—240 days. m2 eS)

I am unable to suggest any explanation of the value of this symbol. It is not

positive that the character which surmounts it is the yaw sign, as the glyph is very

indistinct everywhere that it occurs in the inscriptions. Then, the cross, which

ordinarily would mean 3, is qualified not only by an overarching band in the inscrip-

tions, but is placed upon a black background in the codices, showing that its value is

subject to some modification not comprehensible at present.

BIOL. CENTR.-AMER., Archeol, 10

74 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

13. ZIP.—260 days.

The remarks concerning Uo will, in the main, apply to Zip—only that in this case

the superfixes are identical with those in the symbols for Ceh, where they have the

value of 8.

14, ZOTZ.—280 days.

This is another symbol whose value is not clearly traceable. It not infrequently has

the akéal sign at the top of the head. As 280 is a multiple of 7, it may be that the

requisite multipliers are indicated in some way I have failed to observe. Ihave spoken

of this symbol being employed in one place for 14.

15. TZEC.—300 days. ©

SLID

This is the chuen symbol, or day sign for 15, multiplied by 20—15 x 20=300. The

bottom curve is omitted in both the month and day sign in the inscriptions.

NUMERAL VALUE OF THE MONTH SYMBOLS. 75

16. XUL.—820 days.

IMA =

If the wing in this symbol were of the ordinary form, indicating 20, it would only

be necessary to ascribe the value of 16 to the head. But the wing is always of a

peculiar shape, which fact, in connection with the occurrence of a character closely

resembling one of the signs for 20 on the back of the head in the first glyph, induces

me to think that the values should be reversed—the head representing 20 and this

particular form of wing 16.

17. YAXKIN.—340 days.

This is another symbol involving a complex calculation, the values of the kin and

yax signs being added together and multiplied by that of the wing—l15+4=

17 xX 20=340.

_ 18. MOL.—360 days.

This is the only month symbol consisting of but a single character—that is, the

main sign having no affixes or accessories of whatever kind. I mention this fact

because it enables us in the important inscription on the Palenque steps to identify a

date that otherwise would be indeterminable. ‘The dots double the value of the circle

or circles constituting the border of the glyph, raising it to either 20 or 40—it not

being clear whether an inner circle is intended or not—while the central character, to

correspond, may be either 18 or 9, it is impossible to determine which in consequence

of the variability of its representations.

76 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS,

It may be thought by some that the showing made is not sufficient to establish my

theory, or even to justify its announcement. Perhaps it is not, but I am content to

rest under any suspicion of unsound judgment that may be evoked by it until such

time as fuller knowledge shall bring my sure vindication. It is by such ventures only

that we can hope to make progress. ‘There can be no advancement in holding safely

to gained knowledge. The fact of to-day was only a theory yesterday, and the theory

of to-day may be a fact to-morrow. So, wherever conjecture points with a reasonable

aim, we should go; for, though in ninety-nine cases it may prove to be but a rainbow

chase, in the hundredth we may find the bag of gold. . The instances in which a trial-

balance, as it were, can be got on any character or set of characters are so few that not

a single one of them should be scorned. This is one of the best I know. It is not

that the numerative value of the month symbols is of so much importance in itself, as

that, if my theory be correct, it helps to demonstrate that a mathematical plan under-

lay all Maya symbolism and furnishes an infallible test of the value of a considerable

number of characters.

bel |

=~]

SIGNS DENOTING BEGINNING.

THouGH not numerals, there is a class of signs so nearly of a numerative character that

they may properly be introduced in this connection. These are the signs indicating

beginning. The number is undoubtedly greater than here given, but there are

some of which I am doubtful, and they are therefore withheld. The nature of these

signs is unmistakable, as they occur only where their meaning is plainly implied.

Thus, whenever the sign marked @ accompanies the day Ahau in a date, the date will

be found to be the beginning of an ahau. In like manner, the sign marked 8, over

Ahau, indicates it to be the beginning of a katun. The other signs, in whatever

position they may occur in connection with a period symbol, denote that it is a

beginning day, the beginning of the period, or that the particular period is the initial

one of the series to which it belongs.

CHD

a c

OOO

AAO AAD

The last sign in the list is the only one of which I have the least doubt. It may

possibly be a sign for 20—all the above symbols occupying a position so liable to

confound them with signs for that number that it is difficult at times to distinguish

them; but my best judgment prompts me to include it in this list.

NUMERAL WOR SiH Ge PAN D neE Bava eNiGeUae

OF THE ENAG ES ANDER ER 0) DS YeMeBIONS:

It is an apology I have already made, and shall have to make repeatedly, that much

which is set down in this work appears to be little more than assumption on my part;

yet there is not a statement in it of whose truth Iam not as firmly convinced as

though it had passed the ultimate ordeal of proof. The difference between sighting a

conclusion toward which you see many shadowy things all pointing directly and of

arriving at it finally by a broad highway of incontestable evidence involves, in most

cases, the labor of years to construct that plain thoroughfare. The premature publi-

cation of this fragmentary study has not allowed me time to make good roads in all

directions, but I have projected my theories along no line where I do not clearly see

firm ground and the material with which a solid road-bed will eventually be built.

After long experience with these shadowy guides, one comes to have a sort of intuition

as to their trustworthiness; and, in case it be favorable, and there be unanimity

among the indices and reasonableness in the conclusion they point to, the intuition

becomes transmuted unawares into conviction. The frequent instances in which for

lack of time I have had to dispense with forthwith proof, but have found that it came

surely later on, have inspired me with a great deal of faith in this intuitive instinct ;

and so I am going to base the most daring theory of all on little else than it—if at the

conclusion of this chapter the reader shall be pleased to regard it so.

The entire Archaic fabrication—glyphs, period signs, ornaments, idols, stele, altars,

and altar-pieces—was, in my judgment, built up of numeral symbols and dedicated to

number worship. ‘The whole thing was a cold-nosed mathematical calculation from

the bed-rock up. I speak in the vernacular of my habitat, for I had rather my

unlettered neighbours of the Pacific Slope should understand me than both the literary

and scientific worlds. Each of the day signs had a numerative value. ‘There were

periods of days that had their respective signs. The month symbols were built up of

added or multiplied numerals, either in connection with or apart from these numerical

day periods. In the ordinary form, the ahau was built up of 5 multiplied by 72; the

katun of the ahau multiplied by 20; the cycle, of 207,200; the great cycle, of

20 katuns multiplied by 13; and the grand period, by a combination of numerals so

NUMERAL WORSHIP AND BUILDING UP IMAGES, ETC. 79

intricate I have not found time to analyze them. This was only the ordinary—the

cheap form, so to speak. They builded most of the period symbols in other shapes as

well—principally in the guise of grotesque faces having a reptile, bird, beast, or human

semblance; but in whatever form they appear, every principal feature—eye, ear, jaw,

etc., or the ornament substituted for it—is constructed from a numeral or a combina-

tion of numerical signs that in the aggregate denote the period, and usually denote it

over and over again. So with the altar-pieces of Palenque; they are simply builded

up by numeral signs from the 1, 5 or 20 day sign at the bottom to the 156,656,000

day sign, or great dragon-bird, at the top. So, again, when the massive stele at

Copan and Quirigua are reached. The colossal images on them are nothing more than

compositions from numeric symbols. Their eyes, ears, ornaments, and all the elaborate

accessories simply resolve themselves into number signs,

I arrived at a similar conclusion concerning the codices long back, but it never

occurred to me that anything analogous would be found in the inscriptions until the

discovery forced itself upon me a short time ago. The two conclusions were so entirely

separate in my mind, and were arrived at by such distinctly different processes, that I

hold them to be strongly corroborative of each other. This for a slight substantiation

of my intuition; but to proceed:

If idols and altar-pieces constructed purely of numerical signs were objects of

worship—as indicated by the priests, decorated in appropriately numerated regalia,

making offerings to them—then it is certain there must have been a deification of

numbers and an uplifting of them as objects of adoration. The concept is so novel

that at first thought it seems absurd. But at second thought, would it be so ridiculous

for us, even, to venerate them ?—the only true, infallible and absolute things we know

of, or at least the only ones we can comprehend. Eliminating pretended revelation,

eliminating the efforts of fiery apostles—eliminating, in short, all superstitious influ-

ences—I know of no object of veneration to which the mind of man should as readily

turn as to mathematics, the single force whose constant pressure, by manifold ways,

elevates from savagery. Fortunately the Archaic Mayas lived before the time of Moses

and Paul, and escaped the unhappy fate of the later Maya nations, to whom Moses

and Paul were preached with accompaniments of torture. They had nothing in the

shape of revelation or apostleship to affect them, and naturally gravitated on the line

of least resistance—in other words, according to their own inclination—to a form of

worship. The one great thing that impressed them was that they had arisen from

savagery through their discovery of the power of numbers, and that the science of

numbers was what had kept on elevating them, till it finally achieved an apparently

superhuman triumph in the perfection of their marvelous calendars. What wonder,

then, that they ascribed to the numerals supernatural power, and deified them? Other

peoples have sanctified objects for a thousandfold less reason.

Let the reason be what it may, that they did deify numbers and make them objects

80 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

of worship is certain. By the features, breastplates, and ornaments of the idols, taken

in connection with other numeral signs surrounding them, it is easy to distinguish the

god 4, the god 13, the god 20, and so on. But the favorite or greatest god—the one

to whom they built everywhere the most and largest monuments—was the god 1.

This is unmistakable, from the fact of the identity of the face and ornaments with that

of 1 in the series of face numerals. And it is probable, too, that 1, being the basis of

all numeration, should come to be looked upon as the Primal Number—the First

Great-Cause. Research may yet show that all systems of religion were originally built

upon a similar plan of numeral worship. If polytheistic, there need be no limit to the

number of gods; if monotheistic, it is only necessary to suppose that all but the

principal deity have been eliminated, and that the god 1 has become the One God.

ELEMENTS OF THE AHAU SIGNS.

In illustrating the building up of the period symbols I am compelled to confine

myself more particularly to the ordinary form, because the faces are too obscure and

variable to be analyzed with anything approaching certainty until we have a better

knowledge of Maya symbolism. I shall therefore give but a single example of the

heads in each instance. The samples to be given are selected from Stela N, Copan,

for the reason they are of a declarative character, showing that they are built upon

each other. In the highly ornate initial dates the ahau, katun and cycle are all

represented by birds—the one symbolizing the ahau being a most extravagant concep-

tion, with legs extending to a length that finds no parallel in nature. Hence it is

likely that the arbitrary symbols for the periods had their origin in mythological

associations or in some ancient fad for grotesque personification, in either of which

cases it will be very difficult to discover the reason for assigning to them the particular

values they represented.

The principal feature in the ordinary symbol for the ahau is that which characterizes

the face sign for 5. Besides this there is only a subfix, usually so conventionalized

that it has no definable character beyond that of three irregular little blocks or balls ;

but wherever it is carefully drawn it is shown to consist of two coils and a squarely-

indented centerpiece. As we find that in other places the two coils by themselves

represent 18, and that the angular centerpiece in other connections has the value of 4,

NUMERAL WORSHIP AND BUILDING UP IMAGES, ETC. 81

the conclusion is unavoidable that here these numbers are multiplied together, making

72, which serves as a multiplier to the 5 represented by the main character of the

glyph, producing a total of 360, the number of days in an ahau. This supposition of

the value and use of the characters here will be strengthened by other circumstances

as we proceed.

In the second glyph given above the subfix is omitted. Such omission is frequent,

even with the other form, while at times only two blocks appear; from which it is

only reasonable to infer that the symbols were supposed to be so unmistakable in

consequence of their connection and position that it was not deemed necessary to draw

them elaborately. As this sign should undoubtedly have the same subfix as the other,

it must in some way represent 5 also. In this particular case it has the symbol of the

day Ahau in the top of the head—giving no additional value to the glyph, however,

but merely declaring its quality.

ELEMENTS OF THE KATUN SIGNS.

The ordinary katun symbol is simply the ahau sign raised to twenty times its value

by a superfix. This superfix consists, in most instances, of a centerpiece supported

on both sides by the comb-like sign for 20; but in some cases there is but a single

support—a circumstance that justifies the opinion that the duplicate form is made use

of merely to give symmetry to the glyph. ‘The centerpiece is usually the cavae sign

for 10 days; but in this connection it does not appear to have any value, further

than to emphasize the fact that the computation is by days.

The face symbol here has the subfix (conventionalized into three mere balls),

while the superfix is absent. As many of the heads have the superfix also, it is a

matter of doubt whether their value is variable, according to its presence or absence,

or not. ‘The sign of the day Abau in this head is inclosed in either a dotted wing or

the fringed dragon-jaw—both characters for 20—thereby explicitly declaring the glyph

to be the equivalent of twenty ahaus.,

BIOL. CENTR.-AMER., Archeeol. Hil

$2 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

ELEMENTS OF THE 52-YEAR SIGN.

In this symbol there is a departure from the reckoning bya 5-day period. In

its place we have a 20-day period, represented by the two 10-day signs. The subfix

here is 73. What the nice distinction is between the sign representing that number

and that representing 72 it is impossible to tell, except when both are expressed by

the bouquet-like characters, owing to the woru state of the inscription everywhere that

the other 73 sign occurs. ‘The product of 20 multiphed by 73—1460—is multiplied

by the 13 denoted by the character in the superfix, making 18,980, the number of days

in 52 years, or a calendar round. I know of no face sign for this period.

ELEMENTS OF THE CYCLE SIGNS.

Singularly enough, the same departure from a 5-day reckoning is found in the cycle

symbols. Instead of simply raising the katun sign to twenty times its value, as might

be expected, the value of the katun—7,200—is transferred to the subfix, while the

20-day symbol constitutes the principal feature of the glyph.

It is the same with the face symbol. The cycle face isa 20 sign. In the glyph

here given the subfix is so conventionalized that all its details are lost, but in other

places the striation is perfectly distinct, showing that, as in the other symbol, the

calculation is: 20x 7,200=144,000.

NUMERAL WORSHIP AND BUILDING UP IMAGES, ETC. 83

ELEMENTS OF THE GREAT CYCLE SIGN.

Here the reckoning reverts to the 5-day period. It is multiplied by 72, making an

ahau; that by 20, making a katun; that by 20 again, making a cycle; and that by 13,

making a great cycle. The last multiplier is the outflaring trinal character at the top.

It is a 15 sign, duplicated to balance the glyph. The two 20 multipliers appear only

in the first of the symbols given above—or, rather, only in that does the single one

extend all the way to the bottom, as is commonly the case. ‘There should be two

separate signs, however, as shown in some of the glyphs; but I have selected these

particular specimens for another purpose, which I shall presently state. The 20 sign

in the first glyph looks like anything but the same sign in the other two, and resembles

a fish more than anything else. Yet they are identical in character, both representing

the feathered dragon—the fringed jaw alone of which, reduced to the cursive comb-

like character, is the commonest sign for 20. The evolution of this character is so

curious and interesting that I herewith give a series of glyphs—all taken from great-

cycle symbols—showing the gradations:

The reason why I selected the particular symbols given above is that I think the

number of the great cycle is specifically stated in them. Close observers will have

noticed several peculiar things about the great-cycle character. ‘The most peculiar of

these is that, while the form of the katun symbol is preserved in it fully in every other

respect, the cauac sign disappears from the superfix and is replaced by some other

character. In more than three-fourths of the dates in the 54th great cycle a dragon's

head occupies its place ; a tiger’s head predominates in the 55th, while the remainder

is made up of faces and signs that may represent a day, a cycle, or some other period.

Whatever their character, they have no peculiarities that can at present be construed

into numerals, except in case of the three glyphs here reproduced ; so, if the others

have any numeric value, it must be arbitrarily expressed. ‘The three in question

Ma.

84 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

indicate the 54th great cycle, and I think that all of them announce that fact, but each

in a different way. ‘The center of the katun superfix in the first is composed of a sign

for 18 and a face. If it were plainly the face for 3 we should be left in no doubt ;

but, in consequence of the defacement of the stone, it is impossible to determine if a

band—the characteristic of the 3 head—extends across the forehead or not. In the

second glyph the i symbol—a sign for 6—appears in an inclosure that probably

represents 9, but, as the coil is not clearly discernible, we are again left in uncertainty.

The third glyph has the meaningless face, which elsewhere serves as a mere vehicle

for numerals, bearing a sign for 9, surmounted by three objects evidently intended for

spheres whose value is doubled by the dotted lines in them—rendering it prebable

that the combination was designed to express: 9x6=954. I make no claim to

absolute certainty in any of these cases; but, however uncertain the renderings may be

separately, they collectively derive a high degree of probability from a single significant

fact. The unmistakable numeral sign in each glyph is a divisor of 54. That these

glyphs—the only ones with recognizable numerals—should contain signs for three out

of the six numbers by which 54 is divisible, is a circumstance too singular to be

attributed to accident when a more reasonable explanation is to be found in the

theory that these three particular figures were chosen with the definite purpose of

arriving at that number.

SIGNS FOR THE GRAND ERA.

I shall attempt no analysis of the dragon-bird symbol, which I believe to represent

the grand era, as I have never found time to devote to the unravelment of its

intricacies. There is one thing about it, however, that is apparent without much

study. It is not built up from signs for minor periods, like the other symbols of the

chronological calendar, but seems to be composed of a great number of miscellaneous

numeral characters that are recognizable combined with a still greater number whose

value is yet unknown. I think that this departure in its construction from the plan

pursued in symbolizing the katun and great cycle is due to the fact that the grand era

is not a period belonging to the chronological calendar alone, but to the annual

calendar as well—in short, representing and crowning every style of time reckoning—

and that the unusual and complex character of its symbols was intended to express

this fact. The reason that induces me to ascribe to this symbol the significance I do,

is that everywhere it occurs it always overtops the other time symbols, of whatever

character, as if all forms of reckoning tended towards and finally culminated in it.

NUMERAL WORSHIP AND BUILDING UP IMAGES, ETC. 85

NUMERIC FEATURES OF PERSONAGES.

I have stated my belief that, with the exception of the priests and their assistants,

all the personages of the codices and inscriptions, ornaments and accessories, were

composed of numerical signs. I shall not go into the matter very extensively here, as

anything like a full exposition of it would consume too much space; but I will give

examples enough to make my theory intelligible and enable those who may be

interested to pursue the subject at further length themselves. As one of the best

illustrations that could be found, I shall take from the codices the head of what has

been called “ the long-nosed god.” I select that particular head, not that it bears out

my theory any better than others, but because some of the features to which I wish to

direct attention are more prominently shown in it. Here it is—both whole and

dissected :

Every line of the head is in the fragmentary parts, four of which are intelligible

numeral characters or combinations. The center of the ear ornament is the circle

sign for 10; the upper part, one of the coil signs for 9; the two pendants, each a

sign for 2—10x9=90>4=360. The ear ornament and the numeric eye express

that number almost invariably. The nose here is a sign for 13, reversed from its

usual position and slightly modified to adapt it to the purpose of a feature, ‘The

particular character for 13 intended to be represented is undoubtedly an ornamental

combination of the 9 coil and the double right-angle sign for 4, as evidenced by

the angular depression shown in the outflaring part of the symbol wherever it is

found carefully drawn; but such a marked indenture would render a nose too

grotesque for even Maya art, so they softened the outlines. A survival of the

upturned 9 coil, so prominent here, is to be found lying prone upon the nose

in many of the grotesque faces of the inscriptions, affording strong presumptive

proof that in all such cases the nose has the same numerical value as here. ‘The

ornament on top of the head also has the 9 coil, raised to four times its value by a

corresponding number of square attachments, and that value multiplied by 10,

represented by the double knot constituting the rest of the character, produces the

86 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

usual result—9 x 4=36 x 10=360. The eye—whose peculiarity, it has been asserted,

is the distinguishing trait of deities—is nothing but an abbreviated 20 sign raised to

three times its value by the attachments and multiplied by 6—20 x 3=60 x 6=360—

the 6 here being represented by cither the ¢k or the concentric irid, it not being plain

which was intended. I do not know what value the mouth represents, though this

particular kind of mouth always suggests to me the interlocked sign for 4, which

might be qualified here by the chin line and peculiar teeth ; nor have I any suggestion

at all to make concerning the lines forming the top of the head, though I have no

doubt they express some number.

As the best test of the numerative value of quite a number of characters is their

connection with the ear ornament and numeric eye, I subjoin two lists of those features,

selected from different inscriptions, which will illustrate their importance in symbolism.

The carelessness of the sculptor or draughtsman here, as elsewhere, is a great draw-

back, and the difficulty of noting nice distinctions is rendered more serious in many

instances by the present defaced condition of their work ; but enough can be made out

to serve my purpose.

NUMERIC EYES.

TeVVgPT~@UgIgeea

The carelessness on the part of the sculptor, which I mentioned, is that he is not

always particular about the number of dots that designate how many times the value

of the 20 sign is to be increased. ‘This may appear like begging the question, but I

will by and by show that these same sculptors blundered even worse in more important

respects, ‘The only one of the eyes of whose value I have any doubt is the third in

the list. It may be identical with the first, but there are so many instances where the

nice distinction between them appears to be observed that I have assigned it a separate

place.

NUMERAL WORSHIP AND BUILDING UP IMAGES, ETC. 87

NUMERIC EAR ORNAMENTS.

The superfix of the ear ornament is here indicated to be 9 in every case except the

last, where it must represent 18. The center part is either 20 or 10, accordingly as

there is one or two signs for 2 underneath it.

To extend this showing to every detail of the personages and ornamentation would

carry me too far from my main purpose, but I am convinced that the same numerative

principle runs undeviatingly throughout the whole range of Maya pictorial and graphic

art ; in short, as I said at the beginning of this chapter, the entire Archaic fabrication

—glyphs, period signs, ornaments, idols, stele, altars and altar-pieces—was built up

of numeral signs and dedicated to number-worship.

MISCELLANY,

THERE are many things I desire to state that in a brief abridgment like this cannot be

brought under the general heads to which they properly belong, so I shall bunch them

together without any particular order, though endeavoring to preserve arrangement

enough to avoid confusion. Some of this matter might have been forced into preceding

chapters, and some might be crowded into sections that will follow; but as a portion

of it would not be pertinent in either place, I have concluded to let it all go into one

general lot of miscellany.

One of the most perplexing questions concerning the inscriptions is—What do the

subfixes to the day and chuen symbols mean? ‘That which supports the day characters

is so like the sign for 72 accompanying the ahau and katun symbols that they might

be supposed to be identical, though it is not quite obvious if the centerpiece in the

day subfix is intended to be angular. But 72, or any other multiple of 9 or 18, can

have no significance, that I can conceive, in connection with an ordinary day sign.

The figures that usually run with abstract day symbols are 13 and 20. ‘The number

of the cardinal days, the number in a day round, the number in a year—none of them

is divisible by 9 or 18. As the day symbols in the codices have no subfixes, as subfixes

are but seldom attached to the day signs at Palenque, as the character of the subfixes,

wherever they occur, never varies, I am inclined to think that they have no significance

whatever, but are mere pedestals, such as support so many other objects—only that in

this case they are more ornate than usual. ‘There is a possibility, however, that this

subfix, which is distinctively the badge of the ahau and katun, may have been attached

to other time symbols when they were partisans of those periods in a chronological

reckoning—just as all the members of a team wear the same colors in a sporting

contest.

I know of but few cases where the day symbols have affixes, other than the ordinary

numerals, that qualify their meaning beyond a doubt. Two of these are where the

date is indicated by the signs already spoken of to be the beginning of an ahau or a

MISCELLANY. 89

katun. Another is the occurrence, in a very obliterated glyph near the end of the

Tablet of Inscriptions, of an illegible character over what I believe to be the symbol

for Oc. Iam at a loss in regard to its possible meaning. If it could be made out, it

might help to explain the importance that appears to attach to Oc in the Palenque

inscriptions. I shall refer to another case when I come to speak of declarative signs.

There remains only the employment of the bouquet-like sign, indicative of the

beginning of an ahau, in connection with symbols for other days than Ahau. But a

single instance of this occurs in all the Palenque, Quirigua and Copan inscriptions,

that on plate xvi. of Maudslay’s Copan, and there I think it is a mistake in the

drawing—the day in the original being Ahau, not Lamat. In Menché, however, the

sign occurs unquestionably several times with other day symbols—a fact that will

furnish an interesting subject for investigation when the public is favored with the

inscriptions from that city.

The characters used in composition to express a day or days, when no periodicity is

involved in the statement, are composed in nearly all cases of numeral signs whose

values multiplied together produce 260. The probable explanation of this is that in

their calendar capacity there were 260 specifically designated days, constituting the

day round, which fact was intended to be conveyed by a symbol denoting that number,

while the one or more days it was desired to distinguish from that total was indicated

by an accompanying numeral.

BIOL. CENTR.-AMER., Archzol. 12

AUB OF URVA CA DeA Ne S GANS:

THE numerical value of the first of the above signs is not yet determinable. It may be

that it does not possess any. One of the Maya terms for day is cab, expressed in the

above glyph by the caban symbol, which is frequently used in this simple form by

itself to convey the idea of a day or days in the abstract. The other glyphs are all

composed of signs for 13 and 20, the first two being signs for 13 with subfixes

indicating 20, and the last two signs for 20 with a 13 subfix. As is the case with all

time symbols, the subfixes are sometimes absent from these, showing that the signs

were thought to be well enough known to dispense with detail, if necessary. Some-

times, again, these characters will be found associated with numerals that would

produce a number greater than 260; but in these instances they become symbols for

periods, and are no longer mere day signs.

The subfixes to the chuen symbols are even more unaccountable than those belonging

to the days, if such a distinction be permissible between things equally unintelligible.

I think in this case, however, there is a numerical purpose, though all my attempts to

discover the plan of it have failed. The variation in the number of the dots and

curves would appear to betoken a discriminative use of them; but as identical subfixes

qualify symbols representing widely different numbers of chuens, it is evident that if

there be an intelligent design in their use it is a very abstruse one. ‘There is a

circumstance apart from their ordinary variation, however, that strengthens my belief

in the numeric quality of these subfixes. In nearly every place where the extreme

number of chuens, 18 (invariably indicated by a sign for 20), is reached, and occasionally

elsewhere, the dots and curves disappear, and there is either no subfix at all or else

use is made interchangeably of several signs which there is good reason for supposing

to represent 400. Now, this would be the number of days in a complete set of chuens

if there were twenty of them-—as I think was the case originally. Is it not reasonable,

ABSTRACT DAY SIGNS. 91

therefore, to infer that these signs for 400 have their ordinary significance here, and

that their use, like that of the signs for 20 to express 18 in this same connection, is a

survival from remote times? An entirely separate fact lends probability to the inference.

One of the declarative signs made use of to denote that a date begins an ahau is

this : The factors of this glyph are familiar. They are both signs for

20; multiplied together, they produce 400. There can be but a single reasonable

explanation of the employment of this sign to denote an ahau—that it is a survival

from the time when the ahau consisted of 20 chuens, or 400 days.

DIRECTIVE STG Ns:

Tue line between the directive, determinative and declarative signs is not a well-defined

or fixed one, as at best each class encroaches on the others, while the same glyph may

at different times perform all three functions. Yet I think a distinction can be drawn,

speaking generally, and that it is better to try to observe it as far as possible. The

number of different glyphs in these classes is very great, and that of the variants even

greater, but I shall give only just enough to show their general character.

Immediately succeeding nearly all the reckonings in the inscriptions are symbols

whose uniform use proves them to be signs indicating from, or to, what dates the

computations extend. At times some of these characters occur where there is no

reckoning in the ordinary style, which is one of the strongest reasons for supposing

that a year and day count—or some other method of measuring time, notated in a

manner not intelligible at present—runs alongside the ahau count in many instances,

and that frequently the reckoning is carried on by such process alone.

DIRECTIVE SIGNS. 93

SIGNS INDICATING THE INITIAL DATE.

These signs occur only after an initial date itself or after a reckoning from an initial

date, and usually in so isolated a way there can be no doubt their purpose is simply

declarative or directive *. Besides numerous variants of those given, there are other

signs that probably perform the same office, but as their meaning is not so self-evident

I have omitted them.

* The resemblance between the last glyph in the list and the character occurring on plates li. and Iii. of

the Dresden Codex removes all doubt of the latter being a directive sign. It is employed so curiously in one

instance that it is well worth while giving both examples of its use in order to illustrate the peculiarity.

The reckonings it follows are from 4 Ahau-8 Cumhu (which, coincidently, is the beginning of the 54th great

eycle of the Archaic era) to 12 Lamat, in both cases, but with different intervals. The reading on plate li.

is this :

Here the meaning, plainly enough, is: From 4 Ahau-8 Cumhu to the 12 Lamat, that is 8 days from the

former (or initial) date. The reading on plate lii. is more complicated. There are two 4 Ahau-8 Cumhu

dates followed by this reckoning :

The 12 Lamat is not distinct, as here, but there can be no question of its identity, the reckoning being of

exactly the same character as the other. ‘The reading here is: 4 Ahau-8 Cumhu, 4 Ahau-S Cumhu, to the

12 Lamat, that is 8 days, 1 chuen and 5 ahaus from the 2 former (or initial) dates. The peculiarity here is

that the directive sign indicates the reckoning to be from two dates—the only instance of the kind that has

come under my observation.

94 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

FROM THE BEGINNING OF A GREAT CYCLE.

The foregoing signs all occur after reckonings from the beginning of a great cycle.

From this uniformity of use, and their general likeness, I think there can be no

question of their being intended to express that fact. As nearly all the signs of this

class are convertible, these might also at times indicate that the reckoning was to the

beginning of a great cycle, or simply declare a date to be the commencement of one.

FROM THE BEGINNING OF A CYCLE.

The first of these signs follows a reckoning from the beginning of a cycle; the

second, a reckoning to the beginning of one—or rather, it declares the date reached to

be so. The other two are not so demonstrable; but as they are among the most

puzzling of the glyphs, and as they always appear to denote some kind of a reckoning

from the beginning of a cycle, I put them here in order to focus attention upon them.

FROM THE PRECEDING DATE.

As the first three of these glyphs occur only after reckonings from a preceding date,

I think their significance is limited to that; but the last glyph may at times indicate

an initial date, as in several instances the date to which it refers is an initial one. The

exact limitations of all the other directive signs, as well as this, can be settled only by

longer study than I have been able to devote to them.

DIRECTIVE SIGNS. 95

FROM A DATE SOME DISTANCE BACK.

These signs occur only where the reckoning is from a date some distance back, and

when it is neither the initial nor immediately preceding date. The numerical character

of many of the directive signs already given cannot have escaped attention, but it is

more apparent in these than in any of the others. At first look they might seem to

indicate the number of removes of the specified date, or the number of intervening

days; but as the three that are substantially the same point to dates of different

removes and widely different intervals, the conjecture seems to fail.

THE UNIVERSAL DIRECTIVE SIGN.

I have reserved this glyph for special mention. In one or another of its various

forms it might have gone into each of the foregoing lists, for on different occasions it

seems to perform the duties of all the other directive signs, but in such a peculiar way

that I am not able to demonstrate its exact value positively in a single instance.

Unlike them, however, it is never used alone. It is always accompanied by one or

more glyphs, constituting its suite, and therein lies the secret of its elusiveness. I

think it is generally, if not solely, employed in cases where a part or the whele of the

period indicated is not notated in the ordinary manner. An example or two will

sufficiently illustrate what I mean:

) 5

ae,

(ler

These six glyphs are the only ones between two dates which are just 13 ahaus, 3 chuens

96 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

and 9 days apart in the annual calendar, as shown in the usual way by two of the

glyphs. But I suspect—for the matter is not susceptible of satisfactory demonstration

—that the dates are here denoted to be much farther apart; in fact, that they are

actually 5 katuns, 18 ahaus, 11 chuens and 9 days removed from each other. The

difference is exactly two calendar rounds, and that fact I conceive to be expressed by

the upper and lower pair of glyphs, in this way : Reckoning thence (from the preceding

date) a calendar round, 13 ahaus, 3 chuens, 9 days, and reckoning thence an additional

calendar round. The glyph that should represent the calendar round here is composed

of two characters, the prefix denoting 20 and the mask-like symbol 949, according to

my theory, which numbers multiplied together make 18,980, the days in a calendar

round. It may appear strange that there should be a sign for so odd a number as 949,

but that is one of the important numbers in Maya chronological reckonings, and it is

likely that there are many signs for it. The repetition of the directive and calendar-

round signs, instead of embodying the purport in a single expression, is something for

others to explain. I know only that the style of the inscriptions is very redundant, as

the next example also will show:

The reckoning here is from the beginning of a great cycle. A notation of 1—6—7 x 12

(the 12 erroneously appears as 13) precedes the glyphs and is to be incorporated with

them. That reckoning shows the difference between the dates in the annual calendar ;

but the real difference, I think, includes twenty calendar rounds in addition, the full

notation being 2—14—0—15 x12. The additional period I suspect to be expressed

by the two middle glyphs—that to the right being a sign for the bissextiles, its prefix

denoting 20 of them, and the one at the left in some way indicating 13, the number of

bissextiles in a calendar round, making a total of 260. That is, instead of directly

saying twenty calendar rounds or notating the period in the usual way, it is indicated

by giving the number of bissextiles that would accrue in it. If my surmise be correct,

the reading of this notation should be as follows: 1—6—7 X12, reckoning from the

beginning of the great cycle, and 13 20-bissextile periods—from the beginning of the

great cycle. ‘These interpretations are put forth more as suggestions than assertions.

I do not wish them accepted on my authority, as there is more than a possibility of

their being wrong, and I desire to avoid misleading any one. For myself, I have

DIRECTIVE SIGNS. 97

hardly a doubt of their correctness, but the matter by its very nature evades proof.

The examples given occur on the Tablet of the Cross, in a series of consecutive

reckonings that run from the beginning of the great cycle to that of the 9th cycle.

In addition to the computations notated in the ordinary way, an amount of time that

can be designated in no way I can conceive except by the construction I have put upon

the foregoing glyphs is required to fully cover the interval. If there were only these

two kinds of reckoning to deal with, the matter could be easily determined. But there

are three places where the notation is in still another style, as yet unintelligible to me.

These exceptions, however, do not materially affect the point in question, for, after

making reasonable allowance for them, the greater periods which I suppose to be

expressed by the foregoing symbols remain necessary as ever to the calculation. Other

unfamiliar characters are coupled with this same directive sign; but as I could only

speak conjecturally of them, as of those already given, I will not pursue the subject

further.

THE HAND AND SCORE SIGN.

Here is another directive sign whose different shades of meaning it is impossible to

determine at present. Until we have a better knowledge of the numerals we can only

assign to it generally the sense of “ during,” but with that knowledge it will be the

surest guide of all. It is employed, I think, to show the number of scores of days

from the beginning of a katun or cycle, as the case may be, to the date immediately in

question. But, beyond this vague surmise, it will have to be left in abeyance for

awhile, as so many things of whose significance we are uninformed must be taken into

consideration in analyzing its values—the particular position of the hand ; the presence

of additional factors, as the stick in the last glyph; the single, double or triple nature

of the score sign at the end of the finger; and the unfamiliar character of most of the

numerals used in connection with it. It is of great service, however, even with the

faint knowledge we have of it; for when we find it accompanying a symbol indicating

a particular katun or cycle, we know, though unable to determine the exact point, that

it is directing us to a date which occurs during that period.

BIOL. CENTR.-AMER., Archeeol. 15

DETER MN ATT VES LGAs:

I know for a certainty of but few signs to which the term determinative, strictly

construed in accordance with its use in connection with Egyptian hieroglyphic writing

—that is, equivalent signs employed to denote in another way that which has already

been expressed—can be applied; but I think that a more thorough knowledge of the

elyphs will reveal this class to be quite numerous. The determinative feature is very

strong in the Maya language, as stated in speaking of the numerals, and it is only

reasonable to suppose that it was equally prominent in their graphic system. ‘Through-

out the inscriptions there are many characters that appear to be superfluous—I mean,

glyphs that seem to be uselessly attached to series whose import is complete without

them, and to which apparently they give no additional meaning. I suspect most of

these characters to be determinative signs, merely repeating in another fashion what

has just been stated, in order to avoid all possibility of misunderstanding. They may

denote some distinction in quality, class or order, but, if so, I have failed to detect it

in any case. I can discover in them nothing but equivalency and repetition.

The two glyphs here given are equivalents. Each is a symbol for the 120-day

period, or week round. The specific number of days is designated in both—in the

first by the elliptical character for 10 and the double 7¢& sign for 12 multiplied together,

making 120; in the second, by the same process, only that 12 is there represented

by an animal head. Both glyphs occur frequently in this single state, but occasionally

—whether the writer thought the sign required elucidation, or whether the sculptor

found more space at his disposal than the simple form of the symbol would becomingly

fill—the yaxkin sign is appended to each of them. ‘The sign for Yaxkin represents

120 days, according to the theory I have advanced of the numerical values of the

month symbols. As there is no other conceivable purpose this sign can serve in the

relation here shown, I believe it is merely used determinatively to repeat and emphasize

the fact that the preceding characters signify 120 days.

DETERMINATIVE SIGNS. 99

This glyph occurs immediately after a date that is the beginning of a

10th ahau. ‘The first character is the sign commonly employed, by

itself, to denote that circumstance. It is a modification of the quadrated

sign for 20 which forms its characteristic feature. There are many

variants of it—ain fact, I doubt if it ever occurs twice in the same shape; but, whatever

the variation, it never fails to indicate a 10th ahau or an even 10-ahau reckoning.

Being so common and apparently unmistakable, it does not seem at all necessary that

its meaning should be repeated here, but for some reason it is, and by a sign less

common and intelligible. The purpose may have been to familiarize the public with

the rarer sign by using it as a determinative of the better known one in a position

where it was impossible to mistake its significance—for they occur on a Tikal tablet,

the only signs between a date and a reckoning, the context proving the two characters

to be synonyms. But we are not left to infer the meaning of the determinative solely

from that circumstance. In the table showing the series of ahaus and their equivalent

signs, on Stela J, Copan, the 10th ahau is represented by this identical character; so

there can be no question about its meaning, or about its being used as a determinative

in this particular case.

13*

100

DECLARATIVE SIGNS.

Tuis class of signs is very large. It includes not only most of the characters used at

times directively or determinatively, but all of the period symbols become declarative

by having a beginning sign affixed to them. Thus, the bouquet sign, when attached

to Ahau to indicate it begins an ahau period, renders that day symbol a declarative ;

and, similarly, these glyphs are all declaratives, proclaiming alike the beginning of a

12th katun; for, though the last appears to denote the 10 Ahau to be simply the

beginning of a katun, we know that during the cycle in which the date in question

occurs no katun but the 12th begins with 10 Ahau.

But the signs commonly made use of for declarative purposes are different from

those ordinarily employed to denote the same periods. The following are the ones

most frequently used in connection with the katun:

The first of these usually precedes a date, announcing it to be the beginning of a

katun ; the others follow after dates. The second glyph means, literally, the beginning

of a 20th ahau ; but as the beginning of a 20th ahau must always be the beginning of

a katun also, the symbol when used declaratively becomes transformed from an ahau

into a katun sign. I desire to call attention to the third glyph particularly. It is

composed purely of numeric elements, with the exception of the beginning character.

The main part is a sign for 18, The subfix is one of the characters for 20 raised to

twenty times its value by partial striation of the curve representing 5. The two

numbers multiplied constitute the number of days in a katun—18 xX 400=7,200. In

the last glyph. the value of the subfixed sign for 20 is not increased, but the same

DECLARATIVE SIGNS. 101

result is obtained by putting an additional sign for 20 at the side. To illustrate what

I believe to be the principal upon which glyphs were developed, I give here a series

of signs showing the growth of this one from the time it is simply 18 x 20=360—the

equivalent of an ahau—till it reaches its perfect form as a concise katun symbol:

ce e is

ye a2 rik) a)

CS cal Z ie fs EID GIO

Here it is made manifest that the part of it representing 18 is composed of two

signs for 9. In the first three glyphs the three small circles denote the 9 that in the

others is expressed by cross-hatching. The other 9, represented by the peculiarly

arranged lines underneath, is constant throughout all the symbols. All the affixes are

signs for 20, except that in the last glyph, which, as I have said, is a 20 sign increased

twentyfold by striation.

I have spoken of two declarative signs signifying that a date is the beginning of an

ahau—the one accompanying the day Ahau, and the glyph consisting of two signs for

20, multiplied to make 400. ‘They and the first of the subjoined list are the only ones

I know that declare the beginning of an ahau in the abstract. Usually the specific

number of the ahau is given, as shown in the rest of these signs:

The numerated symbols here denote respectively a 5th, 10th, 17th and 15th ahau.

It will be observed that the beginning sign is not a constant attendant either here or

in the preceding examples, the practice in many instances being to simply declare a

date to be a 10th, 13th or 15th ahau, or a katun, as the case may be, without

particularizing that it is the beginning of it.

The declaration is not always as direct or plain as in the foregoing

examples. Sometimes a day sign is employed as an intermediary, as

here shown. ‘The reading here is: 8 Ahau-13 Ceh, the beginning

day of the 9th cycle. The day plays a conspicuous part also in a

curious instance of double declaratives. Unfortunately the inscrip-

tions are so badly defaced in every place but one where the examples

in question occur that it is difficult to get a good drawing, but the purport of the signs

is nowhere doubtful. The subfix or sub-subfix—yery variable, as though anything

102 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

unusual in that position would serve the purpose—to the day symbol in these cases is

a declarative sign denoting it to be a repeated date. There is no repetition of the

month symbol in any instance, but a declarative sign follows instead showing the

position of the date—as, in the first example above, that it is the beginning of a katun;

or, in the second, that it is the beginning of an ahau.

Almost innumerably varying examples of declarative signs and their use—not only

in connection with the ahau, katun and cycle, but with other periods—might be given;

but as they would practically be a repetition of what has been stated, and as the

examples already given will suffice for all ordinary purposes, I shall pass on to other

matters.

EXCERCISE Ss) UN DEGUPH IE Rev OE Nat:

It is but just that I should give the reader an insight into the processes by which my

conclusions have been reached, thereby enabling him to judge of their correctness for

himself. I have already gone pretty thoroughly into the considerations for constructing

the calendars in the way I have, and incidentally have explained the reason for

attaching to many characters and combinations the value I do. ‘The range is too

extensive for me to attempt to cover the entire ground, so I shall limit myself here to

what will probably be to the general reader the most interesting part of the whole

study—an exposition of the means by which the significance of particular glyphs is

determined.

As everything is necessarily experimental at the start, we have to begin with mere

assumption, or else there could be no beginning at all. Of course, these assumptions

are not made at random. ‘They are founded upon at least a reasonable degree of

probability. But, no matter how certain the foundation may appear, we are not

justified at first in regarding our ascriptions as anything but tentative. If the result

meet expectation in a single trial of our surmise, it is fortunate; if in a second, there

is cause to be hopeful; if in a third, the promise of confirmation becomes bright ; but

not until the value we have ascribed to any certain character is exactly and completely

fulfilled in every situation in which the character occurs, can it be considered to have

been removed from the realm of assumption to that of fact. Unfortunately there is

not enough material to render the trial thoroughly satisfactory in all cases, so that the

meaning of many glyphs must remain in the tentative stage until such time as we have

ampler material for comparison. But that should not deter us from advancing to the

utmost limit we may and holding the outposts boldly. It is likely that some of our

conscripted recruits will scatter before the onset of inscriptions yet to come; but the

calendars, the period symbols, and the great bulk of the rank and file, will stand like

the Old Guard. Ihave no fear of the final outcome. With courage, patience, and

perseverance we shall conquer every difficulty and subdue these defiant glyphs into a

submissiveness to our understanding as complete as that of our own alphabet.

The struggle I had to obtain the meaning of the first few glyphs was a hard one,

and the story of it would be more tedious than profitable or entertaining. But the

knowledge of every additional character increased my vantage ground and rendered

the next step easier, so that gradually I gained insight into things which seemed

104 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

impenetrable at the start. The two general lines upon which I have operated are the

one where the reckonings and dates reveal unmistakably the value of signs, as the

period symbols and face numerals, and that where characters can be brought to trial

at the bar of periodicity. Other practices, of course, came in incidentally—in so hard

a struggle no resource must be overlooked—but those were the principal ones. ‘To

find a place where I could corner a glyph in either of those ways was almost equivalent

to making it stand and deliver its meaning to me. Hence, I have hunted with avidity

for dates, reckonings, and periodical recurrences.

The richest treasure in this respect—the one which comes nearest to being the

Rosetta stone of the Maya mystery—is the inscription on the north and south faces of

Stela J, at Copan. Maudslay divined its importance, and gives an extra plate of it

with the glyphs separated so as to accord with the respective ahaus. It is reproduced

here. The purpose of the inscription is so manifestly to give a table of the ahaus with

computations of the days respectively embraced in them, a number of certain other

time measures according with different ones, and in many instances equivalent signs for

the period denoted, that nothing is wanting but the time and patience to unravel its

details. But there is almost as much ill as good fortune about this tablet.. Its space

did not allow a complete series of the ahaus to be given; the last two glyphs are

hopelessly obliterated, while others are injured beyond sure recognition ; and the whole

first part of it is so defaced that nice distinctions, especially in the numeral characters,

cannot be made out with anything like certainty. But, such as it is, we will go

through it serially. As in print we cannot come back to apply subsequently obtained

information, in speaking of the earlier characters I shall have to anticipate a few

things that properly should be spoken of only later on. We start with the assumption

that every glyph following a particular ahau represents it or its value in another way.

The fact that there is no 20th ahau—which, so far as the symbol that numeral is

attached to is concerned, means no ahau at all—shows that one full ahau, or 360 days,

is considered to have passed when the table begins.

FIRST AHAU.—360 pays.

2nd glyph.—The upper character is one meaning beginning, or from the beginning,

as we have learned from its use elsewhere with directive and period signs, so there will

be no necessity for speaking of it again. The inference is plain that the characters

under it represent the number of days in the single ahau that has passed. They

consist of a composite sign surmounting two opposed coils—the coil, however, not

being as plain in this particular instance as in succeeding ones. We have long suspected

all forms of the coil, where it went beyond a mere curve, to be indicative of 9, and

the subfix of the ahau symbol has pretty well satisfied us of it. Now, these are

identical with the coils in that subfix, but they have not the centerpiece between them

105

EXERCISES IN DECIPHERMENT.

WK \\

MOA

ASS,

SSO

BIOL. CENTR.-AMER., Archeol.

106 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

which there multiplies them by 4. Hence, these must stand for 18 simply, one of the

commonest constituents of 360, the ahau number of days. In that case the other

factor must be 20, represented by the composite character above.

3rd glyph.—Here we recognize the double cauae character, which we know stands

for 20 days, from its employment in the symbols for the calendar round and cycle. It

follows that the head above it must imply 18, but unfortunately it is too mutilated to

clearly make out if it has the characteristics of the ordinary 18 face or is a variant.

SECOND AHAU.—720 pays.

2nd glyph.—The same two coils; hence the composite character above them here

must denote 40.

3rd glyph.—The 10-day sign qualified by three characters that should aggregate 72.

We should not be able to make them out but for knowledge subsequently gained. If

you will look down to the 7th ahau you will see, in the second glyph, the under one

of these three characters. Its position there proves it to be 35. The middle numeral

is a bar with a band crossing it obliquely in the center—a sign for 9; but here there

are two other partial bands, so that presumably it is three times nine, or 27. We are

yet ten short of the necessary total. In the top sign, we know the ahau stands for 4,

the hand ordinarily for 5; but as the upright thumb by itself means 1, the hand in this

position evidently has the value of 6.

THIRD AHAU.—1080 pays.

2nd glyph.—One of the coils disappears here and a sign for 3 takes its place. As

the 9 element, which is an indispensable constituent of the ahau total, would be lost

by addition, this 8 must serve as a multiplier—9 xX 83=27 x 20=540 x 2=1080. The

multiplication also shows us that the duplicate character at the bottom has here but

a single value.

3rd glyph.—The yax character which in the month symbol has the value of 4, an

outflaring sign which in another inscription distinguishes a 15th katun, and a character

that must signify 18, to make up the complement of days—15 x 4=60 x 18=1080.

4th glyph.i-We must infer this to be an arbitrary sign, equivalent to a 3rd ahau, or

three ahaus.

FOURTH AHAU.—1440 pays.

It will be observed that the reckoning of the days is missing here—a fact that will

become important when we reach the next ahau.

2nd glyph.—As a portion of this is obliterated, we will pass it by. It is a waste of

time to study illegible glyphs when the missing part is not restorable from what is

left or from the context.

ard glyph.Same remarks.

EXERCISES IN DECIPHERMENT. 107

FIFTH AHAU.—1800 pays.

2nd glyph.—18 x 40=720 X 2=1440; hence this glyph should have gone with the

preceding ahau.

3rd glyph.—A symbol which appropriately denotes the beginning of a 5th ahau in

several other places in the inscriptions. I call attention to the peculiar character of

the wing, or whatever it may be termed. It is not the ordinary form, signifying 20,

but must have the value of 36—10 x 5=50 x 36=1800.

SIXTH AHAU.—2160 pays.

2nd glyph—The under number being 4 here, the character above the coils should

represent 30, but instead it represents only 25—18 x 25=450 x4=1800; hence this

glyph should have gone with the 5th ahau.

3rd glyph.—tThe 20-day sign again, qualified by a character which the connection

requires to be a sign for 108—108 x 20=2160.

4th glyph.—An arbitrary sign, probably, for six ahaus or a 6th ahau.

SEVENTH AHAU.—2520 pays.

Ind glyph.—18 x 4=72 x 35=2520.

drd glyph.—Two of the characters encountered above reappear here, associated with

a knot, which we know to be a sign for 5 or some of its multiples. As neither 10, 15,

nor 20, added to the other characters, would form a number that would be an even

divisor of 2520, we must consider this a sign for 5, and the character underneath it to

represent 60—10+27+5=42 x 60=2520. The subfix here, consequently, notwith-

standing its resemblance to the character representing 72, can have no value, but must

serve merely as a pedestal, as it does under the day symbols.

EIGHTH AHAU.—2880 pays.

2nd glyph.—18 x 40=720 x 4=2880.

ard glyph.—l|8 x 40=720 x 4=2880. The subfix is without value here also.

4th glyph.—Too defaced to justify any estimate of it.

NINTH AHAU.—3240 pays.

The computation, if there was one, and the equivalents are defaced beyond the

possibility of recognition.

TENTH AHAU.—3600 pays.

The ahau sign here differs from all the rest. It is the symbol used in a Tikal tablet

to denote a date to be a 10th ahau.

14*

108 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

2nd glyph.—The two coils do not appear here, only one, but that one is qualified by

a curve, signifying 5. As it cannot be added without destroying the 9 element, it

must serve as a multiplier—9 x 5=45 x 40=1800 x 2=3600. The 2 sign here looks

something like the ahaw character for 4, but the context requires it to be 2

3rd glyph—tThe symbol that everywhere denotes a 10th ahau or an even 10-ahau

reckoning, with the character that commonly constitutes its center placed

beside it. As these 10-ahau symbols are often useful in determining the

location of dates and the length of reckonings, I give here another of

them, which is used interchangeably or in association with the foregoing.

ELEVENTH AHAU.—3960 pays.

2nd glyph.—The stone is so badly mutilated that this glyph cannot be restored with

certainty. If the characters that are tolerably preserved be 5, 9, and 2, the other

should be 44, but I distrust their identity.

3rd glyph.—There may be two glyphs here, though I ank not. ‘The 20-day period

being the factor to be raised, it requires 198 for a multiplier to bring it to the

necessary total. The character to the left of it being one there is good reason for

supposing to represent 73, and the right-hand sign at the top being 18, it follows that

there can be no multiplication of these numerals but that they must be added; hence

the remaining characters must aggregate 107. The comb sign—though duplicated

here, as in many other places, to give it a more ornamental effect—probably represents

but 20. That leaves 87 to be accounted for by the remaining character. It is a sign

that occurs many times, but its central part is seldom twice alike, sometimes being a

single bar, sometimes two, and again something quite different. Here it has the

appearance of the spire in the akbal sign, which stands for 7. On either side isa

comb sign for 20, raised to twice that value by a line of dots. It is possible, therefore,

that the two together may represent 80, the particular center part in this instance

raising the full value of the character to 87.

TWELFTH AHAU.—4320 pays. .

2nd glyph.—At first view the principal factors appear to be identical with the

characters representing 108 and 18. But the ball in the center of the first is double,

and there is cross-hatching on both, which may modify the meaning. The character

at the bottom seems to be only a beginning sign, though its form is somewhat unusual.

If the right-hand sign be 18 and the subfix nothing, the other character must repre-

sent 240; but there is too much uncertainty involved to warrant. confidence in this

deduction.

3rd glyph.Here again we are nonplussed. We know the bouquet sign for 6 (the

same as that over the symbol for Zac) and the yméx character for 5; but the latter has

EXERCISES IN DECIPHERMENT. 109

a peculiar marking at the top, and we do not know how that may alter its value. The

character over it may be a multiple of 20, as it has the general appearance of the wing

sign for that number, with a qualifying mark at the left part of it. For a reason that

will be made evident later on, we will assume that it represents 120, and the yinix

character 6—120 x 6=720 x 6=4520.

THIRTEENTH AHAU.—4680 pays.

2nd glyph.—Here the signs for 9, 5 and 4 are plain, indicating that the other

character must be 26—9 x 5=45 x 42=180 x 26=4680.

3rd glyph.—The chief factor here is a 260-day sign which we encounter elsewhere.

It consists of the ahaw sign, doubled in value by the surrounding row of dots and

enclosed in the ymix character for 5—4% 2=8+45=13—and then multiplied by 20,

denoted by the duplicate comb sign below—13 x 20=260. There are just eighteen of

these periods in 13 ahaus; hence the character to the right must represent 18.

4th glyph.—A beginning sign before a glyph that must necessarily be a symbol for a

13th ahau or thirteen ahaus.

FOURTEENTH AHAU.—5040 pays.

2nd glyph.—There is doubt if this was intended for a single glyph, or if two glyphs

were artfully or accidentally mixed up. The characters, moreover, being so nearly

illegible that there is no certainty about them, it would be useless to attempt a solution

of the puzzle.

3rd glyph.—A head that appears to be a compound of the chuen and ahau heads.

As it probably represents an ahau, the sign in front of it must stand for 14.

FIFTEENTH AHAU.—5400 pays.

2nd glyph.—The 9, 5 and 4 signs are plain here; the other character, therefore,

must be 30.

3rd glyph.—tThe 5-ahau character, qualified by a sign that must represent 3—the

whole being a symbol for a 15th ahau, or fifteen ahaus.

SIXTEENTH AHAU.—5760 pays.

2nd glyph. different character qualifies the coil here. It must stand for 4—

9x 4=36 x 4=144 x 40=5760.

3rd glyph.—The same form of the ymia character encountered at the 12th ahau is

again the central figure, but here it has a 20 sign under it, which presumably raises it

to 120. Ifso, it requires to be multiplied by 48 to make up the total number of days.

The signs for 18 and 10 leave 20 to be supplied by the other character, which is the

110 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

skeleton jaw, an invariable sign for 10, here doubled in value by the row of dots in the

upper part.

The manner of piecing out the numerals in some of the above instances has been

too forced for the result to be regarded as altogether trustworthy; there are also

several inconsistencies or errors; but, take it all in all, the number of occurrences in

perfect accord with our assumption is too great to be attributable to accident, and we

are therefore justified in believing our theory to be correct, however we may have erred

in particular applications of it. We have gained a great deal more than is apparent at

a first glance. Not only have a considerable number of equivalents for different ahaus

and symbols for minor time periods been identified and the value of many new numeral

signs established, but—more important than all this—we have satisfied ourselves that

there is a plan underlying the employment of a portion of these signs which is capable

of almost unlimited variation and extension. It can be best shown by a simple list of

the composite numerals and their elements.

COMPOSITE NUMERALS.

Cace )

20 25 26 30 35

SD if)

40 18 27 36 45

Elements of which they are conposed.

DA RrwWW@QR

4 5 6 9 40 10 45

2 3

This exhibit requires no explanation; it is self-explanatory. I will only direct

attention to the possible fact that in the reverse curve, one of the signs for 10, is the

original wing, which by different styles of striation and dotting becomes a symbol for

higher numbers.

I shall next give two extracts from the second tablet in the Temple of Inscriptions.

They are not reckonings between specific dates, but simply exercises showing different

ways of scanning time and notating periods. ‘They illustrate one of the three purposes

I attribute to the inscriptions—the educational one. If the tablets were mere shrines

or chronological records, there would have been no necessity for repeating the same

time-measure over and over, consecutively, with no other apparent object than to show

that it could be expressed in a variety of ways. But repetition, being the plainest and

EXERCISES IN DECIPHERMENT. eal

easiest way in which the variations could be taught, would naturally be resorted to

as an educational means; therefore, that which appears to us merc tautology or

redundancy was probably a skilful design for familiarizing the Maya youth with the

elaborate code of chronological symbols. ‘These glyphs are to be read in lines across

the page. The entire nineteen occur in consecutive order, as here given :—

We are familiar with three glyphs in each line—the first, fifth and sixth, numerating

them by the full line. The first is a katun symbol; the fifth, the 108-day sign multi-

plied by a 400 subfix—l08 x 400=43,200—equivalent to six katuns; the sixth, a

symbol for the cycle. It will be observed that all the first, fourth and sixth glyphs

have beginning signs, while all the rest are without them. The purpose, therefore,

appears to be to reckon from a beginning katun, by two stages, to the beginning of a

cycle. Counting back six katuns from the beginning of a cycle, brings us to the

beginning of the 14th cycle; thence backwards thirteen katuns, to the beginning of

the 1st katun—not the 20th. Hence, this formula must read :—‘ From the beginning

katun ... 13 katuns ... to the beginning of the 14th katun ...1 108400 (or

6 katuns) ... to the beginning of the cycle.” The second glyph in the first line, with

slight modifications, appears above the images on several stele, and forms the base of

the cross on the celebrated tablet at Palenque. It is the symbol representing thirteen

katuns, in my construction of the formula. The importance of the 13-katun count in

the Maya chronological scheme sufficiently explains, to my mind, the prominence of

this sign among the sacred symbols. But I desire to point out where I think the

teacher got in his work. ‘The children must have been pretty familiar with this

particular 13-katun symbol, for it had been conspicuously before their eyes ever since

they had been old enough to attend worship, and they may have said their prayers to

it many a time; but probably it was the only symbol for that period they knew of.

112 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

So at the proper age they were taken to another temple—a sort of high school, as it

were—and shown this sign incorporated into an instructive formula, and then were

shown the same formula right over and over again, with equivalent signs substituted

for this and some of the others, but retaining its general character so as to impress

them in a way they would never forget it. It would not be a bad method of teaching

even now. If there were any reason to doubt the character being a sign for thirteen

katuns, the two substitutes in the line below would remove it. There not only is the

number of katuns designated by the trinal sign for 13 which is used with the great

cycle symbol in initial dates, but, for fear the variant katun sign may not be intelligible

enough, the ordinary katun head is placed after it as a determinative. Unfortunately

the variant in the last line is too badly damaged to be made out distinctly. What the

last glyph in all three lines means I do not know, but I suspect them to be variant

cycle symbols used determinatively. The middle one is common, and seems always to

relate in some way to the beginning of a cycle. The next example I shall give occurs

on the same tablet, a short distance from the foregoing one. Some exercises in minor

time-periods are gone over, and then the cycle is reverted to, but this time two cycles

are dealt with instead of one.

There are many new characters here, and there is more variety in the substitution ;

EXERCISES IN DECIPHERMENT. 115

but as the reader is by this time familiar with the principal symbols and the method of

scanning the lines, I shall not pause to point out the different variants, but simply give

my idea of the reading. I think the sense of the three passages is identical, and believe it

to be this :—‘*‘ The beginning katun . . . . commencing a double cycle computation .

1 108 x 400 (or 6 katuns).... to the beginning of a 7th katun.....10 katuns...

to the beginning of the 17th....4 katuns, to the beginning of the Ist katun....

13 katuns, in the second reckoning ....to the beginning of the 14th katun....

to the beginning of the cycle.” It was not deemed necessary this time to explain the

13-katun symbol in the fourth line by the use of a determinative, the pupils being

thought to have become sufficiently acquainted with it from the preceding exercise

probably. I shall not attempt to analyze the various symbols. The elements of some

of them are yet beyond myreach. ‘That they are all combinations of signs for numerals

and time periods is self-evident. For the present we must accept them simply for

what they stand here. But in the eventual analysis of these and other known texts,

and the gain we shall thereby make in our knowledge of particular characters, lies the

only way by which we shall be able to penetrate into the secret of glyphs as yet

absolutely unknown.

The examples thus far have all been of a similar character. They are what I regard

as lessons, designed for the instruction of students in variants and equivalents and the

different ways of computing and scanning. I shall now give an example that has a

wider range. It is from the third tablet of the same temple, and is a fair average

specimen of the inscriptions in general. I select this particular example because it

has more variety than could be found in most extracts of equal length, and because it

goes far toward substantiating my contention respecting the bissextile sign. It is an

exercise also, but of a different kind, and it possesses the additional value of being a

record of specific dates, with reckonings to correspond. Before giving it, however, I

wish to call attention to a glyph that will figure in it quite prominently—this :—

The glyph is of frequent occurrence. I believe it to be—or to have been originally—

a day symbol, and I give the four examples above in order to show the variety of

characters by which 20 and 13, constituting the 260-day number in this case, can be

expressed. But if the glyph means, or ever meant, a day, it is not employed in the

inscriptions in the same sense as are the other day symbols. Wherever the context is

determinable it will be found that the sign never occurs except when the reckoning is

BIOL. CENTR.-AMER., Archeol. 15

114 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

backwards. Hence I consider it safe to ascribe that significance to it—indicating a back-

ward count—though for lack of certainty I did not include it among the directive signs.

The extract begins at a point where the reckoning in the inscription, after having run

consecutively from the 4th to the 13th katun of the 9th cycle and then leaped ahead

to the beginning of the 10th cycle, abruptly breaks off. It is as follows:—

The reading of the above, so far as I can make it out, is as follows:—[To the]

10 Ahau.... 13 Yaxkin .... [that is] 1 calendar round.... {from a, or the

same] date appearing some distance back.—8 days, 9 chuens [there is what appears

almost like a trick here: the number of chuens is not designated by three

dots, but by three signs for 3] .... [and] 12 ahaus .... reckoning backwards,

[by] katuns [probably a manner of denoting the reckoning to be a long one]

.... [to] 8 Ahau....13 Pop .... [1040] bissextile periods [in addition.

It is impossible, with our imperfect knowledge of the Maya numerals, to say

just how this number of bissextile periods is expressed; but a subsequent reckoning

shows that 80 calendar rounds, or 1040 4-year periods, are implied here.]....

EXERCISES IN DECIPHERMENT. 115

reckoning backwards .... [an unintelligible glyph; though, as it is very like some

we have just seen employed in scanning the katuns, it probably has the same

significance as the katun sign previously made use of to indicate a long reckoning |

..-. [to the] 5 Lamat .... 1 Mol .... [that is] 8 days, 4 chuens... . [and]

2 ahaus .... [from the} 3 Ahau, beginning a katun .... 3 Zotz .... a 20th

ahau [or beginning of a katun].—1 day, 12 chuens....1 ahau .... 9 katuns

.... [and] 2 cycles . . . . [the count covering] 18 calendar rounds . . . . [from,

or to—for it is uncertain if the reckoning is intended to fix the position of the

date 5 Lamat-1 Mol more circumstantially, or is a separate reckoning back from

it] the 10th score [or 5th double score] of days, [in the] 7th cycle .... [and] 7 days

... [from the] 20th [or beginning score]... . 1 Manik... .10 Tzec [There

is a mistake somewhere, as the date at that point is 9 Manik-20 Zotz] .... the

beginning of a 7th day [or 7-day period}—Reckoning backwards, [by] katuns ... .

[an unintelligible glyph, though it probably indicates a period of some kind]... .

8 days, 5 chuens....10 ahaus.... 11 katuns.... [and] 10 cycles.... [to] a

date appearing some distance back [8 Ahau-13 Pop: the reckoning here is an

exact repetition, though in a different style, of the first of the preceding ones]... .

[from the] 6 Lamat.... 1 Mol... . [that is] 1 calendar round... . [and] 8 days

.... [an unintelligible glyph] .... [from the] 10 Ahau ....13 Yaxkin....

appearing some distance back.—d Lamat—l Mol....4 Manik....10 Zip [I have

no notion what these two isolated dates can mean, unless the former is a mere

redundant repetition of the date from which all the reckonings have been made; but

the latter has no apparent relation to anything else in the text|—1 cycle... .

9 katuns....[{and] i6 ahaus....{an unintelligible directive sign; the reckoning,

however, is from 10 Ahau-15 Yaxkin, beginning the 4th ahau of the 10th katun of

the 10th cycle—showing an abrupt and unaccountable leap forward].., . [to the]

20th [or beginning] score days .. . . beginning the 12th cycle.

It will be seen that the 5 Lamat—1 Mol whose exact position in the chronological

calendar is 54—_9—9—2—4 x 8, is the central point of the three principal reckonings

in the foregoing extract. That date is also indicated by other reckonings in the

preceding parts of the same inscription. Why it should have been given such

prominence, it is at present impossible to say. It could not have been the beginning

of any period of the annual or chronological scheme, nor of any other time arrangement

of which we have a knowledge. The secret of its importance is as impenetrable as

that of 8 Oc-3 Kayab, which occurs so frequently in other Palenque tablets. Were

memorable events expected to occur at these dates? Did they mark notable astro-

nomical conjunctions? If so, there is nothing in the context to indicate it—there is

nothing, in fact, but the same eternal reckoning backward and forward, with no other

The most interesting

apparent purpose than just reckoning for the sake of reckoning.

13)

116 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

thing about this extract to me is that it practically establishes my theory of the

bissextile sign and one of its uses. ‘The two reckonings from 5 Lamat—1 Mol to

8 Ahau-13 Pop cover the same interval—fully notated, in the ordinary way, in the

second instance: 10—11—10—5~x8. Im the first instance only 12—9 x8 of this

period is notated in the usual manner, leaving 10—10—17—14 x0 to be accounted

for by the bissextile glyph and the one preceding it. This reckoning is the equivalent

of 1,518,400 days, or exactly 80 calendar rounds. It is not expressed here in days,

years, or calendar rounds, however, but by bissextile periods of four years each, of

which 1040 are required to make up the count. That I am unable yet to construe

the figures into that number does not shake my faith or induce me to ascribe an

unwarranted value to any of them. I have learned to be patient, and can wait; the

knowledge will surely come.

I have expressed my conviction that a year and day count runs collaterally with the

ahau reckoning in most instances, and that frequently the computation is carried on by

that means alone, confessing at the same time my inability to discover the plan on which

it is conducted. I shall give some examples here that may possibly be reckonings of

that character :—

These two glyphs are found quite frequently together. I take them to be a formula

denoting 64 days, as in one instance they occur where that number of days is indicated in

the ordinary manner likewise. ‘They are an equivalent, I think, of this other formula:—

This I believe to be simply: 17 days, 14 days, 16 days, 17 days—that is, 64 days.

Why this number of days should have any special significance, or why it should be

expressed in so absurd a manner as in the latter instance, I cannot say. Neither can I

tell why our own adopted prophet uses such an expression as “times, times and a

half,” nor what he means by it. When it comes to the language of prophecy and

divination, uninspired folks may as well throw up the sponge. ‘The Mayas may have

been trying their hand at one or the other here—though I hate to think it.

EXERCISES IN DECIPHERMENT. Lily

These glyphs precede a reckoning of 537 days, in the usual way. The last is iden-

tical, or apparently so, with a glyph that represents 17 days in a number of places. It

is probable, therefore, that the other may be a sign for a 520-day period. ‘There seems

to be no limit to the number of different day periods they had.

The glyphs here shown occur between two dates that are 16 years and 1 day apatt,

with nothing else intervening that appears to indicate the interval in the remotest

way. I take the last glyph to be a 4-year sign, the numeral in front of it showing a

total of 16 years—the extra day being expressed by the first glyph.

These characters occur where I think a period of 48 years and 480 days is required

to be accounted for. It will be observed that in the first glyph the face sign for 3

is substituted for the head in the supposed 4-year sign above. I believe the period

here indicated to be a 12-year one, which, multiplied by the 4 in front of it, dis-

poses of the even 4-year count or 48 years. ‘The second glyph is the 120-day sign

with a determinative, and, multiplied by 4, represents the 480 extra days.

The claim of the foregoing symbols to the values I have respectively assigned to

them can in no case be regarded as fully proved yet, but a very high degree of

probability attaches to some of them at least. I could give many more examples

of a similar character, but as all of them would necessarily be involved in the same

uncertainty, it is not worth while.

In closing this section I wish to direct attention to what is the most exasperating,

if not most perplexing, feature in all the inscriptions. ‘The reason why most of the

symbols that still baffle us continue to do so is that they do not occur often enough or

in proper positions to afford a thorough trial of their meaning. But here is a series

of glyphs repeated at least twenty times in as favorable a situation as could be desired,

118 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

and yet its significance defies our understanding. It follows immediately after most of

the initial dates, sometimes the whole date preceding, and again the month symbol

coming after it. Six is the least number of glyphs ever found in it, but I think

that is the normal number, any excess being either extraneous matter or numerals

separated from the characters to which they belong. There is considerable variation in

the respective glyphs in different inscriptions, but the period type remains constant, in

my judgment—the substitutes in all cases being equivalents, the only real difference

existing in the numerals qualifying them. As good a single specimen as any is this,

from Palenque :—

We know the value of a number of these signs. The first is not recognizable here,

but the substitutes in other places are unmistakable symbols for a day; but the

qualifying numerals are what puzzle, just as in this case. The next character is the

one employed so universally as a directive sign, but here it must stand for either a

number or a period, as most of its equivalents consist of a hand and the 18-day

character. If this replaces the 18-day part of its variants, the 10 sign under-

neath it would indicate it to be altogether a symbol for 180 days, and the 10 in

front would denote a value here of 1800 days, or exactly 5 ahaus. All the

glyphs in this position have a beginning sign attached to them; so, it would appear,

the days designated by the first symbol reckon up to this period, whatever it may be.

The third and fourth glyphs are beyond our reach at present, though we can recognize

enough in them to know that they indicate greater numbers than the preceding

ones. The fifth glyph has a beginning sign in all cases, hence the two we have just

passed by must carry a reckoning to it. Itis the 120-day sign multiplied by 9, making

1080 days—or just 3 ahaus. The last glyph is the 108-day sign multiplied by 10,

making just the same period—1080 days, or 3 ahaus. Is this last sign merely a

determinative of the other, or does it supply the 1080 days to the beginning of which

the reckoning was brought? But these are simple questions in view of the broader one

—what does the series mean altogether? It is evident enough that its purpose is to

fix the position of the date it accompanies relatively to some other method or methods

employed by the Mayas to compute time. But what method, and in what way? I

cannot master it, and therefore have dragged it forth to expose it to the concentrated

attack of aspiring students.

IY)

A REVIEW OF THE INSCRIPTIONS.

I HAVE arrived at the stage where a consideration of some of the inscriptions them-

selves comes properly in order. As yet I am not master of enough glyphs to fully

make out the meaning of a single tablet ; but I can decipher some of them sufficiently,

I think, to justify the conclusion that no room remains for the record of any historical

event. I was very reluctant to accept that belief, for I had entertained a hope that

with the decipherment of the glyphs would come a flood of light, revealing all the

mysteries of the Maya civilization. But every advance I made in reading the inscrip-

tions tended to dissipate that hope, until I was at length unwillingly forced to the

conclusion that, primarily, the inscriptions were intended to serve the purpose of

calendars for the use of the whole populace ; secondarily, that they were in part text-

books designed to assist teachers in the initiation of their pupils into the science of

mathematics and chronology; and, thirdly, that they were either objects of veneration

or always made accessory to such objects.

Such formal and unzealous adoration as we can conceive possible to be given to

abstract numbers or the multiplication-table was undoubtedly paid to them. We see

everywhere priests and their acolytes making offerings to objects constructed purely of

numerals. ‘The inference is plain; the knowledge of numbers had wrought such

marvels for them that in the absence of anything more marvelous they deified

numerals and worshiped them. But these adoratorios were also school-houses and

colleges, and the text of the worshiper became the text-book of the student. In

different inscriptions is to be found the entire chronological curriculum ; so they are

not unlike Hamlet’s players, being abstracts and brief chronicles of time. It is not

unlikely that there were peripatetic schools in these Archaic cities, asin Athens. I

can picture to myself the venerable teachers ranging their pupils in front of these

inscriptions and lecturing them upon the principles and practice of chronology. But

far above and beyond their use for purposes of worship or tuition was their service to

the people in the capacity of public calendars.

It may appear absurd, at a first thought, that temples, monuments, and altars should

be covered with elaborately carved inscriptions that record nothing but dates and other

forms of time reckoning. But a little reflection should convince one that such inscrip-

tions, under certain conditions, would not be preposterous, but the wisest and most

useful of records. A calendar is an indispensable requisite of civilization. In fact,

the existence or non-existence of a chronological system is the distinction between the

120 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

two broad states of mankind. The very attempt to construct one is the first step

toward evolution from savagery, and a completed calendar of any kind is proof that the

transition has been accomplished. In the savage state, where there are no business

obligations to be punctually discharged, no civic or religious ceremonies to be observed

at fixed times, no fiscal regulations, no registers, no history—nothing, in short, requiring

perfect accuracy of date—there is no necessity for more comprehensive or intricate

divisions of time than the natural system of new moons and seasons. But the affairs

of men will not forever conform themselves to the returns of the seasons or the changes

of the moon. With increasing intelligence there will arise occasion for marking sub-

or super-annual and inter-lunar dates, and of this necessity will in time be born an

artificial method of measuring time, more exact and systematic than the natural one.

The mere existence of such a method implies civilization.

It would not be rash to assert that chronology enters more generally and extensively

into the lives and affairs of a people than any other single factor of their civilization.

Their actions are regulated by it throughout the whole range of economies—domestic,

industrial, social, religious, and political. Deprive the world of the hour-glass, sun-

dial, clock and chronometer, the common and nautical almanac, the counting-house,

chronological and church calendars, and there would quickly ensue a confusion that

would totally disorganize home life, labor, society, business, religion and government,

if it did not destroy civilization itself; for such a deprivation would be the loss of the

principal means by which mankind have worked their way up from savagery.

Bearing in mind this conception of the vital importance of the calendar toa civilized

state, ought it excite our wonder that a people who probably realized that importance

more vividly than we, should have utilized temple and stela and altar to furnish the

public necessary chronological data and perpetuate a discovery so laboriously achieved ?

On the contrary, considering all the conditions, I think we should regard it as the

most sensible and beneficent thing the rulers could have done. ‘The result proves the

wisdom of their course, for without these inscriptions all knowledge of their calendar

would practically be lost, while the least reflection will reveal the utility of it. The

art of printing in any of its forms was unknown, and with their elaborate graphic

system books must have been of a cost precluding their purchase except by the very

wealthy—if indeed their possession was not forbidden to all but rulers and priests.

Hence, probably, there were few or no citizens outside the rich and privileged classes

who had almanacs or chronologies of their own. Yet the necessity for them was, to a

degree, the same as with us to-day. Housewives, husbandmen, merchants, travelers,

money-lenders, tax-gathers, priests, devotees, students, statesman, magistrates—every

one from the veriest peon to the supreme ruler—had each a special and alla general

interest in knowing the current day, month and year, when some certain other day

would occur or had occurred, what ahaus, katuns, or cycles had passed since some

specified event, or must pass before some stated conjuncture—and the thousand and |

A REVIEW OF THE INSCRIPTIONS. 121

one other problems involving accurate time measurement. For their daily use they

had the art of dialing and of divining the hour from the position of the stars. Beyond

this they must have been dependent for time reckoning upon mental processes, except

for information derived from sources apart from any in their possession. It was to

supply this general need, probably, that the public structures were made a universal

calendar—not only for current use but as an enduring record that should be serviceable

for all time. If any one desired to know the month and year, or the ahau, katun,

whether near or remote—he had

cycle and great cycle, in which a specific day fell

only to go to the proper temple or stela and there was the information before him, or

the data from which it could be readily reckoned. ‘These inscriptions were public

libraries, as it were, more necessary and serviceable than ours from the lack of private

works of reference. ‘That they contained nothing historical did not detract from their

usefulness. Chronology is a necessity; history is not. The Maya authorities

contented themselves with supplying that which was necessary to the public, leaving

historical luxuries to be obtained in some other way.

The inscriptions range from a single date to reckonings extending over thousands of

years. Those of Palenque are the most comprehensive. The Copan and Quirigua

reckonings seldom cover more than a few score years. It is evident that new monu-

ments were constantly being erected. Some of them begin with the very date reckoned

forward to in a former inscription. This fact suggests the thought that if all the

monuments had been preserved to us we should discover that they constituted a

complete series, each taking the concluding date of its precursor and reckoning forward

to a date to be taken up by the next.

This theory of the public purpose and use of the inscriptions necessitates the

purveyance of an annual calendar also in order to fully meet popular requirement.

That nothing of the sort has been found among the inscriptions does not, in my

judgment, affect the soundness of the theory in the Jeast. With their graphic system

it would take upwards of sixty-five thousand characters to construct a complete annual

calendar—a number which it would have been impracticable for them to carve on any

monument or tablet. It is therefore probable that the annual calendar was in book

form, and was kept in some place accessible to the public; or, more likely, several cf

them were kept in different places.

Another consideration may be advanced in explanation of this childlike scrawling of

an identical theme on every available surface. The Mayas, notwithstanding the degree

of culture they had attained, were a primitive, and, consequently, single-ideaed race.

They were in the childhood of civilization. ‘The calendar, in all its wonderful

intricacy and completeness, was probably their crowning work in the direction of

applied science ; and, with the iterative instinct of childhood, they indulged in endless

exhibition of their proudest achievement. It may be denied that such pnerility can

attach to an adult state, individual or national. I beg to differ trom that conclusion.

BIOL. CENTR.-AMER., Archeeol. 16

122 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

It was my fortune once to make a voyage with a veteran American man-of-warsman.

He had been retired at the age of eighty-four, from a foreign station, and was going

home to see his mother. These facts alone should be sufficient to prove that he

belonged to the patriarchal strain whose contented and uneventful lives lap over the

confines of centuries—a transient type in the childhood of all nations, a permanent one

in nations whose whole existence is only a protracted childhood. But if further proof

were needed, it would be supplied by the additional facts that he had just acquired an

elementary knowledge of arithmetic, and sat all day long doing sums on a little slate.

His most gorgeous flights scarcely went beyond an exercise in two figures; but the

exultation he exhibited at the results could not have been exceeded by that experienced

by Newton when he succeeded in calculating the laws of gravitation. In that ancient

mariner I behold the Maya race. The same simplicity of purpose, the same innocence

of higher culture, the same childish delight in practicing the single accomplishment

they had acquired, impelled them to work over and over the problems of their

chronology, as he worked over the simple sums of his arithmetic.

But it may be insisted that the erection of these monuments and the carving of their

inscriptions involved some purpose apart from worship, education, catering to the

general need or the indulgence of childish proclivities. Certainly there was another

purpose, but the pursuit of it terminates in the same conclusion. Life was not all

play or utility with them more than with us. Then as now the great stream of

humanity had its multifarious phases, and flowed on in myriad-motived currents. But

the only feature of it left for us to consider is the relation existing between the

potentates and the people. From our knowledge of the state of affairs at the time of

the conquest, pieced out by history and tradition, we may be pretty confident that the

form of government covering the range of the inscriptions was pontifical. Pope and

king were one. All temporal and sacerdotal decrees were the offspring of his individual

will—or, more likely, of many wills, but obtaining validity only through his utterance.

The implied compact between sovereign and subject has never changed—is unalterable.

It is conditioned that there must be benefaction on the one part precedent to any

obligation of loyalty on the other. In these later days subject peoples drag on

uncomplainingly without receiving the nominated dole, but the Mayas, I fancy, were

more tenacious of their rights, and demanded the stipulated benefactions regularly

or, at least, on every occasion of royal rejoicing ; and it seems to have been understood

that these largesses should be in the form of new chronological inscriptions. So it

may have come to pass that when a new pontiff was crowned, or an heir was born, or

a victory was gained, or any other event of signal importance occurred, the ruler

fulfilled his part of the compact by erecting a new temple, stela or altar and giving

the people a fresh installment of their beloved calendar ; and we see that the pressure

of public sentiment in the 9th cycle of the 54th great cycle forced the rulers to be

very lively about their work.

Dern Eee OU eRe CUEAS SION ISIC Rebrw LOMNES:

I HAVE only six photographs of Qurigua stele, and four of these are so faint that the

elyphs are almost illegible. I shall speak of them first, however, as two of them

furnish conclusive proof of the mistakes that everywhere abound in the inscriptions.

These errors were terrible stumbling-blocks to me at the start, for I did not feel

confidence enough in my knowledge to assume them to be errors. But when I had

repeatedly found dates belying each other and reckonings contradicting dates, there

could be but one conclusion—the sculptors had made mistakes. Nor is it to be

wondered at when we consider how difficult it is to-day, with all the compositor’s

intelligence and the carefulest scrutiny of the proof-reader, to avoid error in a page of

print. The old Maya sculptors were probably not over-intelligent, and their work

presumably underwent no proof-reading. If but few artists were engaged on one of

the great stele or altar-pieces, the author of the inscription and the original workmen

could hardly have lived to see the work completed; if many were employed, they must

have over-swarmed and confused each other. Either circumstance would render the

liability to error very great ; so the surprise perhaps should be that the mistakes are

not more numerous. But the number may be greater than is at present apparent, for

it is only in the numeral signs and the day, month, and other period symbols that we

are able to detect them. What other mistakes there may be we shall not know until

we are equally familiar with the rest of the glyphs. ‘To prove beyond a doubt the

existence of errors, due probably to the carelessness of the sculptors, I shall go very

circumstantially over two inscriptions having the same initial date and covering the

same ground.

Steta F. West side.

Initial date: 54—-9—14—13—4 x17—12 Caban-5 Kayab. The period numbers

here are expressed by face numerals. Following this date are fifteen indeterminable

glyphs. They do not include the usual initial directive series, but they probably serve

the same or a similar purpose, for we can distinguish a number of period symbols

with accompanying numerals, though unable to determine their meaning here. ‘Then

comes a reckoning which reads, reversing the order of the periods, for conyenience—

as I shall do in all cases when necessary: 13—9 x9, from 12 Caban—5 Kayab, the

initial date, to 6 Cimi—4 [zec. We will ascertain if this is correct.

16*

124 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

AHAU COUNT. YEAR COUNT.

TB} AER) gag setacnananosenanannodcancddon0 4,680 days. Exilisya 5 7SERE. Gaqaonooueaposoasecoa0gcoossonece00 39 days.

Oye Anibrea aoa neabecadaodsaodsesooqadaeer SOM TB} SWGEWES cod gaanadacooboooodHo bea cqucusonaodd 4,745 ,,

(2) GE ssadoe ondeoadsooncadsaqdsondeaqoonod ©) TBO, SEEIP. | condoopseccqca9nqpnqscq0000sc0000 Somms:

4,869 days. 4,869 days.

To explain the foregoing computation. Turning to the annual calendar we find that

12 Caban—5 Kayab occurs in the 51st year, and that there are 89 remaining days in that

year. ‘To these add 4,745, the number of days in thirteen years, which a glance at the

working-chart will show us is the greatest number of years there can be in the period.

This will bring us around to the 13th year of the annual calendar. ‘There are yet 85 days

left, which will take the count to 4 Tzec, where we find 6 Cimi. So the record is

correct. Eleven glyphs, mostly illegible, succeed. One of them is probably the 360

bissextile sign. It will be noticed that the computation has just passed the date where

an even ahau of bissextiles accrues. As the next date has no reckoning in the ordinary

form leading up to it, I suspect it to be one of the cases where the count is expressed

in another way. The date is 3 Ahau-3 Mol. An unusual character follows, after two

intervening glyphs, which I think indicates that the date is the beginning of a 10th

ahau, as it is. Next comes the sign denoting it to be ten ahaus removed from

4 Ahau-13 Yax—the two glyphs between, in my judgment, indicating the same period

in a different manner. Here is a full stop. The next reckoning reads: 1—16—13 x3,

from 12 Caban—5 Kayab, the initial date, to 1 Ahau-3 Zip, and 10 ahaus more to

13 Ahau—and, if the rest of the glyphs were not obliterated, we should probably find

the continuation to be—18 Cumhu, the beginning of the 17th katun. We will test

this reckoning also :—

AHAU COUNT. YEAR COUNT.

Ra tunities. acces ceostesatecmecter 7,200. days Bils tiny.carseecececceeeeeeeeeeeeeererer ace: 39 days

Gah ausinycceeee cosoesecse ceeere ON GO}e ess BiG) {GENES oooadheaasoqo0n socosH9aasHDs0nG50 13,140 ,,

IIB} INTE ER se cagsadeavacnecsaennonae laeleen 260 =, BLE 97GB cononadocadsosnensconsq.a0s0aK09 44 4,

BUCA Siacas seesascaoatwetiaee seo ceeseeae a) mp

13,223 days. 13,223 days.

We find this to be correct also. By looking at the chronological calendar it will be

seen that from 1 Ahau-3 Zip to 13 Ahau-18 Cumhu it is just 10 ahaus, so that need

THE QUIRIGUA INSCRIPTIONS. 125

not be reckoned. I call attention to the fact that in this inscription a form of the

ben-ik character is used both with the day and katun asa numeral for 1. There are

67 glyphs here. Of that number we are able to construe definitely the meaning of 37.

Of the remaining 30 we know quite half to be directive signs or symbols for periods.

So there is little room left for anything besides the chronological record.

SteLta F. East side.

Initial date: 54—16—10—18x20—1 Ahau-3 Zip. Here the month symbol

does not come until after the initial directive series. ‘The glyphs that immediately

follow are so fantastic and unfamiliar that I can make nothing of them until the sign

indicating a date to be some score days in the 19th katun is reachéd. The date is

5 Ahau-13 Mol. As that begins the Ist ahau, the number of score days indicated

must be 18. Two unintelligible glyphs follow, succeeded by what I believe to be this

reading: 3 cycles, 8 katuns and 19 ahaus, a reckoning embracing 26 calendar rounds

and extending 360 8-score days into the 15th cycle, to 1 Ahau-13 Yax, the beginning

of a 360-bissextile count and of a katun also. ‘This is the inscription I regard as the

strongest support to my theory of the Maya bissextile scheme. The month symbot

looks as if it might have been intended for Yaxkin, but if so it is a mistake. The rest

of the glyphs on this side of the stela are unfortunately mostly destroyed.

STELA EK. West side.

Initial date: 54—9—14—12—4 x 17—12 Caban-5 Kayab. There is an error in

the very initial date. The ahau number should be 15 instead of 12, for the date is

identical with that on Stela F west side. A given date can occur only once in a

period of two katuns, twelve ahaus, and thirteen chuens; so, all the other factors being

the same, the mistake in the ahau number here is beyond question. The initial

directive series comes in between the day and month symbols, after which follow seven

unintelligible glyphs, though there is good reason for believing them all to be period

signs. ‘Then comes a reckoning of 6—13 3, from the preceding date, to 4 Ahau—

15 Yax. We will subject this to the same trial that we did the reckonings in the

other inscription :—

AHAU COUNT. YEAR COUNT.

Gpahans terest ececccccacssccscosse ess 2,160 days. Billeticyearie rcs iesdnestnececsnesestervenselaviese 39 days.

WOE CH Men Berercep at teNecsinescvcssssecnses 260 ,, Gi -Yearshstietiate nc atsesmscarcetee Te, L90

3 days........ Peet ac aeteaecarsvistess op Giliyear earns, LOE

2,423 days. | 2,423 days.

oo oo ow—_-_+«sKso

126 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

The count is right. Two illegible glyphs follow, and then comes another reckoning.

The reading (reversing the order of the periods, as I have all along) is: 1—14 x 6, from

the preceding date, to 6 Cimi—4 Tzec. Now, we know from the other inscription

that the distance from 12 Caban—5 Kayab to 6 Cimi—4 Tzec is 13—99; hence,

deducting 6—15 x5, the first reckoning in this inscription, the remainder must be

6—14 x6, and not 1—14x6. The latter count would take us only to 13 Cimi—9 Xul

in the 8th year, while the former would carry us to 6 Cimi-4 Tzec in the 13th year,

which we know to be the date intended. Therefore there can be no doubt of the mistake

here also. Two unintelligible glyphs intervene, and then there is another reckoning. It

reads: 1—1—16 x 15, from the preceding date, to 11 Ymix—19 Muan. Let us test it:—

AHAU COUNT. YEAR COUNT.

Wi Meabune ic ecicctioree ses abdeentneuatomeses 7,200 days. UB Gheyears ra ecnes sntssesonwee Maank toes 280 days.

ala ma ds aap nace ca eee aaa 360, QOS years tess has-Aockesaeee ne anaeeecasnenene 7,300 ,,

MGwchwensls-cagsssescesee ese eee. BPO) BU hdnyy( ls Gosengeauanasssnaocooousedopeone Bil op

Ibsen Fh Seton atentonseuntecaceeuoseunsecaEDe 15s

7,895 days. 7,895 days.

This reckoning brings us to 10 Ymix—14 Pax, a date nowhere mentioned and clearly

not the one intended. Manifestly there is another mistake here. Let us see if we

can find out what it is. ‘The succeeding reckoning is: 8—4 x19, from the preceding

date, to 15 Ahau-18 Cumhu, the 17th katun. 13 Ahau—18 Cumhu begins the 17th

katun, and cannot occur again during it, therefore we can reckon back from that point

with certainty. We find the date in the 45th year of the annual calendar. Going

backwards, there are 358 days on that page, to which add 2,555, seven years, and there

will still be 66 days to be counted in the 37th year, which will bring us to 1] Ymix—19

Muan, the date in question beyond any doubt. ‘To recapitulate :—

AHAU COUNT. YEAR COUNT.

(3) LENTIS: codnanopapdoocoandseuggdenseandcn 2,880 days. AD thisyear :. /is.suew se sossmeonaateosensess 358 days.

A ChUeMS ieee een tee eRe aN are oee SOs fis (och en ero c rasan nen sacedaesecee 2,555

TG) EGER Siadaanaaerico semaeton dopa soaNaeOnaGsG Ig) BYAUNAYGEN “oooaqcdcod0dsabonopacosHnqadba008 66,

2,979 days. 2,979 days.

THE QUIRIGUA INSCRIPTIONS. 127

Having ascertained in this way the position of the date, we are able to correct

the former reckoning, which should be 1—4—16 x 15,—not 1—1—16 x 15,—as the

subjoined calculation will show :—

AHAU COUNT. YEAR COUNT.

abel Se} nt heme momen benGonsadcdaccbarae tor 7,200 days NS Chibyearanceacwancctecesedtreeccecemetare 280 days

Aan AUS Vir ecunsente alates eee nee 1440s ZBRy CALS Henn sase wnisdedene ser re miaheececses 8,395,

Gi chuenss crashed Eos ee eee S20) Ohthoy Carer. serateseceees se scwecs me sees B00)

TIGSGEN Sieepascadoagias séaccasbondaassaoonce Gy aes

8,975 days. 8,975 days.

By this reckoning we arrive at 11 Ymix-19 Muan, to which the other count led

back; so we are satisfied about this mistake also—making three grave mistakes in a

single inscription. I have been. thus explicit in order to prove that the mistakes

to which I so often allude exist elsewhere than in my imagination. We shall come

across many more of them, but hereafter I shall content myself with simply pointing

them out.

SteLta C. East side.

Initial date: 54—13—20—20—18 x 20—4 Ahau-8 Cumhu. This date is the

beginning of the 54th great cycle. No dates or reckonings in the usual style follow it,

but instead there are groups of characters with signs indicating a reckoning from a

preceding date to the beginning of a cycle, katun and other periods. ‘There are five of

these divisions. Not knowing the exact value of the characters employed, I cannot

speak positively of the purpose, but I surmise that it is to show how a great cycle can

be subdivided into various periods, just as we have seen the cycle variously reckoned.

Tf the marred numeral of the cycle symbol near the bottom were plainly 13, as I

believe it to be, I should have no doubt of the glyphs being a reckoning from a 13th

to a 13th cycle, covering just a great cycle period.

The inscription on the other side of this stela begins with a great cycle sign that

has a day symbol in it. The date under it reads: 9—I1—20—18 x 20, from the

preceding date, 6 Ahau—-13 Yaxkin—showing that it is subordinate to the former date,

and, inferentially, that it marks the time of the erection of the stela. It is followed

by four glyphs, indicated by the succeeding one to be a reckoning from the preceding

date. We are familiar with some of the characters, but the unknown ones baffle all

attempts to make out the calculation. ‘Two strange glyphs follow, and then comes a

128 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

reckoning in the common style: 17—5—18 x 20, from the beginning of the cycle, to

6 Ahau-13 Kayab, and 5 ahaus to the beginning of a 10th ahau. Though two of the

three remaining glyphs in this column are familiar, it is impossible to say what they

mean here, as is the case with those at the base.

SteLtaA A. East side.

Initial date: 54—9—17—5—18 x 20—6 Ahau-13 Kayab, which is announced to

be a 5th ahau. It will be noticed that this date is the same as the last one on the

preceding stela. ‘The month symbol here comes after the initial directive series. The

meaning of many individual glyphs in the rest of this inscription is known to us, but

they are associated with so many others whose meaning we do not know that it is

impossible at present to determine the purpose of the record.

Steta J. Back.

Initial date : 9—16—5—18 x 20—8 Ahau-8 Zotz. Here likewise the month

follows after the initial directive series, and it is added, as in a former case, that 5

ahaus in addition will bring the reckoning to the beginning of a 10th ahau. ‘There

are no more reckonings in the inscription and nothing further is positively determinable

about it; but, from the bissextile sign occurring twice and the appearance of other

signs found in connection with the important 4 Ahau-15 Yax, I think the reading in

some way goes back to that date.

MU reE COR AWN GS ION Si Cre Eas OsNese

THE majority of the Copan inscriptions are the least profitable of any to the student,

as they contain few reckonings or formulas revealing the significance of the glyphs.

Most of them revolve about the important date 4 Ahau-13 Yax, and consist chiefly of

symbols for periods terminating or beginning at that point. Asa bare statement of

that fact affords no insight into the exact meaning of the signs, their value must

remain an unsettled question until one by one they are found in positions that enable

us to determine it.

Sreta A,

Initial date: 54—I—14—19—8 x 20—12 Ahau-18 Cumhu. The month symbol

comes after the initial directive series, which here consists of nine glyphs. The

purport of the succeeding twelve glyphs is unintelligible, though the fact that the last

is a 260-day symbol would seem to indicate that they are getting to an even count of

that number of days. ‘This is accomplished by receding 3 chuens from the initial

date, which is just 10 chuens or 200 days from 4 Ahau-13 Yax, the beginning of the

260-day as well as nearly all other counts. Hence we have, beginning at glyph 15,

3 chuens from the initial date back to 4 Ahau-18 Muan. After an intervening glyph,

the 260-day sign is repeated—this time not a face but the cawac symbol, and this time

not manceuvering for a 260-day position, but carrying the reckoning forward that

number of days from 4 Ahau-1$ Muan. Here the beginning of nearly everything is

arrived at, as shown by the succeeding thirty or so glyphs, most of which are recogniz-

able as symbols used in other connections to denote periods of time. Finally the date

to which the reckoning has been extended is specifically designated to be 10 chuens,

beginning from a date back of the preceding one, being in fact 4 Ahau-13 Yax, either

a certain number of score days in the cycle or the initial score of a katun, and the

beginning of the 15th katun—to be entirely explicit, the reckoning being from

12 Ahau-18 Cumhu. From this point to the end there are no more reckonings. ‘The

glyphs are merely a list of signs for periods—thrown in haphazard perhaps, but more

likely arranged according to a certain computability, as shown in glyph 50, where the

13 ahau and 10 ahau symbols are placed side by side. A similar collection of time

symbols without any reckonings is encountered elsewhere with this same date; hence

it is reasonable to infer that they represent periods that round up evenly with it.

BIOL. CENTR.-AMER., Archeol. iby

130 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

STELA B.

Initial date: 54—9—15—20—18 x 20—4 Ahau-13 Yax. This is the all-important

date. There are no reckonings at all in the inscription, the initial directive series

even being absent. The glyphs undoubtedly are a mere list of periods beginning at

this point. Among them the bissextile sign occurs three times, qualified each time by

different numeral characters, which I think denote respectively 260, 360 and 234.

STELA C.

Nearly everything about this inscription appears to be wrong. The principal

reckoning does not accord with the dates given. The initial date to the left is 6 Ahau-

18 Kayab, designated by the first glyph to be a certain number of score days in a 13th

cycle. As all the dates are indicated to be the beginning of ahaus, this particular date

must be in the 13th cycle of the 55th great cycle, as no ahau in the 13th cycle of the

54th great cycle begins with 6 Ahau-18 Kayab. In the 55th great cycle it is

13—2—18—18 x20. From this date, according to the glyphs as drawn, there is a

reckoning of 11—14—5—18 x 1 to either another 6 Ahau-18 Kayab or toan 8 Ahau-

13 Muan; but such a reckoning would reach neither of those dates—both of which

are designated as beginning an ahau—even if there were no odd day or chuen. The

only explanation I can conceive is that the reckoning is, or was intended to be,

11—17—5—18 x 20, which is five ahau rounds; and as the same ahau date recurs at

each round, the 6 Ahau-18 Kayab would be correct in that event. But this would

leave the next date, 8 Ahau—135 Muan, stilla mystery, it appearing to have no connection

with the preceding dates. As the beginning of an ahau it could not occur anywhere

in the vicinity except at 54—12—16—1—18 X20. The second section, like the first,

begins with a glyph indicating the date to be certain scores of days in the 13th cycle.

The day number is given as 15, but of course that is impossible. From a later

examination of the stone Maudslay thinks it may be 9or 5. It is probably the former,

the date in all likelihood being—d5—13—2—14—18 x 20—9 Ahau-18 Cumhu. In

this event, the character under the ordinary numeral accompanying the month symbol

must represent 10. The rest of the inscription is unintelligible, except the two dates,

4 Ahau-18 Uo and 5 Ahau-8 Uo. ;

STELA D.

Initial date: 54—9—5—5—18 x 20—4 Ahan-13 Zotz. The month symbol here

probably comes after the initial directive series, and is peculiar in two respects: the

bat, which the name of the month signifies, is represented in full instead of by its

head, and the numeral is the outflaring sign for 13, which is nowhere else used in

connection with a date. This is one of the inscriptions in which I think the number

of the great cycle is specifically designated.

THE COPAN INSCRIPTIONS. 131

STELA E.

There is absolutely nothing in this inscription by which the date can be fixed, the

cycle and katun numerals being unrecognizable. I think the day and month are

2 Ix-7 Yax.

Steua FE.

Initial date: 54—9—14—10—18x20—5 Ahau-3 Mac. This date is given

irrespectively of the reading in the inscription, which is as follows: 5 Ahau-3 Mac,

10 ahaus to the beginning of the 15th katun. And then, as usual, come symbols for a

lot of periods commencing with that date.

Stexa I.

Initial date: 54—9—12—3—14 x 20—5 Ahau—the month date should be 8 Uo,

but the glyph, which here follows after the initial directive series, is obliterated.

There is nothing else intelligible except in the third row. There 10 Ahau—13 Chen is

designated as the beginning of a katun—an 8th katun, as given; but the only katun

of which that date could be the beginning, during a period of 18,720 years, is the 6th

katun of the 8th cycle of the 54th great cycle; hence the 8 is probably a mistake.

There follows a reckoning of 8 days and 10 chuens from 10 Ahau-13 Chen to 10

Lamat—the month date not given, but we know it must be 16 Pop.

STELA J.

West side. Initial date: 54—9—12—12—18 x 20—1 Ahau-8 Zotz. It is impossible

to make anything out of the rest of this inscription, or even to say in what order it

runs, except the line crossing near the bottom and continuing at the top of the north

face, which reads: 7 Ahau, a 10th ahau, 3 Cumhu, a 10th ahau—20 x 18—19—6,

to the 20th (or initial) score days beginning the 10th cycle—7 Ahau-13 Zip. The

month numeral here is a mistake; it should be 18 Zip. ‘The rest of the inscription

on the north and south sides has been given elsewhere. East side. Notwith-

standing Maudslay’s attempt to straighten out these glyphs there is something wrong

in their arrangement yet. The initial date is: 54—9—13—l0—18 X20; the day

and month should be 7 Ahau-13 Cumhu, a date we have just seen on the opposite

side of the stela. The initial directive series follows and some fragmentary reckonings,

but the whole is so incoherent that nothing can be made out of it.

132 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

Autar K.

Initial date: 54—9—12—16—7 x 8—3 Lamat-16 Yax. The initial directive series

runs with this date, but is almost obliterated. Little can be made out of the remainder

of the glyphs, as they are unusual and fantastic. I think, however, that the reckoning

is carried forward to the beginning of the 15th katun, as, apart from the katun

symbols near the end, the few recognizable glyphs occur mostly in connection with

that date.

Atar L.

A most extraordinary day symbol occurs here, but as the hand below is one of the

signs employed at Palenque to denote the beginning of a katun the day is probably

Ahau. The only place this date could occur anywhere within reasonable range would

be 55—2—6—20—18 x 20.

Steta M.

Initial date: 54—9—16—5—18 x 20—8 Ahau-8 Zotz. ‘The initial directive series

succeeds, but beyond that the glyphs are too uncertain and interrupted to make

anything out of them.

STELA N.

Initial date: 54—9—16—10—18x20—1 Ahau-8 Zip. ‘The month numeral is

wrong; it should be 3 Zip. The initial directive series and five other unintelligible

glyphs complete the first column. At the top of the second column occurs the sign

that indicates a reckoning backwards. It is followed by seven glyphs, which I think

give in another form the substance of the subsequent reckoning, which is the longest

that occurs in any of the inscriptions, embracing a period of 75,264 years. It is given

as 14—17—19—10—18 x 20, from the initial date to 1 Ahau-8 Chen, the beginning

of a katun, etc. The reckoning is not only wrong but is absurd as well. The cycles

run only to 13, and no such reckoning backward or forward from the initial date

would reach a 1 Ahau-8 Chen. But fortunately, despite all the blundering, we can

see what the intention was. J Ahau-8 Chen begins the 17th katun of the 8th cycle,

and thence to the initial date is just 19 katuns and 10 ahaus. ‘The fact that these are

the numbers of katuns and ahaus expressed in the reckoning would lead us to suspect

that it was to go backward even if the directive sign had not already so informed us,

for that would do away with the odd katuns and ahaus and leave the reckoning in

even katun rounds. If it were to have gone forward, the odd numbers would have

been 3 great cycles, 7 cycles, 9 katuns and 10 ahaus. A little figuririg will show the

difference. For the sake of clearness I omit all but the great cycle, cycle, katun

and ahau periods. It will be borne in mind that 3 great cycles, 8 cycles and 9 katuns

THE COPAN INSCRIPTIONS. 133

are the equivalent of a katun round—that is, the time that must pass between two

occurrences of any given date as the beginning of a katun.

RECKONING BACKWARD. RECKONING FORWARD.

19—10

33 O—= 3—7—9—10

3—8—9— 0 I——Y— W

3—8—9— 0 3—8—9— 0

2—F—H— 3—8—9— 0

14—8—15—10 14—6—16—10

In thinking of the odd 19 katuns and 10 ahaus, they blundered in respect to the

total period. I think it should be 14—8—15—10—18 x20. Ifso, the reckoning

goes back to the 40th great cycle; if it went forward, it would extend to the 69th.

It is not material which way it be decided. The important fact is that in either case

they ranged over a period of more than 75,000 years, which substantially proves my

estimate of the immense reach of their chronological calendar. ‘There area few glyphs

following the reckoning and date in the same column, but they do not assist us, nor

can anything beyond the dates and a few disconnected characters be made out of the

rows of glyphs around the base.

STELA P.

Initial date: 54—9—9—10—18 x 20—2 Ahau-13 Pop. The month symbol here

comes after the initial directive series. This is the strangest inscription of all. Its

style is so cursive, or in some way the glyphs are so changed from their ordinary

appearance, that there is doubt even about the initial date. It is not plain if the day

numeral was intended for 2, though I think it was—the sign for a 10th ahau following

the date fixing its position with tolerable certainty. Nothing more can at present be

made out of the inscription, beyond the fact that the thrice recurring bissextile

character and the numerous beginning signs indicate pretty clearly that the reckoning

goes forward and the glyphs mostly relate to the important date beginning the loth

katun. If so, it is the first of the stele to point to that great event.

ALTAR Q.

There is more than the usual uncertainty here. It is doubtful where the inscription

begins. It is equally doubtful if the glyphs under the sixteen personages on the sides

are part of the text or merely symbols for periods of which the figures seated upon

134 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

them are personifications—the breastplate in each case denoting the number of days

typified. The date between the two individuals facing each other, 6 Caban-10 Mol, is

one that occurs on other altars and on a stairway, and must be one to which particular

importance was attached.—The top of the altar has an inscription reading regularly.

Between the first two dates, 5 Caban—15 Yaxkin and 8 Ahau—-18 Yaxkin, the distance

in the annual calendar is but 5 days, but I think one of the intermediate characters

indicates it to be one or more calendar rounds in addition; as it does in the next

instance, where 5 Ben—11 Muan is indicated to be only 7 chuens and 12 days distant—

the 12 is a mistake; it should be 13, the dates being 153 days apart. An unintelligible

reckoning follows, succeeded by a 17th katun sign and 6 Ahau—13 Kayab, the date

probably being indicated to be the one beginning the 5th ahau of the 17th katun of

the 9th cycle. ‘The next and last date is 5 Kan-15 Uo (it should be 12 Uo, because

Kan cannot fall on the 13th day of a month), which is stated to be 5 chuens and

4 days from the preceding date—a fact I believe to be indicated by two other glyphs.

_ ALTAR R. |

Beyond the two dates, 6 Caban-10 Mol and 7 Ahau-3 Zip, absolutely unintelligible.

ALTAR S.

Initial date: 54—9—15—20—18 x 20—4 Ahau-15 Yax. This is the all-important

date again. It will be noticed that the initial directive series is absent here also.

Two unintelligible glyphs succeed the date and then there is the reading: 5 katuns

from the initial date to 7 Ahau-18 Zip, the beginning of the 10th cycle. I do not

know the value of the three remaining glyphs.

Autar U.

So much of this inscription is illegible and so much of the remainder is unintelligible

—excepting a few dates and other well-known characters—that nothing connected can

be made out of it.

TPE ee AGE EN OU EeeeN SiG Rees O NESE

THE inscriptions at Palenque are longer and completer and their reckonings, as a

general thing, range over far greater periods than those of Quirigua and Copan. They

also have more diversity in respect to examples showing the different methods of

computing time. So, altogether, they furnish more and better material for study than

all the other cities combined.

TEMPLE OF THE Cross.

Initial date: 53—12—19—15—4x20—S Ahau-18 Tzec. The initial directive

series follows, succeeded by five glyphs whose purpose is not intelligible, but which,

among other things, must take the reckoning back twenty days to 1 Ahau-18 Zotz,

that appears for some reason to be thereafter regarded as the initial date. After three

glyphs, which are probably directives stating that the computation is from that date,

there is a reckoning of 8—5 x 20, with the directive signs repeated, to 4 Ahau-8 Cumhu,

beginning the initial score days of the 15th cycle. ‘This reckoning is a mistake. It

should be either 6—14 x 20, the distance from 8 Ahau—18 Tzec to 4 Ahau-8 Cumhu,

or 6—15 Xx 20, the distance from 1 Ahau—18 Zotz—more likely the latter, as it will

presently be seen that other reckonings go back to that date. Then follows another

reckoning of 1—9 x2, succeeded by five unintelligible glyphs, to 15 Ik-5 Mol. The

computation and the 15 Ik are right, but the month date should be 20 Chen, as will

be seen by reference to the annual calendar. It will be evident pretty soon that the

sculptors got their copy mixed up. ‘The 5 Mol should have gone with another date.

After half a dozen glyphs, unintelligible further than like most intervening characters

they are to be found elsewhere in the lists of period symbols, there is another reckoning :

1—18—3—12 « 20, from the preceding date, to 9 Ik-15 Ceh. This is correct, and in

connection with the previous reckoning it proves conclusively that the preceding date

should be 15 Ik—20 Chen. Six unintelligible glyphs follow; then there is a reckoning

of 2—1—7—11 x 2, succeeded by four directive signs, to 9 Ik—20 Zac. I call attention

to the directive signs. Two of them are the bissextile character and its coadjutor,

which I think are employed in Palenque to denote different numbers of calendar

rounds. ‘These should denote fifteen, if intended to indicate the length of the

reckoning; if to express an additional period, it is uncertain how many. ‘The other

two directive signs are identical with two of those used after 1 Ahau-18 Zotz to show

the reckoning is from that date. ‘This reckoning is also from that date; hence the

156 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS,

glyph consisting of a bird’s head and two signs for 20 over it probably indicates an

initial date—or a substitute for it, as 1 Ahau-18 Zotz would appear to be in this case.

The month symbol is wrong here also. It should be Yax instead of Zac. The

reckoning which follows: 3—6—10—12~x 2, from the beginning of the great cycle,

to 9 Ik, is correct. It is here the 5 Mol should have gone, that being the month date.

The reckonings from this point are the ones to which I have alluded in a preceding

section. I think they are carried forward principally by bissextile signs indicating the

different numbers of calendar rounds to be added to the brief reckonings notated in

the usual style, supplemented by some other signs denoting a specific number of days.

Starting from the beginning of the great cycle, the 9th cycle is reached with only what

amounts to 3 katuns, 2 ahaus, 4 chuens and 18 days being designated in the ordinary

way during that immense stretch of time. Some other method of computation must

be made use of, and I can conceive of none but the one I have suggested. As this

same style continues to be used after the 9th cycle is passed and there are no more

general dates like it to guide us, it is impossible to say how far or to what point the

remaining reckonings extend ; but it is likely if they go beyond the 9th cycle that they

return to it at the close, as the concluding dates are the same as those in tablets yet to

be mentioned.

TEMPLE OF THE SUN.

Initial date: 54—1—18—5—3 x 6—15 Cimi-19 Ceh. The month symbol comes

after one of the glyphs of the initial directive series. A reckoning of 1—2 x11, with

three unintelligible glyphs following, points to a date which appears to be 1 Caban-

10 Tzec; but as that is not the date to which the intelligible part of the reckoning

would lead, both the date and direction are uncertain. Thirteen glyphs follow, some

of them of recognizable purport, but the exact meaning of which in this connection I

do not know. ‘Then comes a re-statement of the initial reckoning, 1—18—5—3 x 6,

from the beginning of the great cycle, followed by nine glyphs whose use here is

unintelligible, though four of them are signs with whose meaning we are acquainted,

Next in order comes a reckoning of 9—12—18—5 x16 (followed by four glyphs

nearly identical with a series in the preceding inscription), from 4 Ahau-8 Cumhu,

the beginning of the great cycle, to 2 Cib-14 Mol. This is correct. After five

incomprehensible glyphs occurs the date 3 Caban—15 Mol. In the annual calendar

the last two dates adjoin each other, but whether the latter is here intended to be the

succeeding day, or whether some calendar rounds are indicated by the characters

preceding it, is something we are at present unable to determine. Sixteen baffling

glyphs follow, and then there is a reckoning of 7—6—12 x 8—12 Ahau-8 Ceh. There

are no recognizable directive signs here, but by trial we discover that the reckoning is

the distance between 12 Ahau-8 Ceh and 9 Akbal—6 Xul, a date that comes after six

THE PALENQUE INSCRIPTIONS. 157

intervening glyphs. Eight more unintelligible glyphs occur, and then a reckoning of

6—2 18 (the 18 should be 17), 2 Cimi-19 Zotz. The directive signs are unfamiliar,

but as the reckoning is backwards to 9 Akbal-6 Xul they probably denote that fact.

Next is: I—8X17—13 Ahau-18 Kankin, which is declared to be a 10th ahan, the

reckoning being the distance from 9 Akbal-6 Xul to that date. Both of these dates

are subsequently repeated for some reason, and the record ends with 8 Oc-3 Kayab,

followed by ten glyphs whose meaning is not apparent.

TEMPLE OF THE FOLIATED Cross.

Initial date: 54—1—18—5—4 x 20—1 Ahau-13 Mac. This date is just fourteen

days later than the initial date of the preceding inscription. The directive series

follows, succeeded by a reckoning of 14 chuens and 19 days to 1 Cauac-7 Yax. Eleven

unreadable glyphs come next, and then: 1—14—14 x 20, which, after four uncertain

directive characters, is declared to be a reckoning to the beginning day score of the

2nd cycle, 2 Ahau—3 Uayeb. It is correct. Then come two reckonings in an unfamiliar

style, the first from the beginning of the great cycle, the second from 1 Ahau-13 Mac.

I am positive of this, for the very next reckoning will show that there are 40,000 days

to be accounted for somehow, and they can be represented only by one of these counts.

That reckoning is: 7—7—7—3 X16, to 2 Cib-14 Mol. Subsequent computations

show that date to be the one to which 9—12—18—65 x16 led up in the preceding

inscription, hence the necessity for something to explain the missing 40,000 days. As

from this on the reckoning and dates of the two inscriptions are nearly the same, it is

not worth while to repeat them; I will, however, give a synopsis showing the position

of the dates in both :—

54—1—18— 5— 3x 6—13 Cimi-19 Ceh.

», —1—18— 5— 4x20— 1 Ahau-13 Mac.

» —1—18— 6—18x19— 1 Cauac-7 Yax.

») —2—20—20—18 x 20— 2 Ahau-3 Uayeb.

»—9— 38— 1—15x20—12 Ahau-8 Ceh.

» —9—10— 2— 6x 6— 2 Cimi-19 Zotz.

» —9—10O— 8— 9x 3— 9 Akbal-6 Xul.

» —9I—10—10—18 x 20—13 Ahau-18 Kankin.

5 —9—12—l11—12 x 10— 8 Oc-3 Kayab.

>» —9—12—18— 5x16— 2 Cib-14 Mol.

>» —9—13—20—18 x 20— 8 Ahau-8 Uo.

BIOL, CENTR.-AMER., Archzeol. 18

138 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

TEMPLE OF INSCRIPTIONS.

Tnitial date: 54—9—4—20—18 x 20—13 Ahau-18 Yax, declared by a subse-

quent sign to be the beginning of a katun, and by the five following ones, I think, a

certain distance from the beginning of the cycle. These signs may possibly be

substituted for the initial directive series, which is absent. ‘The defaced condition of

the next ninety glyphs leaves little discernible for a certainty, but the following dates

and declarative signs can just be made out through the dimness: 11 Ahau-18 Tzec,

the beginning of the 5th katun; 9 Ahau-3 Uayeb, the beginning of the 6th katun ;

13 Akbal-11 (or 16) Cumhu; 9 Ahau-18 Muan, a 13th ahau; 7 Ahau—3 Kankin, the

beginning of a katun (the 7th); 13 Ahau-18 Ceh, the beginning of a 5th ahau. It is

not my purpose to particularize the glyphs of this long inscription. I have made

several lengthy extracts from it to illustrate the methods of reading the glyphs, and I

could say little now that would not be virtually a repetition of what has already been

said. But I will give a few more dates in order to show that the principal purpose of

this inscription was to score along from katun to katun, with incidental discussions on

the science of chronology, illustrated by formulas and greater or less flights in

reckoning. ‘There is a singular thing about many of these illustrations, the reason for

which is not evident. ‘They seem to pivot on Lamat dates, expressed or implied,

reciprocal reckonings between that day and others running all through the inscription.

Why this should be is one of the things yet to be found out. Requesting it to be

borne in mind that the beginning of four consecutive katuns has already been

designated, I will proceed. ‘The next date is 5 Ahau-3 Chen, the beginning of the

Sth katun, followed by 5 Ahau-18 Tzec, a 13th ahau. Then comes a puzzling date.

It is 13 Ahau-18 Mac, indicated by the sign over Ahau to be the beginning of a

katun. There is no katun beginning with that date in the great cycle, and as there is

apparently no reckoning except one of 6 chuens and 14 days—showing the distance to

4 Ix-7 Uo, which follows—I am inclined to think the artist made a mistake in carving

the katun sign over Ahau. Then comes 3 Ahau-3 Zotz, the beginning of the

9th katun, the 3 Ahau being repeated shortly afterwards; after which is 1 Ahau-—

8 Kayab, the beginning of the 10th katun, the 1 Ahau also being soon repeated.

The second tablet begins with 12 Ahau-8 Ceh, the beginning of the 11th katun. It

is in this tablet that the most extended exercises in different methods of scanning

periods occur. There is but one other date in it—10 Ahau-S Yaxkin, the beginning

of the 12th katun. ‘The dates in the third tablet begin with a repetition of the

foregoing one, and then comes 8 Ahau-8 Uo, the beginning of a katun—which one is

not declared, but we know it to be the 13th. Here the regular scoring of the katuns

ceases and the reckoning leaps forward to 7 Ahau—18 Zip, the beginning of the 10th

cycle; but it is brought back again to go through the exercises shown in one of the

extracts referred to.

THE PALENQUE INSCRIPTIONS. 139

InscrIBED Steps (PaLace, House C).

Initial date: 55—3—18—12—15 x 12—8 Eb-15 Pop. ‘This is one of the dates

likely to be disputed. Some of the face numerals are quite indistinct and others rather

unusual, so they may not be generally admitted to represent the numbers assigned to

them. But I did not rely upon the face numerals in ascertaining the date, for part of

them were unknown to me then. I located it by an entirely different method. As

the process by which I arrived at the result illustrates one of the many ways in which

apparently insurmountable difficulties may be overcome in this study, I will explain it

in detail. It will be seen that there are two dates directly under the initial one.

Each of these is preceded by an ahau count, which presumably denotes the period

between the adjacent dates. We will begin at the bottom one, where the day is a

6 Akbal, without any month sign. The ahau count here is: 3—?—3 x3. I have put

a query in place of the abau number because there is uncertainty about the face

numeral, owing to our inability to make out all of its details. It can be one only of

two numbers, however, | or 8, as they are the only faces that ever have the lobate ear

ornament protruding against the cheek. ‘This uncertainty compels us to make trial of

both numbers, as follows :-—

3) abuns! cs. ssh cece senseeveseseceseens 21,600 days. SUKGHONS) sor sesesdeeedeeesceseeseee nae 21,600 days.

Spahausveneescccs cess weer ee ceereae 2,880 ,, IRA Chil eechapicmrtnocticcocaaprostecrcasb 360 =,

SiGHUeNS! Aatscsseseease seen eacea st eee GOleess Sh chuens; weiees-teeesasceeceser ee eee 60

HOA Sy reces Good saceecean ones se eaeats ae) By BnGe (Ie capcepnunadce onanedccanodcedods 3

24,543 days. 22,023 days.

The number of days in both reckonings exceeds a calendar round, so we will

subtract the number of days in that period, 18,980, from each of the above sums,

which will leave respectively 5,563 and 3,043 days. We next take from these the

number of days in the greatest possible number of years, which will be 5,475 days, or

15 years, from the former, and 2,920 days, or § years, from the latter—leaving as

remainders 88 and 125 days, respectively. We now turn to the annual calendar and

select a 6 Akbal at random, for there is nothing to indicate in which month or on

what day of the month the 6 Akbal we are calculating from occurs. Suppose, then,

we select 6 Akbal-1 Zip, in the 17th year of the annual calendar. ‘There are 41 days

preceding that date in the year. It must be kept in mind that we are reckoning

backwards ; hence we subtract 41 days from our last remainders, which will leave

respectively 47 and 82 days. Now, to make trial of the former, we go backwards over 15

years of the calendar, which will bring us to the Ist year, and counting 47 days from the

end of the year we arrive at 7 Ahau; thus we have ascertained that if the face numeral

18*

140 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

in the ahau count be 8, the day numeral in the preceding date must be 7. The trial

with the other number is still to be made. Deducting 41 from 123 and there remain

82 days. Passing backwards over 8 years we come to the 8th year, and counting 82 days

from the end we reach 5 Ahau: that is, if the face numeral in the ahau count be 1

the day number of the preceding date must be 5. Now let us inspect the preceding

date itself. It is almost obliterated. The only things clearly discernible are the

outlines of the day and month signs, the former preceded by an unusual character, the

latter by an indistinguishable face numeral. But for all this barrenness we can reach

several conclusions respecting it pretty definitely. ‘The day, as proved by the reckoning,

must be Ahau; hence the face numeral of the month must be 3, 8, 15 or 18; and, as

its outlines are not those of the unmistakable 15 face, one element of uncertainty is

eliminated ; but we can go no farther in that direction. The month, however, is

unquestionably Mol, as the symbol for that month is the only one that ever occurs as

a simple disc, without accessories above, below or on either side. All this is not much,

but it is something; so we will proceed with our calculation, confident that we have a

7 or 5 ahau, falling on the 5rd, 8th or 18th of Mol, to reckon from. The ahau count

preceding this date fortunately is unmistakable. It is 12—9 8, or 4,508 days.

From this we take 11 years, or 4,015 days, leaving a remainder of 493 days. We

could have taken 12 years, but knowing that we shall have to deduct the 143 days in

the year preceding the first place in Mol on which an Ahau date could fall, which in

the end would have reduced the years to 11 anyhow, we chose to deduct only that

number at the start. Subtracting 143 from 4935, we have 350 remaining days. We will

first make trial with 7 Ahau-3 Mol, which we shall find in the 20th year of the annual

calendar. Going back 11 years brings us to the 8th year, and counting 350 days from

the end of that year we arrive at 10 Eb-15 Pop. ‘Turning now to examine the initial

date, to which we have reckoned back, we feel positive, notwithstanding the defacement

of the sign, that the month is Pop, as the distinguishable parts of the glyph have the

characteristics of the symbol for that month and of the symbol for that month only.

The face numeral accompanying is strange, however. We have never encountered it .

before; but it is to be recollected that 15 has been lacking in the series of face

numerals. If this date prove to be 15 Pop, we. shall have supplied the deficiency.

The day sign is not readily recognizable, but Kb is one of the three days ever

symbolized by a human face, and therefore this may reasonably enough be Eb. But

the accompanying face numeral is not 10; the lobate ornament on the cheek denotes

it to be either 1 or 8—remember we have not yet learned to distinguish it by the

forehead mark. We must go back and make another trial. But first let us reckon

our gain by this one, failure though it be. We are confident this month is Pop and

that the other is Mol. That being the case, the dates can be only 15 Pop and 3 Mol,

for if the Ahau in question fell upon any of its succeeding positions in the month of

Mol the reckoning would not reach back to Pop. Hence, we have made two

THE PALENQUE INSCRIPTIONS. 141

substantial gains; we have discovered the face sign for 15, and we know that our

Ahau falls on 3 Mol. And, moreover, we have eliminated 7 Ahau from the problem.

Now let us test 5 Ahau-3 Mol. It occurs in the 44th year of the calendar. Turning

back 11 years we come to the 52nd year, and counting off the 350 days we reach 8 Eb-—

15 Pop. This is more satisfactory, for we felt certain the day numeral must be | or 8.

Assuming the date to be 8 Eb—15 Pop we have now a base from which to reckon the

initial count and fix its place in the chronological calendar. The day being Eb, it follows

that the odd days in the count must be 12; and, the chuen numeral being identical

with that of the month, that the number of chuens must be 15. Let us run back that

distance on the annual calendar and find the date with which the ahau begins. It is

8 Ahau-8 Zotz, in the 3lst year. We may fancy we recognize all the other face numerals

now, but we will be cautious. One of them, however, is unmistakable—the 18 face

attached to the katun symbol. That is all we want. We have only to look through

the chronological calendar till we find 8 Ahau—8 Zotz occurring in an 18th katun in

order to arrive at the date, for the same date cannot fall in the same katun but once

in 18,720 years—a pretty reasonable margin to work upon. In this instance we look

in vain throughout the whole 54th great cycle for the desired concurrence. It is not

till we come to the 55th great cycle that we find an 8 Ahau-8 Zotz falling in the

proper katun, and there it is the 12th ahau of the 18th katun of the 5rd cycle—as we

divined it would be from the face numerals.

THE REASON Fk ORGS EE Rane kee OUND EN ReAS Ni Coan Opt

DAG E Sr Nea Hen NpON Teice <C va Csiake

Tue numerical preponderance of stele, altars, and mural inscriptions dated at some

point in the 9th cycle of the 54th great cycle, would seem to indicate that this 9th

cycle was the period of the most high and palmy state of the Archaic Maya empire.

But I think this apparent superiority is deceptive and misleading. Not in regard to

that period having been an exceedingly flourishing one, but in respect to its having

surpassed in glory either previous or subsequent eras in their history. ‘There is a

particular reason why there should be more evidence of activity and grandeur during

that cycle than throughout all the rest of their cycles of which we have any

knowledge.

The disposition to observe anniversaries, jubilees, centenniums, and other notable

periods of recurrence, is one of the strongest and most prevalent instincts of mankind.

It is fostered in the child by the annual observance of its birthday, and strengthened

in the adult by the celebration of social, religious, and national anniversaries. When

-the occasion has the magnitude of a jubilee or centennium, a whole nation becomes

agitated over the event and expends its energy in the erection of statues, monuments,

and other memorial designs to commemorate the occasion. I venture to assert that

during the recent jubilee year of the reign of Queen Victoria more statues and

memorials were raised in England than will be erected there in the next hundred

years, unless some other equally notable event occurs; and that not for another century

will America be thrown into the same feverish state of activity and display she has

just gone through in her series of centennial celebrations. Yet both England and

America were just as great and flourishing in the years that preceded those showy

commemorative ones, and will, it is to be hoped, be even greater and more flourishing

for untold years to come. Future archeologists, however, may be deceived by the

preponderating number of monuments erected during those two eventful years, and

declare that at those periods, respectively, England and America attained the summit

of its glory.

PREPONDERANCE OF DATES IN THE NINTH CYCLE. 145

Now, in Maya chronology, the 9th cycle of the 54th great cycle embraced a date, an

event, an occasion, an anniversary, a conjuncture—I cannot find a word to express

exactly what I mean—more significant and momentous than anything we can conceive

of as possible to happen in our national annals or in the history of the world. It was

a point at which all the multitudinous periods of their different styles of reckoning,

except the cycle and great cycle, came to an end and began anew. ‘The conjuncture

could occur only at intervals of 18,720 years. Even then, others would not have the

importance of this particular occurrence ; for, in addition to being a terminal and

beginning point of all the periods, this one marked the commencement of the last

quarter of their grand era—280,800 years had passed; there was only a trifle of

93,600 years more to be got over before their grand: period would have run its course.

The importance of this particular occasion kept Copan, Quirigua, Menché and Tikal

in a state of agitation for fifty years before and after; that is, they had a whole century

of jubilation instead of a single brief year. Even as long as a hundred and fifteen

years before, a stela went up telling that this chronological circus was coming, how

long it would be before it arrived, and what periods would intervene and round them-

selves out meanwhile. But it was not till many years later that these advance agents,

as it were, began to come thick and fast. Then all sorts of bill-boards—monuments,

altars and dead-walls—were erected and placarded all over with posters stating that

the greatest show for 18,720 years was at hand, and what periods would end and begin

again, and what other wonderful feats of chronological jugglery would be performed.

The occasion itself finally came, and the fact of its beg the end-all and beginning-all

of nearly everything is duly chronicled on stela, altar and wall. The performance

appears to have been perfectly satisfactory and well worth the price of admission, as

our modern journals would say. But do not think that the excitement ended with the

actual occurrence. As for fifty years and more before they had been loud in the

announcement that it would presently come, so for fifty years and more after they were

vociferous in the statement that it had just gone. Then they appear to have become

calm again. The great event had passed far enough behind to no longer agitate them,

and the people of the Archaic empire resumed the even tenor of their way.

With all the agitation and excited activity which appear to have characterized this

jubilee period, it must not be supposed that the numerous memorial monuments and

inscriptions which resulted have nothing but a bald relevancy to the principal event.

The schoolmaster got abroad and improved the opportunity to get im some good work

for educational purposes. Some of the inscriptions of this period are almost complete

text-books of their periods and methods of computing time. If the schoolmaster had

had a more concise graphic style, or had had more space for the exercise of even the

diffusive one he possessed, and time had not laid its destroying fingers on his work,

there would be little left in the inscriptions for us to puzzle over. As it is, it is

evident enough that these inscriptions—whether on steli, altars, walls or altar-pieces

144 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS,

—are not mere calendars or records of what kind soever. In addition to supporting

objects of adoration and supplying necessary chronological information, they explain

the rules and practice of mathematics and chronology, and were undoubtedly the means

by which the Maya youth were taught; so we must conclude that temple, stela, altar,

or whatever bore an inscription, was designed to meet alike religious, educational,

business and all other public requirements.

That there was an extraordinary stimulus to monument building during the 9th

cycle on account of the remarkable calendar conjuncture that occurred in it, is attested

by several independent considerations. I have explained elsewhere that at Palenque

the periods were reckoned from a different starting-point, so that the date I have been

discussing as of such moment to Copan, Quirigua and other cities was of no importance

to Palenque. Hence, no mention is made of it in any of the inscriptions of that city,

although most of them traverse it, or approach to within a few years of it. The initial

dates of Palenque—by which I mean the date indicating the era when the inscription

was made—move along undisturbed by any excitement over an epoch-marking event,

as if such an occurrence must have been far off in their chronology. One is in the

12th cycle of the 53rd great cycle, two are in the Ist cycle of the 54th great cycle, one

in the 9th cycle, and the other in the 3rd cycle of the 55th grand cycle. That is—

speaking generally, without regard to the difference in katuns and ahaus—they were

relatively 2, 8 and 7 cycles apart. In Quirigua there are two unperturbed initial

dates, one at the beginning of the Ist katun of the 9th cycle of the 54th great cycle

and the other in the 3rd cycle of the 55th great cycle—7 cycles apart. And in Copan

there is one stela dated in the 13th or beginning cycle of the 55th great cycle.

The foregoing instances are enough to show that in their normal state of mind the

old Mayas were not constantly putting up monuments wholesale. As the range, too,

covers a period of over five thousand years, it demonstrates pretty conclusively that the

9th cycle of the 54th great cycle could not have been their only era of prosperity and

grandeur. They were simply stimulated to unwonted activity during that cycle by a

remarkable commemorative occasion—just as England was in the year of the Queen’s

jubilee and America at her centennium.

Of course, all the monuments have not been -preserved or discovered, and I have not

had time to examine entirely what have been photographed or to thoroughly study

even those I have seen; but, taking the result of my conclusions from those I have

studied, and applying the principle of general average to the rest, I have arrived at

the conviction I have attempted to explain in this chapter.

145

RRO IBYAC BYE Ey aE ReAC ee ACPD DIU RAM I ONE OlE eee

ARCHAIC MAYA CIVILIZATION.

Ir is impossible at present to fix exactly the era of the Archaic Maya nation,

and it will forever remain so unless some inscription be found that brings their

chronology into accord and aligns it with that of the Yucatecs, Cakchiquels, or some

other of the modern branches. The chance for such a discovery 1s slight, but it is not

altogether hopeless. The people of the great Votanic empire were not extinguished

absolutely ; they were dispersed; and at some point intermediate between their

original home and the places where they reappeared as separate nationalities may yet

be found records marking the various stages of transition between the different

calendars.

But, though no precise determination of the period in which they flourished can be

made, I think it possible to approximate very closely to it. There are several indices

to guide us in such an attempt. In the first place, the inscriptions themselves show

that Palenque, Copan, Quirigua, Menché, and Tikal were contemporaneous, at least at

some stage in the existence of each. There is not an instance of diversity in all their

calendars ; their dates are all correlative, and in most of the records parallel each other.

From this is deducible the important fact that—whether a single empire, a federation,

or separate nations—they were a homogeneous people, constituting the grandest native

civilization in the Western Hemisphere of which there is any record. Yet when the

Spaniards arrived upon this theatre of prehistoric American grandeur, there was not

only no powerful nation extant but no tradition or memory of former national greatness.

The very sites of the ancient capitals were unmentioned, nameless, unknown. ‘This

obliviousness could not result from the passage of a few score or a few hundred years.

It could only come in the wake of a period that had outlasted the patience and reten-

tiveness of even aboriginal minds. Next, Dr. Otto Stoll, the distinguished comparative

linguist, who has made a special study of the Maya dialects, states that the Cakchiquel

language, one of the most nearly affined to that of the Tzentals, who at present occupy

the central seat of the extinct empire, is yet different enough to require a period of at

least two thousand years to account for the divarication. ‘This points to a remote date

of separation, though indefinite. Thirdly, we find in the Yucatec chronicles a definite

indication, singularly in keeping with Dr. Stoll’s estimate. All the Xiu chronicles

begin with a record of the migration of their ancestors, in two great bodies about two

hundred and forty years apart, from some region to the westward. From long and

BIOL. CENTR.-AMER., Archeeol. 19

146 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

careful study of the annals I have come to the conclusion that these migrations took

place respectively about 353 and 115 years before the beginning of our era. That this

migration could have come from the Archaic nation only is proved by the identity of

the graphic system of the Yucatecs with that of Palenque, Copan, Quirigua, and other

cities of the central region—a system found nowhere to the north, south, or west of it.

Even to this day the Yucatec language is more closely allied to that of the Tzentals

and Zotzils of that same region than to any of the other numerous Maya dialects.

That the Yucatec calendar and chronological system differ in several respects from

those of the Archaic cities is not a final or even grave objection to this theory, but

only what under the circumstances might be expected. The Xius found the Cocoms

and Itzas, older offshoots of the Maya race, already in possession of Yucatan, and

appear always to have acted a subordinate part to them in subsequent history. It is

not unlikely, therefore, that they changed their methods of computing time so as to

conform to those of their superiors; or the change may have been made for some

reason not evident to us; but that they did change their methods there can be no

doubt, and that too shortly after their contact with the other nations. Two of their

chronicles distinctly state that at a time equivalent to about the 257th year of our

era ‘‘ Pop was put in order.” The statement can refer only to a re-arrangement of their

calendars, for the calendars themselves had been in existence for unknown centuries ;

hence, these records probably denote the time at which they changed their chrono-

logical methods to conform to those of their neighbors. Our best hope of correlating

the calendars lies in the discovery of some record made by the Xius in their new home

previous to this change.

If this argument should be rejected and the divergence of the calendars be insisted

upon as an insuperable obstacle to my theory, I will retreat to the invincible position

behind the graphic systems, and ask in what other quarter can be found such an

identity. There can be but one candid reply—nowhere. Yet a graphic system is the

very thing most likely to persist. Empires have been dismembered and become

separate nations with different languages and institutions, their original alphabet being

the only thing retained by them in common. The scattered branches of the English

race have changed many systems more radically than the difference in question, yet

have held throughout to a common graphic one. So with the migrating Tutul Xius.

Whether the changes in their calendars originated with themselves or were made in

conformity to the usages of fellow-nations, is immaterial, since the persistency of habit

vindicated itself in the retention of their native graphic system—if not, indeed, of their

pure mother tongue.

Assuming, then, as I think there is just ground for doing, that the Tutul Xiu

exodus took place from the Archaic empire, it is next in order to inquire into the

probable causes of it. Such manifest dispersion of a people as these two great

migrations show, would not be likely to occur except at the breaking up of some great

ERA AND DURATION OF ARCHAIC MAYA CIVILIZATION. 147

nation; for the Mayas were in no sense nomadic, their instinct everywhere seeming

to be to cling to their homes until driven from them by force or disaster. What was

the cause of the disruption can only be conjectured. The little gleanable from the

barren field of Yucatec history discloses three causes that at different times powerfully

affected their national existence, any one of which if intensified, under the conditions

then existing, might account for the extinction of a far superior civilization. The first

of these was invasion by savage hordes; the second, devastation by earthquakes,

tornadoes or pestilence ; the third and most important—the one that had destroyed

all of power and glory in Yueatec civilization years before the coming of the Spaniards

—was domestic war. The first two of these causes would operate quickly, and might

suddenly arrest a people at the very height of their prosperity; the last would be of

slower effect, requiring a century, or even centuries, perhaps, to bring about the final

downfall—but, whatever the duration of the period, it would be one of decadence.

There would be no rearing of cities or temples, progress being arrested in every

direction except that of the nation consuming itself. The chronicles tell of no city

founded in Yucatan later than Mayapan. For five hundred years thereafter the nation

was too busily engaged in self-destruction to find time to build cities.

Whichever of the causes indicated occasioned the downfall and dispersion of the

great Archaic nation, it must have had its full benumbing and repressive effect before

the first of the migrations recorded in the Yucatec chronicles, so that we need look

for no evidence of improvement subsequent to that date. The fact of the migrations

having been over two hundred years apart points pretty directly to internal dissension

as the cause of dispersion, though the later comers may have been a discouraged

remnant that had struggled on through those years hoping to overcome the evils of

pestilence or natural calamities. But, in either event, it may safely be assumed that

no cities or temples or other monuments of pride and prosperity were reared subse-

quently to the first migration. How long before it all such activities may have ceased,

it is impossible to say; but as in other instances dispersion has not often lagged tardily

behind its cause, we may assume that the decline of the Archaic cities followed swiftly

upon their attaimment to the proudest pitch of glory, the stage at which the fatal

brood—jealousy, rivalry and ambition—that comes forth for the undoing of nations,

appears always to be hatched. Therefore, taking everything into consideration, I think

if the latest initial dates of the Archaic monuments are put a hundred years, say, ahead

of the time of the first Xiu migration, we shall not be more than a century out of the

way in respect to the ancient chronology, and probably not that far.

Particular emphasis is intended to be laid upon ‘ initial” dates in the foregoing

estimate. There are two kinds of dates in the Archaic inscriptions. ‘The dates of one

character, and those of most frequent occurrence, appear in the body of the texts, and

designate the points from or to which the reckonings extend. Sometimes they are but

a day apart; at others, they are a few months or years; while occasionally a flight is

148 THE ARCHAIC MAYA INSCRIPTIONS.

made over thousands of years and back again, with the ease and swiftness with which

in Eastern story the couch of the prince is transported by genii. ‘These dates have no

significance beyond their relation to other dates and the corresponding reckonings.

But with the other class—the initial dates, as Maudslay has very appropriately

named them—it is quite different. The inscription on nearly every temple, stela, and

altar, begins with one of them, reciting the great cycle, cycle, katun, ahau, chuen,

month and day. Such conspicuousness and circumstantiality, in my estimation, could

have but a single purpose—that of recording the date at which the monument was

erected. Some of the stele have different initial dates on opposite sides, but in these

instances one date is reckoned from the other, the later one undoubtedly designating

the time of dedication. J think there is nothing we can assume with more assurance

of certainty than that these initial series mark the date of erection of the respective

monuments.

Taking this for granted also, we will turn to the inscriptions and see to what these

conclusions lead. ‘The latest initial date is found on a stela at Quirigua. It is

55—3—19—2—18 x 20—7 Ahau-18 Pop. That is 2,840 years subsequent to the

average of initial dates in the other Quirigua inscriptions. ‘The next latest initial date

is on a restored stairway in one of the temples of Palenque. It is 55 —3—18—12—

15x12—8 Eb-15 Pop. That is 7,082 years later than the earliest initial dates at

Palenque. ‘These are long periods; but the limit is not yet reached. In the museum

at Leyden is the misnamed “ Yucatec” stone, exhumed in digging a cut on the line

between British Honduras and Guatemala, about a hundred miles from Copan. It is

a thin slab of jadite, about a foot long and four inches wide, if my recollection of it is

correct. Both sides are inscribed in rather a rude manner, the rudeness apparently

being more attributable to the hardness of the stone than to a lack of skill in the

artist. The carving on the front represents a warrior trampling an enemy under his

feet. The stone, therefore, is evidently a memorial of some victory or conquest. The

inscription on the back consists of an initial date in the Archaic form and characters.

It is 53—8—14—3—1 x 12—1 Eb-—5 Zac. That is 8,583 years anterior to the latest

initial date in Quirigua. Now, if in accordance with my theory respecting the era of

the Archaic cities, the 2,348 years that have elapsed since that Quirigua date was

made be added to the above period, we shall arrive at the time when that ancient

Maya conqueror trod his enemies under foot—10,731 years ago—the oldest historical

date in the world.

Such a vast stretch of national existence as these.dates indicate somehow Jars upon

our sense of propriety and makes us distrust the evidence. But the figures are there ;

and, unless at some time past they changed character so that they could lie, we must

accept the startling revelation. After all, it is only unwont and example by which

we are staggered. As to the proposition itself, there is no demonstrated reason why a

nation should not exist a million years as well asa hundred. National existence is

ERA AND DURATION OF ARCHAIC MAYA CIVILIZATION. i49

analogous to all other forms of life. At first there is the long period of growth,

during which the whole tendency is to vigor and unification; then comes the season

of maturity, the duration of which is about equally dependent upon the nature of the

subject and the environing conditions ; after that the whole tendency is toward decay

and disintegration, which commonly take place in the briefest period of all. We are

apt to judge only from the ephemeral existence of modern nations surrounded by

co-equal antagonists. As our glance goes back, however, we see longer and longer

stretches, tillin Egypt we find one almost commensurate with that of the ancient

Mayas.

Let us, finally, consider for a moment the possibilities of duration for that Maya

empire. The Mayas were a primitive, pure-blooded, united people. No ancestral

prejudices or racial jealousies could spring between them. Whatever tendencies there

were dependent on the inscrutable laws of nature must all have been in common.

They were strong in numbers, and stronger still by their great and solitary enlighten-

ment. They occupied a territory that is practically a fortress. To the east, south, and

west there is not area enough to harbor savage foes in numbers that would have been

formidable even if coalesced, and to the north, if necessary, they could oppose their

united forces. No other great nation ever occupied so secure a position. Hence, the

question of danger from outside sources is practically eliminated from the problem of

their national existence. Their unity of origin, the simple numeral worship indicated

by their monuments, the civic spirit to be inferred from the absence of all warlike

insignia in the inscriptions, point unmistakably to a happy, contented, peaceful state

of internal affairs, akin to brotherhood. Under such conditions, how long might not

a nation endure? We go back ten thousand years and find them then civilized.

What other tens of thousand years may it have taken them to reach that stage?

From the time of the abrupt termination of their inscriptions, when all suddenly

becomes a blank, back to that remote first date, the apparent gradations in the growth

of their civilization are so gradual as to foreshadow a necessity for their 280,800

recorded years to reach the point of its commencement. Manifestly, we shall have to

let out the strap that confines our notion of history. The field of native nationality in

America promises, when fully explored, to reveal dates so remote that it will require a

wider mental range to realize them,

BIOL. CENTR.-AMER., Archieol. 20

NCL ATG VAIN NIDA GAVESNIDAIRS

Seoee

THE use to be made of this calendar is too self-evident to require explanation.

The numerals of the day Ahau are put in bolder type to assist the eye in looking for

any given date. If the day named be not Ahau itself, it is made relative to it by the

odd days of the chuen count, so that the position of that day in the month is always

the first thing to be ascertained.

I have put Ik at the head of the days because it is nearest to Kan of any of the

Archaic dominicals, and because the Oaxacan calendar shows a tendency toward

retrogression in the order of the days. There is no good reason, however, why any of

the other dominicals may not have been the first. In fact, the frequent and peculiar

use of Caban in the inscriptions and its standing as the unit of the numeral series

constituted by the day symbols would appear to go far toward justifying an assumption

that it was the initial day; but the former circumstance may be only a chance

happening, and the latter may attach to the remote pre-Archaic era when the year

began with the month Chen; so that neither of these considerations, nor the significant

recurrence of Manik in certain places, has had weight enough to induce me to change

the order originally adopted ; nor will it be worth while to alter it until some style

of reckoning from the beginning of the annual calendar is discovered not in harmony

with the present arrangement.

For all ordinary purposes the point of beginning is of no importance, since the

annual calendar is only an orderly rotation of the days until each of them with

the same numeral has occupied the seventy-three places allotted to it in the year—

20 *13=260 x 73=18,980 days, or 52 years—when the same succession begins anew.

From this it will be seen that unless a count by sub-calendar periods be discovered

the matter of its beginning is of no consequence, apart from the satisfaction we

experience at any definite knowledge.

The plan of numerating the days of the month is explained in a preceding section.

BIOL. CENTR.-AMER., Archzeol. B

“qakeg

10 || 20

“nyuny)

qakeg

“nyumng

“qudeyy

‘XBd

“quinyy

> |

“UBD AT |

“xXBq

“ULpUe yy

“UBL YA

‘u Yue

‘ORT

3 | 10

00)

“ORIN

8; 2) 9| 3/10| 4

3 | 10

5|12/ 6/13] 7

OUT,

Fal

‘XB

‘ORT

att htf@) |

“XU

wy) |

lst YEAR.

“ULTXB |

TOW

2nd YEAR.

ULE]

wItoxe

5 | 12

5|12/ 6/13

ARCHAIC ANNUAL CALENDAR.

‘0aZJ,

8| 2| 9} 3/10; 4/11

‘2107,

“DOZT,

“diz |

5 | 12

6|13)| 7

| 13

Names of

the months.

2| 9} 3/10; 4/|11

| 11

Names of

the days.

Akbal

Oekekeasegece

Names of

the months.

Names of

the days.

Lamat ......

Muluc ......

OGiss: Beneess:

Ezenab ......

INTENT, conpoosos

AD ee dob iaedeeee

BON Wallis weeeesenesee

QE|| USEWN seovaecce

3 | Chicchan ...

4 | Cimi ......

5 | Manik .....

6 | Lamat ......

7 | Muluc ......

9 | Chuen

HKD: || 19) sccoosouenee

11 | Ben

14 | Cib

15 | Caban

16 | Ezenab ......

17 | Cauac

1S) Ahaueeeeseeee

21O5\ Wemnixye eee ee

20 | Manik ......

4 | Chuen

8 | Men .........

9 | Cib

10 | Caban

147), Ymix .........

25.4/ les. cageoseee

16 | Akbal

Elallwekan eerie

6 | Ben

18 | Chicchan ...

LOM Cimileeeeee

| SQ SQ Sets) SO

3rp YEAR.

ARCHAIC ANNUAL CALENDAR,

..| 10

SOR NN SSS See & oe oS

‘qodug | NRAaa nm ‘going | oC) Fh ON aly) Sey

mayen | BS BES el Bw) a Go a ts GS mayging | onnegeod

‘quay | FURAN DW OOM HDARSAA DHA © S ‘quivy Ne AA

xed | sae BS as Ao aoe SN Ue Bo RS OAS “xe 2 ON DAS

“wen Pa ECON he So ee Fa gai aie ‘un S a) ey Cue

vupjueyy | GC SSID RoE CS CAS) 108 Gel ToleiGy Go Sl RC Cos ‘ULURyy FOR wo OD

oe CoS) (5) SY Gel tol Gl Go Gp te Se ee S oi Gt ae mi “OVAL Shel Oi Gs) tat CU

‘yan Dee oO SEE 5D OO We NC MIR Ooh Yyag nm 410 O &

wy) PP SAN RIAD ADEN BOSE AA A a, SUS Tenaliarc

‘XOT ESO SIE tS) Er SCD) Stef GY Go ta i) Go SS) te) KS) a Dane Nn typ ob

"Uay{9 SS 6b Gc Gl esi = Sle oe a ae ecw SOSS RE

‘OW So Ne ON DS ce wy co S OW AN m gy 10 ©

“use PSC eO Ge gQar qo vs eka eS Eq HT cuppeeg Soe =

1x | TRAwo wT GON DASA A DAN FT “nx | Ro4oA EY + wv

PEYAR ROSE SG] SW) Gi Ge suet Ses Gre Dan], onaogor

“L407, Sl ey ey a GO Si) @ & 8 & © eG a oa a ‘2407, ON Gey tI @] G0 SS

“dy | BSS) ish GU Be NC GOS SS ES eye “yg | won DM 2S

on Sie) GY G4 tel ©Y Go Sil [fy Sh C9 Gs Si PG Gr eG) Go on | Tet CO eS CCS

dog | mato en nase ag anaynon aa dog | Won OO NR © &

2 bg ee se s8 fo,

3 o8 : Bea ae ; : ag Si Bee

soles ce en f i iad (222 e tke |: fl isgiaae

a |"“egeatesedeasusesde deed “ag |8* 38328 2

SO OR SERS Sse ss os age | Tae osss

Muluc ......

Oe ese

Chuen

Be LD i sees sec +:

16 | Ben

1b a A Aa Re ee

Saleen: .c-o3-:

| 19 | Cib

Cine

10 | Manik ......

amateeee,

Chicchan ...

6 | Akbal

TO Kantesesee

RQ Fs

“qakeg

“qade

“nyuinyy

“nyuany)

“qedeyy

5 |\12

‘qeivy

“xe q

“xeq |

URN]

URN

“ULY UB

“ULUEYy

“OV TAL

ye)

199

sy,

“XB

5 | 12

8; 2;9; 3|10| 4/11

aca)

07,

“xB

“wey —)

“T°

‘TON

5TH YEAR.

“ULYXB |

6TH YEAR.

“UL XBT

PX |

ARCHAIC ANNUAL CALENDAR.

“oaZJ, |

‘DaZ J,

"2407, |

5 |12/ 6/13 | 7

"24077,

“diz

on |

N 6

10; 4/11

Names of

the months.

Names of

the days.

Akbal

Oc ese ee

Bent eeseees

Names of

the months.

the days.

Names of

Damat) -.5.:

Oceans

1 a eeectodceS

20) (alee Man essene

2a leKtantrereeeer

5 | Manik ......

6 | Lamat ......

7 | Mulue

3 | Chicchan ...

ya Cimieeeeeeree

9 | Chuen

HO \ ID) oooodooonas

13 | Men .........

14 | Cib

15 | Caban

16 | Ezenab ......

17 | Cauac

18 | Ahau.........

199 Nanixeeeeee

DOW Use) ee hes

20 | Manik ......

2) Muluc ......

4 | Chuen

6 | Ben

10 11

8}; 2|9|3|10/ 4/11; 5/12); 6/13; 7] 1

5 | 12

10 11

6 |13 | 7

Ezenab ......

8 | Men .........

@ |) Chi cooaseaones

10 | Caban

12 | Cauac

Ua) Ahauleenerceee

LY | Wamix yo e.eeoes

TSE LAA Spears

16 | Akbal

FUP NGI bhaosone

18 | Chicchan ...

19)|RCimileeeectess

“qokeq |

2 (29

nyu) |

AQ 4

“nyoiny) |

“qe dey |

‘qoke

N ©

“XBT |

‘qedny

“UB TAL |

5 | 12

“XUq

“ULL UBS

“ORT |

8| 2/9; 3|10) 4

“UBN A,

ULpUR Sy |

52) GS,

“ORIN |

‘OBZ,

“yap |

"xe |

D1i// |

arolite)

“XB

Tro YEAR.

TOW

uayD |

“ULYXB

5/12/ 6/13 7

8tH YEAR.

TON |

8; 2/9] 3/10; 4/11

11 |

UL]

ARCHAIC ANNUAL CALENDAR.

te)

A 6

NAN 4

2/}9/ 3/10) 4|11

Names of

the months.

Names of

the days.

Mens ea ccac

1b ch Peccereecee

Chicchan ...

| 13

11|/5|12/ 6|13| 7

2D) |) 11) crocaconsece

1 | Ben

6 | Ezenab ......

7 | Cauac

@) ll) VGr be coonoses

TON AVS Jcocounnsoce

11 | Akbal

|) INVENT ce cesocce

775i Wanike renee:

16)\ Gamat eee

17 | Muluc ......

F&3 || O® eocoaccc0ee

719 | Chuen

Names of

the months.

Names of

the days.

Cauac

INES pepocboon

Ther eeretaiees

Chuen

Chicchan ...

Cimeeeeeeee

Akbal

1 | Ezenab ......

20 | Caban

ie)

Te Kantescars

11 | Lamat ......

12 | Muluc ......

TBI OGxeevecses cert

(02) She epee

16 | Ben

TEP WIC Beeeenced

19 | Cib

Ta Ws oe. <ccca'e a

5 |12

5 | 12

8| 2|9;|3/|10;| 4|11

9TH YEAR.

ARCHAIC ANNUAL CALENDAR.

5 |12/ 6 |13/ 7

10/4/11

| 13

Names of

the days.

Ezenab ......

1 St sar ae

Lamat ......

Ocenia

SHRHN BH OR HADOHAHD SH © KH D

QV Ln |

“qoke yy es cee ee ee me eee ee ae “qokeg

. aN m# ine) a .

ageing | aA Ra A HOON HESOHARANG + nyung

: Fm ono q aH AN j

qedeyy Sun 8 mF oN HS qrdeyy

. SOT NM a oo SH re G ny .

sal SE eee ode eS Se Seige aq xq

“URN MHD CH HAOHAARMRHANAMYAHD OND OS | “uen yyy

. Co Oear N .

upjuy | Ne eg ead ae RCO ele SO ECD eS ON eC US upqueyy |

: AMA MON DAROHAM 4 © ca) 4

ov aaa Se - ony |

. DA OdOnHnN mM A .

u0 | Ge BG HOSTS Sh Sega gg ¥e0 |

: HA mm HO Oh Ha q n r :

987 ic ae fan oy Pun SoS OEE ony, |

. ~ @ ret G ine q 5 *y

x 2SSeGgiae Is Soho es Wy & es xv |

"Te ON AN Ne) =! 0 D

way) a8 20 ROBOT ARHAAMHAM SO = woy9 |

G om OD AN MH GS + B .

iN eee ee ae ic ea poe SIere O Fs ert |

So ie

. N 1 4 ine) Lal .

ULyXV A Etec aoa mance TS DIS ol OS oe OU cra 1 ao 4 ULyXe X

D wm OO L Daaonwnnm ine} oO Lal .

mx ~ DSS} GY) Ge nN Se ae eS Nx

. all co ney o Cay

dazy, 4a 7 x] Fw ON HDADANMRAAKN + oa |

. YwooEe ODO OH A ® FA .

2407, aaa RUE eS SOO, 2407,

. Hn mM om aA Ql’ oD in :

diz Ss eee See BOBS BS OS See eS aN, ce diy,

oo Fun Sm OO HA c

on ~ SHam AM FWD ON GQ ® on

. lor) ce OO rd

dog Se Go Ae vee Sega gaa dog |

a ee a : Log : a

‘a Wes : Sepa pet ae Be : : i : xf |

ae AES Sars Seerses : ; é 3 ; : ag

SS Ose es Oe CAGES aS ; j 2 = 2 9 68

BE soi og I Et Se Set ce : geo 5 |

8 3 = * ei eee : A SS ey |

3 Se reel Gey El fe) eI 3 ¢ S az) @ed 3

o Ss wd og Ct =} 2 o 2 we te) ‘=| o

a2 gq 4 ae] | a o a ® 4 im a N 8 7 2

es BHM ODSAH ZOCOR MR HS SCOR Oa as

SHRAWH OCR HEHASOHRA YH OK ODD

Q ANA NN ANNAN ON |

2) Mulue

4 | Chuen

Sallip Ment: Ses. 228:

9 | Cib

10 | Caban

6 | Ben

18 | Chiechan ...

UD) AP Opheatt Goodosore

20 | Manik ......

12 | Cauac

TS) \Niaulseecence

UA NGI oo cooses0

TIS || WO eeegoatoano| a

16 | Akbal

TH WV ER Loccusaae

ARCHAIC ANNUAL CALENDAR.

lita YEAR.

;

qokeg |

“ny uiny) |

“quary |

“XB |

“UBN YL |

“UD ILe SY |

“OR |

10 |

5 |12| 6/13) 7

‘ORY, |

“XU |

mtChire) |

TON |

“ULYXB A |

ies

8/ 2/9; 3/10; 4/11

i>)

6 |13 | 7

Names of

the months.

Names of

the days.

ixary ee en

Wen eee ae

Cauac

anitxpeceeee

Akbal

NEI ceogosese

Chuen

20) Wb) es ee.2e:

4 | Cib

5 | Caban

6 | Ezenab ......

&} || UAWEN osSencos

§)

HO) |\ VWs eooccceccoce

18 | Chicchan ...

TWP || COR cocccoone

15 | Manik ......

16>) Gamat x. --

ile) WETS spac

HEN NOGh.apajsecas

127TH YEAR.

“qadeg. |

“nya |

qvdvy |

“XB |

“UBL |

“UDLUB |

“ORT |

8/| 2/9/ 3/10) 411

Hil

“00 |

OUT, |

“xB

“ue |

var

ULTXT X

5 |12 |} 6 |13| 7

3/10; 4/11

6 | 13

.| 12

7) KS) |

Names of

the months.

Names of

the days.

Ezenab ......

Mpa eer)

Wet. eee secs!

iKanieseecee:

Chiechan ...

Cimiee eee:

Manik ......

Tiamat =..-..

Muluc ......

20 | Caban

2 | Cauac

Ih || NOW eee cesencs

6 | Akbal

16 | Ben

wif | 6 eee ed

28),\\ Mon 5.320000:

Cib

ARCHAIC ANNUAL CALENDAR.

13th YEAR.

“qo{ea |

“nyuany)y |

qedeyy

“xVq

“uenl

iat

‘uruey]

5 12) 6|13)| 7

“ORT

~9|

‘087, |

iat

“XB

“ued

‘TOW |

“ULE

8|/ 2|9) 3 |10/| 4/11

5 | 12

“OOZT,

‘2107,

5 |12| 6|13) 7

Names of

the months.

Names of

the days.

Akbal

Cimi .........

Muluce ......

OG ees ee

| IL

Ben

VGritbs soopnase

CAO) Gale taanoacoasenad

EO IES. ccoosescs

8 | Chicchan ...

5 | Manik

6) Tiamat) 2.-5-

9 | Chuen

HO) || V3) sgoqn0ncene¢

PO My eek ace

TEN IMIG, bassteco

14 | Cib

15 | Caban

16 | Ezenab ......

17 | Cauac

18 | Ahau.........

—14rH YEAR.

“qoke yy

“nywny)

“quény

“xX¥q |

“UBNTT

5 | 12

8/2;9/| 3

UUR yy

101

“ORT

aCe)

Oe,

“XB

5/12) 6 |13| 7

ULyXe

ENC

‘0aZ]],

‘2107,

“diz

5 | 12

8| 2|9/3|10} 4)11

‘dog

Names of

the months.

Names of

the days.

Mamatieneeee

Muluc

Oc fee ae

Ib coe Ae aMeanae

| Lal

Ezenab ......

Kano acc

20 | Manik ......

4 | Chuen

6 | Ben

Gl) WD conaseene

9 | Cib

10 | Caban

12 | Cauae

18 | Ahan.........

IWR, || Grabs casacce

15) (M2. Feoacee hes

16 | Akbal

18 | Chicchan ...

29) \Cimil pee

*qoke |

“qokeg |

yung |

yung, |

‘qedey |

i |

5 |12 |...

quiey |

*xeq |

“X¥d |

“UeN AL |

“Ul UR yy |

“UBNT |

“ULL UR yy |

“ORAL |

“ORT |

yW20

“OR,

a |

‘OBZ |

8/2) 9}/ 3/10] 4/\11

“XB |

“udu

TOW. |

“ustf) |

‘TOW |

15ta YEAR.

“ULXT

5 | 12

l6ta YEAR.

“ULXB A

gLUXe

ARCHAIC ANNUAL CALENDAR,

“D9Z I, |

THX |

“ZYO7,

5 |}12/ 6|13) 7

10; 4/11

Names of

the months.

Ben

Tyo eeses

Akbal

Kan ..

Names of

the months.

EAD) |) UD) soocosccooce

BP IWIN Gacccaoes

4 | Cib

5 | Caban

6 | Ezenab ......

7 | Cauac

SaPAh sauna

{) || GINS snccesec

LON Wilke wooeetcas ees

18 | Chicchan ...

La Cimitesacccoe

Smale ania eae

US. || IUESENS Sacco

17 | Muluc ..

SMOG irene

19 | Chuen ......

aye

6 | 13

5/12) 6/13] 7

3 | 10

5 | 12

8/2) 9) 3/10} 4/11

6|13 | 7

BIOL. CENTR.-AMER., Archeol.

Chuen

5 ||! 101) cecreneoocod

Cib

Mialuciep sees

16 | Ben

Manik ......

Lamat ......

go g

§x 3

aS ‘a

1 | Ezenab ......

PN NGG S sseceace

Tee ed. oeces.

6 | Akbal

FN IKCaTT ese aeee

8 | Chicchan ...

TES || WGI er Bpddene

AN Seco se seeks:

iy]

13 |

“qadeg

ali

“nywny)

- 11

‘10

“qadkeg

“nyurny)

*qedeyy

10 |.

Ale

“xUg

“qeivy

URN]

“xBq

vuryuey |

“UBn YT

“ULLUR

“OB TAL

5 |12| 6 |13 | 7

20)

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8/ 2/9; 3/10) 4+1-4.).

‘OBZ

5 | 12

ate)

"XU

“ORT,

“ust

“XB

‘PI

‘uaTp

5 | 12

lita YEAR.

“Ure

‘TON

18tH YEAR.

ULE

8); 2); 9/3/10) 4}11

5 |12| 6/13 7

ARCHAIC ANNUAL CALENDAR.

“O0Z J,

5 | 12

{UK

“2407,

‘OaZ J,

5 | 12

“2407,

o | &

“diy |

‘dog |

9; 3|10; 4/11

Names of

the months.

Names of

the days.

Akbal

Kian eeesseee

(Oye ce aotonan

Ben

NAN 4

5/12) 6|13| 7

EXD) || 0's) Seeaooobaaes

3 | Chicchan ...

JEN (OmhsYt sonscopoo

5 | Manik

6 | Lamat

7 | Mulue

9 | Chuen

GD) ||, JBR) Sopnaoocsoo

18 | Men ...:.....

EB (Oh )oocooseeace

15 | Caban

16 | Ezenab ......

Dial A Canacieenssan

Names of

the months.

Names of

the days.

Ihamatiescees

Muluc

Oc ......

18 Qieetargeuatee

Ezenab ......

(Cauaceneeeeee

TSH eAthaueeeecces

TKD | Natt be oanacaqoe

20 | Manik ......

Sa)

|) Cre Sccccodouss

10 | Caban

8 | Men .........

4 | Chuen

6 | Ben

LOW Tky Hatem

16 | Akbal

213) Ahaus. 2 .5..

FEE MG rtub-ecieone

10 11

4 | 11

.| 10

18 | Chiechan

TY | Orwaan ogennon

Ui7ey mony este

| 12

| 18

| 11

5 \12

8| 2} 9/]3|10/ 4/11

19th YEAR.

ARCHAIC ANNUAL CALENDAR.

6 /12/ 6/13) 7

10| 4 |11

.| 12

.| 13

Names of

the days.

Manik

ENVEN cpeona soe

| SHRHYH OCR HASHROH YH SR HD |

XQ Wa) lst Ssh SS St ap Se TR RT OR

qoeg | AQ ot x 1D © : “qos |

. a: 4H nm A Won DAOHAMHA q

nq | Be Sp etoretire ox 1] Si 5 (| f=) fat cl nyu |

g HA m aw oO RN ow: Petia. oe: Fo Ook :

quiey | OY, GO: Suk tay © ORS ap epee Oe Ge query |

a = oo Oo N% qn ;

xg | RO Se a ee Nite ste ee xv |

¢ oo 4 ~ OoonHa rH Yo) q

uenyy | 29 Nm tH 1 © (v0) SH Am Am Hw wen |

0 Rey 0 oad a 7 A Ha i

upqueyy | pC 3S} bi] oleae) a Se By Sek ee Sr Sea upjueyy |

q am 4 Par) 1 O = oD 19 j

oy | 44 & Ss S Sere ese BL Se ont |

a a) qa 4 ei é

W20 | 1» OO PES ES ESTO NM m0 ON DRO TF 199 |

don 7m 4 oF C :

‘ong | re a 6 a HOO mF DATAANARANM S oe7, |

' 1D oO NM So a m HN bt OO :

xu | PR ANS Goes LIS) Ss (aa x0 |

6 SHAMHA™M HO” 7m 4 :

way | SiieleN bese FISCHNDASAARAA way |

. om oun © k& CO OD AQ © 4 We) .

ren | Re ietafcte Gal aes She Severe aah Gea trl TOW

(=>

: o2OoHA DM ;

ups | Huta tedenesy pe OU GO SK fe Re CaCO 2) af boa tol © N ups |

‘ Nm Hm OR DO oA mM HAM Oo hm :

ny | Onas Wwe mx

io/0) ow NN *# a

oan | PSOANMRANYM HH ONDER A MH oon, |

207, | AND WON DHMOANRHAAM H HOR 707, |

: mMOAOROHA ;

ayy | = Sa ay eet, SAG SOT Soh DOS COS) tet TSS sor) dy |

RAHN Hw OR ror) 4 oF

on | q Ve SPE ea eel la Soe ae SO on |

OnMDAOHA

dog | Sf ey) OY Oe} GY “Gd Sone) Bo 9) EN SY eI dog |

B B19 Pe Se Bog 8 SR = Rea OBS AD ;

63 Ss : Tape! ee 9 Rina PaaS oe

28 2S : Be Cita Bhat SE eee ees oe

yt : el Ooo wy ¢ te Datei se sa) FI =i

oe BS aeeee GGL ch fy dal Bed} ep oa ey ee ® EE

2 | es 2 & ROIESIC RSH FIC BG BRO BG B= = IC we

PRK SOOM SAH A ae Oo: 6's 8 se $5: a

SHRDASH GH HYHSHADW SW OA YD D

R : ae

8 | Chicchan ...

QC imieeeeee

YR NGS re scconce

5 |

6 | Akbal

Th EY, Serra sy.

1 | Ezenab ......

P| CORN ETE srecase

TED VG Saeppcee

LOB Ciboenceccotes:

SBS COS reese se

Tf VAS aes ieee cee

20 | Caban

i eamateesese

16 | Ben

Hey

“qokeyy |

“qodeg |

“nyuany |

“nyung |

qedey |

sqedvy |

“xeq |

“xed |

5 | 12

“UBUYAL |

“Ueny,

“ULUeYy |

“ULUe yy |

“ORT |

ace) |

w9|

087 |

5 |\12| 6|13| 7

‘OR,

“XB |

‘xB |

“UOT |

3 | 10.

TON |

TOWN |

21st YEAR.

URE A

22npd YEAR.

ULC K

{MDC |

TeX

‘2aZJ],

5 | 12

“08ZT, |

ARCHAIC ANNUAL CALENDAR.

“2407,

8|/ 2| 9/3/10; 4/11

"2407,

“diz

"diz |

NAN @

5 | 12

.| 10

.| 12

13 7

Names of

the months.

the days.

Names of

Akbal

iKantieeceerene

OGRE

aN ESSN Gagagpdon

Names of

the months. | 5‘|

a} p

Names of

the days.

Lamat ......

Ezenab ......

Oon sees.

3 | Chicchan ...

JAN (Cri: Soqoosoa0

5 | Manik

6) ||elamat fie.

9 | Chuen

GK) |) 1095 oegccone0000

11 | Ben

14 | Cib

15 | Caban

16 | Ezenab ......

17 | Cauac

Sh eA auyereeceere

TI) NGI 5op0n006

20 | Manik ......

2 | Muluc

S | Men .........

9 | Cib

10 | Caban

4 | Chuen

Gale Benweenecte

12 | Cauac

8| 2; 9; 3|10|} 4)11

5 | 12

5|12| 6|13| 7

12 13

10 11

9; 3j/10/ 4|11

.| 12

WGadkb< psonosacs

TI} |! INGEN snganoce

HB ST el Eicoeen

16 | Akbal

TYAN AIKEN We Rone aa oe

18 | Chicchan ...

LON i Cimileee eee

ARCHAIC ANNUAL CALENDAR,

23rd YEAR.

| 20

|| 16

8/ 2/9; 3/10

3 | 10

5 |12| 6|13/ 7

8} 2| 9/3/10; 4|11

.| 10

Names of

the days.

Cimieeeeeee

Lamat ......

Chuen

Cauac

A fee pecer ade

| SHRHTH ORDA OHARA SH OH OD |

iy} St Sb Sh St SS SSP SE TRY RP OY

‘gata | ORES COR CEES : oar |

: 4 ¢ = oo 4 oD 10

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j tar) 1D OR OD =

° c) ec OoiNr 7

xu | AAAraAnwToeOnDaGHAgi ans svg |

i on 0a oOo

unt | SI 83 @ G9 9 GS) fey QI Gq tl CI GO SI tS © fb S wen |

F No ROAOHAMHAN ¢

upquny | SS) Sh See eleuaed SE 3 eS} & upqueyy |

: : 1000 4 (2 1D OO RO :

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0 o Ha 7 oo wOKRDRAOHAMHAN ;

0 | SS ea rs aC en OY v | Nee)

g oc) oa) HAMHAM 1D OO RO ;

ony, | nN Fo ON 2 © gO) & x ony,

= Oo 4a 7 9

| OO oe Get OO Ob OS OO ee aa 5 UX

. et aN Mm mw .

uot | CI} 6) Sil t) @ 9 @) S Et Gy Ge No Fw Oo NS SI una |

0 no 4 oo 19 0 & Ha ™ g

vert | r eS St Ses ES SoS Soe Se ease joa} rt |

= i=)

ups | RANA MHA WON DNAOANRANM 4H 1 © ah “ULySt

Om DD 4A - © 0 & =

mx | SASS Sas see Oeces See = Se) & wx |

Nm ec co a

oan, | nN No FW WON MD ACHARANH 4 0 oan, |

1D Oo mh DO O a

707, | o Qe SQ) 9 O Or OS ae Se nor, |

4 Nm A

ayy | aN AMHAW ON DAOCHANMHAD 4 ay |

Fm OonDROH ood on 1

on | © a & a = oma S on |

=) @) Go

Gil Se At Ves Hoh Gos gan ae dog |

ony Fa oe, : g 5 8 8 Bp fo 8 8 8 3 ay 4

od oo : 5 Shee al eas! 5 . 5 ord

28 e = : Ss Bp 8 Pasig ae aes : a

ee | gs : Ae See 8 ow. el © 2 BE

Se lesa fy Gea ae Gel Ge EG Be o be

+s D2 8 8 id a. Q A

é | AAH eA Soe oOAaAr a aM SO ee aos ee

| SHARD H CAH ADCHRA YH OR DOD

NX TS) Ssh tS SS TS} AS SP TRE USP MS

8 | Chicchan ...

Th) Oo eercenertene

TE MA eerenconreoe

16 | Ben

dU? \| 8 Coedeernnene

18) | Wem. cess so:

19 | Cib

Y ha| PLE acer nore

PE \\ NEWS ccnencone

6 | Akbal

i | Wzenab ......

B31) JAWERT scogaoene

10 | Manik

12 | Mulue

20 | Caban

ARCHAIC ANNUAL CALENDAR.

25TH YEAR.

re}

“qakeg |

. || 19

“Ty Uany) |

‘qvdeyy

“XU |

5 |\12| 6

“URN TAL

“ULUB yy

“ORT

OUT,

“XB

“ua

8; 2/9] 3/10; 4/11

“TOW |

abl

“ULyXe A

‘2aZ],

“2407,

5 |12/; 6/13 | 7

‘dog

Names of

the months.

Names of

the days.

Akbal

Ochceer.cses

Ben

QD |\ Ws secnscss

OQ NEI Goagosnos

3 | Chicchan ...

Ji) (Che, Sooconoac

5 | Manik ......

6 | Lamat ......

7 | Muluc ......

9 | Chuen

HD || VHS nocsosneonee

BEN Ais seven ee dacs

TEI) NGSX “Gondansne

14 | Cib

15 | Caban

16 | Ezenab ......

17 | Cauac

SA auheseres:

TD) || Gs sonoasase

26TH YEAR.

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myung

quivyy

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5/12) 6/13 | 7

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“2407,

8|2|9/ 3/10} 4|11

‘dog

.| 10

.| 12

Names of

the months.

the days.

Names of

Lamat ......

Mulue

OCR

xs inncaners x

Ezenab babeee

20 | Manik ......

4, | Chuen

6 | Ben

8 Men vepaenic

9 Cib

10 | Caban

12 | Cauac

13 Ath alley. cece

JH || NGsttbe casasane

DO | Me te deccestes

16 Akbal

INA \\ AER pacesosn

18 Chicchan aa

I) \) Chit Soooa aden

ARCHAIC ANNUAL CALENDAR.

27TH YEAR.

“qokty |

nyu |

.3 | 10 || 20

‘quay |

‘xUq |

URN |

“ULL UB |

“OR TAL |

«|

8/ 2/9] 3)|10/4 |11

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“XUN

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‘TON |

“UIYXB A |

MX |

5 |12|} 6|13 | 7

“O02,

‘LYOT

dig,

5 | 12

on |

‘dog |

9/3/10} 4/11

Names of

the months.

Ben

dB ee ohaceoeercee

Ezenab ......

Akbal

Keanteceeeceee

Sa Menitne cee.

5 | Caban

6 |

7 | Cauac

@ |) NAVE soconoss

12 | Chicchan ...

75) Manik ~....-

16 | Lamat ......

17 | Muluc ......

TKS. WQS soncccesctive

19 | Chuen

28TH YEAR.

|| 19

“qaseg |

“ny uns) |

‘quivy |

“XB |

URN L |

“UDLURYy

5 |12/ 6/13] 7

“ORT |

YO |

‘OBZ |

“Xe |

“wey

vad

WINX X

8/ 2/9/ 3/10) 4/11

WUD

5/12) 6/13) 7

Names of

the months.

Names of

the days.

Ezenab ..

Canae

hanes

Lamat ......

20 | Caban

HAN\\ VEWVES scocooece

is)

6 | Akbal

TO\ Bian tera

8 | Chicchan ...

9 \\ Cimieiteae.:

10 | Manik ......

12 | Mulue

ON OCesedes.cecnes

TASS \\219)s) ee cpeaceccd

16 | Ben

nh || Wb nase saarerere

ihe} || Wik vemocaere

19 | Cib

| 12

6 | 13 || 20

11.

5 |12| 6

8| 2; 9| 3,10; 4|11

29TH YEAR.

ARCHAIC ANNUAL CALENDAR.

5 |12| 6|13| 7

Names of

the days.

Dx Senha

Ezenab ......

Lamat ......

Ocwkvencene:

Mulue

SHRDWBH OKH HY] OH RH WH OR OD

RQ i |

"qoke i nee ae ‘gateg |

P ID ON DO A oq 4

nyuing Ss tl NQ So) N 1%) FID Oo Re DO D ° ia raya |

quiey a3 3 SqaNygaag + a

“x FwmORNnDRAOH AMA

svg | SHA AMT 19 Om OG SO “xe |

; SCHAMHA DM 10

uenyy aad x SS ee et Ce Niece “wen |

. Om Frmmooroanonhna nm A ine} .

uLyUR yy te} Ss as SU Sst Bs) ES ES 0) upjuey |

. A ODA Nw A oO

ony | aq oy Me tS aS eS Se ee ees ‘oe |

. NmvwyrAwmonrDdOnaonn © FG .

ED) Sa USC Citesiint act et Ioana we |

. lo oor) aN & rm .

ony, 2 a A) ch Oe Ate OS 6 a) 6) @ a avg, |

: HAMHD ONDE q 9 se

x0 epee a 4 xe |

9 DA CHAMHAN SG a i.

uoya | aan eA BSS NS setae S TEN)

: RHNAMAMDONDAOCH AM H

en | qo fa) to! tH) 1 Dee OOS a “POI

. io a) t= ior) >

unpey | ON OSS ISA pt CN Gd sl DS RE Sa Gy oO “UTyxe

0 AMHAMT HON DAO H oo

mx | a Sa Sy} & SNS 2X

1D Oh OD @ 4 oo od >

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HARMAN YT DOR DOD

2307, aas Soe elpretiats, Shee Ss “207, |

10 OO kX DOD OD et lacy

ay | x SHaNwBmannmnwawonngese “dyz |

STH NMHN HM AHO he DW

on | | tot toh tol GP Ss} Gy Ge} el) Go on |

mH WM OnRDAOHA NM

dog | SHARMRHAM HTH ON GD O dog |

Gis dake oe ee ee ee ee p oS F

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$s sh 8 See Spee 5 : : a =) : 3.8

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SHR MBH OKRDAONVRH YH ©AK HOD

R ANN AHA

20 | Manik ......

4 | Chuen

6 | Ben

EP | IMCS Gooonndon

9 | Cib

10 | Caban

12 | Cauae

13 ||, Adhau <...2...-

16 | Akbal

GEP ||) VEIT samoneooe

18 | Chiechan ,..

DOM eCimie ee

ARCHAIC ANNUAL CALENDAR.

3lst YEAR.

5 | 12

6 | 13

| 10

Akbal

.| 12

BIOL. CENTR.-AMER., Archeol,

Cib

Damat ......

Ocieers rete:

Mulue

Chiechan ...

Ciniigeeeeee

| SHRHAYTH ORDA DCHARH]A NSH OH AXHD | SHR

XQ vst ey St SNe Sar we tS) SSP SS Q

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10 | Manik ......

16 | Ben

EIN IGN Feneqeece

‘ARCHAIC ANNUAL CALENDAR.

35rD YEAR.

“qoadug

nywng

“qeARyy

“xt

“URAL

5 | 12

“UDLUR YT |

iat

“OC TN

5|12 | 6|13) .7

‘OUT,

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TOM

5 | 12

Hit

8/ 2| 9|} 3/10| 4/11

‘oaZ],

sal

‘diy, |

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“dog |

Wo)

| 11

12) 6/13 | 7

Names of

the months.

Names of

the days.

Akbal

Uhl deosconoy

(O}omcaastocenne

AG .oocoons:

P20) |r Oe acaaaaeaasas

8 | Chicchan ...

A) (Chua sogodeos

5 | Manik ......

6 | Lamat ...7..

7 | Muluc

9 | Chuen

HO) \\) JO) sscccancanos

11 | Ben

15 | Caban

16 | Ezenab ......

17 | Cauac

TE) || PSE, conooon6e

o4tH YEAR.

Sa)

il?

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“rua )

“qeAnyy

“XU

“UBDAL

5 | 12

“UL UG

8; 2)|9| 3/10

“OB

‘OCT

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TOW

5 |/12| 6 |13| 7

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3 | 10

iva)

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OYA

“diy,

ie)

8); 2) 9| 3/10) 4)11

a} SUL

Names of

the months.

Names of

the days.

ama ee

Ezenab ......

Cauac

JNO 5 sasnnone

Tes vee. tee

Akbal

Chicchan ...

20.) Manik ......

4 | Chuen

6 | Ben

G |) WIG. scscasese

9 | Cib

10 | Caban

LOM Cum ieee

| 20

qokua |

“nyorny) |

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“XB |

“URN |

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| 22

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5 | 12

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“ORT |

AEH) |

5 | 12

A oO

‘ony,

‘XUN

“udTD |

| 13

8) 2/9] 3/10} 4/11

‘TOW

30TH YEAR.

“UL XT |

36TH YEAR.

5/12) 6/13 | 7

mtGhi@) |

“ULYXB A |

18x |

ie)

aXe |

ARCHAIC ANNUAL CALENDAR,

“DOZI,

‘09ZT,

“1407,

ZI07, |

“diz

5 |12| 6/13) 7

“a

€

“diz |

Qa :

fo)

& |p

JUL

Names of

the months.

Names of

the days.

IKtanigees eer

1 be ee ers ene

| Chicchan ...

(Cimigeee

22D) || TDD cecsocccnoss

1 | Ben

Saleen eese-ee

5 | Caban

6 | Hzenab ......

7 | Cauac

& |) AEN séchoocce

B))|| VOW e rosnoe

THO)8) (AN e ocnepeasose

11 | Akbal

}

om | ania eee

HS. || WERTENG ooeoec

TH] |) WIG Ssccce

Tk | OC scosapsecees

19 | Chuen

‘on |

8|2/|9/3/10| 4/11

6 | 13

Hil |) 3

‘dog |

5 |

Names of

the months.

.| 10

-| 12

Vames 0

the days.

Cauae

JAW EN srececone

Romiixeeeeseee

Akbal

Ge Geecooade

Chicchan ...

20 | Caban

1 | Bzenab ......

Oi Cimir tess eee:

TES | WW Gpeeeoes

5/12); 6|13| 7

37TH YEAR.

ARCHAIC ANNUAL CALENDAR.

8} 2/9; 3/10; 4/11

12|/ 6/13] 7

olf, dual

Ezenab ......

Rianiiseee snes

Soe Mieny earcssees

SHRATH OCR DA CH AH SVH OR HOD® aX &

| iy} tS) SS) SS iS] SS AT Sp St | Son ake oe ole

: bt 0 OD = :

qoke =e gave | CS St

0 RAN Mm ORDAROHAMHAANA NM :

nyarny) ra a aa a & SILOS nyuang HA 7 + 10 OR

: OR DAOHAMHAM FH © OK or q x

qeseyy aad ea es = a qeseyy Pe Cte pie ete CN hy Sante

a AMANMA WOR DAOHA MAAN MD a 0

xe | oa a Sie? xed Boe Daten ste SB ae OSS

0 RK © qo oF e r=

ueny{y 1D © SHNRANMDH DONDE ° = uenyy On DA SAN

3 = oo © 3 : No ;

uLyuey aa 8 No Ht 10 mM DORSCHAARANAM + uLyuey Nm AA wD H © ©

F wm OR DAAOHA MM A : F G

ov AL = Soa m Nm tw oN DGS ORAL WON DASHA

: SHNMAHANMHA YH ON DOA 4am 9 0 os qo

ire) aaa ea Se eat ce Nce yep amos ae Oe See SE.

: oF Oo & OO 4a : B

ory, 19 SHAMHANMDHY DON DS aug, | Foon MD aod

6 fon) 4 mn oN ~ 1D OO ON oo 5 a a

xu | Sea = ECE ey oh ey Oe ed x0 eee

. NMA DOR DOAOHA DM A oF 6 E

uot | S) Sl Sy ee i] 19 8 KB 0 fs way | me FD OH DAS

: DROHAMHAM HAH ORDO =I 0 DOA AMHA DM

vert | fs) tl tl heed =| a] Wo td 11k | aoainae”|

6 HAN mM Hw OR DD 4 GO = <2) : 1 roy

uppeg | = Sy BY Ge tel 60 Gd seh Wea @) Gs in) une | URC c omer en ace

F ROACH AMAN HM + Ow oF ‘ HAMHA

Wx aaa SS eos EO mx | cay puss ON ae

MHAMAMD ON DAOHAM Hn 7 1D oO B&O

oan, | ac} SHARHAMT DM © oazy, +

DAOANA® A =- aa «0 4

2307, | oN SoA em Nm Ht OR DO ora z307, | NODOSA AR

ANMANM HTH OH DOD o of = wm Hn Oo

dy | a4 Ss} S| Sh ey clo bs) ay | ee aN

SCORAOROH AM A COHN

on | Ne SAAR eee eS ict on | CH HAHA R

HANMAN HM HD OR DD = mn Aa Hw ©

‘| ae Ses gees ima

a : Ratna a nie : 2 28 g : a pee eae mages

4 Ss: So cisentoms Re : : oes B sd |e HSE As

ae Sy g a 8 : Bee a : one 28 5 :

0 tel a sa GC} 8 5 oben 7 pyets} pl Q 8

Eg SB ab lesiered Sa i a E 8 Gls : Ao oon aq RS eg & 28 &

Sta S8 co Eee Ee Se Boe oe fF eo EF § 8 § @ :3 e SS 8 le 2-8 I

As woe eS 6 ee ees » SS Ss Fee 7 2 es Ss Boe Sf oy

ee) ARAM OOS H SOOM HA KASS SbHROaS s SBaHeOOR AH

SHAR HN BH OR HM ®AOHRH BSH © R © OD SHRM SH OR

R bh he DT R

® || Chl. coseconaae

10 | Caban

18 | Chicchan ...

Oy Ciminere eee

12 | Cauac

78) Ahau'.........

IWR NGS ohoadoe

LI Wl le ecschedoee

16 | Akbal

“qokug. |

nyuany |

*qedeyy |

- || 29

“Xbq |

“URNTL |

5 /12| 6/13

“ULL UB |

8); 2/9) 3/10

“ORT |

“Up UR yy |

ial

"0 |

“ORT |

“ORY, |

“120 |

ial

“XU |

“ou |

mich fe) |

“xO |

‘TOWN |

Biclite) |

Ay Oy) Siow aya

5/12/ 6/13 | 7

39TH YEAR.

UXT |

TON |

40TH YEAR.

NX |

“ULY XT A |

ARCHAIC ANNUAL CALENDAR.

ras |

6 | 13

5 |12| 6|13) 7

5 | 12

NAN 4

8); 2|9)/ 3/10} 4/11

e|| LIL

Names of

the months.

Names of

the days.

dae erecee

Muluc ......

Chicchan ...

Cib

tanigeestecee

COM IBE Dieeseeeereee

1} Ben

Si eYonixees ee

TOP WO 5 Se ceanaceen

11 | Akbal

om Wan iikaeecee

16 | Lamat ......

13a Ocweere ccs

79 | Chuen

6 | Ezenab ......

& || JAE Faosqaed

oo | Menara

5 | Caban

7 | Cauac

Names of

the months.

Names of

the days.

NYaniixeeeee

Tee een cnteate?

Cauac

Cimino:

Manik ......

SF )| JANET csoocacce

6 | Akbal

1 | Ezenab ......

20 | Caban

Te \ Kaniaeessssee

72)\ Mulue <.....

8 | Chicchan ...

12 | Gamat <2...

10 |

thf |) 16S taorreeereee

FIN WN eceeoceee

Cib

ARCHAIC ANNUAL CALENDAR.

Alst YEAR.

BM eee

8; 2/9; 3/10; 4/11

5 |12) 6|13)| 7

3 |10| 4\11

| 18

James 0,

the days.

Oe aR aE cea!

Ezenab ......

Kant tet cee

Lamat ......

Oo iee

St) GQ Ga Sp ty BS) SS Ss) HOw OS Sew Se &) &

iy} Dp ab SS SP SE) SS SS) aR AY

. AN MDM HN g 5 5 : 3 5 : H : : 5 g 5 : ‘ “a9

qokey) aaa es Se he pete setae steele mer See Se ec ete es qofeq

“nypang FO ON DACAAR ANAMH DON HES “nyu

; = of A om morn nAa OHA m A on :

qedeyy Se aes iN = = aoa a N qrAvyy

& ~ DAOCHAMHANMAWHM OL ao | é

xed Se Se ea aaa ~ 0 | XUqT

| went AOCHAMANAMHA HD ONDAAGHAAROAN “uenyy

“ULyUB YL AMWHW OH DASCHA WAN HD TH 19 ON “UL[URY

é HAM AA MH Don DAOHAN 4 a

OV CS as = | © ov

5 j = on MmOoOKRDACHAM AN HM 19 & 5

ree) a < ~ S| GO) Ge or yao

: eal HAMANN SH DOR DAO H om 5

0e7 re Seg ea ON ic eS Q ae Rg,

os 0 am CRAACHAMDHAN MD Roy 3; a

xv Ge} ta! GY GO Sal He Ste} G3) eo) ~*~ 0 S XBR

: ChRDAORAOHAMHAHAMHAMOnRAaGOHAN :

wey) =o = = Srey = way

. AMANMA MD ON DADHARMRHAANA MDM Noy ;

TO ho a = 4 2 4 vt = PW

: MOR DAOANMHAMA UMD ON BO oq :

UIXB A Se 4 8 oe ~H uppseg |

HAMHARMWHT MON DAOCHAMHAAN ~~ 4

MX Had > aoa a Ae) n@X

daz], HW ONDA SCAAM ANDY DONG] SO 002], |

= oD 4 DOR DA DOAHAM 4 on :

2407, | Speer Sees eS aaa N Z}07, |

diy, | MAW SCN HASHARMRANAHM TOON DS ‘diy, |

0 | QDOHAMAHAMHYWOKRDAAOHAMEN 0

1 aaa =e) Jal

o” HA mM on

dog | a Hw SCN DASA i) 41D ON © dog |

Z : Re a Fees : Z

eI os : Sire pi Gin Be ae Be 8 : 8 : $a |

Sees fanless : Se as :

8&8 WAS 3 Se 8 ee wee 2 8 Q : $8

gg aS oe rs} Ta 8 3 z 8 : 5 A eS 5 ow Ha

3 SPQ Esper 2 ‘g el lve eet 8 8 El ae Fl Se a 2

4a Bes epee trG) eal os) pS ere ee ce) CS Ge eS ce Zs

we B4HH COBH SCOR MAHA AOOHR SO 4 ar]

(Sy) Gy Se) Se Us SS ES Cs GS SS fh @ Ss Se Ue) Gey eS Se) SD H

Q a en |

18 | Chiechan ...

HOM Cimiuee ee

20 | Manik ......

2) Muluc ......

4 | Chuen

6 | Ben

8 || WIG, Socoseae

9 | Cib

10 | Caban

12 | Cauac

7h eAhateenn yee

TWA || NGWS so5ono500

Usp TRIO ein ect as ra

16 | Akbal

vel

| 13

| 16

. || 10

. || 4

N9))>

8; 2/9/ 3/10); 4

3 | 10

45rp YEAR.

5 |12/ 6/13} 7

ARCHAIC ANNUAL CALENDAR.

3 | 10

8) 2| 9) 3/10; 4/11

ol} 1

ames of

Ezenab.......

Ahaweneie..

1 Ye ane

Kan eee:

Chicchan ...

Cimiee eee

QOo\icees cos.

Cib

the days.

Canac

SHRAYWH DAADAADHAHA SH GADD

RQ Sf imi msl st Tal St SS RP SSE OR |

= ——

‘qateg | Sao ace qoxeg |

5 = m= NO Hw OD qa :

aqanp|| | eas So nag |

agra oO oH a 1D DAOHA MHA & Fw (me

quay | sg foal OU 0ck si a Anda eA qeAe yy |

Fi A eua HAM HM ORD DO :

xed | eae | © a4 XBT |

c = 0 A o ROROHA Mm 4H on :

wong | eR EG MS RCN GO ae MOO Es SS GR ASG rela ROS aN umnyy |

; So = mn HN «mH On ODS 3

UL Ue YL Sa 5 pee en = a upquey |

; sl 2 0 ‘eo 4 mon - i

ou SHAMHAAMDAN OM HDAOAA q omy |

. lan) bh © TK ANMAN M 10 OR DA F

wo | ee 2. 28 10 |

. Q2OHAMHAN MD ORDA OHNAMHAAN ;

OU7, = 4 4 4 LS es oaa e Ov7, |

us a 7 Roy coyter) dam a on 19 © Lb a a

XU = Io) ~ ° aa 7 an = s xUX

: DROHNARMHAAN Swmonwodaodam aA 5

wou) Ss 4 2-5 1) aad S uGht Fe) |

. oS 0 oa ®& Mm rt an Ne) .

OW TH Hw ON M GM On A a Yo) N i er |

2 &

onpSTe ROOGdHA m 4 Mm Hin Oonronaddna ™m :

Un xe 3 aaa ei N = Sea a sH WIYXR A

f 2 dH | m9 Re} Sm A m o Ne)

nx a8 HwOongeowia% nN x19 nx |

cay On DAAOHAMA AM Rey oo Hs

9927], | , Sie) 2 2 gS = ey 09ZT, |

‘ Nm AN 7 y = od

7407, MN 59 q Fw SON DASH AM ANAM H 0 207,

. Don DAA OHA Hn Ny

diz, 2 =a © BF NS OSE R IE SADE OF nS ate diz,

q aA em HN mM 19 soa OHN m + ,

on | =} et eel a © Sodan nN om on |

. = x

dog Hp O nN DD OF iS 2 HN Ip ON 0 OS dog |

a : : Tae ee ate e ORT wC : aaeed ;

Cals | ‘Si 2 : Pe fiend 8 : ig On Bat S| |

g = 2s p a FB 8 Rese aa aie ee ot nA

ag gS : Sie en ope ye hate ncatey peeCey SI oa S|

Aa Sy = a ea & bl 9 & 8 osg ‘Es 8 aq

So Sess oe 2 aS oe i Roce el elke iS So

Aa qs Hie Sy, Ber ee IS) oy eS) fe ayy SP OG) er gz Ge 4a

ae] AAR ezaOOnROdeF eda Hh OSOAH ACS se)

ee a ee |

Sy At IN} Ga) Sar Wey ey ES) Cs) GA SY tat GO Ga Se wey Gy RS Ga © |

R ee |

6 | Akbal

IBN NGC cobcconon

20 | Caban

“/

ih) AUESNESS Gopcer

16 | Ben

UP AWEKN tos ove ce eee

TES || AG eeaeeacee

ARCHAIC ANNUAL CALENDAR.

45TH YEAR.

Sy]

*qofey |

nyu) |

“quiey |

‘xeq |

“utny |

5 |12| 6 |13

“apuey |

‘ont |

ae)

‘087, |

‘XEN

mca)

TPoW

8| 2;9) 3/10; 4)11

“ULE |

‘0aZ J, |

“207, |

10 |

“diz |

on |

13.

5 |12/ 6/13 | 7

‘dog |

Names of

the months.

Names of

the days

Ocleasece:

Ben

.| 10

FAY) |\ AUS Gopeaqoaceca

1 | Akbal

PA USEST, “Gapnodose

8 | Chicchan ...

JAN Obra, soceqoo0e

5 | Manik

Gi|elamatieeeres

7 | Muluc ......

9 | Chuen

519) || 1819) sosocooa0oae

0D! Tx ran Mecreeone

13 | WEIN Goonacos

14 | Cib

15 | Caban

16 | Ezenab ......

17 | Cauac

Stal eAtl auleenteeeee

ID) || NETS occ0056

46TH YEAR.

WS}

“qoakeg

“nywany)

“qeAey

“x®q |

8| 2/9

URN

“UppUeyy

“ORT

LEW)

“ORT,

“xB |

5 12) 6|13| 7

wn |

TOW

8); 2);9) 3|10; 4/11

‘dog

12 |

Names of

the months.

Names of

the days.

Lamat ......

Muluce

Oct aceconees

Mi oes Geaveases

..| 10

4, | Chuen

6 | Ben .........

Sal@Mien\ eeteses ec

9 | Cib

10 | Caban

TIN) PANES nodeasne

IVA | SGrib Ra scgscgn0

TOMAS epeosnceree

16 | Akbal

TY \) MEK. Sonsdadoe

18 | Chicchan ...|

LOA ECimit eee eeee

ARCHAIC ANNUAL CALENDAR.

47TH YEAR.

“qade gq |

nyung |

-10

‘qede yy |

*xUg |

URN |

“Upwey |

“ORT |

ow |

8| 2/9}; 3/10; 4|11

“x0 |

mre) |

Ure X |

5 /12/ 6|13 | 7

3/10; 4/11

Names of

the months.

Names of

the days.

Akbal

ED |! JD -caccoaocoee

Te Bene Peers:

6) || DEN soonoscot

4 | Cib

5 | Caban

6 | Ezenab ......

7 | Cauac

3) |pAlhauteeceseee

@) || YGTBS noencecse

TKO!) Ws: soSosc0cceee

120i Keanweseeeee

18 | Chicchan ...

TA, || CH cccoacnae

15 | Manik ......

16 | Lamat ......

GRY |) WTO. Gocco

1S. \| OG ccpscsooseoe

19 | Chuen ......

48tH YEAR.

“qade |

“ny uny) |

“quivy |

“XB |

“URN |

“UI[UR YY |

“ORT |

5 \12| 6|13| 7

“00 |

‘OVZ |

“XBT

“TOW |

“ULYyXB |

8|/ 2/9); 3)10/ 4/11

12| 6/|13| 7

Names of

the months.

the days,

Names of

Ezenab ......

1 ee canoe bod

Cimiyenesss

Manik ......

Lamat ......

Chuen

20 | Caban

2 | Cauae

Su |eAthauesseeeees

JA\\ NEWS pepebenca

6 | Akbal

GAAN| UE Senetaciccd

8 | Chicchan ...

G9) OGfaccceceee see

16 | Ben

LANES au vovecze ss

TOUANECNY cee ce sere

Cib

BIOL. CENTR.-AMER., Archeol.

*qakeg |

ital

-qake a

nymng |

“nyuany)

“qvdeyy |

‘quieyy

“xeg |

‘URN |

“XBq

“UBNLTAT

“Uryue yy |

5 |12| 6 |13

“uLpuR yy

“OB TL

8|/2;9/3/)10| 4

“OBTAL |

5 | 12

‘OBZ,

‘xe

‘ony, |

“ust

“XB |

TON

“ued |

49TH YEAR.

“UL YKT X

TOW |

| 10

8/2|9|3/10| 4/11

5 |12/| 6/13! 7

50TH YEAR.

ULYSE A |

ARCHAIC ANNUAL CALENDAR.

5 | 12

for)

“OoZ], |

5 | 12

‘2407, |

“diz |

.| 13

on |

NAN 1

5 |12| 6|13| 7

2';9/| 3/10; 4/11

.| 12

Names of

the months.

Names of

the days.

Akbal

Oct anagae

Ben

‘dog |

AN ¢

Names of

LD WOR caccnococeed

P| UCI “Googabove

3 | Chicchan

ZA, || (Gihaadl ‘ooseo0008

5 | Manik ......

6 | Lamat

7 | Muluc

9 | Chuen

HO || UB) socsoooobcee

the months.

the days.

Names of

Lamat ......

Oconee

xe Neen siae st

Ezenab ......

Cauac.........

IVA CRW :cooocboses

15 | Caban

16 | Ezenab ......

at 7am | Cauacheneretre

1 SialeAlhauleeeeeeeee

WL) |) NOW posoon00s

3 || WIEN Sopsoao8

Ra hel Baerga

2) Mulue

20 | Manik ......

4 | Chuen

6 | Ben

SH eMientet acces

&).|| Ohlscooneon556e

10 | Caban

TS | INCE econee.

IR |) VGRtbe seconde:

esti ts) tila ane nee

a ll 24

Kean iereen at

18 | Chicchan

OMe Cimieeeeereee

“qakegq |

“nyuany)

Toe a |

10 |

‘quény |

“nyuiny) |

4| 11 |

512)

“xo |

“UBT, |

qeieyy |

8|/2)9

“ULUe y |

“XBq |

q Wen |

‘ORT |

“UL UB YY |

‘OR, |

oe |

ace) |

‘XBq |

‘ony,

8) 2} 9/ 3|10/; 4/11

5/12) 6/13) 7

“wet |

“XU |

‘TOW |

way |

5lst YEAR.

“UL XB |

TOW |

52nD YEAR.

“UL XB I

TX |

ARCHAIC ANNUAL CALENDAR.

‘002, |

Wx |

“2407, |

“OOZT, |

5/12) 6/13] 7

“diz,

"2407, |

8) 2); 9; 3|10/ 4/11

5 | 12

on |

“diz, |

‘dog |

‘on |

5 | 12

Names of

the months.

Names of

the days.

Px riscsozes ose

Akbal

Ben

‘dog |

3/10; 4/11

| 13

Names of

the months.

Names of

the days.

Chuen

Lamat ......

Chicchan ...

Cimigeeeeeee

WES WE pcoeee

Canaceeeee

De ieeaeiea

Ol VOIR ccccocbes

10?) Sl essen

HP |! VGN ssoessoce

13 | Chicchan ...

IWAN (CW, socoséoe

TS || Wiel cocccs

HG || WUESIERS coocec

7) Muley Sree

TOYS: spacaccacoos

19 | Chuen

ain @auaceees

Sa lpAhaueeeere

Sa MWen'e reese

eal ibeenesscesse.

5 | Caban

6 | Ezenab ......

TW WGC cece

HH) WB < eepeoorpecce

HN) NGS conor

6 | Akbal

HEM UG penontabe

1 | Ezenab ...

3) | Ahaueeee nes

20 | Caban

ie.

16 | Ben

ARCHAIC CHRONOLOGICAL CALENDAR.

DOOO®

TuE chronological calendar is the Maya method of reckoning time by ahaus, katuns

and cycles. The following tables cover only three out of the seventy-three great

cycles constituting the Archaic grand period, they being the only ones to which the

dates of the inscriptions relate. Any one desirous of going beyond the range of these

three great cycles can readily do so by means of the perpetual calendar appended.

Each table—the size of which unfortunately necessitates its separation into two

parts—embraces a cycle, appropriately numbered at the extreme upper corners of the

two pages. ‘The great cycle to which it belongs is shown by the running head above

the tables. The katun numbers are indicated by the figures over the columns; the

ahau numbers by the vertical rows of italic figures in the center and at the margins.

Every single date denotes an ahau, or 360 days; every column of ahaus, a katun,

or 7,200 days; every aggregate of the katun columns, a cycle, or 144,000 days; every

thirteen cycles, a great cycle, or 1,872,000 days. The ahaus and katuns are numerated:

20, 1, 2, 3, etc., up to 19; the cycles, 13, 1, 2, etc., to 12. The reason for this

peculiar style of numeration is given in a preceding section. In the inscriptions the

great cycles are designated by composite signs about whose significance there may be

some question, so I have simply numbered the three here given 53rd, 54th and 55th,

in accordance with my theory of their position in the grand era. As the reasons for

that theory are given fully elsewhere, it is unnecessary to repeat them here.

BIOL. CENTR.-AMER., Archeol. L

‘ORT

VAP

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“qokeg

“nyuany)

“qadeq

~- ©

oo 86

“UT X®B

“Y}PUOUL FO GULL NT

“yquout ayy fo Ae

ney Avp oq} Fo ‘ON

“yyuoUr FO aUTENT

“yyuom ayy Fo Avy

ney Aep ayy Fo “ON,

“yjuour FO ule Ny

“qqyuou ey} Jo Aeq

neyy Aep ay} Fo “ON

“YZYUOUL FO VUE NT

“yyuour ayy Jo Auqy

“YZUOUL FO 9UIB NT

neyy Aep ayy Jo “ON

“Yyuout ayy Jo Avg

“YyUOUT FO ouIV NT

“YyUoUT FO ouLE NT

*qqyuour ayy Jo Leg

ney Sep otf} Fo “ON

ney Ap ayy Fo ‘ony

“yjuour ay} Jo Ae

CLP Chey

“é

‘qedeyy | st | g | 67

€ | OL! sz

ie Ey || ye

o €L |S | 9F

€ |v | &7

= 8 |g | é

rs €l | SL] 77

ge | £ |G

= 8 | LL Ss

iE ell 2 | 4%

OMealeST lcouiles

> € | OL?

ce 8 L Va

L cs SIE IPS) |. 8

Ss diz |sti6/|é

6 a € | SL 7z

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B tq Ps 5 = ps B i] Fs

ic) ° FR o 2 FR @ ie} Fe

° teas Hers ° eee lho ° Ino) Ae

Fh as pe Fr + =a FR a5, || 27

E S| ae 5 all B oe.

° 2 ° Fy °

5 B te 5 B | i=] B &

ee ae lei] BPS es] eee as

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“nepy Avp oy} Fo “ON

“HTOXO

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IVadO GYALALAA

TVOIDOTONOUHO OIVHOUV

CATIOAO HLST

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“ULSE T | : ar | quivy, |

—

“nyurnyy)

*qafen

~ONWNOYT OD DOM - ODON

= =

nymngy

—

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ico)

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OLperjuey

“e

‘TOW

“ny canny) a ; “Xv 2 “URBNTAT “ULYXB “qeiey 3 “ud

“yyuour oy4 Fo Avg

“yyuouL ay} Jo At

“neypy Aep ay] Fo “ON

“YyuoUL FO ouTe Ny | Ss a

“Y}UOUL FO sure NT

“yquoW Jo ame Ny

“yjuom ayy Jo Seq

“YzUOUL FO 9ULV Ny

“YQuoUL FO sUulBNy :

“yquour JO ouleyy

“YyUuOUL Jo sue NT

“YJUOUL FO OUIB NT

“Y}UOUL FO OUT j

“qyyuouL yo ULE NT

“yyuour ayy jo Aq

“neyy Aep aq} Jo “oN

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“yquour ayy Jo Leg

“yyuout ayy Jo Seq | COR CINCO COR col ac

| neyy Sep ayy Fo on

| neqy Aep ayy Jo ‘ONT

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PERPETUAL CHRONOLOGICAL CALENDAR.

Tus calendar enables us to determine the position in the grand era of any date where

the number of the ahau and katun, or of the katun only, is given. Take, for instance,

the important date 9—15—20—18 x 20—4 Ahau-13 Yax. We know here that it is

in a ninth cycle, but will assume that we do not. There are no days, chuens, or ahaus

in this date—the extreme numeral or each of these periods indicating it to be the

beginning of an initial one—so we turn at once to the table of katuns to find where

4 Ahau-13 Yax occurs. We discover it to be the beginning of the first katun in

the first column. But, as we know it to be the fifteenth katun of a eycle, we

must count backward fifteen katuns. This we do, beginning at the bottom of the

thirteenth column. Counting upward fifteen we come to 8 Ahau—13 Ceh, the

beginning of the cycle. Going with this date to the cycle table we find it in the

tenth column, and discover that it occurs in the 9th cycle of the great cycle

beginning with 4 Ahau—8 Cumhu (every figure of 4 in the cycle table is the beginning

of a great cycle). With 4 Ahau-8 Cumhu we go to the great cycle table and find

that the great cycle beginning with that date is the 54th. ‘Thus we have ascertained

the full date to be 54—9—15—20—18 x 20—4 Ahau-13 Yax.

Or take the initial date of the Temple of the Sun at Palenque. It is [—1$8—5—3

x 6—13 Cimi-19 Ceh. Here we have ahaus, chuens, and days. We first refer to the

Annual Calendar to find 13 Cimi-19 Ceh, and, going back 5 chuens and 6 days—

or 66 days—come to 12 Ahau-13 Chen, the beginning of the fifth ahau. We then

turn to the ahau table of the Perpetual Calendar for that date, and, counting back

five ahaus, arrive at 6 Ahau-18 Yax, the beginning of the katun. With that date

we go to the katun table, and, counting back eighteen katuns from it, come to

3 Ahau-13 Chen, the beginning of the cycle. Taking that date to the cycle table we

find it belongs to the first cycle of the grand cycle beginning with 4 Ahau-$ Cumhu.

We know where we are now, from the preceding trial. The date is in the same

great cycle as the other, but they are more than three thousand years apart.

N ENDAR.

PERPETUAL CHRONOLOGICAL CALEN

CYCLES.

GREAT CYCLES.

KATUNS.

Ahau. m, — Month. 5 2/3|4\16]6|7181] 9 |x| a) x2) as

— : a 1 | 12 | 18 = E 3] 10| 13 Yar.

‘Abe. Monty. 1/2\|3|4la)o)7)s|o|20\2 : 20) 4)11| 5/12) 6/13) 7] 1] 8 | 5/12| 6| 8 »

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Month. alels|l4\s5le|7 | | Sl sae 20) 4) 1/11] 815) 2 oll wit zi| atl) ain || 8 5 | 13 Ue 2| 9| 3/10] 4]/1] 6/1 Sl eeall calletal| alls 18 Chen

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15 | 4 {18 Tae. 2|2| 7(12| 4| 9|1| 6{m| 3 9| 13 B | 9} 6| 3|a3|i0| 7| | 2] at 6 | 3 (13110 [13] -7| 1/8] 2| 9| 4| 10 13i| wilaiuellis

1 | 13 Pop. sia eli| 3| elis| s|i0| 2 BAC eee Weg leall cal alee 2 elle PN a Siar >| 9| 3{10| 4/n| sla Blsol) Gilzall alas 2

4) 13 Maan, Flas] eto 2 7\i2) 4) 9) 1 Alsecie (eal ell aleelt aol G alaalaell & 2/12] 9] 6 | 5}12] 6/33| 7) 1| 8] 2 5)| 12/|/ 6) 13)| 3,

4| 8 Zac. 4\ 23 4\9|1| 6\1| 3 8) 6 | 13 Mol. 19. 3/33/10| 7 | 41 1 ll} 8) 6 wlio| 7| 4 el ace altaall 6 10} 4 a 1] 8| 2] 9] 18 Zotz

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4 | 18 Uo. Bae ie 7) 12) 4} 9] 1) 6 4) 8 Chen. lmao ell Allaallae Hi) el ee 6] 3/13 el alse wall waa B Mella call ale a

4 | 18 Pax. 7 1 1|/ 6|u| 3| 8 wy 3 3/18 urine Blaal ail all a lalla 8 2 iB AN All alta eH Ale Sil ae zi W Sa Seah Bise Be

4 | 13 Ceh. t 3] s|10| 2| 7/\ 12 | 2] 3 Yax. 8 5] 2/12) 9} 6] 3] 1: 5] 9/1) 9 a\ a lapis | a3} @| 2: i 11] 5|12| 6| 18 Zip.

A eS aol, o| 7{12| 4| 8|1| 6 Peles 1} _8 Pop. 3| 6| 3|13|10| 7| 4 afar al alata Bala alas ssl aaah al al al slag

4} 3 Zotz. 11] 3] 8/13] 5/10] 2 13 | 18 Yax 3] 4) 1/1] 8] 5} 2/12] 9 ila| s8|5 3! 9| 3}10] 4/11) 5/12 6 9| 3/10] 4/1) 8 2

4] 3 Cumhu. 6 2| 7/12] 4| 9] 1] 12| 3 Uo Ol alspllcall Gil aliellaall ila y 6] 3 Ol sna lalaall wil all ell & 9 6li3| 7| 3 2

4| 18 Mac. BN a) a Stall alata 11 | 13 Zac 7) 2 rraltetalpers|| MW) 8] 6} 2) 22 2 mal st | Sian 3/10) 4/11] 5 1B 3] 9| 3/18 ve

4 | 13 Chen. 713! sla3| s{i0| 2| 7 lie 10| 18 Uo o\i1|-s| 5| 21/9] 6| ala3|i 5| 2] 12 ON 1] 5| 12] 6)33| 7) 1 | 6/12/18,

Tze aNd ie eg LE 6) ‘al OS Sl alla el Sl Seale 2 Tsipes 10) 4) 1 8| 2/9] 3|10| 4 allie

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4| 3 Muan. lal Sal Sil edeelt Sle 7\ 3 Mac we Sise|| al) ail ataaiiel Silas call al eaaees 15/2) 9 GEN i By Oy ey a Pop.

3 18 Yax. 2) Bh) |) ae 6}11} 3] 8} 3 | 8 Zotz Ue) ey) 2) Ve 7) 4) 1)/11) 8} 5} .2) 12 7| 4 | 18 Zotz. 4 s| 2/ 9| 3]/10] a1 s| 2] 9l13 .

sale 13 Xul. y v7 a 5 if 5 10] 2] 7 F 18 Mac 13 i if 19 5 | 212) 9) 6 q mm uy 5| 2] 3 Cumhu. 5 Bs a 4/11) 5|12| 6 ae i a 4/1} 5\| 8 a

Uo. eM 851) 8 Ie 4) 9| 1] 6] 4| 3 Tze 14 3/13/10] 7| 4 31 13)| 3 Ha ON et a 1} 8/2) 9) 3/10) 4 Wi) 8 a,

8 Pas s|-3| 1| 6{i| 3| 8|z3| s| 3/28 Kankin, | | 22 10 7] 4| 1faul 8| 6 13 (t0| 7] 4| ilar] 3 %\ 8|2|9| 3|20| 4[u al etal Sila 8 Unyeb.

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al aa adap cel BIBT zy tk EN Oe Ol al alga call all 3 i9| 4|11| 5 9|9| 3}10| 4|11 5

: ; 34 lee 4 alone 8 mallee 1} 8) 2/13 ,,

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6| 11] 3) 8/13] 5) 10} 2 8|13 ¢ 1/11) 8| 5) 2 7\ 4) 1) 1) 8] 5 1) 9] 8/10) 4} a1] ¢ 2| 9] 3|10| 4 Bsn

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2) 7/12) 4] 9) 1) 6 10| 2) 7/12) 4] 9 9| 6| 3/13 5| 2/12/ 9|-6| 3 vee 5| 6)\13| 7 iy |! |] TEN) %7 3

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3)|| 8] 131) 5 f ‘iim 6) 5 AN wl il) SUN ata ' 7\\ 4| 18 Ceh. 2\/ 9| 3 fl) 2A] elie) 5,

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WORKING-CHART.

Tus chart will be found invaluable in working out chronological problems. It will

obviate a discouraging amount of figuring, for nearly every factor that can enter into

such problems is here ready reckoned in days. A single example will sufficiently

illustrate its use.

On the tablet of the Temple of the Sun, Palenque, is this record: 9—12—18—5 x 16.

followed almost immediately by 4 Ahau—8 (the month symbol is new and unrecog-

nizable), and that, with but a single intervening glyph, by 2 Cib-14 Mol. Two

questions naturally arise—what is the unknown month sign? and do these cycles,

katuns, ahaus, chuens, and days represent the period between these dates? Cib being

the sixteenth day from Ahau gives probability to the conjecture. Let us cipher it out,

thereby testing the utility of our working-chart. By its help we readily reduce the

period to days, thus :—

9 eycles =1,296,000 days.

12katuns= 86,400

18 ahaus = 6,480 __,,

5 chuens= OOM

16 days = IG 5

1,388,996 days.

From these we deduct as many calendar rounds as possible, being seventy-three, or

1,385,540 days, leaving 3,456. From these we take 155, the number of days from the

beginning of the year to 14 Mol—that being the only date we are certain of. ‘This

leaves 3,301 days. From these deduct all the years possible, being nine, or 3,285 days.

There are now but 16 days left. Reckoning back from t.e end of the year, we find

these reach to 8 Cumhu—a circumstance that enables us c»sily to recognize the strange

sign as a variant of the symbol for that month. Turning now to the Annual Calendar,

we find that 4 Ahau-$ Cumhu occurs on page 7, and, passing over nine years till we

come to page 17, we find that 2 Cib falls on the 14th of Mol in that year. Thus we

are satisfied that the strange month sign is a symbol for Cumhu, and that the cycles,

katuns, ahaus, chuens, and days represent the period between the two dates—the full

reading being: “ 9—12—] 8—5 x16, from 4 Ahau-S Cumhu, the beginning of the

great cycle, to 2 Cib-l4 Mol”; and, by the help of the working-table, we have

accomplished our purpose with a comparatively small amount of ciphering. i

WORKING-CHART.—PERIODS REDUCED TO DAYS.

MONTH DATES OF THE DAYS.

CALENDAR ROUNDS. CHUENS. KATUNS.

20 2 3 4

5 7 8 9

. 1 | 18,980 || 41 778,180 | 1 7,200 10 W 12 13 14

2] 37,960 | 42.| 797,160 | 2 14,400 15 16 17 18 19

3 | 56,940 | 43 816,140 | |B 21,600 Tk. P Akbal. Kan. Chicchan. Cimi.

4| 75,920 | an 835,120 J 28,800 Manik. Lamat. Mulue. Oc. Chuen.

| Kb. Ben. lis, Men. Cib.

5 | 94,900 || 45 854,100 5 36,000 Caban. Ezenab. Cauac. Ahau. Ymix.

6 | 113,880 | 46 873,080 6 43,200

7” | 132,860 | Ai 892,060. | i 50,400 ORDER OF THE MONTHS.

g | 151,840 || 4s | 911,040 | 3 | 57,600

| LD OBB NGG BO. HO Wh 1 TE A SB TG 13

9 |170,820 || 49 | 930,020 9 64,800 :

10 |189,800 | 50} 949,000 F0\|', 72000]. Re nS : EG eh: : g : . 4

12 |227,760 || 52 Paco Re saline 1 ep NG NS ONG ID Th OO Bo Oe BG f BS. @ i

18 | 246,740 | 58 | 1,005,940 | | 13 93,600 YEARS

14 | 265,720 || 54 | 1,024,920 | | 14 100,800

15 | 284,700 || 55 | 1,043,900 | 1 75 | 108,000 1 365 aa 9,855

16 | 303,680 || 56 | 1,062,880 176 | 115,200 2 730 28 10,220

17 | 322,660 || 57 | 1,081,860 | 17 | 122,400 8 1,095 29 10,585

18 | 341,640 || 58 | 1,100,840 | 18 129,600 4 1,460 30 10,950

19 | 360,620 | 59 | 1,119,820 l 19 | 136,800 5| 1,925 || 37 11,315

20 |379,600 || GO | 1,138,800 144,000 6 2,190 | 32 11,680

21 | 398,580 |) 67 | 1,157,780 y 2,555 83 12,045

22 | 417,560 || 62 | 1,176,760 8 2,920 34 12,410

23 | 436,540 || 63 | 1,195,740 9 3,285 | 35 12,775

a4 | 455,520 || 64 | 1,214,720 | J20| 3,650 || se 13,140

25 | 474,500 || 65 | 1,233,700 | | 22 4,015 37 13,505

26 | 493,480 || 66 | 1,252,680 12 4,380 38 13,870

CYCLES.

27 |512,460 || 67 | 1,271,660 13 4,745 39 14,235

2g |531,440 || 6s | 1,290,640 1| 144,000 i) BO 40 14,600

29 | 550,420 |) 69 | 1,309,620 2| 288,000 | 15 5,475 Ad 14,965

30 |569,400 || 70 | 1,328,600 | 70 | 3,600 | 2) 432,000 16 5,840 4e 15,330

31 |588,380 || 772 | 1,347,580 | 17 | 3,960 4 576,000 17 6,205 | 43 15,695

32 | 607,360 || 72 | 1,366,560 | 72 | 4,320 } 5 | 720,000 18 6,570 | Dh 16,060

33 | 626,340 | 78 | 1,385,540 | 73 | 4,680 | 6 | 864,000 19 6,935 45 16,425

Sh | 645,320 |) 74 1,404,520 | 14 | 5,040 | 7 | 1,008,000 20 7,300 46 16,790

35 | 664,300 | 75 | 1,423,500 | 15 5,400 | 8 | 1,152,000 | 21 7,665 AY 17,155

36 | 683,280 || 76 | 1,442,480 | 76 | 5,760 | 9 | 1,296,000 22 8,030 48 17,520

87 | 702,260 | py 1,461,460 | 17 | 6,120 | 10 1,440,000 23 8,395 49 17,885

88 | 721,240 | 78 | 1,480,440 | 78 | 6,480 | 27 | 1,584,000 24 8,760 50 18,250

89 | 740,220 || 79 | 1,499,420 | 19 | 6,840 | 22 | 1,728,000 25 9,125 | 51 18,615

40 | 759,200 || 80 | 1,518,400 | 20 | 7,200 | 13 | 1,872,000 | 26 9,490 | 52 18,980

39.1(